Editing Nikolai Bukharin

{{Infobox politician|name=Nikolai Bukharin|native_name=Никола́й Буха́рин|birth_date=9 October 1888|death_date=15 March 1938|birth_place=[[Moscow]], [[Russian Empire]]|death_place=Moscow, [[RSFSR]], [[Soviet Union]]|death_cause=Execution|nationality=Russian|political_orientation=[[Opportunism]]|image=Bukharin.png}}

'''Nikolai Ivanovich Bukharin''' (9 October 1888 – 15 March 1938) was a [[Russian Federation|Russian]] [[Revolution|revolutionary]] and [[Communism|communist]] politician. After the [[October Revolution]], he initially became a member of a [[Left-communism|left-communist]] opposition group with [[Yevgeni Preobrazhensky|Preobrazhensky]] that supported [[Leon Trotsky|Trotsky]] over [[Vladimir Lenin|Lenin]]. During the [[New Economic Policy]], he became a [[Opportunism#Right opportunism|right-opportunist]] and supported the [[bourgeoisie]]<ref>{{Citation|author=Joseph Stalin|year=1939|title=History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks)|chapter=The Bolshevik Party in the Period of Transition to the Peaceful Work of Economic Restoration|mia=https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/works/1939/x01/ch03.htm|chapter-url=https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/works/1939/x01/ch09.htm}}</ref> and [[Kulak|kulaks]]. He formed an anti-party bloc with [[Alexei Rykov]] and [[Mikhail Tomsky]].<ref>{{Citation|author=[[Joseph Stalin]]|year=1939|title=History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks)|chapter=The Bolshevik Party in the Struggle for the Socialist Industrialization of the Country|mia=https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/works/1939/x01/ch03.htm|chapter-url=https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/works/1939/x01/ch10.htm}}</ref> In early 1929, Bukharin confessed to [[Jules Humbert-Droz]], a [[Swiss Confederation|Swiss]] [[Social democracy|Social-Democrat]] and a friend, that the bloc was forced to resort to [[terrorism]] in order to remove [[Joseph Stalin|Stalin]] for the lack of public or Party support.<ref>{{Citation|author=[[Jules Humbert-Droz]]|year=1929|title=Nikolai Bukharin on the Use of Individual Terror Against Stalin|chapter=Courtesy: Jules Humbert-Droz, ‘De Lénin à Staline, Dix Ans Au Service de L’ Internationale Communiste 1921-31’, A la Baconniére, Neuchâtel, 1971, pp. 379-80. Translated from the French by Vijay Singh|chapter-url=https://www.revolutionarydemocracy.org/rdv8n1/bukharin.htm}}</ref>

== Political career ==

=== Revolution ===
In 1918, Bukharin planned to arrest Lenin, Stalin, and [[Yakov Sverdlov|Sverdlov]] and create a new government of [[Party of Socialist-Revolutionaries|SRs]] and left communists.<ref name=":0223" />

=== 1930s ===
Bukharin was the chief editor of the government newspaper ''[[Izvestiya]]'' during the early 1930s. He met with the [[Mensheviks|Menshevik]] [[Nikolayevsky]] in [[Paris]] to buy some manuscripts of [[Karl Marx|Marx]] and [[Friedrich Engels|Engels]] and admitted that he saw Stalin as "not a man, a devil."<ref name=":0223">{{Citation|author=Ludo Martens|year=1996|title=Another View of Stalin|chapter=The Great Purge|https://en.prolewiki.org/wiki/Library:Another_view_of_Stalin#The_Great_Purge|title-url=|chapter-url=|PW-work=https://en.prolewiki.org/wiki/Library:Another_view_of_Stalin#The_Great_Purge|quote=During his trial, Bukharin  admitted in front of the tribunal that in 1918, after the Brest-Litovsk Treaty, that there was a plan to arrest Lenin,  Stalin and Sverdlov,  and to form a new government composed of `left-communists' and Social Revolutionaries. But he firmly denied that there was also a plan to execute them.

`Stalin aimed at one party dictatorship and complete centralisation. Bukharin  envisaged several parties and even nationalist parties, and stood for the maximum of decentralisation. He was also in favour of vesting authority in the various constituent republics and thought that the more important of these should even control their own foreign relations. By 1936, Bukharin  was approaching the social democratic standpoint of the left-wing socialists of the West.'}}</ref>

== Political positions ==
Bukharin believed the [[Peasantry|peasants]] were aligned with the bourgeoisie and supported the [[Imperialism|imperialist]] [[First World War|World War]].<ref>{{Citation|author=[[Joseph Stalin]]|year=1939|title=History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks)|chapter=The Bolshevik Party in the Period of Preparation and Realization of the October Socialist Revolution|mia=https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/works/1939/x01/ch03.htm|chapter-url=https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/works/1939/x01/ch07.htm}}</ref> He prioritized [[light industry]] over [[heavy industry]].<ref name=":0223" />

=== Collectivization ===
Bukharin believed that [[Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (1922–1991)#Collectivization|collectivization]] was not possible at the planned rate and that middle and poor peasants did not want to collectivize.<ref name=":052">{{Citation|author=Ludo Martens|year=1996|title=Another View of Stalin|chapter=Collectivization|isbn=9782872620814|publisher=Editions EPO|pdf=https://gateway.ipfs.io/ipfs/bafykbzaceab64vxtxpqt2cdl4zsrsftmedqidn4foq74gr25qkd35z5nwogdi?filename=Ludo%20Martens%20-%20Another%20View%20of%20Stalin-Editions%20EPO%20%281996%29.pdf|page=62}}</ref> After collectivization was completed, he wanted to reverse it.<ref name=":0223" />

=== Elections ===
Bukharin wanted to create another political party composed of [[Intellectual|intellectuals]] to run against the [[Communist Party of the Soviet Union|CPSU]] in elections. He also advocated for other opposition parties including [[Nationalism|nationalist]] parties.<ref name=":0223" />

== Execution ==
Bukharin was executed in 1937 after the [[Moscow trials|Moscow Trials]] revealed that he had joined an anti-Soviet bloc with Leon Trotsky and [[Grigory Zinoviev]].<ref>{{Citation|author=Joseph Stalin|year=1939|title=History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks)|chapter=The Bolshevik Party in the Struggle to Complete the Building of the Socialist Society. Introduction of the New Constitution|mia=https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/works/1939/x01/ch03.htm|chapter-url=https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/works/1939/x01/ch12.htm}}</ref> [[Grigori Tokaty|Grigory Tokaev]] (an "ultra-conspiratorial" liberal oppositionist)<ref>{{Citation|author=Grigory Tokaev|year=1956|title=Comrade X|title-url=https://archive.org/details/TokaevComradeX1956|chapter=Terrorism by Judicial Trial|page=61|quote=from this statement alone my other readers will grasp in what a turgid atmosphere, in what an ultra-conspiratorial manner-- not even knowing one another's characters-- we oppositionists of the U.S.S.R. have to work.|publisher=The Harvill Press}}</ref> writes in ''Betrayal of an Ideal'' that Bukharin had denounced public opposition to Stalin's government in 1935.<ref>{{Citation|author=Grigory Tokaev|year=1955|title=Betrayal of an Ideal|page=168, 284|quote=This was all typical Bukharin, this notion of working up a general spirit of resistance, without ever a trace of direct organised struggle against the policy of extreme measures. He was ready to talk about a new revolution, yet refused to admit that it was feasible until the masses had acquired a sense of what it all meant. As for us, the younger generation, he urged us to have confidence in ourselves, but he also urged us to have patience. Events were to prove him right in this and, in the long run, we realised that in the early thirties we approached our political problems in a very shallow way. Two years later, in 1934, we attacked Bukharin and his fellows savagely, accusing them of slithering back into the bogs of Stalinism, but eventually we were to understand that they knew far better than we did what was possible and what was not. The fact that at our first meeting he told us nothing could be done to stop forced collectivisation did not mean that he did not condemn it; it merely meant that he was less powerful than we had foolishly thought he was. (168)

[...]

After I came out of hospital I delivered to Bukharin a resolution prepared by my comrades, which described his action as "renegade, capitulatory and treacherous". His only answer was a morose silence.

He had urged us to think for ourselves and to try to bring our influence to bear on public matters; now he himself had turned against the views, the faith he had stirred up. He would like to have regained our confidence, but it was too late. He had allowed himself to be broken. As a political figure he was on the run. The inevitable ending was already in sight. Soon he was to be arrested, charged with a crime he had never committed, and shamefully put to death.

'Learn by my errors," Bukharin had said when I handed him our resolution, "and bear in mind that Stalin always has a dirty trick up his sleeve." Alas, there were too many errors for us to learn from, and we had to look for more reliable models on which to shape our lives than this intelligent but weak man who made so puny a statesman. (284)|publisher=Indiana University Press}}</ref> Tokaev expresses frustration that [[Kamenev]] establishes links between himself, Zinoviev, and Bukharin during his 1935 trial, and "thus, in the course of the second Moscow trial, were sewn the seeds of the fourth trial."<ref>{{Citation|author=Grigory Tokaev|year=1956|title=Comrade X|title-url=https://archive.org/details/TokaevComradeX1956|chapter=Terrorism by Judicial Trial|page=59|publisher=The Harvill Press}}</ref>

== References ==
[[Category:Revolutionaries]]
[[Category:Russian Marxists]]
<references />
[[Category:Russians by descent]]
[[Category:Russians]]
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