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== Early life and Education ==
== Early life and Education ==
Walter Rodney was born in 1942 into a working-class family in Georgetown, Guyana.His father, Edward Percival, was a tailor who worked largely for himself. However, when work was scarce, he would accept lower-paying work for a weekly wage at a small outlet in Georgetown. Walter Rodney's mother, Pauline, worked from home as a seamstress. Walter’s father, Edward, had travelled for work in the 1930s to Curaçao—a Dutch-held Caribbean island off the coast of Venezuela—before joining the nationalist movement in Guyana led by union activist [[Cheddi Jagan]]. When Walter was eleven years old, his father encouraged him to participate in the 1953 election campaign, leafleting and canvassing for the [[People’s Progressive Party (PPP)]] (the British Government labelled this a Marxist movement and attempted to invalidate it by suspending a constitution that allowed limited self-rule in Guyana) . Following the PPP’s victory in the 1953 elections (taking 18 of the 24 elected seats in the House of Assembly, resulting in Jagan becoming Chief Minister), Walter Rodney was among the first from working-class homes to be selected for a new scholarship program initiated by the party.<ref name=":2">{{Citation|author=Leo Zeilig|year=2022|title=A Revolutionary for our Time: The Walter Rodney Story|city=Chigaco|publisher=Haymarket Books|lg=http://library.lol/main/3F348AEFD7298D65C03339B0577B66E4}}</ref>
Walter Rodney was born in 1942 into a working-class family in Georgetown, Guyana.His father, Edward Percival, was a tailor who worked largely for himself. However, when work was scarce, he would accept lower-paying work for a weekly wage at a small outlet in Georgetown. Walter Rodney's mother, Pauline, worked from home as a seamstress. Walter’s father, Edward, had travelled for work in the 1930s to Curaçao—a Dutch-held Caribbean island off the coast of Venezuela—before joining the nationalist movement in Guyana led by union activist [[Cheddi Jagan]]. When Walter was eleven years old, his father encouraged him to participate in the 1953 election campaign, leafleting and canvassing for the [[People’s Progressive Party (PPP)]] (The British Government labelled this a Marxist movement and attempted to invalidate it by suspending a constitution that allowed limited self-rule in Guyana) . Following the PPP’s victory in the 1953 elections ( taking 18 of the 24 elected seats in the House of Assembly, resulting in Jagan becoming Chief Minister), Walter Rodney was among the first from working-class homes to be selected for a new scholarship program initiated by the party.<ref name=":2">{{Citation|author=Leo Zeilig|year=2022|title=A Revolutionary for our Time: The Walter Rodney Story|city=Chigaco|publisher=Haymarket Books|lg=http://library.lol/main/3F348AEFD7298D65C03339B0577B66E4}}</ref>


He attended Queens College in Georgetown where he won an open scholarship to the University of the West Indies to read history. In secondary school he distinguished himself in extra-curricular activities. He was in the student cadet corps, as well as being a high jumper and a debater.<ref name=":1">{{Citation|author=Horace Campbell|year=1980|title=Walter Rodney; A Biogaphy and Bibliography|title-url=http://www.jstor.org/stable/3997943?origin=JSTOR-pdf|page=132-137|publisher=Review of African Political Economy, No. 18, Special Issue on Zimbabwe|doi=10.2307/3997943}}</ref>
He attended Queens College in Georgetown where he won an open scholarship to the University of the West Indies to read history. In secondary school he distinguished himself in extra-curricular activities. He was in the student cadet corps, as well as being a high jumper and a debater.<ref name=":1">{{Citation|author=Horace Campbell|year=1980|title=Walter Rodney; A Biogaphy and Bibliography|title-url=http://www.jstor.org/stable/3997943?origin=JSTOR-pdf|page=132-137|publisher=Review of African Political Economy, No. 18, Special Issue on Zimbabwe|doi=10.2307/3997943}}</ref>
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In August 1962, Walter travelled to [[Leningrad]] to attend the annual meeting of the [[IUS (International Union of Students)]].<ref name=":2" /> Here, he recalls his experiences in the [[Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (1922–1991)|Soviet Union]] very fondly, being impressed at the books being sold on the streets, the lack of a sharp social division in cultural activities (such as visiting the opera), and the use of passenger air travel.<ref name=":3">{{Citation|author=Edited by Robert A. Hill|year=1990|title=Walter Rodney Speaks: The Making of an African Intellectual|chapter=Part I (Walter Rodney)|page=17-53|city=Trenton|publisher=Africa World Press, Inc.|lg=http://library.lol/main/EF7396527AD63F8340F3ACD9D16310F4}}</ref> He was also impressed by his visit to [[Republic of Cuba|Cuba]], recalling that:<blockquote>"Travelling to Cuba was also another important experience, because I was with Cuban students and I got some insight at an early period into the tremendous excitement of the Cuban Revolution. This was 1960, just after the victory of the revolution. One has to live with a revolution to get its full impact, but the next best thing is to go there and see a people actually attempting to grapple with real problems of development. Cuba was a different dimension from the Soviet Union, because the Russians had made their revolution and were moving along smoothly. But the Cubans were up and about, talking and bustling and running and jumping and really living the revolution in a way that was completely outside of anything that one could read anywhere or listen to or conceptualize in an island such as Jamaica, which is where I was still. The Cuban experience was very good. I was fortunate in visiting Cuba twice, only for brief periods, but long enough to get that fire and dynamic of the [[Cuban Revolution|Cuban revolution]]."<ref name=":3" /></blockquote>After pausing to complete his studies, he returned to activism as a “sympathizer” of the [[Young Socialist League]] in 1963, a left-wing grouping within the opposition [[People’s National Party (PNP)]]. He moved to London in September, 1963. There, he immersed himself in the communities of colonial peoples and migrants, attended meetings of the [[West African Student's Union (WASU)]] with his future wife, debated around Hyde Park, and began to move towards Marxism "as a lived practice". He also travelled to Lisbon, Seville and Rome to conduct archival research for his PhD intermittently.<ref name=":2" />  
In August 1962, Walter travelled to [[Leningrad]] to attend the annual meeting of the [[IUS (International Union of Students)]].<ref name=":2" /> Here, he recalls his experiences in the [[Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (1922–1991)|Soviet Union]] very fondly, being impressed at the books being sold on the streets, the lack of a sharp social division in cultural activities (such as visiting the opera), and the use of passenger air travel.<ref name=":3">{{Citation|author=Edited by Robert A. Hill|year=1990|title=Walter Rodney Speaks: The Making of an African Intellectual|chapter=Part I (Walter Rodney)|page=17-53|city=Trenton|publisher=Africa World Press, Inc.|lg=http://library.lol/main/EF7396527AD63F8340F3ACD9D16310F4}}</ref> He was also impressed by his visit to [[Republic of Cuba|Cuba]], recalling that:<blockquote>"Travelling to Cuba was also another important experience, because I was with Cuban students and I got some insight at an early period into the tremendous excitement of the Cuban Revolution. This was 1960, just after the victory of the revolution. One has to live with a revolution to get its full impact, but the next best thing is to go there and see a people actually attempting to grapple with real problems of development. Cuba was a different dimension from the Soviet Union, because the Russians had made their revolution and were moving along smoothly. But the Cubans were up and about, talking and bustling and running and jumping and really living the revolution in a way that was completely outside of anything that one could read anywhere or listen to or conceptualize in an island such as Jamaica, which is where I was still. The Cuban experience was very good. I was fortunate in visiting Cuba twice, only for brief periods, but long enough to get that fire and dynamic of the [[Cuban Revolution|Cuban revolution]]."<ref name=":3" /></blockquote>After pausing to complete his studies, he returned to activism as a “sympathizer” of the [[Young Socialist League]] in 1963, a left-wing grouping within the opposition [[People’s National Party (PNP)]]. He moved to London in September, 1963. There, he immersed himself in the communities of colonial peoples and migrants, attended meetings of the [[West African Student's Union (WASU)]] with his future wife, debated around Hyde Park, and began to move towards Marxism "as a lived practice". He also travelled to Lisbon, Seville and Rome to conduct archival research for his PhD intermittently.<ref name=":2" />  


He earned a PhD in [[History of Africa|African History]] on July 5th, 1966 (some hours after his first child was born, Shaka Rodney. Two of his children, Kanini and Asha were born in Tanzania.)<ref name=":2" /> at the School of Oriental and African Studies in London, at the age of 24. Rodney’s thesis was published by Oxford University Press as ''A history of the Upper Guinea coast 1545-1800.'' <ref>{{Web citation|author=Katie Price|newspaper=SOAS University of London, Centary Timeline|title=Revolutionary historian: Walter Rodney (1942-1980)|date=2015-09-23|url=https://blogs.soas.ac.uk/centenarytimeline/2015/09/23/revolutionary-historian-walter-rodney-1942-1980/|retrieved=2023-06-28}}</ref> Before he finished his Doctorate in 1966 he married Patricia Henry from Guyana, who was studying in England. <ref name=":1" />  
He earned a PhD in [[History of Africa|African History]] on July 5th, 1966(some hours after his first child was born, Shaka Rodney. Two of his children, Kanini and Asha were born in Tanzania.)<ref name=":2" /> at the School of Oriental and African Studies in London, at the age of 24. Rodney’s thesis was published by Oxford University Press as ''A history of the Upper Guinea coast 1545-1800.'' <ref>{{Web citation|author=Katie Price|newspaper=SOAS University of London, Centary Timeline|title=Revolutionary historian: Walter Rodney (1942-1980)|date=2015-09-23|url=https://blogs.soas.ac.uk/centenarytimeline/2015/09/23/revolutionary-historian-walter-rodney-1942-1980/|retrieved=2023-06-28}}</ref> Before he finished his Doctorate in 1966 he married Patricia Henry from Guyana, who was studying in England. <ref name=":1" />  


While in London, he organized a [[Marxism|Marxist]] study group that met once a week,<ref name=":0">{{Web citation|author=Curry Malott, Elgin Bailey|newspaper=[[Liberation School]]|title=Walter Rodney: A people’s professor|date=2022-08-01|url=https://www.liberationschool.org/walter-rodney-a-peoples-professor/|retrieved=2022-08-05}}</ref> over the course of three years with [[C.L.R James]] and his wife Selma James. The decision to organise reading circles independently was one of circumstance, as he found the political climate of the UK left to be inhospitable, offering no avenue for marxist development. He denounced British Trotskyism as "downright foolish", "inarticulate" and "racist", as well as organisationally incapable or unwilling to organize workers. Additionally, he criticised [[The New Left Review]] for its paternalism, latent racism, facileness and lack of depth and seriousness.<ref name=":3" />
While in London, he organized a [[Marxism|Marxist]] study group that met once a week,<ref name=":0">{{Web citation|author=Curry Malott, Elgin Bailey|newspaper=[[Liberation School]]|title=Walter Rodney: A people’s professor|date=2022-08-01|url=https://www.liberationschool.org/walter-rodney-a-peoples-professor/|retrieved=2022-08-05}}</ref> over the course of three years with [[C.L.R James]] and his wife Selma James. The decision to organise reading circles independently was one of circumstance, as he found the political climate of the UK left to be inhospitable, offering no avenue for marxist development. He denounced British Trotskyism as "downright foolish", "inarticulate" and "racist", as well as organisationally incapable or unwilling to organize workers. Additionally, he criticised [[The New Left Review]] for its paternalism, latent racism, facileness and lack of depth and seriousness.<ref name=":3" />
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He lectured in the History Department at the University of the West Indies starting January 1968. He spent much of his free time with the Rastafarians in sessions called 'Groundings'. <ref name=":1" />
He lectured in the History Department at the University of the West Indies starting January 1968. He spent much of his free time with the Rastafarians in sessions called 'Groundings'. <ref name=":1" />


In Jamaica, Rodney initially came to “security notice” in June 1961. Along with two other UWI students, he agreed to attend a meeting in Moscow, the invitation having come from the Prague-based International Union of Students (IUS). He declined this offer initially, however he went to Moscow a year later. Following and during his trip to Cuba, the Jamaican security reckoned that Rodney’s contacts in [[Republic of Cuba|Cuba]] extended to the highest level:<blockquote>“There is reason to believe that whilst in Cuba Rodney and his companions were visited in the Hotel by [[Fidel Castro|Castro]] himself.”<ref name=":4">{{Citation|author=Michael O. West|year=2005|title=Walter Rodney and Black Power: Jamaican Intelligence and US Diplomacy|pdf=https://web.archive.org/web/20120717010546/http://www.umes.edu/cms300uploadedFiles/AJCJS/VOL1.2.WEST%20FINAL.pdf|publisher=African Journal of Criminology & Justice Studies:  AJCJS; Volume 1, No.2}}</ref></blockquote>On arrival to England, Rodney’s intelligence file indicates:<blockquote>“Whilst in England he stayed with his brother Edward Rodney [and accompanied Edward] to what London sources [presumably British intelligence, or else contacts on the ground] termed ‘meetings of various extremist groups.’” </blockquote>In particular, Rodney came to “notice” in 1965 on account of his “association with [[Richard Hart]] and other known West Indian Communists in London.”<ref name=":4" /> Upon his re-entry to Jamaica, he started organizing from February 1968, however remaining unimpressed with the two major left-wing parties in Jamaica, the opposition [[People’s National Party (PNP)]]- an organisation he previously sympathized with via its youth league, the [[Young Socialist League]] - and the [[New World Group (NWG)]], which he described as “an organization of ‘armchair’ left wing intellectuals” that operated throughout the Anglophone Caribbean.<ref name=":4" /> He therefore opted to connect directly to the masses via the [[Rastafarian movement]]. He gives an account of this as follows:<blockquote>“I sought them out where they lived, worked, worshipped, and had their recreation. In turn, they ‘checked’ me at work or at home, and together we ‘probed’ here and there, learning to recognise our common humanity. Naturally, they wanted to know what I stood for, what I ‘defended.’” (...) “Some of my most profound experiences have been the sessions of reasoning or ‘grounding’ with black brothers, squatting on an old car tire or a rusty five gallon can.”<ref name=":4" /></blockquote>When he attended the [[Black Writers' Conference]] in Montreal, Canada in October 1968, [[Hugh Shearer]]'s [[Jamaica Labour Party]] Government banned him from returning to his job at the University.<ref name=":1" /> On 15 October 1968, the government of Jamaica, led by prime minister Hugh Shearer, declared Rodney ''persona non grata''. Walter Rodney gives his following analysis of the reason behind this:<blockquote>"These men serve the interests of a foreign, white capitalist system and at home they uphold a social structure which ensures that the black man resides at the bottom of the social ladder. He is economically oppressed and culturally he has no opportunity to express himself. That is the situation from which we move."<ref name=":5">{{Citation|author=Walter Rodney|year=1969|title=The Groundings with my Brothers|page=60-66|city=London|publisher=Bogle- L'Ouverture Publications|lg=http://library.lol/main/C6E8A97B709E2F34AEE494AE1F7AD95B}}</ref></blockquote>and<blockquote>“It was this ‘grounding’ with my black brothers that the regime considered sinister and subversive.”<ref name=":4" /></blockquote>The decision to ban him from ever returning to Jamaica and his subsequent dismissal by the University of the West Indies caused protests by students and the poor of Kingston that escalated into a riot, known as the [[Rodney Riots]], resulting in six deaths and causing millions of dollars in damages.<ref name=":4" /> The riots and revolts in Kingston subsequent to his banning showed the deep respect that he had gained in the eight months period that he lived in Jamaica. Rodney interprets this as follows:<blockquote>"Let us stop calling it student riots. What has happened in Jamaica is that the black people of the city of Kingston have seized upon this opportunity to begin their indictment against the Government of Jamaica (...). This is part of the whole social malaise, that is revolutionary activity."<ref name=":5" /></blockquote>His sessions with the Rastafarians were published in a pamphlet entitled ''Groundings With My Bothers''.<ref name=":1" />
In Jamaica, Rodney initially came to “security notice” in June 1961. Along with two other UWI students, he agreed to attend a meeting in Moscow, the invitation having come from the Prague-based International Union of Students (IUS). He declined this offer initially, however he went to Moscow a year later. Following and during his trip to Cuba, the Jamaican security reckoned that Rodney’s contacts in [[Republic of Cuba|Cuba]] extended to the highest level:<blockquote>“There is reason to believe that whilst in Cuba Rodney and his companions were visited in the Hotel by [[Fidel Castro|Castro]] himself.”<ref name=":4">{{Citation|author=Michael O. West|year=2005|title=Walter Rodney and Black Power: Jamaican Intelligence and US Diplomacy|pdf=https://web.archive.org/web/20120717010546/http://www.umes.edu/cms300uploadedFiles/AJCJS/VOL1.2.WEST%20FINAL.pdf|publisher=African Journal of Crimonology & Justice Studies:  AJCJS; Volume 1, No.2}}</ref></blockquote>On arrival to England, Rodney’s intelligence file indicates:<blockquote>“Whilst in England he stayed with his brother Edward Rodney [and accompanied Edward] to what London sources [presumably British intelligence, or else contacts on the ground] termed ‘meetings of various extremist groups.’” </blockquote>In particular, Rodney came to “notice” in 1965 on account of his “association with [[Richard Hart]] and other known West Indian Communists in London.”<ref name=":4" /> Upon his re-entry to Jamaica, he started organizing from February 1968, however remaining unimpressed with the two major left-wing parties in Jamaica, the opposition [[People’s National Party (PNP)]]- an organisation he previously sympathized with via its youth league, the [[Young Socialist League]] - and the [[New World Group (NWG)]], which he described as “an organization of ‘armchair’ left wing intellectuals” that operated throughout the Anglophone Caribbean.<ref name=":4" /> He therefore opted to connect directly to the masses via the [[Rastafarian movement]]. He gives an account of this as follows:<blockquote>“I sought them out where they lived, worked, worshipped, and had their recreation. In turn, they ‘checked’ me at work or at home, and together we ‘probed’ here and there, learning to recognise our common humanity. Naturally, they wanted to know what I stood for, what I ‘defended.’” (...) “Some of my most profound experiences have been the sessions of reasoning or ‘grounding’ with black brothers, squatting on an old car tire or a rusty five gallon can.”<ref name=":4" /></blockquote>When he attended the [[Black Writers' Conference]] in Montreal, Canada in October 1968, [[Hugh Shearer]]'s [[Jamaica Labour Party]] Government banned him from returning to his job at the University.<ref name=":1" /> On 15 October 1968, the government of Jamaica, led by prime minister Hugh Shearer, declared Rodney ''persona non grata''. Walter Rodney gives his following analysis of the reason behind this:<blockquote>"These men serve the interests of a foreign, white capitalist system and at home they uphold a social structure which ensures that the black man resides at the bottom of the social ladder. He is economically oppressed and culturally he has no opportunity to express himself. That is the situation from which we move."<ref name=":5">{{Citation|author=Walter Rodney|year=1969|title=The Groundings with my Brothers|page=60-66|city=London|publisher=Bogle- L'Ouverture Publications|lg=http://library.lol/main/C6E8A97B709E2F34AEE494AE1F7AD95B}}</ref></blockquote>and<blockquote>“It was this ‘grounding’ with my black brothers that the regime considered sinister and subversive.”<ref name=":4" /></blockquote>The decision to ban him from ever returning to Jamaica and his subsequent dismissal by the University of the West Indies, caused protests by students and the poor of West Kingston that escalated into a riot, known as the [[Rodney Riots]], resulting in six deaths and causing millions of dollars in damages.<ref name=":4" /> The riots and revolts in Kingston subsequent to his banning showed the deep respect that he had gained in the eight months period that he lived in Jamaica. Rodney interprets this as follows:<blockquote>"Let us stop calling it student riots. What has happened in Jamaica is that the black people of the city of Kingston have seized upon this opportunity to begin their indictment against the Government of Jamaica (...). This is part of the whole social malaise, that is revolutionary activity."<ref name=":5" /></blockquote>His sessions with the Rastafarians were published in a pamphlet entitled ''Groundings With My Bothers''.<ref name=":1" />


=== Tanzania (1969-1974) ===
=== Tanzania (1969-1974) ===
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Throughout his years in Tanzania, Walter Rodney remained in close touch with developments in the Caribbean. He also, periodically, made visits to the United States and the UK where he gave guest lectures at several universities coupled with "groundings" in Caribbean emigrant communities, being widely read and respected in progressive sectors of the black community - being seen as offering a creative application of [[historical materialism]] to Africa.<ref name=":8">{{Citation|author=Trevor A. Campbell|year=1981|title=The Making of an Organic Intellectual: Walter Rodney (1942-1980)|title-url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/2633130|page=49-63|publisher=Latin American Perspectives, Vol. 8, No. 1, The Caribbean and Africa|doi=10.2307/2633130}}</ref>
Throughout his years in Tanzania, Walter Rodney remained in close touch with developments in the Caribbean. He also, periodically, made visits to the United States and the UK where he gave guest lectures at several universities coupled with "groundings" in Caribbean emigrant communities, being widely read and respected in progressive sectors of the black community - being seen as offering a creative application of [[historical materialism]] to Africa.<ref name=":8">{{Citation|author=Trevor A. Campbell|year=1981|title=The Making of an Organic Intellectual: Walter Rodney (1942-1980)|title-url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/2633130|page=49-63|publisher=Latin American Perspectives, Vol. 8, No. 1, The Caribbean and Africa|doi=10.2307/2633130}}</ref>


[[Eusi Kwayana]] (cofounder of the WPA) describes the mood ahead of Walter Rodney's return to Guyana as:<blockquote>“[T]he whole country was looking forward to Dr. Walter Rodney, even before he set foot in Guyana. From the time he was banned from Jamaica and came to the notice of the public as a son abroad, he was a very popular figure in the imagination and hearts of the Guyanese people.”<ref name=":2" /></blockquote>Rodney applied to the University of Guyana through the appropriate channels and was offered a professorship of history. He travelled back to Guyana in September 1974. The [[Forbes Burnham]] government blocked his appointment. Although the Government refused to allow him to teach, he decided to stay in the country in order to contribute his knowledge, experience and ideas to the Guyanese working people.  
Eusi Kwayana (cofounder of the WPA) describes the mood ahead of Walter Rodney's return to Guyana as:<blockquote>“[T]he whole country was looking forward to Dr. Walter Rodney, even before he set foot in Guyana. From the time he was banned from Jamaica and came to the notice of the public as a son abroad, he was a very popular figure in the imagination and hearts of the Guyanese people.”<ref name=":2" /></blockquote>Rodney applied to the University of Guyana through the appropriate channels and was offered a professorship of history. He travelled back to Guyana in September 1974. The [[Forbes Burnham]] government blocked his appointment. Although the Government refused to allow him to teach, he decided to stay in the country in order to contribute his knowledge, experience and ideas to the Guyanese working people. Shortly after he had returned to Guyana he began to work among the workers, and he was one of those who was instrumental in the foundation of a new political organization called the [[Working People's Alliance (WPA)]] in 1974<ref name=":8" />. Walter Rodney was an executive member of the Working People's Alliance and a full-time organizer of the party in Georgetown.<ref name=":1" />He helped organize Bauxite workers who were already starting their own organisations, such as the OWP (Organisation of the Working People), as well as educational work in political economy and the history of revolutions, giving classes to workers in their homes and even overnighting with their families and organising multi-week long session on sunday mornings.<ref name=":9">{{Citation|author=Rupert Charles Lewis|year=1998|title=Walter Rodney's Intellectual and Political Thought|page=238-241|publisher=Barbados Press University of the West Indies and Wayne State University Press|lg=http://library.lol/main/50E9E7C314297C25A667C6A9327A7941}}</ref> The political context of the foundation of this Party is described by Chinedu Chukwudinma as follows:<blockquote>"The racial conflict in Guyana produced a political system that only allowed space for Forbes Burnham’s People’s National Congress (PNC) and its opposition, Cheddi Jagan’s People’s Progressive Party (PPP). Both parties preached a version of socialism from above that favoured the petty bourgeoisie’s control over the state, never the masses. Burnham blatantly discriminated against the Indo-Guyanese, while Jagan talked about racial unity but, when it came to elections, only campaigned among Indians."<ref>{{Web citation|author=Chinedu Chukwudinma|newspaper=Review of African Political Economy  (ROAPE)|title=The birth of the Working People’s Alliance in Guyana|date=2022-03-12|url=https://roape.net/2022/05/12/the-birth-of-the-working-peoples-alliance-in-guyana/|retrieved=2023-07-09}}</ref></blockquote>Rodney's intellectual and political work was then focused primarily on the history of the Guyanese working class. He felt that such a history was needed to clarify the misconceptions which had been the basis of some of the racial divisions in the society. In the summer of 1977 he immersed himself in the records of the British Public Records office to unearth the details of the material divisions which formed the basis of the Indian-African divide in the society. This work is published as ''A History of the Guyanese Working Class''. He had also compiled and edited a document called Guyanese Sugar Plantations in the late 19th Century. This work was part of his research into the plantation records in Guyana and in the United Kingdom.<ref name=":1" />


Shortly after he had returned to Guyana he began to work among the workers. He was one of those who was instrumental in the foundation of a new political organization called the [[Working People's Alliance (WPA)]] in 1974<ref name=":8" />. Walter Rodney was an executive member of the Working People's Alliance and a full-time organizer of the party in Georgetown.<ref name=":1" />He helped organize Bauxite workers who were already starting their own organisations, such as the OWP (Organisation of the Working People), as well as educational work in political economy and the history of revolutions, giving classes to workers in their homes and even overnighting with their families and organising multi-week long session on sunday mornings.<ref name=":9">{{Citation|author=Rupert Charles Lewis|year=1998|title=Walter Rodney's Intellectual and Political Thought|page=238-241|publisher=Barbados Press University of the West Indies and Wayne State University Press|lg=http://library.lol/main/50E9E7C314297C25A667C6A9327A7941}}</ref> The political context of the foundation of this Party is described by Chinedu Chukwudinma as follows:<blockquote>"The racial conflict in Guyana produced a political system that only allowed space for Forbes Burnham’s People’s National Congress (PNC) and its opposition, Cheddi Jagan’s People’s Progressive Party (PPP). Both parties preached a version of socialism from above that favoured the petty bourgeoisie’s control over the state, never the masses. Burnham blatantly discriminated against the Indo-Guyanese, while Jagan talked about racial unity but, when it came to elections, only campaigned among Indians."<ref>{{Web citation|author=Chinedu Chukwudinma|newspaper=Review of African Political Economy (ROAPE)|title=The birth of the Working People’s Alliance in Guyana|date=2022-03-12|url=https://roape.net/2022/05/12/the-birth-of-the-working-peoples-alliance-in-guyana/|retrieved=2023-07-09}}</ref></blockquote>Rodney's intellectual and political work was then focused primarily on the history of the Guyanese working class. He felt that such a history was needed to clarify the misconceptions which had been the basis of some of the racial divisions in the society. In the summer of 1977 he immersed himself in the records of the British Public Records office to unearth the details of the material divisions which formed the basis of the Indian-African divide in the society. This work is published as ''A History of the Guyanese Working Class''. He had also compiled and edited a document called ''Guyanese Sugar Plantations in the late 19th Century''. This work was part of his research into the plantation records in Guyana and in the United Kingdom.<ref name=":1" />
In 1978, Rodney went to Hamburg, Germany as a visiting professor invited by Rainer Tetzlaff and Peter Lock, two radical lecturers at the University of Hamburg to teach the course, ‘One Hundred Years of Development in Africa’, between April and June. The lectures were recorded, and full transcripts were made in 1984, including the question and answer sessions with the students.<ref>{{Web citation|author=Leo Zeilig|newspaper=Review of African Political Economy (ROAPE)|title=Walter Rodney’s Journey to Hamburg|date=2019-02-14|url=https://roape.net/2019/02/14/walter-rodneys-journey-to-hamburg/|retrieved=2023-07-09}}</ref>


In 1978, Rodney went to Hamburg, Germany as a visiting professor. He was invited by Rainer Tetzlaff and Peter Lock, two radical lecturers at the University of Hamburg to teach the course, ‘One Hundred Years of Development in Africa’, between April and June. The lectures were recorded, and full transcripts were made in 1984, including the question and answer sessions with the students.<ref>{{Web citation|author=Leo Zeilig|newspaper=Review of African Political Economy (ROAPE)|title=Walter Rodney’s Journey to Hamburg|date=2019-02-14|url=https://roape.net/2019/02/14/walter-rodneys-journey-to-hamburg/|retrieved=2023-07-09}}</ref>
In 1979 he was charged with arson after a fire destroyed the headquarters of the ruling [[People's National Congress (PNC)|People's National Congress]] in Guyana. Walter Rodney and four other persons were arreted in 13th September 1979 in Leonara, West Demerara "during a roadblock search for arms and ammunition", but released without a charge, his house being ransacked in the process. He was once again arrested in Linden "for the distribution of subversive literature",on October 3rd and tries from the 24th to the 26th of October.<ref name=":9" /> After being held in prison for a short while, Walter Rodney and his three co-defendants were granted bail after widespread national and international protest at their being arrested.<ref name=":1" />
 
In 1979 he was charged with arson after a fire destroyed the headquarters of the ruling [[People's National Congress (PNC)|People's National Congress]] in Guyana. Walter Rodney and four other persons were arreted in 13th September 1979 in Leonara, West Demerara "during a roadblock search for arms and ammunition", but released without a charge, his house being ransacked in the process. He was once again arrested in Linden "for the distribution of subversive literature",on October 3rd and tried from the 24th to the 26th of October.<ref name=":9" /> After being held in prison for a short while, Walter Rodney and his three co-defendants were granted bail after widespread national and international protest at their being arrested.<ref name=":1" />


Two speeches given at mass rallies in Georgetown during this period by Rodney have been reproduced as pamphlets: ''The Struggle Goes On'' and ''People's Power, No Dictator''. These speeches, along with a short piece in ''Transition'', were to be his last major contribution to the discussion of the form of state which should emerge or could emerge in Guyana in opposition to Forbes Burnham.<ref name=":1" />
Two speeches given at mass rallies in Georgetown during this period by Rodney have been reproduced as pamphlets: ''The Struggle Goes On'' and ''People's Power, No Dictator''. These speeches, along with a short piece in ''Transition'', were to be his last major contribution to the discussion of the form of state which should emerge or could emerge in Guyana in opposition to Forbes Burnham.<ref name=":1" />
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Rodney left Guyana illegally in February 1980, going to Europe (including Hamburg) and Africa and returning sometime in May. Rodney was invited to Zimbabwe to attend the Independence Celebrations on the 16th May 1980<ref name=":9" />, which he was prevented form attending. He managed regardless, and was offered by [[Robert Mugabe]] to set up a research institute there - a offer Rodney declined.<ref name=":1" />  
Rodney left Guyana illegally in February 1980, going to Europe (including Hamburg) and Africa and returning sometime in May. Rodney was invited to Zimbabwe to attend the Independence Celebrations on the 16th May 1980<ref name=":9" />, which he was prevented form attending. He managed regardless, and was offered by [[Robert Mugabe]] to set up a research institute there - a offer Rodney declined.<ref name=":1" />  


Walter Rodney was assasinated on the 13th June 1980, in a context of deepening repression against members of the WPA (39 WPA members were arrested in the period from 31st May to the 12th June 1980), by  an ex-officer of the Guyana Defense Force, by car bomb.<ref name=":9" />
Walter Rodney was assasinated on the 13th June 1980, in a context of deepening repression against members of the WPA (39 WPA members were arrested in the period from 31May to the 12th June 1980), by  an ex-officer of the Guyana Defense Force, by car bomb.<ref name=":9" />


== Assassination ==
== Assassination ==
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== Work and Thought ==
== Work and Thought ==


=== ''Groundings with my Brothers'' ===
=== Groundings with my Brothers, Black Power and Rodney's pedagogy ===
 
==== Statement of the Jamaican Situation ====
 
==== Black Power, a Basic Understanding ====
 
==== Black Power- Its Relevane to the West Indies ====


==== African History and Culture ====
=== How Europe Underdeveloped Africa ===
 
==== African History in the Service of Black Revolution ====
 
==== The Groundings with My Brothers ====
 
=== ''How Europe Underdeveloped Africa'' ===


=== Rodney on Class Relations, Class Formation and State Formation in Africa ===
=== Rodney on Class Relations, Class Formation and State Formation in Africa ===
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=== Rodney on African Leaders ===
=== Rodney on African Leaders ===
Rodney describes african "petit bourgeois regimes" as progressive in the following sense, and situates many a african leader within this category, such as [[Gamal Abdel Nasser|Nasser]], [[Kwame Nkrumah|Nkrumah]], [[Julius Nyerere|Nyerere]] and [[Ahmed Sékou Touré|Sekou Toure]]:<blockquote>"It would be unhistorical to deny the progressive character of the African petty bourgeoisie at a particular moment in time. Owing to the low level of development of the productive forces in colonized Africa, it fell to the lot of the small privileged educated group to give expression to a mass of grievances against racial discrimination, low wages, low prices for cash crops, colonial bureaucratic commandism, and the indignity of alien rule as such. But the petty bourgeoisie were reformers and not revolutionaries. Their class limitations were stamped upon the character of the independence which they negotiated with the colonial masters. In the very process of demanding constitutional independence, they reneged on the cardinal principle of Pan-Africanism: namely, the unity and indivisibility of the African continent."<ref name=":10" /></blockquote>while specifically singling out [[Nkrumah]], [[Julius Nyerere|Nyerere]] and [[Ahmed Sékou Touré|Sekou Toure]] etc. as follows, as being - albeit being components of the african petit bourgeoisie - somewhat more hesitant in accepting the continuation of imperialist economic relations:<blockquote>"Imperialism defined the context in which constitutional power was to be handed over, so as to guard against the transfer of economic power or genuine political power. The African petty bourgeoisie accepted this, with only a small amount of dissent and disquiet being manifested by the progressive elements such as Nkrumah, Nyerere and Sekou Toure."<ref name=":10">{{Citation|author=Walter Rodney|year=1975|title=Aspects of the International Class Struggle in Africa, the Caribbean and America|title-url=|page=18-41|publisher=in Pan-Africanism: Struggle against Neo-colonialism and Imperialism - Documents of the Sixth Pan-African Congress, Horace Campbell, Toronto: Afro-Carib Publications|mia=https://www.marxists.org/subject/africa/rodney-walter/works/internationalclassstruggle.htm}}</ref></blockquote>


==== Criticism of Nkrumah ====
=== Rodney on the Russian Revolution and the Soviet Union ===
Rodney situates [[Kwame Nkrumah]] in the category of "petit bourgeois regimes", which he describes - within an african context - as being progressive as above. He further accuses Nkrumah as being ideologically obscurantist in the following quote, while only regocnizing class struggle in africa post-overthrow:<blockquote>"Nkrumah was engaging in ideological mystification under new facades such as 'consciencism', while doing little to break the control of the international bourgeoisie or the Ghanaian petty bourgeoisie over the state. He had already eliminated the genuine working class leadership from the CPP during the first years of power, and it was only after his overthrow by a reactionary petty bourgeois coup d'etat that Nkrumah became convinced that there was a class struggle in Africa and that the national and Pan-African movements required leadership loyal to its mass base of workers and peasants."<ref name=":10" /></blockquote>He further elaborates this point in the speech entitled ''Marxism and African Liberation'' he gave at Queen's College. Firstly, he attacks Kwame Nkrumahs supposed Protestantism as entrapping him in bourgeois thought:<blockquote>"Nkrumah followed up on this; and although at one, time he called himself a Marxist, he always was careful to qualify this by saying that he was also a Protestant. He believed in Protestantism, at the same time. So he was trying to straddle two worlds simultaneously - the world which says in the beginning was matter and the world which says in .the beginning there was the word. And inevitably he fell between these two. It's impossible to straddle these two. But there he was, and we must grant his honesty and we must grant the honesty of many, people who have attempted to do this impossible task and follow them to find out why they failed. They failed because their conception of what was a variant different from bourgeois thought and different from socialist thought inevitably turned out to be merely another branch of bourgeois thought."<ref name=":11">{{Citation|author=Walter Rodney|year=1975|title=Marxism and African Liberation|publisher=Speech by Walter Rodney At Queen's College, New York in Yes to Marxism!, People's Progressive Party|mia=https://www.marxists.org/subject/africa/rodney-walter/works/marxismandafrica.htm|pdf=https://www.sahistory.org.za/sites/default/files/archive-files4/Ftv389.1683.7118.003.000.1989.pdf}}</ref></blockquote>He then continues to criticize his supposed ideological syncretism as rendering him unable to understand socialism:<blockquote>"Nkrumah spent a number of years during the fifties and, right up to when he was overthrown - that would cover at least ten years - in which he was searching for an ideology. He started out with this mixture of Marxism and Protestantism, he talked about pan-Africanism; he went to Consciencism and then Nkrumahism, and, there was everything other than a straight understanding of socialism."<ref name=":11" /></blockquote>He attributes to this ideological syncretism Nkrumahs supposed denial of the existence of classes and a disavowal of a international socialist tradition and scientific socialism:<blockquote>"What were the practical consequences of this attempt to dissociate himself from an international socialist tradition? We saw in Ghana that Nkrumah steadfastly refused to accept that there were classes, that there were class contradictions in Ghana, that these class contradictions were fundamental. For years Nkrumah went along with this mish-mash of philosophy which took some socialist premises but which he refused to pursue to their logical conclusion - that one either had a capitalist system based upon the private ownership of the means of production and the alienation of the product of people's labour, or one had an, alternative system which was completely different and that there was no way of juxtaposing and mixing these two to create anything that was new and viable."<ref name=":11" /></blockquote>Additionally, he claims that Nkrumah changed his position upon being overthrown, an attributes him being overthrown to Nkrumahs unwillingness or inabillity to acknowledge classes and his supposed seperation from scientific socialism:<blockquote>"A most significant test of this position was when Nkrumah himself was overthrown! After he was overthrown, he lived in Guinea-Konakry and before, he died he wrote a small text, Class Struggle in Africa. (...) It is historically important, because it is there Nkrumah himself in effect admits the consequences, the misleading consequences of an ideology which espoused an African cause,.but which felt, for reasons which he did not understand; an historical necessity to separate itself from Scientific Socialism. It indicated quite clearly the disastrous consequences of that position. Because Nkrumah denied the existence of classes in Ghana until the petty bourgeoisie as a class overthrew him. And then, in Guinea, he said it was a terrible mistake. "<ref name=":11" /></blockquote>These critiques were tackled by e.g. Gorkel a Gamal Nkrumah in the text ''Rejoinder to Dr. Walter Rodney's Criticism of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah.''  In it, he asserts that these critiques are based on a misrepresentation of "celebrity academics". He reasserts that Nkrumaism represents the coalescence of pan-Africanism and scientific socialism, is a developing ideology, with "static cournerstones". These are: the total liberation of Africa and Africans, the political unification of Africa as a prelude to Africa's economic integration,and the commitment to scientifc socialism, which Kwame Nkrumah, according to Gorkel a Gamal Nkrumah, was instrumental in wedding to pan-Africanism as its earliest african theoretician. He attributes Rodneys accusations to "the paucity of evidence available to him", and as being "without foundation". He also elaborates on the basis of a overview of the Ghanaian Revolution and its sucesses that the claim that Kwame Nkrumah was ideological inconsistent, as him "wandering in an ideological wilderness", is false, instead asserting that Nkrumah laid the "foundation for economic and social reconstruction based on the principles of scientific socialism".<ref>{{Citation|author=Gorkeh A Gamal Nkrumah|year=1989|title=Rejoinder to Dr. Walter Rodney's criticism of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah|title-url=https://www.sahistory.org.za/archive/frank-talk-volume-3-198990|page=51-54|pdf=https://www.sahistory.org.za/sites/default/files/archive-files/Ftv389.1683.7118.003.000.1989.15.pdf|publisher=Frank Talk Volume 3}}</ref>
Walter Rodney's book, ''The Russian Revolution: A View from the Third World'' describes many liberal criticisms of the [[Soviet Union]] as [[Idealism|idealist]] or un-[[Materialism|materialist]].<ref name=":0" />


=== Rodney on Pan-Africanism ===


=== Rodney on the Russian Revolution and the Soviet Union ===
Walter Rodney's book, ''The Russian Revolution: A View from the Third World'' describes many liberal criticisms of the [[Soviet Union]] as [[Idealism|idealist]] or un-[[Materialism|materialist]].<ref name=":0" />
== Bibliography ==
== Bibliography ==


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