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| image_flag = Flag of the People's Republic of China.svg
| image_flag = Flag of the People's Republic of China.svg
| symbol_type = National Emblem
| symbol_type = National Emblem
|anthem=[[March of the Volunteers|义勇军进行曲]][[File:March of the Volunteers.wav]]| image_map = Orthographic map of China.svg
| image_map = Orthographic map of China.svg
| map_width = 220px
| map_width = 220px
|official_languages=[[Mandarin|Standard Chinese]]|recognized_regional_languages=Mongolian · Uyghur · Tibetan · Zhuang · others| capital = [[Beijing]]
|official_languages=[[Mandarin]]| capital = [[Beijing]]
| largest_city = [[Shanghai]]
| largest_city = [[Chongqing]]
| government_type = [[Unitary state|Unitary]] [[Marxist–Leninist]] [[Socialist state|people's republic]]
| government_type = [[Unitary state|Unitary]] [[Marxist–Leninist]] people's republic
| established_event1 = Unification of China by Qin Shi Huang
| established_event1 = Unification of China by Qin Shi Huang
| established_date1 = 221 BCE
| established_date1 = 221 BCE
| established_event2 = Founding of the Yuan dynasty
| established_event2 = Founding of the Yuan dynasty
| established_date2 = 5 November 1271
| established_date2 = 1271 November 5
| population_estimate = 1,463,140,000
| population_estimate = 1,463,140,000
| population_estimate_year    = 2020
| population_estimate_year    = 2020
|labour_force=784 million<ref name="statista">Statista. ''[https://www.statista.com/statistics/251380/number-of-employed-persons-in-china/#:~:text=The%20labor%20force%20of%20China,were%20working%20in%20rural%20areas.]''</ref>|unemployment=5.5%|labour_force_participation=48.07%|labour_occupation=53.3% services<br> 39.4% industry<br>7.3% agriculture<ref name="investopedia">Investopedia. ''[https://www.investopedia.com/articles/investing/103114/chinas-gdp-examined-servicesector-surge.asp#:~:text=The%20industry%20sector%2C%20which%20includes,reflecting%20the%20growth%20of%20services.]''</ref>|GDP_PPP=$24.861 trillion (2017 US Dollars)<ref name="CIA-factbook">CIA World Factbook (2023). ''[https://www.cia.gov/the-world-factbook/countries/china/#economy China – World Factbook]''</ref>|GDP_PPP_per_capita=$17,600 (2017 US Dollars)<ref name="CIA-factbook">CIA World Factbook (2023). ''[https://www.cia.gov/the-world-factbook/countries/china/#economy China – World Factbook]''</ref>|GDP_PPP_year=2021|GDP_PPP_rank=1st|GDP_nominal=$14.327 trillion<ref name="CIA-factbook">CIA World Factbook (2023). ''[https://www.cia.gov/the-world-factbook/countries/china/#economy China – World Factbook]''</ref>|GDP_nominal_year=2019|drives_on=right|calling_code=+86<br>+852 (Hong Kong SAR)<br>+853 (Macao SAR)|iso3166code=CN|cctld=.cn, .hk, .mo|organizations=[[WTO]], [[SCO]], [[BRI]]|ruling_party=[[Communist Party of China]]| leader_title1 = President and [[General Secretary of the People's Republic of China|General Secretary]]
|labour_force=784 million<ref name="statista">Statista. ''[https://www.statista.com/statistics/251380/number-of-employed-persons-in-china/#:~:text=The%20labor%20force%20of%20China,were%20working%20in%20rural%20areas.]''</ref>|unemployment=5.5%|labour_force_participation=48.07%|labour_occupation=53.3% services<br> 39.4% industry<br>7.3% agriculture<ref name="investopedia">Investopedia. ''[https://www.investopedia.com/articles/investing/103114/chinas-gdp-examined-servicesector-surge.asp#:~:text=The%20industry%20sector%2C%20which%20includes,reflecting%20the%20growth%20of%20services.]''</ref>| leader_title1 = President and [[General Secretary of the People's Republic of China|General Secretary]]
| leader_name1 = [[Xi Jinping]]
| leader_name1 = [[Xi Jinping]]
| leader_title3 = [[Premier of the People's Republic of China|Premier]]
| leader_title3 = [[Premier of the People's Republic of China|Premier]]
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| leader_title2 = Vice President
| leader_title2 = Vice President
| leader_name2 = [[Han Zheng]]
| leader_name2 = [[Han Zheng]]
|established_date3=1 October 1949|established_event3=Establishment of the People's Republic of China|mode_of_production=[[Socialism]]}}
|established_date3=1949 October 1|established_event3=Establishment of the People's Republic of China|mode_of_production=[[Socialism]]}}
'''China''', officially the '''People's Republic of China''' ('''PRC'''), is a [[Socialism|socialist]] country in [[East Asia]].<ref>{{Web citation|title=Western experts should understand China’s building of socialism from China’s perspective|url=https://socialistchina.org/2022/01/16/western-experts-should-understand-chinas-building-of-socialism-from-chinas-perspective/|newspaper=[[Friends of Socialist China]]|date=2022-01-16}}</ref> It is the world's most populous country with a population of around 1.4 billion in 2019. It is led by the [[Communist Party of China]] (CPC). As of June 2021, CPC membership is about 7% of the population or 95.15 million members.<ref>{{Web citation|author=Zhao Yusha, Wan Lin|newspaper=Global TImes|title=Number of CPC members totals 95.148m as of June|date=2021-06-31|url=https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202106/1227455.shtml|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230709005014/https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202106/1227455.shtml|archive-date=2023-07-09|retrieved=2023-07-18}}</ref>  
'''China''', officially the '''People's Republic of China''' ('''PRC'''), is a [[Socialism|socialist]] country in [[East Asia]].<ref>{{Web citation|title=Western experts should understand China’s building of socialism from China’s perspective|url=https://socialistchina.org/2022/01/16/western-experts-should-understand-chinas-building-of-socialism-from-chinas-perspective/|newspaper=[[Friends of Socialist China]]|date=2022-01-16}}</ref> It is the world's most populous country with a population of around 1.4 billion in 2019. It is led by the [[Communist Party of China]] (CPC). As of June 2021, CPC membership is about 7% of the population or 95.15 million members.<ref>{{Web citation|author=Zhao Yusha, Wan Lin|newspaper=Global TImes|title=Number of CPC members totals 95.148m as of June|date=2021-06-31|url=https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202106/1227455.shtml|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230709005014/https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202106/1227455.shtml|archive-date=2023-07-09|retrieved=2023-07-18}}</ref>  


The [[Constitution of the People's Republic of China|Chinese constitution]] states that the PRC "is a [[socialist state]] under the [[people's democratic dictatorship]] led by the [[Proletariat|working class]] and based on the alliance of workers and [[Peasantry|peasants]]" and that the state organs "apply the principle of [[democratic centralism]]."<ref name=":0">Constitution of the People's Republic of China ([https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/China_2018.pdf?lang=en PDF in English])</ref> Over 95% of the Chinese population supports the government.<ref name=":8">{{Web citation|author=Nia Frome|newspaper=[[Red Sails]]|title=China Has Billionaires|date=2021-04-05|url=https://redsails.org/china-has-billionaires/|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221129030202/https://redsails.org/china-has-billionaires/|archive-date=2022-11-29|retrieved=2022-12-06}}</ref>
The Chinese constitution states that the PRC "is a [[socialist state]] under the [[people's democratic dictatorship]] led by the [[Proletariat|working class]] and based on the alliance of workers and [[Peasantry|peasants]]" and that the state organs "apply the principle of [[democratic centralism]]."<ref name=":0">Constitution of the People's Republic of China ([https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/China_2018.pdf?lang=en PDF in English])</ref> Over 95% of the Chinese population supports its government.<ref name=":8">{{Web citation|author=Nia Frome|newspaper=[[Red Sails]]|title=China Has Billionaires|date=2021-04-05|url=https://redsails.org/china-has-billionaires/|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221129030202/https://redsails.org/china-has-billionaires/|archive-date=2022-11-29|retrieved=2022-12-06}}</ref>


The People's Republic of China is one of only five [[Socialism|socialist]] states in the world today (alongside [[Republic of Cuba|Cuba]], [[Lao People's Democratic Republic|Laos]], [[Democratic People's Republic of Korea|People's Korea]] and [[Socialist Republic of Vietnam|Vietnam]]). Over the last few years it has emerged as the world's leading economic power, and as a result has been subjected to near-constant demonization from [[Bourgeois media|Western media]] and propaganda outlets.<ref>{{Citation|title-url=https://www.pewresearch.org/global/2020/10/06/unfavorable-views-of-china-reach-historic-highs-in-many-countries/|title=Unfavorable views of China reach historic highs in many countries|year=2020|author=Laura Silver, Kat Devlin and Christine Huang|publisher=Pew Research Center|pdf=https://www.pewresearch.org/global/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2020/10/PG_2020.10.06_Global-Views-China_FINAL.pdf}}</ref><ref>{{Web citation|title=Categorically Debunking the Claim that China is Imperialist|author=Rainer Shea|newspaper=[[Orinoco Tribune]]|url=https://orinocotribune.com/catagorically-debunking-the-claim-that-china-is-imperialist/|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211128110445/https://orinocotribune.com/catagorically-debunking-the-claim-that-china-is-imperialist/|archive-date=2021-11-28}}</ref> The PRC's guiding ideology is [[Marxism-Leninism|Marxism–Leninism]] and [[Mao Zedong Thought]].<ref>'''[http://www.npc.gov.cn/zgrdw/englishnpc/Constitution/node_2827.htm Amendment to the Constitution of the People's Republic of China]'''
The People's Republic of China is one of only five [[Socialism|socialist]] states in the world today (alongside [[Republic of Cuba|Cuba]], [[Lao People's Democratic Republic|Laos]], [[Democratic People's Republic of Korea|People's Korea]] and [[Socialist Republic of Vietnam|Vietnam]]). Over the last few years it has emerged as the world's leading economic power, and as a result has been subjected to near-constant demonization from [[Bourgeois media|Western media]] and propaganda outlets.<ref>{{Citation|title-url=https://www.pewresearch.org/global/2020/10/06/unfavorable-views-of-china-reach-historic-highs-in-many-countries/|title=Unfavorable views of China reach historic highs in many countries|year=2020|author=Laura Silver, Kat Devlin and Christine Huang|publisher=Pew Research Center|pdf=https://www.pewresearch.org/global/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2020/10/PG_2020.10.06_Global-Views-China_FINAL.pdf}}</ref><ref>{{Web citation|title=Categorically Debunking the Claim that China is Imperialist|author=Rainer Shea|newspaper=[[Orinoco Tribune]]|url=https://orinocotribune.com/catagorically-debunking-the-claim-that-china-is-imperialist/|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211128110445/https://orinocotribune.com/catagorically-debunking-the-claim-that-china-is-imperialist/|archive-date=2021-11-28}}</ref> The PRC's guiding ideology is [[Marxism-Leninism|Marxism–Leninism]] and [[Mao Zedong Thought]].<ref>'''[http://www.npc.gov.cn/zgrdw/englishnpc/Constitution/node_2827.htm Amendment to the Constitution of the People's Republic of China]'''
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== History ==
== History ==
<blockquote>''For detailed history of China before 1949, see [[History of China]].''</blockquote>In accordance with [[historical materialism]], Chinese history can be divided into [[Primitive communism|primitive]], [[Slavery|slave]], and [[Feudalism|feudal]] eras. Modern Chinese historians do not, however, use the terms "capitalist era" or "socialist era." This is because the capitalist period of Chinese history fits into the broader [[New Democratic Revolution period|New-Democratic Revolution period]] (1919–1949). The socialist era, which began in 1956, is likewise not considered an era of Chinese history but instead is considered part of the People's Republic period (starting in 1949).<ref name=":1">Bai Shouyi (2008). ''An outline history of China.'' Beijing: Foreign Languages Press. ISBN 9787119052960</ref>
In accordance with [[historical materialism]], Chinese history can be divided into [[Primitive communism|primitive]], [[Slavery|slave]], and [[Feudalism|feudal]] eras. Modern Chinese historians do not, however, use the terms "capitalist era" or "socialist era." This is because the capitalist period of Chinese history fits into the broader [[New Democratic Revolution period|New-Democratic Revolution period]] (1919–1949). The socialist era, which began in 1956, is likewise not considered an era of Chinese history but instead is considered part of the People's Republic period (starting in 1949).<ref name=":1">Bai Shouyi (2008). ''An outline history of China.'' Beijing: Foreign Languages Press. ISBN 9787119052960</ref>


=== Early history ===
=== Early history ===
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==== Great Leap Forward ====
==== Great Leap Forward ====
Even though China achieved many positive changes in society during this period, the first generation experienced problems in its governance, most notably during the [[Great Leap Forward]], which was a colossal failure, contributing to the Great Chinese Famine, which had major long-term effects on health and economic development in China, leading to reduced population height, and having a negative impact on labor supply and earnings of famine survivors.<ref>{{Citation|title=The long-term health and economic consequences of the 1959-1961 famine in China|year=2007|author=Yuyu Chen, Li-An Zhou|publisher=Journal of Health Economics|doi=10.1016/j.jhealeco.2006.12.006}}</ref>
Even though China achieved many positive changes in society, the first generation has experienced problems in their governance, most notably during the [[Great Leap Forward]], which was a colossal failure, contributing to the Great Chinese Famine, which had major long-term effects on health and economic development in China, leading to reduced population height, and having a negative impact on labor supply and earnings of famine survivors.<ref>{{Citation|title=The long-term health and economic consequences of the 1959-1961 famine in China|year=2007|author=Yuyu Chen, Li-An Zhou|publisher=Journal of Health Economics|doi=10.1016/j.jhealeco.2006.12.006}}</ref>


==== Sino-Soviet split ====
==== Sino-Soviet split ====
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== Administrative divisions==
== Administrative divisions==
[[File:China_administrative_regions.svg|thumb|alt=|Map of China with its administrative divisions at a province-level.]]
[[File:China_administrative_regions.svg|thumb|alt=|Map of China with its administrative divisions at a province-level.]]
[[File:China autonomous divisions.png|thumb|Map of administrative divisions of China for non-Han nations]]
China has 34 province-level divisions: 23 provinces, 5 autonomous regions, 4 municipalities directly under the Central Government, and 2 special administrative region.<ref>Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China [https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/ljzg_665465/zgjk_665467/3572_665469/t1140993.shtml Administrative Division System]</ref>
China has 34 province-level divisions: 23 provinces, 5 autonomous regions, 4 municipalities directly under the Central Government, and 2 special administrative region.<ref>Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China [https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/ljzg_665465/zgjk_665467/3572_665469/t1140993.shtml Administrative Division System]</ref>
{| class="wikitable"
{| class="wikitable"
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Factory workers in China (in both the public and private sector) have the ability to join workers' congresses, which grant them control over wage adjustments, supervision of leadership and election of the factory director.<ref>https://www.peoplesworld.org/article/china-and-russia-have-workers-councils-but-not-chattanooga/</ref><ref>https://www.reddit.com/r/communism/comments/d1u77y/workers_councils_in_china/</ref><ref>https://web.archive.org/web/20220610093819/https://twitter.com/isgoodrum/status/1043159032935006208</ref> SOE congresses have decidedly more power than private enterprises. In 2005, a study released regarding the influence of workers' congresses and Chinese unions analyzed the effects of companies that had unions or no unions. When surveyed, the worker satisfaction along the metrics of greater worker rights, greater wages and greater abilities to settle conflicts in favour of workers. It was found that generally speaking, worker satisfaction was higher than in companies without them. And the same study claims around 80% of all companies have some form of workers union on board. Workers' participation however, is not mandatory in these unions and those who do not wish to unionize are not required to have a union.<ref>[https://www.researchgate.net/publication/265966556_Zhu_Xiaoyang_and_Anita_Chan_Staff_and_Workers'_Representative_Congress_An_Institutionalized_Channel_for_Expression_of_Employees'_Interests_Chinese_Sociology_and_Anthropology_Vol_37_No_4_Summer_2005_pp ZHU XIAOYANG AND ANITA CHAN - Staff and Workers’ Representative Congress An Institutionalized Channel for Expression of Employees’ Interests?]</ref> A similar 2004 study found that these workers' congresses were able to dismiss managers when they failed to get more than 60% votes of confidence, and that it was possible for these unions to significantly improve health and safety conditions, or to fairly distribute new housing benefits.<ref>[https://www.researchgate.net/publication/269496596_The_Internal_Politics_of_an_Urban_Chinese_Work_Community_A_Case_Study_of_Employee_Influence_on_Decision-Making_at_a_State-Owned_Factory The Internal Politics of an Urban Chinese Work Community: A Case Study of Employee Influence on Decision-Making at a State-Owned Factory]</ref>
Factory workers in China (in both the public and private sector) have the ability to join workers' congresses, which grant them control over wage adjustments, supervision of leadership and election of the factory director.<ref>https://www.peoplesworld.org/article/china-and-russia-have-workers-councils-but-not-chattanooga/</ref><ref>https://www.reddit.com/r/communism/comments/d1u77y/workers_councils_in_china/</ref><ref>https://web.archive.org/web/20220610093819/https://twitter.com/isgoodrum/status/1043159032935006208</ref> SOE congresses have decidedly more power than private enterprises. In 2005, a study released regarding the influence of workers' congresses and Chinese unions analyzed the effects of companies that had unions or no unions. When surveyed, the worker satisfaction along the metrics of greater worker rights, greater wages and greater abilities to settle conflicts in favour of workers. It was found that generally speaking, worker satisfaction was higher than in companies without them. And the same study claims around 80% of all companies have some form of workers union on board. Workers' participation however, is not mandatory in these unions and those who do not wish to unionize are not required to have a union.<ref>[https://www.researchgate.net/publication/265966556_Zhu_Xiaoyang_and_Anita_Chan_Staff_and_Workers'_Representative_Congress_An_Institutionalized_Channel_for_Expression_of_Employees'_Interests_Chinese_Sociology_and_Anthropology_Vol_37_No_4_Summer_2005_pp ZHU XIAOYANG AND ANITA CHAN - Staff and Workers’ Representative Congress An Institutionalized Channel for Expression of Employees’ Interests?]</ref> A similar 2004 study found that these workers' congresses were able to dismiss managers when they failed to get more than 60% votes of confidence, and that it was possible for these unions to significantly improve health and safety conditions, or to fairly distribute new housing benefits.<ref>[https://www.researchgate.net/publication/269496596_The_Internal_Politics_of_an_Urban_Chinese_Work_Community_A_Case_Study_of_Employee_Influence_on_Decision-Making_at_a_State-Owned_Factory The Internal Politics of an Urban Chinese Work Community: A Case Study of Employee Influence on Decision-Making at a State-Owned Factory]</ref>


In 2012, the number of unions in SOEs were 88.1% and in non-SOEs to be around 85.5%. It also states that within Chinese companies 32.7% of employee representatives at the company and plant level are nominated and elected directly from employees, while 61% of them are nominated by the Party committees and elected by employees. The same study finds that workers' congresses are positively associated with better health and safety, and more likely to report issues or flaws within company structure, as well as a useful consultation method that better leveraged worker voices towards the higher ups.<ref>[https://fbr.springeropen.com/articles/10.1186/s11782-018-0033-y#Sec8 The perceived effectiveness of democratic management, job performance, and citizenship behavior: evidence from a large Chinese state-owned petrochemical company]- Fuxi Wang</ref> A similar 2013 survey found that out of 43 nations surveyed in the OECD, China had the most protective legislation for employed permanent workers.<ref>[https://www.oecd.org/els/emp/Employment-Outlook-2013-chap2.pdf Protecting jobs, enhancing flexibility: A new look at employment protection legislation] - OECD Employment outlook, page 89</ref>
In 2012, the number of unions in SOEs were 88.1% and in non-SOEs to be around 85.5%. It also states that within Chinese companies 32.7% of employee representatives at the company and plant level are nominated and elected directly from employees, while 61% of them are nominated by the Party committees and elected by employees. The same study finds that workers' congresses are positively associated with better health and safety, and more likely to report issues or flaws within company structure, as well as a useful consultation method that better leveraged worker voices towards the higher ups.<ref>[https://fbr.springeropen.com/articles/10.1186/s11782-018-0033-y#Sec8 The perceived effectiveness of democratic management, job performance, and citizenship behavior: evidence from a large Chinese state-owned petrochemical company]- Fuxi Wang</ref> In a study done by the OECD in 2013, survey of employment protection legislation found that China’s legislation ranked as the most protective of the forty-three countries surveyed.<ref>Curtis Milhaupt and Wentong Zheng, “Beyond Ownership: State Capitalism and the Chinese Firm,” Georgetown Law Journal 103 (2015): 665-717.</ref> The CPC has therefore made tremendous efforts to meet the demands of local protests and strikes as well as hold local governments accountable for causing or mishandling protests that spin out of control. Chinese workers have successfully organized collective action to get local governments, and the courts as mentioned above, to help accommodate their claims, most notably getting payment for wage arrears.<ref>Su and He, “Street as Courtroom: State Accommodation of Labor Protests in South China.”</ref> Similarly, a study in 2009 found that more often than not, the arbitration tribunals in mainland China are biased in favor of employees suing their employers. Because arbitration tribunals are sympathetic towards employees-who are traditionally seen as the weaker party-they will sometimes overlook acontract violation by the employee. In addition, sometimes tribunals assume that companies can bear the financial losses more readily than employees. Therefore, more often than not, employees win in arbitration or in court based on prejudice in their favor.<ref>Joanna Law, Employers, Prepare for Tribunal Trouble, CHINA LAW & PRACTICE, Feb. 2009</ref>
 
When it comes to wage arrears suffered by rural migrant workers, among migrant construction workers in 2013 was 1.8 per cent compared to 0.9 per cent in the manufacturing sector; and in 2014, it was 1.4 per cent in construction compared to 0.6 per cent in manufacturing. While wage arrears remains an issue, it is a gradually declining and miniscule issue that affects less than 2% of the total rural migrant working population in those industries, therefore the issue of underpaying or refusing to pay migrant workers at all is an overexaggerated issue that is blown out of proportion.<ref>'''[https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/6279F3FC81641FBBB45AFD9A415B8591/S0305741022000807a.pdf/div-class-title-working-without-wages-network-structure-and-migrant-construction-workers-protests-in-china-div.pdf Working without Wages: Network Structure and Migrant Construction Workers’ Protests in China]''' -  By Haitao Wei and Cheris Shun-Ching Chan</ref>
 
The CPC has therefore made tremendous efforts to meet the demands of local protests and strikes as well as hold local governments accountable for causing or mishandling protests that spin out of control. Chinese workers have successfully organized collective action to get local governments, and the courts as mentioned above, to help accommodate their claims, most notably getting payment for wage arrears.<ref>Su and He, “Street as Courtroom: State Accommodation of Labor Protests in South China.”</ref> Similarly, a study in 2009 found that more often than not, the arbitration tribunals in mainland China are biased in favor of employees suing their employers. Because arbitration tribunals are sympathetic towards employees-who are traditionally seen as the weaker party-they will sometimes overlook acontract violation by the employee. In addition, sometimes tribunals assume that companies can bear the financial losses more readily than employees. Therefore, more often than not, employees win in arbitration or in court based on prejudice in their favor.<ref>Joanna Law, Employers, Prepare for Tribunal Trouble, CHINA LAW & PRACTICE, Feb. 2009</ref>


The book ''A New Deal for China's Workers'' (released in 2016) states that,<ref>[https://dokumen.pub/qdownload/a-new-deal-for-chinas-workers-2016017881-9780674971394.html Conclusion, Page 220 - <small>A New Deal for China’s Workers? 2016017881, 9780674971394</small>]</ref><blockquote>"In enacting the LCL, and in doubling down on its employment protections by restricting the use of labor dispatch, China is swimming against both a modest liberalizing current in parts of the developed world and deeper trends toward declining job tenure, splintering of work organizations, outsourcing of production, and contingent work arrangements. The continuing slide from long-term employment within integrated firms toward a “gig” economy, though celebrated by some, has potentially dire consequences for workers who risk losing the entire panoply of rights, protections, and benefits that twentieth-century reforms had attached to the employment relationship. But China is seeking to defy that trend, and to shore up job security and stability."</blockquote>Though trying to portray the CPC in a negative light here, it still admits that the CPC opposes and seeks to ensure better job security and stability compared to the Capitalist nations of the West. Defying a gig economy and seeking to double down on employment protection has done far more than the rest of the "developed world" in securing and defending the rights of the working class.
The book ''A New Deal for China's Workers'' (released in 2016) states that,<ref>[https://dokumen.pub/qdownload/a-new-deal-for-chinas-workers-2016017881-9780674971394.html Conclusion, Page 220 - <small>A New Deal for China’s Workers? 2016017881, 9780674971394</small>]</ref><blockquote>"In enacting the LCL, and in doubling down on its employment protections by restricting the use of labor dispatch, China is swimming against both a modest liberalizing current in parts of the developed world and deeper trends toward declining job tenure, splintering of work organizations, outsourcing of production, and contingent work arrangements. The continuing slide from long-term employment within integrated firms toward a “gig” economy, though celebrated by some, has potentially dire consequences for workers who risk losing the entire panoply of rights, protections, and benefits that twentieth-century reforms had attached to the employment relationship. But China is seeking to defy that trend, and to shore up job security and stability."</blockquote>Though trying to portray the CPC in a negative light here, it still admits that the CPC opposes and seeks to ensure better job security and stability compared to the Capitalist nations of the West. Defying a gig economy and seeking to double down on employment protection has done far more than the rest of the "developed world" in securing and defending the rights of the working class.
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China also has great democratic management in the workplace, with positive associations with workers' hourly wages, fringe benefits, and firms' labor productivity on average, suggesting that it is not merely ‘window-dressing’ as perceived by conventional wisdom.<ref>[https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/1748-8583.12471 What does democratic management do in Chinese workplaces? Evidence from matched employer–employee data] </ref> Chinese workers have also had higher wage increases, doubling between 2008 and 2019, compared to emerging G20 countries with a 3.5-4.5% annual growth. And in advanced G20 countries with 0.4-0.9% annual growth.<ref>[https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---dgreports/---dcomm/documents/publication/wcms_762302.pdf ILO- International Wage Report]</ref> Chinese workers having greater rights even extend to the ability to imprison their own boss in their office, with the police intervening on behalf of the workers.<ref>[https://www.forbes.com/sites/mitchfree/2013/07/11/held-hostage-entrepreneurs-uneasy-over-chinese-govt-inaction/?sh=2e05c17863de Held Hostage: Entrepreneurs' uneasy over Chinese government inaction - Forbes]</ref>
China also has great democratic management in the workplace, with positive associations with workers' hourly wages, fringe benefits, and firms' labor productivity on average, suggesting that it is not merely ‘window-dressing’ as perceived by conventional wisdom.<ref>[https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/1748-8583.12471 What does democratic management do in Chinese workplaces? Evidence from matched employer–employee data] </ref> Chinese workers have also had higher wage increases, doubling between 2008 and 2019, compared to emerging G20 countries with a 3.5-4.5% annual growth. And in advanced G20 countries with 0.4-0.9% annual growth.<ref>[https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---dgreports/---dcomm/documents/publication/wcms_762302.pdf ILO- International Wage Report]</ref> Chinese workers having greater rights even extend to the ability to imprison their own boss in their office, with the police intervening on behalf of the workers.<ref>[https://www.forbes.com/sites/mitchfree/2013/07/11/held-hostage-entrepreneurs-uneasy-over-chinese-govt-inaction/?sh=2e05c17863de Held Hostage: Entrepreneurs' uneasy over Chinese government inaction - Forbes]</ref>
In 2018, there were a total of 1,110,175 people involved in labor disputes. The number 1 cause being labor renumeration/wage arrears. Number 1 reason for case settlement was agreed upon increase in wage, and the number 1 way this was administered was legal order to make required adjustment. Out of 894,053 cases of labor issues,  93,823 were won by employers.<ref>Zhongguo Laodong Tongji Nianjian 2019 [China Labor Statistical Yearbook 2019] p 343 - 344</ref>
In 2020, there were a total of 1,283,491 people involved in labor disputes. The number 1 cause being labor renumeration/wage arrears. Out of 1,100,681 cases, 112,053 were won by employers. The number 1 way this was enforced was legal order to make required adjustment.<ref>Zhongguo Laodong Tongji Nianjian 2021 [China Labor Statistical Yearbook 2021] p 362 - 364</ref>


As of January 2023, The People's Republic of China has an overall historic unemployment rate of around 4-5%,<ref>[https://www.macrotrends.net/countries/CHN/china/unemployment-rate China unemployment rate 1991 - 2023], macrotrends</ref> compared to the [[Statesian]] historic unemployment rate of around 5-6%.<ref>[https://www.macrotrends.net/countries/USA/united-states/unemployment-rate US Unemployment Rates 1991 - 2023], macrotrends</ref> This is high in comparison to the economy of, for example, the USSR, which generally had stable employment opportunities for young workers, and also had an unemployment rate of about 1%.<ref>{{News citation|newspaper=1991 CIA WORLD FACTBOOK|title=Soviet Union Economy - 1991|date=1991|url=https://www.theodora.com/wfb1991/soviet_union/soviet_union_economy.html|retrieved=2022-7-9}}</ref>
As of January 2023, The People's Republic of China has an overall historic unemployment rate of around 4-5%,<ref>[https://www.macrotrends.net/countries/CHN/china/unemployment-rate China unemployment rate 1991 - 2023], macrotrends</ref> compared to the [[Statesian]] historic unemployment rate of around 5-6%.<ref>[https://www.macrotrends.net/countries/USA/united-states/unemployment-rate US Unemployment Rates 1991 - 2023], macrotrends</ref> This is high in comparison to the economy of, for example, the USSR, which generally had stable employment opportunities for young workers, and also had an unemployment rate of about 1%.<ref>{{News citation|newspaper=1991 CIA WORLD FACTBOOK|title=Soviet Union Economy - 1991|date=1991|url=https://www.theodora.com/wfb1991/soviet_union/soviet_union_economy.html|retrieved=2022-7-9}}</ref>


Although GDP growth was at its peak in the 1960s, China experiences consistent GDP growth, and China outpaces the US in terms of GDP growth. Historically, this has been year-over-year 2-3x the US growth percentage<ref>{{Web citation|newspaper=macrotrends|title=China GDP Growth Rate 1961-2022|date=2022|url=https://www.macrotrends.net/countries/CHN/china/gdp-growth-rate|retrieved=2022-12-06}}</ref>
Although GDP growth was at its peak in the 1960s, China experiences consistent GDP growth, and China outpaces the US in terms of GDP growth.<ref>{{Web citation|newspaper=macrotrends|title=China GDP Growth Rate 1961-2022|date=2022|url=https://www.macrotrends.net/countries/CHN/china/gdp-growth-rate|retrieved=2022-12-06}}</ref>


=== Mode of production ===
=== Mode of production ===
Currently, China is in the primary stage of [[socialism]]. This is a stage which is expected to last until the 100th anniversary of the People's Republic of China, in 2049, and this stage is intended to unleash the [[productive forces]] of China to the point where socialism is superior in terms of productivity in contrast to the capitalist mode of production.<ref>{{Citation|author=Deng Xiaoping|year=1987|title=To Uphold Socialism We Must Eliminate Poverty|title-url=https://dengxiaopingworks.wordpress.com/2013/03/18/to-uphold-socialism-we-must-eliminate-poverty/|mia=https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/deng-xiaoping/1987/133.htm}}</ref>
Currently, China is in the primary stage of [[socialism]]. This is a stage which is expected to last until the 100th anniversary of the People's Republic of China, in 2049, and this stage is intended to unleash the [[productive forces]] of China to the point where socialism is superior in terms of productivity in contrast to the capitalist mode of production.<ref>{{Citation|author=Deng Xiaoping|year=1987|title=To Uphold Socialism We Must Eliminate Poverty|title-url=https://dengxiaopingworks.wordpress.com/2013/03/18/to-uphold-socialism-we-must-eliminate-poverty/|mia=https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/deng-xiaoping/1987/133.htm}}</ref>
==Governance==
==Governance==


=== Healthcare===
=== Healthcare===
In the Mao period, China built one of the developing world's most robust public healthcare systems, based on rural primary care, [[barefoot doctors]], and regular mass campaigns, known as "patriotic health campaigns." Since the beginning of the reform period, China's healthcare system has gone through a number of phases. After an unfortunate period of regression and privatization, China has spent the last decade making rapid progress towards a new universal healthcare system. A 2020 study in the ''British Medical Journal (BMJ)'' summarizes many of the goals and programs of China's recent health reforms:<blockquote>Priority was given to expanding the scope and health service package of the basic insurance coverage, improving provider payment mechanisms, as well as increasing the financing level, fiscal subsidies and reimbursement rates. [...] The government has increased investment in primary care, with initiatives that include strengthening the infrastructure of primary healthcare (PHC) facilities, expanding human resources for primary care through incentives and supporting projects, establishing a general practitioner system and improving the capacity of PHC personnel through training and education, such as general practice training and continuous medical education programmes. [...] The ‘equalization of basic public health services’ policy implemented the national BPHS programme and the crucial public health service (CPHS) programme. [...] This policy seeks to achieve universal availability and promote a more equitable provision of basic health services to all urban and rural citizens.<ref>Wenjuan Tao, Zhi Zeng, et al. ''Towards universal health coverage: lessons from 10 years of healthcare reform in China.'' BMJ Global Health. {{Doi|10.1136/bmjgh-2019-002086}}</ref></blockquote>The New Cooperative Medical Scheme (NCMS) was rolled out in China from 2003-2008 which provided insurance to 800 million rural Chinese. A study found that there was a significant decline in aggregate mortality, with the program saving more than one million lives per year at its peak, and explaining 78% of the entire increase in life expectancy in China over this period.<ref>[https://www.nber.org/papers/w31423 The Largest Insurance Expansion in History: Saving One Million Lives Per Year in China - Jonathan Gruber, Mengyun Lin & Junjian Yi]</ref>The 2020 study goes on to note that China has made significant progress towards meeting its reform goals, and building a developed and equitable universal healthcare system:<blockquote>During the past 10 years since the latest round of healthcare reform, China made steady progress in achieving the reform goals and UHC [i.e. universal health coverage].</blockquote>Another paper, also from the ''BMJ,'' summarizes the recent improvements in China's health outcomes, as well as access to, and cost of, healthcare:<blockquote>The results include the following: out-of-pocket expenditures as a percentage of current health expenditures in China have dropped dramatically from 60.13% in 2000 to 35.91% in 2016; the health insurance coverage of the total population jumped from 22.1% in 2003 to 95.1% in 2013; the average life expectancy increased from 72.0 to 76.4, maternal mortality dropped from 59 to 29 per 100 000 live births, the under-5 mortality rate dropped from 36.8 to 9.3 per 1000 live births, and neonatal mortality dropped from 21.4 to 4.7 per 1000 live births between 2000 and 2017; and so on.<ref>Wenjuan Tao, Zhi Zeng, et al. ''Towards universal health coverage: achievements and challenges of 10 years of healthcare reform in China.'' BMJ Global Health. {{Doi|10.1136/bmjgh-2019-002087}}</ref></blockquote>China’s round of health system reform in 2009 has made good progress. Almost everyone is covered by the social health insurance system and basic public health service package, and unmet health needs and inequities have decreased. In 2003, 29.6% was the proportion of patients who were advised by doctors that they needed treatment in hospital but did not use inpatient care. By 2013, that number dropped to 7.4% In 2000, 50% of health expenditures were out of pocket, this has decreased to 28% in 2017.  In 2000, infant mortality was 25.2%, this decreased to 3.8% by 2017.<ref>[https://www.bmj.com/content/bmj/365/bmj.l2349.full.pdf '''What can we learn from China’s health system reform?''' - 2019 By Qingyue Meng]</ref>
In the Mao period, China built one of the developing world's most robust public healthcare systems, based on rural primary care, [[barefoot doctors]], and regular mass campaigns, known as "patriotic health campaigns." Since the beginning of the reform period, China's healthcare system has gone through a number of phases. After an unfortunate period of regression and privatization, China has spent the last decade making rapid progress towards a new universal healthcare system. A 2020 study in the ''British Medical Journal (BMJ)'' summarizes many of the goals and programs of China's recent health reforms:<blockquote>Priority was given to expanding the scope and health service package of the basic insurance coverage, improving provider payment mechanisms, as well as increasing the financing level, fiscal subsidies and reimbursement rates. [...] The government has increased investment in primary care, with initiatives that include strengthening the infrastructure of primary healthcare (PHC) facilities, expanding human resources for primary care through incentives and supporting projects, establishing a general practitioner system and improving the capacity of PHC personnel through training and education, such as general practice training and continuous medical education programmes. [...] The ‘equalization of basic public health services’ policy implemented the national BPHS programme and the crucial public health service (CPHS) programme. [...] This policy seeks to achieve universal availability and promote a more equitable provision of basic health services to all urban and rural citizens.<ref>Wenjuan Tao, Zhi Zeng, et al. ''Towards universal health coverage: lessons from 10 years of healthcare reform in China.'' BMJ Global Health. {{Doi|10.1136/bmjgh-2019-002086}}</ref></blockquote>The New Cooperative Medical Scheme (NCMS) was rolled out in China from 2003-2008 which provided insurance to 800 million rural Chinese. A study found that there was a significant decline in aggregate mortality, with the program saving more than one million lives per year at its peak, and explaining 78% of the entire increase in life expectancy in China over this period.<ref>[https://www.nber.org/papers/w31423 The Largest Insurance Expansion in History: Saving One Million Lives Per Year in China - Jonathan Gruber, Mengyun Lin & Junjian Yi]</ref>


In short, while China's healthcare system is not perfect, it is certainly moving in the right direction. As with many other aspects of China's socialist construction, this provides a model for other developing nations; according to the aforementioned ''BMJ'' study:<blockquote>The lessons learnt from China could help other nations improve UHC in sustainable and adaptive ways, including continued political support, increased health financing and a strong PHC system as basis. The experience of the rapid development of UHC in China can provide a valuable mode for countries (mainly LMICs) planning their own path further on in the UHC journey.</blockquote>This is another benefit of China's rise to prominence on the world stage. China demonstrates to the world that it is possible for a desperately poor country to rise from poverty, develop its economy, and meet the needs of its people.
The 2020 study goes on to note that China has made significant progress towards meeting its reform goals, and building a developed and equitable universal healthcare system:<blockquote>During the past 10 years since the latest round of healthcare reform, China made steady progress in achieving the reform goals and UHC [i.e. universal health coverage].</blockquote>Another paper, also from the ''BMJ,'' summarizes the recent improvements in China's health outcomes, as well as access to, and cost of, healthcare:<blockquote>The results include the following: out-of-pocket expenditures as a percentage of current health expenditures in China have dropped dramatically from 60.13% in 2000 to 35.91% in 2016; the health insurance coverage of the total population jumped from 22.1% in 2003 to 95.1% in 2013; the average life expectancy increased from 72.0 to 76.4, maternal mortality dropped from 59 to 29 per 100 000 live births, the under-5 mortality rate dropped from 36.8 to 9.3 per 1000 live births, and neonatal mortality dropped from 21.4 to 4.7 per 1000 live births between 2000 and 2017; and so on.<ref>Wenjuan Tao, Zhi Zeng, et al. ''Towards universal health coverage: achievements and challenges of 10 years of healthcare reform in China.'' BMJ Global Health. {{Doi|10.1136/bmjgh-2019-002087}}</ref></blockquote>In short, while China's healthcare system is not perfect, it is certainly moving in the right direction. As with many other aspects of China's socialist construction, this provides a model for other developing nations; according to the aforementioned ''BMJ'' study:<blockquote>The lessons learnt from China could help other nations improve UHC in sustainable and adaptive ways, including continued political support, increased health financing and a strong PHC system as basis. The experience of the rapid development of UHC in China can provide a valuable mode for countries (mainly LMICs) planning their own path further on in the UHC journey.</blockquote>This is another benefit of China's rise to prominence on the world stage. China demonstrates to the world that it is possible for a desperately poor country to rise from poverty, develop its economy, and meet the needs of its people.


===Democracy and popular opinion===
===Democracy and popular opinion===
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{{Main article|Socialist market economy}}
{{Main article|Socialist market economy}}
Contrary to the popular perception that China's growth has been the result of a transition to capitalism, the evidence shows that public ownership continues to play a key growth-driving role in the PRC's economy. According to the aforementioned 2020 study in the ''Review of Radical Political Economics'', "strategic industries, which [[Vladimir Lenin|Lenin]] called 'the commanding heights of economy,' are still state-owned and have played a very important role in China’s economic development."<ref>{{Citation|title=Primitive Socialist Accumulation in China: An Alternative View on the Anomalies of Chinese “Capitalism”|volume=52|year=2020|page=693–715|series=Review of Radical Political Economics|author=Sam-Kee Cheng|publisher=SAGE Publishing|doi=10.1177/0486613419888298}}</ref> The author notes that "after decades of market reform, China’s state sector, rather than disappearing or being marginalized, has become a leader in strategic sectors and the driver of its investment-led growth." To learn more, we would recommend the book ''The Basic Economic System of China'', which goes into this issue in much more depth.<ref>{{Citation|isbn=978-981-13-6895-0|lg=https://libgen.rs/book/index.php?md5=07DE5CA4B3F3C14139975D1A9D668FC8|author=Changhong Pei, Chunxue Yang, Xinming Yang|year=2019|title=The Basic Economic System of China.|publisher=Springer Singapore|series=China Governance System Research Series|doi=10.1007/978-981-13-6895-0}}</ref>  
Contrary to the popular perception that China's growth has been the result of a transition to capitalism, the evidence shows that public ownership continues to play a key growth-driving role in the PRC's economy. According to the aforementioned 2020 study in the ''Review of Radical Political Economics'', "strategic industries, which [[Vladimir Lenin|Lenin]] called 'the commanding heights of economy,' are still state-owned and have played a very important role in China’s economic development."<ref>{{Citation|title=Primitive Socialist Accumulation in China: An Alternative View on the Anomalies of Chinese “Capitalism”|volume=52|year=2020|page=693–715|series=Review of Radical Political Economics|author=Sam-Kee Cheng|publisher=SAGE Publishing|doi=10.1177/0486613419888298}}</ref> The author notes that "after decades of market reform, China’s state sector, rather than disappearing or being marginalized, has become a leader in strategic sectors and the driver of its investment-led growth." To learn more, we would recommend the book ''The Basic Economic System of China'', which goes into this issue in much more depth.<ref>{{Citation|isbn=978-981-13-6895-0|lg=https://libgen.rs/book/index.php?md5=07DE5CA4B3F3C14139975D1A9D668FC8|author=Changhong Pei, Chunxue Yang, Xinming Yang|year=2019|title=The Basic Economic System of China.|publisher=Springer Singapore|series=China Governance System Research Series|doi=10.1007/978-981-13-6895-0}}</ref>  
Even after the economic reforms, China's public ownership sector remained great, according to the paper ''"China’s Collective and Private Enterprises: Growth and Its Financing"'' by Shahid Yusuf, during 1985-1991, on average only around 7.1% of the industrial sector was actually private (started by entrepreneurs and foreign businesses).<ref>[https://www.elibrary.imf.org/display/book/9781557753809/ch012.xml#Rch12tab02 China’s Collective and Private Enterprises: Growth and Its Financing, Table 2] by Shahid Yusuf</ref> And during 1991, the national industrial sector only had around 11.41% being truly private.<ref>[https://www.elibrary.imf.org/display/book/9781557753809/ch012.xml#Rch12tab15 China’s Collective and Private Enterprises: Growth and Its Financing, Table 15 by Shahid Yusuf]</ref>


In the University Paper, ''Is China still Socialist'' by Khoo Heikoo, their research goes into detail of the market share of the economy. In 2010, at least 94% of all financial capital and revenue is owned by SOE's out of 150 largest companies in China.<ref>[https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/files/136790902/2018_Khoo_Heiko_1068757_ethesis.pdf Page 86, Is China still socialist? A Marxist critique of János Kornai’s analysis of China] - Khoo, Heikoo.</ref>  In the University paper, ''The Rise of the Investor State: State Capital in the Chinese Economy''  by Hao Chen and Meg Rithmere discusses how state shareholders can influence the private sector. With the overall ownership of investment firms in 2017 being 80.9% central state owned, 13.7% local state owned and only 4.67% being truly private. The paper also goes on to state:<ref>[https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s12116-020-09308-3 The Rise of the Investor State: State Capital in the Chinese Economy] - Hao Chen and Meg Rithmire</ref><blockquote>
In the University Paper, ''Is China still Socialist'' by Khoo Heikoo, their research goes into detail of the market share of the economy. In 2010, at least 94% of all financial capital and revenue is owned by SOE's out of 150 largest companies in China.<ref>[https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/files/136790902/2018_Khoo_Heiko_1068757_ethesis.pdf Page 86, Is China still socialist? A Marxist critique of János Kornai’s analysis of China] - Khoo, Heikoo.</ref>  In the University paper, ''The Rise of the Investor State: State Capital in the Chinese Economy''  by Hao Chen and Meg Rithmere discusses how state shareholders can influence the private sector. With the overall ownership of investment firms in 2017 being 80.9% central state owned, 13.7% local state owned and only 4.67% being truly private. The paper also goes on to state:<ref>[https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s12116-020-09308-3 The Rise of the Investor State: State Capital in the Chinese Economy] - Hao Chen and Meg Rithmire</ref><blockquote>


"The state’s role as owner of firms has narrowed to include a set of large, national champion firms at the central level, but the deployment of state capital has morphed form rather than abated. As we have shown, the state invests broadly in the private sector in a number of forms, a fact that complicates the “state versus private” dichotomy that has dominated the study of China’s political economy during the reform era. Further, the deployment of state capital into the wider economy has accompanied a change in the structure of the state; hundreds of shareholding firms, large and small and owned by local and central levels of the state, now interface extensively with private firms, can intervene with ease in stock markets, and appear to constitute new agents in the execution of the CCP’s overall economic policy."</blockquote>''The Ascendency of State-owned Enterprises in China: development, controversy and problems'' by Hong Yu also states:<ref>[http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10670564.2013.809990 Hong Yu (2014) The Ascendency of State-owned Enterprises in China: development, controversy and problems, Journal of Contemporary China], 23:85, 161-182, DOI: 10.1080/10670564.2013.809990</ref><blockquote>"In terms of total sales revenue of China’s top 100 enterprises in 2011, the SOEs accounted for around 90%. The state sector remains the driving force behind economic development in China. All the big commercial banks in China are SOEs. More importantly, given the fact that township and village enterprises (TVEs) owned by local governments belong to the state sector but are not regarded as SOEs,  and a large number of entities operating inside and outside of China are actually owned or controlled indirectly via SOEs’ subsidiaries, the true size of the SOEs is unknown. Their influence is far greater than official statistics suggest. Woetzel’s study also demonstrates that many firms, which were partially privatized but with the state remaining as a majority shareholder, have not been counted in the SOE category in official statistics."</blockquote>In terms of State Owned Enterprises, according to the book, ''The Logic of Economic Reform in China''  the following states that (units in Yuan/RMB):<blockquote>For the perspective of overall development of the state-owned enterprises, operating income of state-owned and state-held enterprises (excluding financial enterprises) increased from 10.73 trillion to 39.25 trillion with the annual increase of 17.6% from 2003 to 2011; total assets and owner’s equity were 85.37 trillion and 29.17 trillion, respectively 4.3 times and 3.5 times compared with those in 2003.<ref name=":21">[https://books.google.com.hk/books?id=rnT_CgAAQBAJ&pg=PA196&lpg=PA196&dq=Huang+Qunhui+(2013)+How+to+actively+develop+mixed-ownership+economy+in+New+Era.+Administration+Reform,+Dec+2013&source=bl&ots=WbA8hJmYTr&sig=ACfU3U34LWt5hyrz8GqLl5U5tcvwdrodpA&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwj35dS5q6CAAxWIAt4KHRhHBTIQ6AF6BAgcEAM#v=onepage&q=Huang%20Qunhui%20(2013)%20How%20to%20actively%20develop%20mixed-ownership%20economy%20in%20New%20Era.%20Administration%20Reform%2C%20Dec%202013&f=false The Logic of Economic reform in China - Xiaojing Zhang, Xin Chang] - Page 177</ref></blockquote>In 2012, the total assets held by the State sector in China amounted to 55.78% or 53% depending on the estimate used.<ref>The Basic Economic System of China by Changhong Pei, Chunxu Yang and Xinming Yang, page 24-25</ref> However, in comparison with European nations during the same time period, the total assets of eastern European nations  held by the state sector were around 13%. For the Netherlands, Italy, Spain, France, Belgium and Portugal, it was around 4.60%. For Ireland and the UK, even less than that number. For Austria and Germany, around 10.79%. For Scandinavia, it was 6.02%<ref>[https://www.researchgate.net/publication/344833099_State-Owned_Enterprises_Across_Europe_Stylized_Facts_from_a_Large_Firm-Level_Dataset State-Owned Enterprises Across Europe: Stylized Facts from a Large Firm-Level Dataset], by Bram De Lange and Bruno Merlevede, p 17</ref>
"The state’s role as owner of firms has narrowed to include a set of large, national champion firms at the central level, but the deployment of state capital has morphed form rather than abated. As we have shown, the state invests broadly in the private sector in a number of forms, a fact that complicates the “state versus private” dichotomy that has dominated the study of China’s political economy during the reform era. Further, the deployment of state capital into the wider economy has accompanied a change in the structure of the state; hundreds of shareholding firms, large and small and owned by local and central levels of the state, now interface extensively with private firms, can intervene with ease in stock markets, and appear to constitute new agents in the execution of the CCP’s overall economic policy."</blockquote>''The Ascendency of State-owned Enterprises in China: development, controversy and problems'' by Hong Yu also states:<ref>[http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10670564.2013.809990 Hong Yu (2014) The Ascendency of State-owned Enterprises in China: development, controversy and problems, Journal of Contemporary China], 23:85, 161-182, DOI: 10.1080/10670564.2013.809990</ref><blockquote>"In terms of total sales revenue of China’s top 100 enterprises in 2011, the SOEs accounted for around 90%. The state sector remains the driving force behind economic development in China. All the big commercial banks in China are SOEs. More importantly, given the fact that township and village enterprises (TVEs) owned by local governments belong to the state sector but are not regarded as SOEs,  and a large number of entities operating inside and outside of China are actually owned or controlled indirectly via SOEs’ subsidiaries, the true size of the SOEs is unknown. Their influence is far greater than official statistics suggest. Woetzel’s study also demonstrates that many firms, which were partially privatized but with the state remaining as a majority shareholder, have not been counted in the SOE category in official statistics."</blockquote>In 2014, China's top 500, 300 are SOEs, accounting for 60 percent. The operating revenues of these SOEs account for 79.9 percent of the total 56.68 trillion yuan, while total assets account for 91.2 percent, out of the total 176.4 trillion yuan. The total profit of these SOEs account for 83.9 percent out of the total 2.4 trillion yuan<ref>[http://www.china.org.cn/business/2014-09/03/content_33419397.htm China reveals new top 500 enterprises list] - Wang Zhiyong, China.org.cn</ref> In 2006, The report revealed that 349 enterprises in the list were state owned, accounting for nearly 70 percent of the total. Their combined assets reached 39 trillion yuan (4.87 trillion US dollars) at the end of 2005, accounting for 95 percent of the total. It showed that state-owned economy remained dominant and controls the leading industries in the national economy.<ref>[https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/bizchina/2006-09/03/content_680098_2.htm Top 500 account for 78% of China's GDP] - Biz.China, Xinhua.net</ref>
 
Another 2013 study found that, in the largest developing economies, total assets held by the state sector as a% of GDP, China had by far the largest. With Non financial State assets being 176% of GDP, for Brazil it was 51%, India it was 75%, Indonesia it was 19%, Russia it was 64% and South Africa it was 3%. <ref>[https://www.elibrary.imf.org/display/book/9781513539942/ch11.xml Modernizing China, Investing in Soft Infrastructure. Chapter 11 - IMF]</ref> In comparison, in 2015, Italian, Korean, Saudi Arabian and Norway's state owned assets did not reach more than 25% of GDP.<ref>[https://www.elibrary.imf.org/view/journals/002/2021/012/article-A002-en.xml People’s Republic of China: Selected Issues, Volume 2021, issue 12] - IMF</ref> In 2016, for SOEs in developing European economies, the number did not exceed 100% of GDP, the median being around roughly 45%.<ref>[https://www.ebrd.com/what-we-do/economic-research-and-data/cse-economists/economic-performance-soes-in-emerging-economies.html Economic performance of state-owned enterprises in emerging economies, A cross country study] - European Bank for Reconstruction and Development</ref>


In 2014, China's top 500, 300 are SOEs, accounting for 60 percent. The operating revenues of these SOEs account for 79.9 percent of the total 56.68 trillion yuan, while total assets account for 91.2 percent, out of the total 176.4 trillion yuan. The total profit of these SOEs account for 83.9 percent out of the total 2.4 trillion yuan<ref>[http://www.china.org.cn/business/2014-09/03/content_33419397.htm China reveals new top 500 enterprises list] - Wang Zhiyong, China.org.cn</ref> In 2006, The report revealed that 349 enterprises in the list were state owned, accounting for nearly 70 percent of the total. Their combined assets reached 39 trillion yuan (4.87 trillion US dollars) at the end of 2005, accounting for 95 percent of the total. It showed that state-owned economy remained dominant and controls the leading industries in the national economy.<ref>[https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/bizchina/2006-09/03/content_680098_2.htm Top 500 account for 78% of China's GDP] - Biz.China, Xinhua.net</ref>Even in the 1990s after Reform and Opening Up, the ''OECD Agricultural Outlook/June - July 1999'' discuss how the state maintains control of the agricultural sector<blockquote>“Before 1980, government central planning dominated domestic grain marketing. The government’s Grain Bureau purchased, transported, stored, milled, and retailed all grain leaving the farm. Then in the 1980’s and early 1990’s, open markets became increasingly important as the government was no longer the sole purchaser and many provinces began phasing out a ration system that allowed urban consumers to purchase grain at low fixed prices (AO March 1997). But current grain policy, initiated in 1998, '''led to a reversal of the use of open markets for domestic distribution and an increase in government intervention in grain production and marketing'''''.'' This relatively recent return to intervention in the domestic market has led to higher grain output and reduced demand for imports.”</blockquote>And then proceeds to state in ''OECD Agricultural Policy Reform in China 2005'' <ref>[https://www.oecd.org/china/oecdreviewofagriculturalpolicies-china.htm OECD Review of Agricultural Policies - China] ISBN: 9789264012608 </ref>p6 states <blockquote>“Total support to China’s agricultural sector reached USD 41 billion per year in 2000-2003 which is equivalent to 3.3% of China’s GDP in this period. This percentage is much higher than the OECD average and suggests a relatively high burden of agricultural support on the Chinese economy.”</blockquote>Agriculture in China whilst dominated by private family production units at the micro level is dominated by state purchase and distribution at the macro level. This ensures that China is able to feed itself and that supplies of essential grains reach the entire national consumer market. Imports and exports of grain are determined by the state and implemented by its organizations, thus contrary to appearances, Chinese agriculture is dominated by the state.
Even in the 1990s after Reform and Opening Up, the ''OECD Agricultural Outlook/June - July 1999'' discuss how the state maintains control of the agricultural sector<blockquote>“Before 1980, government central planning dominated domestic grain marketing. The government’s Grain Bureau purchased, transported, stored, milled, and retailed all grain leaving the farm. Then in the 1980’s and early 1990’s, open markets became increasingly important as the government was no longer the sole purchaser and many provinces began phasing out a ration system that allowed urban consumers to purchase grain at low fixed prices (AO March 1997). But current grain policy, initiated in 1998, '''led to a reversal of the use of open markets for domestic distribution and an increase in government intervention in grain production and marketing'''''.'' This relatively recent return to intervention in the domestic market has led to higher grain output and reduced demand for imports.”</blockquote>And then proceeds to state in ''OECD Agricultural Policy Reform in China 2005'' <ref>[https://www.oecd.org/china/oecdreviewofagriculturalpolicies-china.htm OECD Review of Agricultural Policies - China] ISBN: 9789264012608 </ref>p6 states <blockquote>“Total support to China’s agricultural sector reached USD 41 billion per year in 2000-2003 which is equivalent to 3.3% of China’s GDP in this period. This percentage is much higher than the OECD average and suggests a relatively high burden of agricultural support on the Chinese economy.”</blockquote>Agriculture in China whilst dominated by private family production units at the micro level is dominated by state purchase and distribution at the macro level. This ensures that China is able to feed itself and that supplies of essential grains reach the entire national consumer market. Imports and exports of grain are determined by the state and implemented by its organizations, thus contrary to appearances, Chinese agriculture is dominated by the state.


And in 2009, Derrick Scissors of the Heritage Foundation lays the issue to rest in an article called “Liberalization in Reverse.” He writes:<blockquote>"Examining what companies are truly private is important because privatization is often confused with the spreading out of shareholding and the sale of minority stakes. In China, 100 percent state ownership is often diluted by the division of ownership into shares, some of which are made available to nonstate actors, such as foreign companies or other private investors. Nearly two-thirds of the state-owned enterprises and subsidiaries in China have undertaken such changes, leading some foreign observers to relabel these firms as “nonstate” or even “private.” But this reclassification is incorrect. The sale of stock does nothing by itself to alter state control: dozens of enterprises are no less state controlled simply because they are listed on foreign stock exchanges. As a practical matter, three-quarters of the roughly 1,500 companies listed as domestic stocks are still state owned. "<ref name=":10">[https://www.heritage.org/global-politics/commentary/liberalization-reverse Derek Scissors, Ph.D. “Liberalization in Reverse,” May 4, 2009, Published by The Heritage Foundation]</ref> </blockquote>He also goes onto further elaborate sectors of the economy that the CPC have not once relinquished public ownership of key sectors of industry. <blockquote>"No matter their shareholding structure, all national corporations in the sectors that make up the core of the Chinese economy are required by law to be owned or controlled by the state. These sectors include power generation and distribution; oil, coal, petrochemicals, and natural gas; telecommunications; armaments; Aviation and shipping; machinery and automobile production; information technologies; construction; and the production of iron, steel, and nonferrous metals. The railroads, grain distribution, and insurance are also dominated by the state, even if no official edict says so."<ref name=":10" /></blockquote>The way the shareholding model is enforced is through the usage of what is known as the State-owned Assets Supervision and Administration Commission of the State Council or the SASAC which oversees China's state owned enterprises and state investment companies.
And in 2009, Derrick Scissors of the Heritage Foundation lays the issue to rest in an article called “Liberalization in Reverse.” He writes:<blockquote>"Examining what companies are truly private is important because privatization is often confused with the spreading out of shareholding and the sale of minority stakes. In China, 100 percent state ownership is often diluted by the division of ownership into shares, some of which are made available to nonstate actors, such as foreign companies or other private investors. Nearly two-thirds of the state-owned enterprises and subsidiaries in China have undertaken such changes, leading some foreign observers to relabel these firms as “nonstate” or even “private.” But this reclassification is incorrect. The sale of stock does nothing by itself to alter state control: dozens of enterprises are no less state controlled simply because they are listed on foreign stock exchanges. As a practical matter, three-quarters of the roughly 1,500 companies listed as domestic stocks are still state owned. "<ref name=":10">[https://www.heritage.org/global-politics/commentary/liberalization-reverse Derek Scissors, Ph.D. “Liberalization in Reverse,” May 4, 2009, Published by The Heritage Foundation]</ref> </blockquote>He also goes onto further elaborate sectors of the economy that the CPC have not once relinquished public ownership of key sectors of industry. <blockquote>"No matter their shareholding structure, all national corporations in the sectors that make up the core of the Chinese economy are required by law to be owned or controlled by the state. These sectors include power generation and distribution; oil, coal, petrochemicals, and natural gas; telecommunications; armaments; Aviation and shipping; machinery and automobile production; information technologies; construction; and the production of iron, steel, and nonferrous metals. The railroads, grain distribution, and insurance are also dominated by the state, even if no official edict says so."<ref name=":10" /></blockquote>Another way the CPC retains public ownership is through the banking system. The People’s Bank of China (PBC) highlights one of the most important ways in which the CPC uses the market system to control private capital and subordinate it to socialism. Far from functioning as a capitalist national bank, which prioritizes facilitating the accumulation of capital by the bourgeoisie, “this system frustrates private borrowers.”<ref name=":10" /> <blockquote>"the state exercises control over most of the rest of the economy through the financial system, especially the banks. By the end of 2008, outstanding loans amounted to almost $5 trillion, and annual loan growth was almost 19 percent and accelerating; lending, in other words, is probably China’s principal economic force. The Chinese state owns all the large financial institutions, the People’s Bank of China assigns them loan quotas every year, and lending is directed according to the state’s priorities."</blockquote>The CPC floods the market with public bonds, which has a crowding-out effect on private corporate bonds that firms use to raise independent capital. This also renders state bonds far more valuable than private bonds and the credit deterioration of non-state bonds is worse than state bonds. State Owned Enterprises receive much more preferential treatment from the government due to this model of flooding state bonds and far more valuable bonds into the market, with comparable private bonds declining in terms of value and being unable to compete. In 2018, this is clearly demonstrated after the implementation of more regulations on the shadow banking market, leading to investors flocking towards much more valuable State bonds over private ones. This inevitably creates a feed back look where state bonds have a "premium" and are objectively more valuable than private ones.<ref>[https://en.saif.sjtu.edu.cn/junpan/Credit.pdf The SOE Premium and Government Support in China’s Credit Marke]t - Zhe Geng and Jun Pan - November 29, 2022</ref> By harnessing supply and demand in the bond market, the PBC prevents private firms, domestic or foreign, from accumulating capital independently of socialist management.  
 
Another way the CPC retains public ownership is through the banking system. The People’s Bank of China (PBC) highlights one of the most important ways in which the CPC uses the market system to control private capital and subordinate it to socialism. Far from functioning as a capitalist national bank, which prioritizes facilitating the accumulation of capital by the bourgeoisie, “this system frustrates private borrowers.”<ref name=":10" /> <blockquote>"the state exercises control over most of the rest of the economy through the financial system, especially the banks. By the end of 2008, outstanding loans amounted to almost $5 trillion, and annual loan growth was almost 19 percent and accelerating; lending, in other words, is probably China’s principal economic force. The Chinese state owns all the large financial institutions, the People’s Bank of China assigns them loan quotas every year, and lending is directed according to the state’s priorities."</blockquote>The CPC floods the market with public bonds, which has a crowding-out effect on private corporate bonds that firms use to raise independent capital. This also renders state bonds far more valuable than private bonds and the credit deterioration of non-state bonds is worse than state bonds. State Owned Enterprises receive much more preferential treatment from the government due to this model of flooding state bonds and far more valuable bonds into the market, with comparable private bonds declining in terms of value and being unable to compete. In 2018, this is clearly demonstrated after the implementation of more regulations on the shadow banking market, leading to investors flocking towards much more valuable State bonds over private ones. This inevitably creates a feed back look where state bonds have a "premium" and are objectively more valuable than private ones.<ref>[https://en.saif.sjtu.edu.cn/junpan/Credit.pdf The SOE Premium and Government Support in China’s Credit Marke]t - Zhe Geng and Jun Pan - November 29, 2022</ref> By harnessing supply and demand in the bond market, the PBC prevents private firms, domestic or foreign, from accumulating capital independently of socialist management.  


Although modern China has an expansive market system, the CPC uses the market to both secure and advance socialism. Rather than privatizing major industries, as is often alleged by detractors, the state maintains a vibrant system of socialist public ownership that prevents the rise of an independent bourgeoisie.
Although modern China has an expansive market system, the CPC uses the market to both secure and advance socialism. Rather than privatizing major industries, as is often alleged by detractors, the state maintains a vibrant system of socialist public ownership that prevents the rise of an independent bourgeoisie.
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Malnutrition has continued to decline massively in China over the last several decades. According to the University of Oxford's Our World in Data project, China now has a lower rate of death from malnutrition than the United States,<ref>Our World in Data. ''[https://ourworldindata.org/grapher/malnutrition-death-rates?tab=chart&country=CHN~USA Death rate from malnutrition, 1990 to 2017].''</ref> as well as a lower rate of extreme poverty, despite having a significantly lower GDP-per-capita.<ref>Our World in Data. ''[https://ourworldindata.org/grapher/share-of-the-population-living-in-extreme-poverty?tab=chart&time=1990..latest&country=CHN~USA&region=World Share of the population living in extreme poverty, 1990 to 2016]''</ref>
Malnutrition has continued to decline massively in China over the last several decades. According to the University of Oxford's Our World in Data project, China now has a lower rate of death from malnutrition than the United States,<ref>Our World in Data. ''[https://ourworldindata.org/grapher/malnutrition-death-rates?tab=chart&country=CHN~USA Death rate from malnutrition, 1990 to 2017].''</ref> as well as a lower rate of extreme poverty, despite having a significantly lower GDP-per-capita.<ref>Our World in Data. ''[https://ourworldindata.org/grapher/share-of-the-population-living-in-extreme-poverty?tab=chart&time=1990..latest&country=CHN~USA&region=World Share of the population living in extreme poverty, 1990 to 2016]''</ref>
China's domestic population share suffering under Global Multidimensional poverty fell from 9.47% in 2010 to 4.21% in 2014 and fell to 3.9% in 2023. Lack of clean drinking water, malnutrition and use of solid cooking fuel are the largest contributors.<ref>'''[https://ophi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/CB_CHN_2023.pdf Global MPI Country Briefing 2023: China (East Asia and the Pacific)]'''  By Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative</ref>


Economic growth has also increased dramatically. According to a study from the National Bureau of Economic Research, "reforms yielded a significant growth and structural transformation differential. GDP growth is 4.2 percentage points higher and the share of the labor force in agriculture is 23.9 percentage points lower compared with the continuation of the pre-1978 policies."<ref>{{Citation|title=The Economy of People’s Republic of China from 1953|year=2015|author=Anton Cheremukhin, Mikhail Golosov, Sergei Guriev, Aleh Tsyvinski|publisher=National Bureau of Economic Research|doi=10.3386/w21397}}</ref>
Economic growth has also increased dramatically. According to a study from the National Bureau of Economic Research, "reforms yielded a significant growth and structural transformation differential. GDP growth is 4.2 percentage points higher and the share of the labor force in agriculture is 23.9 percentage points lower compared with the continuation of the pre-1978 policies."<ref>{{Citation|title=The Economy of People’s Republic of China from 1953|year=2015|author=Anton Cheremukhin, Mikhail Golosov, Sergei Guriev, Aleh Tsyvinski|publisher=National Bureau of Economic Research|doi=10.3386/w21397}}</ref>
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=== Foreign relations ===
=== Foreign relations ===
In 2021, China signed a 25-year cooperation agreement with the [[Islamic Republic of Iran]].<ref name=":8" />
In 2021, China signed a 25-year cooperation agreement with the [[Islamic Republic of Iran]].<ref name=":8" />
== Demographics ==
=== Religion ===
{| class="wikitable"
|+Religions by population<ref name=":03">{{Citation|author=Central Committee of the Communist Party of China|year=1982|title=The Basic Viewpoint and Policy on the Religious Question during Our Country's Socialist Period|title-url=https://redsails.org/on-the-question-of-religion/|pdf=https://www.globaleast.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Document_no._19_1982.pdf}}</ref>
!Religion
!Introduction to China
!Followers (1949)
!Followers (1982)
!Religious professionals (1982)
|-
|[[Buddhism]]
|c. 1 CE
|
|
|27,000
|-
|[[Daoism]]
|c. 300 CE
|
|
|2,600
|-
|[[Islam]]
|c. 700 CE
|8,000,000
|10,000,000
|20,000
|-
|[[Protestantism]]
|c. 1840
|700,000
|3,000,000
|5,900
|-
|[[Catholicism]]
|c. 1840
|2,700,000
|3,000,000
|3,400
|}
After the revolution, China separated its domestic [[Christianity|Christian]] churches from Europe to stop them from being tools of imperialism.<ref name=":03" />


==Debunking myths==
==Debunking myths==
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China is often accused of being an "imperialist" state, due primarily to its investments in [[Africa]], as part of the Belt and Road Initiative. These critics ignore the actual views of the African people themselves, who overwhelmingly approve of China's role in their economic development.<ref>{{Web citation|title=Africans approve of China, says Afrobarometer|publisher=Deutsche Welle|date=2016|url=https://www.dw.com/en/africans-approve-of-china-says-afrobarometer/a-36214106}}</ref> In addition, the extent of Chinese involvement in Africa is smaller than often believed; according to a 2019 paper from the Center for Economic Policy Research, "China’s influence in Africa is much smaller than is generally believed, though its engagement on the continent is increasing. Chinese investment in Africa, while less extensive than often assumed, has the potential to generate jobs and development on the continent."<ref>{{Citation|title=Chinese investment in Africa: How much do we know?|author=Deborah Brautigam, Xinshen Diao, Margaret McMillan, Jed Silver|publisher=Private Enterprise Development in Low Income Countries|title-url=https://pedl.cepr.org/publications/chinese-investment-africa-how-much-do-we-know-0|series=Policy Insight Series|pdf=https://pedl.cepr.org/sites/default/files/PEDL%20Policy%20Insights%20Series%20-%20No.3_0.pdf}}</ref>
China is often accused of being an "imperialist" state, due primarily to its investments in [[Africa]], as part of the Belt and Road Initiative. These critics ignore the actual views of the African people themselves, who overwhelmingly approve of China's role in their economic development.<ref>{{Web citation|title=Africans approve of China, says Afrobarometer|publisher=Deutsche Welle|date=2016|url=https://www.dw.com/en/africans-approve-of-china-says-afrobarometer/a-36214106}}</ref> In addition, the extent of Chinese involvement in Africa is smaller than often believed; according to a 2019 paper from the Center for Economic Policy Research, "China’s influence in Africa is much smaller than is generally believed, though its engagement on the continent is increasing. Chinese investment in Africa, while less extensive than often assumed, has the potential to generate jobs and development on the continent."<ref>{{Citation|title=Chinese investment in Africa: How much do we know?|author=Deborah Brautigam, Xinshen Diao, Margaret McMillan, Jed Silver|publisher=Private Enterprise Development in Low Income Countries|title-url=https://pedl.cepr.org/publications/chinese-investment-africa-how-much-do-we-know-0|series=Policy Insight Series|pdf=https://pedl.cepr.org/sites/default/files/PEDL%20Policy%20Insights%20Series%20-%20No.3_0.pdf}}</ref>


It is also noted that in a 2005 presentation to the Congressional U.S.-China Commission, U.S. State Department official Princeton Lyman assessed how China’s model of socialist state loans don’t serve the function of profit, stating that:<blockquote>China utilizes a variety of instruments to advance its interest in ways that western nations can only envy. Most of China’s investments are through state-owned companies, whose individual investments do not have to be profitable if they serve overall Chinese objectives. Thus the representative of China’s state-owned construction company in Ethiopia could reveal that he was instructed by Beijing to bid low on various tenders, without regard for profit. China’s long term objective in Ethiopia is in access to future natural resource investments, not in construction business profits.</blockquote>A 2018 study in the ''Review of Development Finance'' also found that Chinese investment in Africa raises incomes in the African nations that receive the investment, in a similar way to foreign investments by other nations. The author state that these results "suggest that the win-win deal China claims when investing in Africa may hold, and Chinese investment contributes to growth in Africa. Put differently, Chinese investment is mutually beneficial for both China and Africa."<ref>{{Citation|title=On the importance of Chinese investment in Africa.|year=2018|author=Ficawoyi Donou-Adonsou, Sokchea Lim|publisher=Review of Development Finance|doi=10.1016/j.rdf.2018.05.003}}</ref>
A 2018 study in the ''Review of Development Finance'' also found that Chinese investment in Africa raises incomes in the African nations that receive the investment, in a similar way to foreign investments by other nations. The author state that these results "suggest that the win-win deal China claims when investing in Africa may hold, and Chinese investment contributes to growth in Africa. Put differently, Chinese investment is mutually beneficial for both China and Africa."<ref>{{Citation|title=On the importance of Chinese investment in Africa.|year=2018|author=Ficawoyi Donou-Adonsou, Sokchea Lim|publisher=Review of Development Finance|doi=10.1016/j.rdf.2018.05.003}}</ref>
 
Another 2018 study found that in general, that Chinese development projects in general, and Chinese transportation projects in particular, reduce economic inequality within and between regions. These results suggest that Chinese investments in “connective infrastructure” produce positive economic spillovers that flatten the spatial distribution of economic activity. To the extent that China is helping developing countries escape inefficient spatial equilibria in which most economic activity concentrates in a small number of urban centers and gravitates away from rural towns and village. However, that China’s “aid on demand” approach is vulnerable to domestic political manipulation in that government leaders in recipient countries steer Chinese aid to their home and ethnic regions.<ref>[https://docs.aiddata.org/ad4/pdfs/WPS64_Connective_Financing_Chinese_Infrastructure_Projects_and_the_Diffusion_of_Economic_Activity_in_Developing_Countries.pdf '''Connective Financing: Chinese Infrastructure Projects and the Diffusion of Economic Activity in Developing Countries''' By Richard Blum et Al, page 30-31]</ref>
 
And in a 2022 study studying 2009 Chinese trade relations, it found that the exports from Sub-Saharan Africa to the advanced economies exhibit the same pattern, namely, embodying a significant amount of transfer value to the advanced countries. On the other hand, exports from Sub-Saharan Africa to China do not embody significant amounts of transfer value. In other words, Sub-Saharan Africa’s trade with China (in 2009) is fairly equitable.<ref>[https://www.researchgate.net/publication/359145830_Estimating_Unequal_Exchange_Sub-Saharan_Africa_to_China_and_the_World '''Estimating Unequal Exchange: Sub-Saharan Africa to China and the World'''  By Gernot Kohler]</ref>


Despite the Western media accusing China of "debt trap diplomacy," China gives loans at low interest rates and often allows countries to restructure or even never repay loans, unlike the [[Neocolonialism|neocolonial]] [[International Monetary Fund|IMF]].<ref name=":9">{{Web citation|author=Amanda Yee|newspaper=[[Liberation News]]|title=Why Chinese ‘debt trap diplomacy’ is a lie|date=2022-12-19|url=https://www.liberationnews.org/why-chinese-debt-trap-diplomacy-is-a-lie/|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221220062314/https://www.liberationnews.org/why-chinese-debt-trap-diplomacy-is-a-lie/|archive-date=2022-12-20|retrieved=2022-12-23}}</ref> China has forgiven tens of billions of dollars of debt held by African countries.<ref>{{Web citation|author=Shang Guan Jie Wen|newspaper=China and the New World|title=China Forgives Tens of Billions of Dollars in Debt for Africa|date=2022-02-23|url=https://chinaandthenewworld.wordpress.com/2022/02/23/china-forgives-debt-in-africa-in-massive-amounts/|archive-url=https://web.archiRemove.org/web/20220223061528/https://chinaandthenewworld.wordpress.com/2022/02/23/china-forgives-debt-in-africa-in-massive-amounts/|archive-date=2022-02-23|retrieved=2022-05-10}}</ref> It has also forgiven 23 interest-free loans to 17 different countries.<ref name=":9" />
Despite the Western media accusing China of "debt trap diplomacy," China gives loans at low interest rates and often allows countries to restructure or even never repay loans, unlike the [[Neocolonialism|neocolonial]] [[International Monetary Fund|IMF]].<ref name=":9">{{Web citation|author=Amanda Yee|newspaper=[[Liberation News]]|title=Why Chinese ‘debt trap diplomacy’ is a lie|date=2022-12-19|url=https://www.liberationnews.org/why-chinese-debt-trap-diplomacy-is-a-lie/|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221220062314/https://www.liberationnews.org/why-chinese-debt-trap-diplomacy-is-a-lie/|archive-date=2022-12-20|retrieved=2022-12-23}}</ref> China has forgiven tens of billions of dollars of debt held by African countries.<ref>{{Web citation|author=Shang Guan Jie Wen|newspaper=China and the New World|title=China Forgives Tens of Billions of Dollars in Debt for Africa|date=2022-02-23|url=https://chinaandthenewworld.wordpress.com/2022/02/23/china-forgives-debt-in-africa-in-massive-amounts/|archive-url=https://web.archiRemove.org/web/20220223061528/https://chinaandthenewworld.wordpress.com/2022/02/23/china-forgives-debt-in-africa-in-massive-amounts/|archive-date=2022-02-23|retrieved=2022-05-10}}</ref> It has also forgiven 23 interest-free loans to 17 different countries.<ref name=":9" />
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[[Meta Platforms, Inc.|Facebook]] was allowed in China up until the deadly 2009 riots in Xinjiang.<ref>{{Web citation|author=Uncredited|newspaper=Tech Crunch|title=China Blocks Access To Twitter, Facebook After Riots|date=2009-07-07|url=https://techcrunch.com/2009/07/07/china-blocks-access-to-twitter-facebook-after-riots/|retrieved=2023-03-27}}</ref> In the bigger picture, this is a response to the terroristic behavior of the [[National Endowment for Democracy|NED]].<ref>{{Web citation|author=christineb|newspaper=National Endowment for Democracy|title=UYGHUR HUMAN RIGHTS POLICY ACT BUILDS ON WORK OF NED GRANTEES|date=2020-05-29|url=https://www.ned.org/uyghur-human-rights-policy-act-builds-on-work-of-ned-grantees/|retrieved=2023-27-03}}</ref> Much like how [[Western censorship|communists are censored]] in the west, China is defending itself against the common [[imperialism|imperialist]] tactic of [[color revolution]]. In the same vein, [[Vladimir Lenin]] stated: <blockquote>All over the world, wherever there are capitalists, freedom of the press means freedom to buy up newspapers, to buy writers, to bribe, buy and fake ‘public opinion’ for the benefit of the bourgeoisie. This is a fact. No one will ever be able to refute it… The bourgeoisie (all over the world) is still very much stronger than we are. To place in its hands yet another weapon like freedom of political organization (= freedom of the press, for the press is the core and foundation of political organization) means facilitating the enemy’s task, means helping the class enemy. We have no wish to commit suicide, and therefore, we will not do this. We clearly see this fact: ‘freedom of the press’ means in practice that the international bourgeoisie will immediately buy up hundreds and thousands of Cadet, SocialistRevolutionary and Menshevik writers, and will organize their propaganda and fight against us. That is a fact. ‘They’ are richer than we are and will buy a ‘force’ ten times larger than we have, to fight us. No, we will not do it; we will not help the international bourgeoisie. How could you descend from a class appraisal-from the appraisal of the relations between all classes-to the sentimental, philistine appraisal? This is a mystery to me… Freedom of the press will help the force of the world bourgeoisie. That is a fact, ‘Freedom of the press’ will not help to purge the Communist Party in Russia of a number of its weaknesses… because this is not what the world bourgeoisie wants. But freedom of the press will be a weapon in the hands of this world bourgeoisie.<ref>{{Citation|author=Vladimir Lenin|year=1965|title=V. I. Lenin: Collected Works|page=505-506|pdf=http://www.marx2mao.com/PDFs/Lenin%20CW-Vol.%2032-TC.pdf|city=Moscow|publisher=Progress Publishers|volume=32}}</ref> </blockquote>
[[Meta Platforms, Inc.|Facebook]] was allowed in China up until the deadly 2009 riots in Xinjiang.<ref>{{Web citation|author=Uncredited|newspaper=Tech Crunch|title=China Blocks Access To Twitter, Facebook After Riots|date=2009-07-07|url=https://techcrunch.com/2009/07/07/china-blocks-access-to-twitter-facebook-after-riots/|retrieved=2023-03-27}}</ref> In the bigger picture, this is a response to the terroristic behavior of the [[National Endowment for Democracy|NED]].<ref>{{Web citation|author=christineb|newspaper=National Endowment for Democracy|title=UYGHUR HUMAN RIGHTS POLICY ACT BUILDS ON WORK OF NED GRANTEES|date=2020-05-29|url=https://www.ned.org/uyghur-human-rights-policy-act-builds-on-work-of-ned-grantees/|retrieved=2023-27-03}}</ref> Much like how [[Western censorship|communists are censored]] in the west, China is defending itself against the common [[imperialism|imperialist]] tactic of [[color revolution]]. In the same vein, [[Vladimir Lenin]] stated: <blockquote>All over the world, wherever there are capitalists, freedom of the press means freedom to buy up newspapers, to buy writers, to bribe, buy and fake ‘public opinion’ for the benefit of the bourgeoisie. This is a fact. No one will ever be able to refute it… The bourgeoisie (all over the world) is still very much stronger than we are. To place in its hands yet another weapon like freedom of political organization (= freedom of the press, for the press is the core and foundation of political organization) means facilitating the enemy’s task, means helping the class enemy. We have no wish to commit suicide, and therefore, we will not do this. We clearly see this fact: ‘freedom of the press’ means in practice that the international bourgeoisie will immediately buy up hundreds and thousands of Cadet, SocialistRevolutionary and Menshevik writers, and will organize their propaganda and fight against us. That is a fact. ‘They’ are richer than we are and will buy a ‘force’ ten times larger than we have, to fight us. No, we will not do it; we will not help the international bourgeoisie. How could you descend from a class appraisal-from the appraisal of the relations between all classes-to the sentimental, philistine appraisal? This is a mystery to me… Freedom of the press will help the force of the world bourgeoisie. That is a fact, ‘Freedom of the press’ will not help to purge the Communist Party in Russia of a number of its weaknesses… because this is not what the world bourgeoisie wants. But freedom of the press will be a weapon in the hands of this world bourgeoisie.<ref>{{Citation|author=Vladimir Lenin|year=1965|title=V. I. Lenin: Collected Works|page=505-506|pdf=http://www.marx2mao.com/PDFs/Lenin%20CW-Vol.%2032-TC.pdf|city=Moscow|publisher=Progress Publishers|volume=32}}</ref> </blockquote>


===Abandoning of Marxism/Capitalist restoration===
===Abandoning of Marxism===
[[File:Marx_poster_in_Beijing.jpg|thumb|A poster in Beijing that reads "Never forget our roots. Marxism was here in China's early days"|alt=]]
[[File:Marx_poster_in_Beijing.jpg|thumb|A poster in Beijing that reads "Never forget our roots. Marxism was here in China's early days"|alt=]]
In 2020, Xi Jinping gave a speech to the Politburo of the Communist Party of China, in which he made clear the continued importance that the CPC places on Marxist political economy. To quote:<blockquote>Marxist political economy is an important component of Marxism, and required learning for our efforts to uphold and develop Marxism. [...] There are people who believe Marxist political economy and ''Das Kapital'' are obsolete, but this is an arbitrary and erroneous judgment. Setting aside more distant events and looking at just the period since the global financial crisis, we can see that many capitalist countries have remained in an economic slump, with serious unemployment problems, intensifying polarization, and deepening social divides. The facts tell us that the contradictions between the socialization of production and the private possession of the means of production still exist, but they are manifested in ways and show characteristics that are somewhat different.<ref>{{Citation|title=Opening up new frontiers for Marxist political economy in contemporary China|year=2015|author=Xi Jinping|publisher=Qiushi Journal|title-url=https://en.qstheory.cn/2020-11/08/c_560906.htm|trans-lang=Chinese}}</ref></blockquote>He goes on to list a number of principles guiding the implementation of Marxist political economy in the PRC:<blockquote>First, we must uphold a people-centered approach to development. Development is for the people; this is the fundamental position of Marxist political economy. [...] Second, we must uphold the new development philosophy. Third, we must uphold and improve our basic socialist economic system. According to Marxist political economy, ownership of the means of production is the core of the relations of production, and this determines a society's fundamental nature and the orientation of its development. Since reform and opening up... we have stressed the importance of continuing to make public ownership the mainstay while allowing ownership of other forms to develop side by side, and made it clear that both the public and non-public sectors are important components of the socialist market economy as well as crucial foundations for our nation's economic and social development. [...] Fourth, we must uphold and improve our basic socialist distribution system. [...] Fifth, we must uphold reforms to develop the socialist market economy. [...] Sixth, we must uphold the fundamental national policy of opening up.</blockquote>From this, it should be quite clear that Marxism (specifically Marxism–Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought) retains a dominant role in the People's Republic of China, serving as the guiding ideology of the Communist Party.
In 2020, Xi Jinping gave a speech to the Politburo of the Communist Party of China, in which he made clear the continued importance that the CPC places on Marxist political economy. To quote:<blockquote>Marxist political economy is an important component of Marxism, and required learning for our efforts to uphold and develop Marxism. [...] There are people who believe Marxist political economy and ''Das Kapital'' are obsolete, but this is an arbitrary and erroneous judgment. Setting aside more distant events and looking at just the period since the global financial crisis, we can see that many capitalist countries have remained in an economic slump, with serious unemployment problems, intensifying polarization, and deepening social divides. The facts tell us that the contradictions between the socialization of production and the private possession of the means of production still exist, but they are manifested in ways and show characteristics that are somewhat different.<ref>{{Citation|title=Opening up new frontiers for Marxist political economy in contemporary China|year=2015|author=Xi Jinping|publisher=Qiushi Journal|title-url=https://en.qstheory.cn/2020-11/08/c_560906.htm|trans-lang=Chinese}}</ref></blockquote>He goes on to list a number of principles guiding the implementation of Marxist political economy in the PRC:<blockquote>First, we must uphold a people-centered approach to development. Development is for the people; this is the fundamental position of Marxist political economy. [...] Second, we must uphold the new development philosophy. Third, we must uphold and improve our basic socialist economic system. According to Marxist political economy, ownership of the means of production is the core of the relations of production, and this determines a society's fundamental nature and the orientation of its development. Since reform and opening up... we have stressed the importance of continuing to make public ownership the mainstay while allowing ownership of other forms to develop side by side, and made it clear that both the public and non-public sectors are important components of the socialist market economy as well as crucial foundations for our nation's economic and social development. [...] Fourth, we must uphold and improve our basic socialist distribution system. [...] Fifth, we must uphold reforms to develop the socialist market economy. [...] Sixth, we must uphold the fundamental national policy of opening up.</blockquote>From this, it should be quite clear that Marxism (specifically Marxism–Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought) retains a dominant role in the People's Republic of China, serving as the guiding ideology of the Communist Party.
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Other LGBT documentaries:
Other LGBT documentaries:


* [https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d67544e3230575a306c5562684a335a764a4855/share_p.html LGBT in China: Coming Out with Chinese Characteristics] by [[China Global Television Network|CGTN]]
[https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d67544e3230575a306c5562684a335a764a4855/share_p.html LGBT in China: Coming Out with Chinese Characteristics] by [[China Global Television Network|CGTN]]
* [https://youtu.be/doAh4ZhGhsY Gay Leap Forward: LGBT in China] by [[China Global Television Network|CGTN]]
* [https://youtu.be/NFarMuDa6GQ Being True to Yourself: LGBT in China] by [[China Global Television Network|CGTN]]


In May 2023, the Beijing LGBT Center announced that it was shutting down, citing "forces beyond our control". Western bourgeois media portrayed this as an attack on LGBT rights by Xi Jinping's regime.<ref>[[Huizhong Wu]] (2023-05-23).: [https://apnews.com/article/china-beijing-lgbt-center-shutdown-a5643c680e1faf5c8a7a7d9bdd627d6f "Beijing LGBT Center shuttered as crackdown grows in China"]. [[Associated Press|''Associated Press'']]. [https://web.archive.org/web/20230601074330/https://apnews.com/article/china-beijing-lgbt-center-shutdown-a5643c680e1faf5c8a7a7d9bdd627d6f Archived] from the original on 2023-06-01. Retrieved 2024-04-03.</ref> It is unclear why exactly the Center shut down, though it is worth noting that one of its cofounders, [[Wan Yanhai]], was a fellow of the National Endowment for Democracy (NED),<ref>[https://www.ned.org/fellows/mr-yanhai-wan/ "Mr. Yanhai Wan"] (dead link). [[National Endowment for Democracy]]. [https://web.archive.org/web/20190818163717/https://www.ned.org/fellows/mr-yanhai-wan/ Archived] from the original on 2019-08-18. Retrieved 2024-04-03.</ref> a CIA front group which has made itself an enemy of the Chinese government.<ref>[https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/zxxx_662805/202205/t20220507_10683090.html "Fact Sheet on the National Endowment for Democracy"] (2022-05-07). Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China. Retrieved 2024-04-03.</ref><ref>[[Gerry Shih|Shih, Gerry]] (2019-12-02).: [https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/asia-pacific/china-announces-sanctions-against-us-based-nonprofits-in-response-to-congresss-hong-kong-legislation/2019/12/02/9f414616-14e0-11ea-80d6-d0ca7007273f_story.html "China announces sanctions against U.S.-based nonprofit groups in response to Congress's Hong Kong legislation"]. [[The Washington Times|''The Washington Times'']]. [https://web.archive.org/web/20191202134131/https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/asia-pacific/china-announces-sanctions-against-us-based-nonprofits-in-response-to-congresss-hong-kong-legislation/2019/12/02/9f414616-14e0-11ea-80d6-d0ca7007273f_story.html Archived] from the original on 2019-12-02. Retrieved 2024-04-03.</ref>
[https://youtu.be/doAh4ZhGhsY Gay Leap Forward: LGBT in China] by [[China Global Television Network|CGTN]]


== See also ==
[https://youtu.be/NFarMuDa6GQ Being True to Yourself: LGBT in China] by [[China Global Television Network|CGTN]]
 
== See Also ==


* [[Socialism with Chinese Characteristics]]
* [[Socialism with Chinese Characteristics]]
* [[Reform and Opening Up]]
* [[Reform and Opening Up]]
* [[Socialist market economy]]
* [[Socialist market economy]]
== Further reading ==
* [[:Category:Library works about China|All library works about China]]
* [[:Category:Library documents from China|All library works from China]]
=== Economy ===
* ''[[Library:The Basic Economic System of China|The Basic Economic System of China]]''
=== Government ===
* ''[[Library:The governance of China|The Governance of China]]'' ([[Xi Jinping]])
* ''[[Library:Marxism and Socialism with Chinese Characteristics|Marxism and Socialism with Chinese Characteristics]]''
=== History ===
* ''[[Library:A Concise History of the Communist Party of China|A Concise History of the Communist Party of China]]'' (1900–present)
* ''[[Library:An Outline History of China|An Outline History of China]]'' (pre-1949)


==References==
==References==
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[[Category:Countries targeted by imperialist aggression]]
[[Category:Countries targeted by imperialist aggression]]
[[Category:Asian countries]]
[[Category:Asian countries]]
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