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=== Environmental Crisis ===
=== Environmental Crisis ===
'''What is one of the propaganda tactics employed by capital to resist efforts aimed at curbing the environmental devastation resulting from its pursuit of profit?'''
* hunt for ever increasing profits is being disguised as a concern for jobs.  Some resource based unions have bought into the corporate agenda that pits environmental protection against employment
=== Chapter 3: Canada in a changing world ===
'''What is one of the alarming trends?'''
* The increase of fictitious capital.  Vast resources are no longer employed in productive enterprises, but are diverted to speculation in currency, “futures” and the stock market, where huge profits are siphoned off without ever generating increased production. This speculation worsens the anarchy inherent in capitalist production, giving rise to deeper cyclical and structural crises within countries, regionally and globally.
'''What are the three main imperialist centers?'''
* EU, US, Japan
'''The CP-Canada party believes in upholding the role of the UN while pressing for it's democratization...'''
The UN Charter and the principles of international law – premised on the full equality, sovereignty and territorial integrity of ''all'' states – are now routinely violated by the imperialist powers under the pretext of the “Responsibility to Protect” (R2P) doctrine and/or the ‘right’ to protect their national security interests. In these circumstances it is vital to defend these principles of international law, and to uphold the role of the United Nations, while pressing for its democratization.
'''How is fascism different from right wing populism'''
* Like fascism, right-wing populism plays on division and inflames prejudice, particularly against immigrants and racialized peoples. It thrives on xenophobia, racism, misogyny, homophobia and transphobia. Its leaders present themselves as the people’s champion, disclaiming political allegiances that expose their anti-working class and anti-democratic essence. Unlike fascism, however, right-wing populism may maintain some elements of liberal democracy, like bourgeois elections.
'''Does right wing populism lead to fascism'''
* Right-wing populism does not ''inevitably'' lead to fascism, as the long history of struggle against Social Credit in English-speaking Canada, and the Creditistes in Quebec, clearly shows.
* However, in today’s context of increasingly reactionary measures being enacted to curtail and suppress labour and democratic rights, to curtail the rights of Parliaments and legislatures, and to intensify repression of socialism and the revolutionary movements in all of the capitalist countries, it is clear that '''''right-wing populism often prepares the ground for the emergence of far-right political movements and parties including fascist and white supremacist organizations.'''''
While the international expansion of capital is transforming the role of national governments and restricting their economic regulatory function in favour of institutions such as the WTO, IMF and World Bank, the coercive function of the state remains a vital instrument to protect the interests of monopoly capital and to repress opposition. '''''Therefore, the struggle for deep-going democratic and anti-monopoly reforms, and ultimately for working class political power must still be conducted primarily at the level of the national state in each country.'''''
But given the global character of contemporary capitalism, '''''class and democratic resistance at the state level, in and of itself, is no longer sufficient.''''' Struggles waged in each country must be combined to an ever-greater extent with coordinated regional and global forms of struggle. '''''An international democratic and anti-imperialist front is urgently required''''', to bring together the democratic, working class and progressive forces around the world to confront the unfettered power of international finance capital. Such a front or alliance can be forged around '''''a program for genuine internationalization, based on: the principles of peace, non-aggression, and global disarmament; respect for the sovereignty of all states, for the equality and rights of all nations, large and small, the peaceful coexistence of different social systems, and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; fair and balanced trade and economic cooperation; respect and promotion of cultural diversity; and protection of the global environment.'''''
== Chapter 4: The Canadian State, the Nations and Peoples of Canada, and the Crisis of Democracy ==
'''Events and such I want to do more research on...'''
In 1837, popular anti-colonial uprisings led by the democratic forces of French and English Canada revolted against colonial officialdom and the reactionary and privileged strata '''''(the Family Compact in Upper Canada and the Chateau Clique in Lower Canada'''''). The revolutionary uprising of the Métis and Indigenous peoples followed in the West. But these struggles took place before and during the period of the birth of industrial capitalism in Canada; '''''they opened the way to the development of industry and the political rule of the Canadian capitalist class.'''''
The Canadian state bears the imprint of its colonial origin: the retention of a monarch of another country as the head of state, and still in possession of the ill-defined “'''''royal prerogative''.'''” The Senate is still appointed from the privileged class
At Confederation, the British government confirmed the claim of the Canadian capitalists to legislative sovereignty within Canada, while they in return undertook to keep the Dominion within the Empire. '''''The result was commitment to British foreign policy and wars, and acceptance of the role of Canada as a raw materials supplier.'''''
The Statute of Westminster (1931) declared the “equality of status” of members of the Commonwealth. But this was also the period of the rise of the United States to world dominance; and the Canadian bourgeoisie, ever more closely linked with U.S. monopoly interests, proceeded to make this country dependent on U.S. imperialism.
By offering a “free choice” between the political parties representing capitalist interests, and by its control of the agencies that mold public opinion, the capitalist class has been able to maintain its class rule. This includes the state financing of election expenses for the biggest political parties, parties which are increasingly similar on the main questions of concern to the people. At the same time, the smaller, progressive and revolutionary parties are being squeezed onto the electoral margins, or off the electoral platform altogether. More and more, important policy and state affairs are removed from the parliamentary arena, and instead decided by Cabinet or its non-elected officials in the state apparatus, by appointed judges and courts, or in conformity with the terms of bilateral and multilateral agreements imposed on the Canadian people. A similar anti-democratic trend exists at the provincial and municipal levels of government.
this so-called “democratic” bourgeoisie rules the vast majority of the population through an economic dictatorship.
The Canadian bourgeoisie claims with pride that the judicial branch of government is independent of the legislative and executive branches. Yet, the judiciary is appointed by the executive and reflects its class character.
'''CSIS and CSE'''
The Canadian Security Intelligence Service and the Communications Security Establishment are a particularly dangerous part of the state apparatus. Working in tandem with the CIA and other imperialist security agencies, CSIS and CSE constitute an attack on the democratic and civil rights of Canadians. These agencies operate outside the law and beyond the reach of Parliament.
'''Need to study this more...'''
Canada includes many nations. The word ‘nation’ is used in different ways, but what is meant here is an historically-constituted community of people, formed on the basis of a common language, territory, economic life, and national consciousness manifested in a common culture. Nations come into existence and pass out of existence, by forcible and peaceful historical processes, or a combination of both. It is a dynamic process in which, the creation and development of each nation occurs in a specific and different way. As a result, the struggle for a democratic solution to the national question requires an understanding and respect for these objective differences.
Among the smaller nations in Canada are Indigenous peoples who are exercising their right to sovereignty with the demand for autonomy and self-government. Among these are the Northern Cree in Quebec, and the newly created territory of Nunavut, the Nisga’a on the west coast, and others. The Acadians in the Maritimes also constitute a smaller nation in Canada. The two largest nations are English-speaking Canada and Quebec.
The crisis of confederation lies first and foremost in the refusal of the ruling class, the Canadian monopoly bourgeoisie, to recognize the right of each nation to self-determination; that is, the right to choose the form of sovereignty that the majority of the people of each nation desires, including the right to separate and form an independent state.
Sovereignty may be expressed in a free national choice of one of three following forms: a separate state, a confederation of equal nations or states, or autonomy.
'''New consitution'''
For many years, the Communist Party has put forward the proposal for a new constitution based on the equal and voluntary partnership of all nations in Canada:  Quebec, English-speaking Canada, the Indigenous Peoples, and the Acadians.  Such a new constitutional arrangement must guarantee the protection of Indigenous inherent rights, including the right to consent over any change in their constitutional status, and on all matters pertaining to their national development.
'''Confederal Republic'''
The Communist Party proposes a confederal republic with a government consisting of two chambers:  one, such as the House of Commons today, would be based on representation by population, elected through a new system of proportional representation. In the view of our Party the other chamber would be a House of Nationalities, which would replace the present Senate. Our proposal – subject to amendment during full advance consultations by the nations within the Canadian state – is that such a House of Nationalities would be composed of a guaranteed and significant number of elected representatives from Quebec, English-speaking Canada, Indigenous peoples (First Nations, Inuit and Métis) and the Acadians. Each chamber would have the right to initiate legislation, but both would have to adopt legislation for it to become law. Furthermore, the Indigenous peoples would have the right to veto on all matters pertaining to their national development.
This structure will protect both fundamental democratic principles: equality of the rights of nations whatever their size, and majority rule. Structural changes reflecting this confederal arrangement would need to be made throughout the legal system and state apparatus.
A genuinely democratic constitution would correct the historic injustices suffered by the Indigenous peoples by recognizing their full economic, social, national and political equality, and the just settlement of their land claims based on treaty rights, Indigenous claims and scrip.  This includes the rights and demands of Indigenous women. The right of nations to self-determination must be entrenched in the Canadian constitution.
This fight for constitutional change is crucial to the overall struggle for democracy, social advance and for socialism. Uniting the working class across the country will not be possible without combating national oppression and fighting to achieve a new, equal and voluntary partnership of Canada’s nations.
'''Quebec'''
The sharpest expression of the constitutional crisis relates to Quebec’s national status and the refusal of the Canadian state to recognize Quebec’s right to national self-determination, up to and including secession. This non-recognition of Quebec’s rights is itself an expression of the historic national oppression of Quebec – its political, economic and social oppression – since the British conquest of New France in 1763. This national oppression continues, in turn, to arouse national indignation among the Quebec people, and to spawn a nationalist and separatist movement led by a section of the Quebec bourgeoisie and petite bourgeoisie.
The fight to defend Quebec’s national rights and sovereignty is a pivotal social and democratic struggle. However, in the current situation the independence of Quebec as advocated by the bourgeois and petty- bourgeois nationalist parties would not solve the crisis in the best interests of workers. Quebec has reached the advanced stage of monopoly capitalism; its economic relations with English-speaking Canada are no longer those of a colonial character. The separatist solution would lead to significant additional economic hardship for both Quebec workers and the rest of the country, weakening their political unity against the common enemy – finance capital, both domestic and international – and weakening the common struggle for fundamental change.
'''Constitution and Charter'''
Recent changes to Canada’s constitution have perpetuated the structural flaws and built-in inequalities of the original British North America Act (BNA Act) of 1867. The adoption of a new Canadian constitution and Charter of Rights and Freedoms in 1982, while formally a step forward from a colonial aAct of another country, nevertheless failed to address the underlying source of the crisis of Confederation. The current constitution perpetuates the injustices and inequities of the old BNA Act. “Provincial rights” were substituted for genuine national rights, thus accentuating the trend to decentralization, while doing nothing to uphold Canadian independence or to recognize the national rights of Quebec, the Indigenous peoples, and other nations in Canada.
'''Acadians'''
The Acadians, who today live mostly in the Maritimes, are also a nation. Originally 16th century settlers from France, the Acadians were driven out of Nova Scotia by the British colonialists who seized these lands after the defeat of the Kingdom of France in 1755. While significant numbers of the Acadian people remain geographically scattered in the Maritimes and Quebec, the Acadians now constitute one third of the population of New Brunswick and are the majority of the population on a large territory in the northeast of the province. They constitute a numerically important, stable community that retains its unique language, culture, history, and collective national consciousness.
As a nation, the Acadians have the right to self-determination. They may choose national autonomy and self-government within Canada, while maintaining their right to secession in the future if they so decide. Autonomy and self-government would include state support to help protect and maintain Acadian national identity within Canada.
'''Metis'''
The Métis nation emerged in the period of merchant capitalism in the 18th century based on the fur trade and was mainly situated along the rivers flowing into Hudson Bay. The assertion of national rights by the Métis in the rebellions of 1869-70 and 1885 was brutally crushed by the dominant English-speaking ruling class, who were backed by the expansionary industrial capitalism of Ontario and Quebec. Nevertheless, the resistance of the Métis led to the establishment of the province of Manitoba and helped keep alive the spirit of resistance against all national oppression in Canada up to the present. About half a million Métis live across the country, mainly concentrated in the prairie provinces.
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