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Over 120 languages are spoken in Tanzania. [[Kiswahili]] (also called Swahili) is the national language.<ref>[https://www.de.tzembassy.go.tz/tanzania/category/people-and-culture "People and Culture."] Tanzania Embassy in Berlin, Germany. [https://web.archive.org/web/20240517081252/https://www.de.tzembassy.go.tz/tanzania/category/people-and-culture Archived] 2024-05-17.</ref> Tanzania is also religiously diverse, with [[Christianity]] and [[Islam]] being the most prevalent religions, along with communities practicing traditional belief systems and other major world religions. The populations of Zanzibar and [[Pemba]] are predominantly Muslim.<ref>{{Web citation|newspaper=Exploring Africa|title=Module Twenty Six, Activity One: Introducing Tanzania; its History, Geography, and Cultures|url=https://exploringafrica.matrix.msu.edu/curriculum/unit-five/module-twenty-six/module-twenty-six-activity-one-2/}}</ref>  
Over 120 languages are spoken in Tanzania. [[Kiswahili]] (also called Swahili) is the national language.<ref>[https://www.de.tzembassy.go.tz/tanzania/category/people-and-culture "People and Culture."] Tanzania Embassy in Berlin, Germany. [https://web.archive.org/web/20240517081252/https://www.de.tzembassy.go.tz/tanzania/category/people-and-culture Archived] 2024-05-17.</ref> Tanzania is also religiously diverse, with [[Christianity]] and [[Islam]] being the most prevalent religions, along with communities practicing traditional belief systems and other major world religions. The populations of Zanzibar and [[Pemba]] are predominantly Muslim.<ref>{{Web citation|newspaper=Exploring Africa|title=Module Twenty Six, Activity One: Introducing Tanzania; its History, Geography, and Cultures|url=https://exploringafrica.matrix.msu.edu/curriculum/unit-five/module-twenty-six/module-twenty-six-activity-one-2/}}</ref>  


Tanzania is the location of one of the largest volcanos in the world and the highest point in [[Africa]], Mount Kilimanjaro.<ref>{{Web citation|newspaper=UNESCO
Tanzania is the location of one of the largest volcanos in the world and the highest point in [[Africa]], Mount Kilimajaro.<ref>{{Web citation|newspaper=UNESCO
‌|title=Kilimanjaro National Park|url=https://whc.unesco.org/en/list/403/|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240523132757/https://whc.unesco.org/en/list/403|archive-date=2024-05-23}}</ref>
‌|title=Kilimanjaro National Park|url=https://whc.unesco.org/en/list/403/|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240523132757/https://whc.unesco.org/en/list/403|archive-date=2024-05-23}}</ref>


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The Germans used forced labor to construct infrastructure such as roads and railway systems, and instructed villages to grow cotton as a cash crop instead of traditionally grown food crops, and subjected the population to high taxation, enforced through repression and violence. The policies and practices of German rule were extremely unpopular with the local people, and the German colonizers were met with significant resistance.<ref name=":1" /><ref name=":3" />
The Germans used forced labor to construct infrastructure such as roads and railway systems, and instructed villages to grow cotton as a cash crop instead of traditionally grown food crops, and subjected the population to high taxation, enforced through repression and violence. The policies and practices of German rule were extremely unpopular with the local people, and the German colonizers were met with significant resistance.<ref name=":1" /><ref name=":3" />
In an analysis of the political economy of the colonial period in what is now Tanzania, historian [[Walter Rodney]] wrote that German East Africa was a "typical colonial situation in which taxes were imposed on Africans not so much for the revenue which resulted but as a means of propelling them into the labour market and the money economy, and thereby drawing off the surplus." He further wrote that the introduction of such mechanisms for alienating the product of people's labor "inevitably evoked African bewilderment and hostility, which in turn were met by European force exercised in the name of law and order."<ref name=":18">{{Citation|author=Walter Rodney|year=1974|title=The political economy of colonial Tanganyika, 1890-1939.|title-url=https://repository.uneca.org/handle/10855/42657|pdf=https://repository.uneca.org/bitstream/handle/10855/42657/b11950316.pdf|city=Dakar|publisher=United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, African Institute for Economic Development and Planning (IDEP)}}</ref>
===== Plantations and labor conditions =====
According to Walter Rodney's analysis, plantations were "the most important innovation of the formative period of the colonial political economy under German hegemony", being "a socio-economic entity ideally suited to [[Imperial core|metropolitan]] capitalist investment in the colony" as well as fitting [[Racism|racist]] notions of [[White supremacy|supremacy]]. Plantations required large amounts of land, capital, and African labor, along with "a small elite corps of non-African supervisory staff". The local population resisted plantation work, and coercion and abuses were rampant in recruitment.<ref name=":18" /> Rodney describes the extremely poor labor conditions of the plantations as follows:<blockquote>Wages for plantation labourers and other workers were initially low, and they were depressed as soon as the colonial state machinery pushed more Africans on to the labour market, as was the case by 1903. Living and working conditions were extremely poor; and any attempt to escape was branded as 'desertion', and treated as a criminal offence liable to imprisonment. Africans who were in the employ of Germans suffered day to day abuses and brutality, and these first decades of the German East African colonial regime were notorious for the frequency and severity of whippings applied by private employers and by state officials.<ref name=":18" /></blockquote>While the productivity of plantation labor was low, it was a profitable system under colonial conditions because the employer was not responsible for providing the worker a living wage to feed himself and his family and left the burden of subsistence to the countryside from where the laborer was recruited, an arrangement very profitable for the colonizing capitalists while indigenous economies were robbed of the labor of those who were away working at plantations.<ref name=":18" />


===== Maji Maji Uprising (1905-1907) =====
===== Maji Maji Uprising (1905-1907) =====
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The rebellion spread all throughout the colony, eventually involving 20 ethnic groups who wanted to oust the colonizers. In August 1905, several thousand warriors attacked a German stronghold, but failed to overrun it. The German response was brutal, killing men, women, and children and adopting famine as a weapon. It is estimated that between 75,000 and 120,000 Africans were killed and many more were displaced from their homes during this two-year period of revolt against German rule.<ref name=":1" /><ref name=":3" />
The rebellion spread all throughout the colony, eventually involving 20 ethnic groups who wanted to oust the colonizers. In August 1905, several thousand warriors attacked a German stronghold, but failed to overrun it. The German response was brutal, killing men, women, and children and adopting famine as a weapon. It is estimated that between 75,000 and 120,000 Africans were killed and many more were displaced from their homes during this two-year period of revolt against German rule.<ref name=":1" /><ref name=":3" />


Although the uprising was ultimately unsuccessful, the German government was pressured to institute some reforms, such as domestically creating a formal political organ in Germany which would be answerable to parliament in governing the colonies, as well as creating District Commissioners in the colonies to attempt to have more government supervision of labor relations. However, as noted by Walter Rodney, a "more liberal phase was a prerequisite for the entrenchment of colonial capitalist relations" and many of the harsh labor conditions and low wages continued, as "the law was still an instrument of the employing class between whom and the government the contradictions were secondary."<ref name=":18" /> Despite these outcomes, the uprising would become an inspiration for later freedom fighters against European colonial rule.<ref name=":3" />
Although the uprising was ultimately unsuccessful, the German government was pressured to institute some reforms. Furthermore, the uprising would become an inspiration for later freedom fighters against European colonial rule.<ref name=":3" />


==== First World War ====
==== First World War ====
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==== Second World War ====
==== Second World War ====
{{Main article|Second World War}}
==== Trust territory under British rule (1946-1961) ====
==== Trust territory under British rule (1946-1961) ====
Following the Second World War, along with the other remaining League of Nations mandates, Tanganyika became a United Nations (UN) trust territory, with Britain as its administering power.<ref name=":4" /><ref>{{Web citation|newspaper=United Nations|title=List of former Trust and Non-Self-Governing Territories|url=https://www.un.org/dppa/decolonization/en/history/former-trust-and-nsgts}}</ref> Under the terms of the trust agreement, Britain nominally had the responsibility of preparing Tanganyika for independence, and was considered accountable to the UN's Trusteeship Council in that regard, though in practice the British governed Tanganyika similarly to their other colonies.<ref name=":5" /> As a trust territory, the government of Tanganyika had to report every three years to the UN's Trusteeship Council as well as be periodically assessed by a visiting mission from the Council to study the trust territory's conditions.<ref name=":8">{{Citation|author=Sophia Mustafa|year=1961|title=The Tanganyika Way|title-url=https://archive.org/details/tanganyikaway0000unse|city=Dar es Salaam|publisher=East African Literature Bureau}}</ref>
Following the Second World War, along with the other remaining League of Nations mandates, Tanganyika became a United Nations (UN) trust territory, with Britain as its administering power.<ref name=":4" /><ref>{{Web citation|newspaper=United Nations|title=List of former Trust and Non-Self-Governing Territories|url=https://www.un.org/dppa/decolonization/en/history/former-trust-and-nsgts}}</ref> Under the terms of the trust agreement, Britain nominally had the responsibility of preparing Tanganyika for independence, and was considered accountable to the UN's Trusteeship Council in that regard, though in practice the British governed Tanganyika similarly to their other colonies.<ref name=":5" /> As a trust territory, the government of Tanganyika had to report every three years to the UN's Trusteeship Council as well as be periodically assessed by a visiting mission from the Council to study the trust territory's conditions.<ref name=":8">{{Citation|author=Sophia Mustafa|year=1961|title=The Tanganyika Way|title-url=https://archive.org/details/tanganyikaway0000unse|city=Dar es Salaam|publisher=East African Literature Bureau}}</ref>
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==== Arusha Declaration (1967) ====
==== Arusha Declaration (1967) ====
In 1967, President Nyerere announced the intent of forming a [[socialist state]] in the [[Arusha Declaration]]. His administration nationalized key industries while developing agriculture and industry. All [[Trade union|unions]] were merged into the [[National Union of Tanganyika Workers]].<ref name=":122" /><ref name=":11" /> A process of forming collective villages, also called ujamaa villages, was also envisioned and clarified in various speeches and writings.<ref name=":11" /><ref name=":122" />
In 1967, President Nyerere announced the intent of forming a [[socialist state]] in the [[Arusha Declaration]]. His administration nationalized key industries while developing agriculture and industry. All [[Trade union|unions]] were merged into the [[National Union of Tanganyika Workers]]. A process of forming collective villages, also called ujamaa villages, was also envisioned in the Declaration and clarified in various speeches and writings thereafter.<ref name=":122" /><ref name=":11" />


==== Rural development plans ====
==== Rural development ====
After the Arusha Declaration was made, which Nyerere described as "a declaration of intent"<ref>{{Citation|author=Julius K. Nyerere|year=1968|title=Ujamaa -- Essays on Socialism|title-url=https://archive.org/details/ujamaaessaysonso0000nyer|chapter=The Purpose is Man: A speech at Dar es Salaam University College, 5 August 1967|publisher=Oxford University Press}}</ref> a policy booklet was published in September 1967, titled "Socialism and Rural Development".<ref name=":14">{{Citation|author=Nyerere, Julius K.|year=1968|title=Ujamaa -- Essays on Socialism.|title-url=https://archive.org/details/ujamaaessaysonso0000nyer/page/106/mode/1up|chapter=Socialism and Rural Development: Policy booklet published in September 1967|publisher=Oxford University Press}}</ref> The booklet explained various details of the ideas underpinning the goals for rural development and emphasized the importance and necessity of democratic decision-making among peasants for how to develop their villages, as well as making assessments of the limitations of Tanzania's development level and available resources at the time.<ref name=":14" />
After the Arusha Declaration was made, which Nyerere described as "a declaration of intent"<ref>{{Citation|author=Julius K. Nyerere|year=1968|title=Ujamaa -- Essays on Socialism|title-url=https://archive.org/details/ujamaaessaysonso0000nyer|chapter=The Purpose is Man: A speech at Dar es Salaam University College, 5 August 1967|publisher=Oxford University Press}}</ref> a policy booklet was published in September 1967, titled "Socialism and Rural Development".<ref name=":14">{{Citation|author=Nyerere, Julius K.|year=1968|title=Ujamaa -- Essays on Socialism.|title-url=https://archive.org/details/ujamaaessaysonso0000nyer/page/106/mode/1up|chapter=Socialism and Rural Development: Policy booklet published in September 1967|publisher=Oxford University Press}}</ref> The booklet explained various details of the ideas underpinning the goals for rural development and emphasized the importance and necessity of democratic decision-making among peasants for how to develop their villages, as well as making assessments of the limitations of Tanzania's development level and available resources at the time.<ref name=":14" />


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Author [[Vijay Prashad]], in his work ''[[Library:The Darker Nations|The Darker Nations]]'' which explores setbacks in the [[Three-world model|Third World]] revolutionary movements' struggles to enact their agendas, described the ujamaa villages as having two major flaws in his view, firstly that they were not constructed so as to "refashion the gendered aspects of social power" and thus failed to deal with [[Patriarchy|patriarchal]] relations, and secondly, that the policy left no time to persuade the peasantry, and thus often relied on force. Prashad notes that Tanzania's experience is consistent with "a vast number of examples of Third World development", in what he describes as "Third World socialism in a hurry" born out of the need for nations to develop rapidly.<ref name=":122" />
Author [[Vijay Prashad]], in his work ''[[Library:The Darker Nations|The Darker Nations]]'' which explores setbacks in the [[Three-world model|Third World]] revolutionary movements' struggles to enact their agendas, described the ujamaa villages as having two major flaws in his view, firstly that they were not constructed so as to "refashion the gendered aspects of social power" and thus failed to deal with [[Patriarchy|patriarchal]] relations, and secondly, that the policy left no time to persuade the peasantry, and thus often relied on force. Prashad notes that Tanzania's experience is consistent with "a vast number of examples of Third World development", in what he describes as "Third World socialism in a hurry" born out of the need for nations to develop rapidly.<ref name=":122" />


==== Debates at University of Dar es Salaam ====
==== Activism and debates ====
Activist and historian [[Walter Rodney]], who had visited Tanzania in 1966, came to live in Tanzania from 1969 to 1974, after having been banned from [[Jamaica]]. He taught history and political science at the [[University of Dar es Salaam]],<ref name=":13" /> and also wrote articles in publications such as the joint magazine of the TANU Youth League's branch and [[University Students African Revolutionary Front]] (USARF),<ref>{{Citation|year=1974|title=The Silent Class Struggle|title-url=https://archive.org/details/silentclassstrug0000unse|city=Dar es Salaam|publisher=Tanzania Publishing House}}</ref> called ''[[Cheche]]'' (meaning "spark" in Swahili), as well as in TANU's party paper ''[[The Nationalist]]'',<ref name=":15">{{Web citation|author=Shivji, Issa G.|newspaper=Monthly Review|title=Remembering Walter Rodney|date=2012-12-01|url=https://monthlyreview.org/2012/12/01/remembering-walter-rodney/|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240607085003/https://monthlyreview.org/2012/12/01/remembering-walter-rodney/|archive-date=2024-06-07}}</ref> and engaged in political discussions and debates, including with a TANU cabinet minister over Tanzania's economic direction. Though some of Rodney's statements drew strong criticism from Nyerere, Rodney continued to teach at the university.<ref name=":13">{{Web citation|author=Chinedu Chukwudinma|newspaper=MR Online, originally published by ROAPE (Review of African Political Economy)|title=The Mecca of African Liberation: Walter Rodney in Tanzania|date=2022-04-07|url=https://mronline.org/2022/04/13/the-mecca-of-african-liberation/|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240606112456/https://mronline.org/2022/04/13/the-mecca-of-african-liberation/|archive-date=2024-06-06}}</ref> It was also during this time that Rodney wrote his 1972 book, ''[[Library:How Europe Underdeveloped Africa|How Europe Underdeveloped Africa]]''.<ref name=":15" />  
Activist and historian [[Walter Rodney]], who had visited Tanzania in 1966, came to live in Tanzania from 1969 to 1974, after having been banned from [[Jamaica]]. He taught history and political science at the [[University of Dar es Salaam]],<ref name=":13" /> and also wrote articles in publications such as the joint magazine of the TANU Youth League's branch and [[University Students African Revolutionary Front]] (USARF),<ref>{{Citation|year=1974|title=The Silent Class Struggle|title-url=https://archive.org/details/silentclassstrug0000unse|city=Dar es Salaam|publisher=Tanzania Publishing House}}</ref> called ''[[Cheche]]'' (meaning "spark" in Swahili), as well as in TANU's party paper ''[[The Nationalist]]'',<ref name=":15">{{Web citation|author=Shivji, Issa G.|newspaper=Monthly Review|title=Remembering Walter Rodney|date=2012-12-01|url=https://monthlyreview.org/2012/12/01/remembering-walter-rodney/|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240607085003/https://monthlyreview.org/2012/12/01/remembering-walter-rodney/|archive-date=2024-06-07}}</ref> and engaged in political discussions and debates, including with a TANU cabinet minister over Tanzania's economic direction. Though some of Rodney's statements drew strong criticism from Nyerere, Rodney continued to teach at the university.<ref name=":13">{{Web citation|author=Chinedu Chukwudinma|newspaper=MR Online, originally published by ROAPE (Review of African Political Economy)|title=The Mecca of African Liberation: Walter Rodney in Tanzania|date=2022-04-07|url=https://mronline.org/2022/04/13/the-mecca-of-african-liberation/|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240606112456/https://mronline.org/2022/04/13/the-mecca-of-african-liberation/|archive-date=2024-06-06}}</ref>  


[[Issa G. Shivji]], another individual who had published in ''Cheche'' at the time, remarked in a 2021 interview regarding the debates, which at times were highly critical of the methods in the path to socialist construction being taken in Tanzania, that "we had some very great debates in Tanzania [...] Mwalimu did not like us but he tolerated us. He tolerated and sometimes even came to the campus to debate with us [...] there was a kind of love and hate relationship between the radical students on campus and Mwalimu Nyerere."<ref name=":12" /> After the third issue of ''Cheche'' was published, the publication was banned and USARF deregistered, and the students re-named their journal ''[[MajiMaji]]'' and many of the former USARF leadership went into the TANU Youth League and continued their activities.<ref name=":15" />
[[Issa G. Shivji]], another individual who had published in ''Cheche'' at the time, remarked in a 2021 interview regarding the debates, which at times were highly critical of the methods in the path to socialist construction being taken in Tanzania, that "we had some very great debates in Tanzania [...] Mwalimu did not like us but he tolerated us. He tolerated and sometimes even came to the campus to debate with us [...] there was a kind of love and hate relationship between the radical students on campus and Mwalimu Nyerere."<ref name=":12" /> After the third issue of ''Cheche'' was published, the publication was banned and USARF deregistered, and the students re-named their journal ''[[MajiMaji]]'' and many of the former USARF leadership went into the TANU Youth League and continued their activities.<ref name=":15" />
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