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The UN Charter and the principles of international law – premised on the full equality, sovereignty and territorial integrity of ''all'' states – are now routinely violated by the imperialist powers under the pretext of the “Responsibility to Protect” (R2P) doctrine and/or the ‘right’ to protect their national security interests. In these circumstances it is vital to defend these principles of international law, and to uphold the role of the United Nations, while pressing for its democratization.
The UN Charter and the principles of international law – premised on the full equality, sovereignty and territorial integrity of ''all'' states – are now routinely violated by the imperialist powers under the pretext of the “Responsibility to Protect” (R2P) doctrine and/or the ‘right’ to protect their national security interests. In these circumstances it is vital to defend these principles of international law, and to uphold the role of the United Nations, while pressing for its democratization.
'''How is fascism different from right wing populism'''
* Like fascism, right-wing populism plays on division and inflames prejudice, particularly against immigrants and racialized peoples. It thrives on xenophobia, racism, misogyny, homophobia and transphobia. Its leaders present themselves as the people’s champion, disclaiming political allegiances that expose their anti-working class and anti-democratic essence. Unlike fascism, however, right-wing populism may maintain some elements of liberal democracy, like bourgeois elections.
'''Does right wing populism lead to fascism'''
* Right-wing populism does not ''inevitably'' lead to fascism, as the long history of struggle against Social Credit in English-speaking Canada, and the Creditistes in Quebec, clearly shows.
* However, in today’s context of increasingly reactionary measures being enacted to curtail and suppress labour and democratic rights, to curtail the rights of Parliaments and legislatures, and to intensify repression of socialism and the revolutionary movements in all of the capitalist countries, it is clear that '''''right-wing populism often prepares the ground for the emergence of far-right political movements and parties including fascist and white supremacist organizations.'''''
While the international expansion of capital is transforming the role of national governments and restricting their economic regulatory function in favour of institutions such as the WTO, IMF and World Bank, the coercive function of the state remains a vital instrument to protect the interests of monopoly capital and to repress opposition. '''''Therefore, the struggle for deep-going democratic and anti-monopoly reforms, and ultimately for working class political power must still be conducted primarily at the level of the national state in each country.'''''
But given the global character of contemporary capitalism, '''''class and democratic resistance at the state level, in and of itself, is no longer sufficient.''''' Struggles waged in each country must be combined to an ever-greater extent with coordinated regional and global forms of struggle. '''''An international democratic and anti-imperialist front is urgently required''''', to bring together the democratic, working class and progressive forces around the world to confront the unfettered power of international finance capital. Such a front or alliance can be forged around '''''a program for genuine internationalization, based on: the principles of peace, non-aggression, and global disarmament; respect for the sovereignty of all states, for the equality and rights of all nations, large and small, the peaceful coexistence of different social systems, and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; fair and balanced trade and economic cooperation; respect and promotion of cultural diversity; and protection of the global environment.'''''
== Chapter 4: The Canadian State, the Nations and Peoples of Canada, and the Crisis of Democracy ==
'''Events and such I want to do more research on...'''
In 1837, popular anti-colonial uprisings led by the democratic forces of French and English Canada revolted against colonial officialdom and the reactionary and privileged strata '''''(the Family Compact in Upper Canada and the Chateau Clique in Lower Canada'''''). The revolutionary uprising of the Métis and Indigenous peoples followed in the West. But these struggles took place before and during the period of the birth of industrial capitalism in Canada; '''''they opened the way to the development of industry and the political rule of the Canadian capitalist class.'''''
The Canadian state bears the imprint of its colonial origin: the retention of a monarch of another country as the head of state, and still in possession of the ill-defined “'''''royal prerogative''.'''” The Senate is still appointed from the privileged class
At Confederation, the British government confirmed the claim of the Canadian capitalists to legislative sovereignty within Canada, while they in return undertook to keep the Dominion within the Empire. '''''The result was commitment to British foreign policy and wars, and acceptance of the role of Canada as a raw materials supplier.'''''
The Statute of Westminster (1931) declared the “equality of status” of members of the Commonwealth. But this was also the period of the rise of the United States to world dominance; and the Canadian bourgeoisie, ever more closely linked with U.S. monopoly interests, proceeded to make this country dependent on U.S. imperialism.
By offering a “free choice” between the political parties representing capitalist interests, and by its control of the agencies that mold public opinion, the capitalist class has been able to maintain its class rule. This includes the state financing of election expenses for the biggest political parties, parties which are increasingly similar on the main questions of concern to the people. At the same time, the smaller, progressive and revolutionary parties are being squeezed onto the electoral margins, or off the electoral platform altogether. More and more, important policy and state affairs are removed from the parliamentary arena, and instead decided by Cabinet or its non-elected officials in the state apparatus, by appointed judges and courts, or in conformity with the terms of bilateral and multilateral agreements imposed on the Canadian people. A similar anti-democratic trend exists at the provincial and municipal levels of government.
this so-called “democratic” bourgeoisie rules the vast majority of the population through an economic dictatorship.
The Canadian bourgeoisie claims with pride that the judicial branch of government is independent of the legislative and executive branches. Yet, the judiciary is appointed by the executive and reflects its class character.
'''CSIS and CSE'''
The Canadian Security Intelligence Service and the Communications Security Establishment are a particularly dangerous part of the state apparatus. Working in tandem with the CIA and other imperialist security agencies, CSIS and CSE constitute an attack on the democratic and civil rights of Canadians. These agencies operate outside the law and beyond the reach of Parliament.
'''Need to study this more...'''
Canada includes many nations. The word ‘nation’ is used in different ways, but what is meant here is an historically-constituted community of people, formed on the basis of a common language, territory, economic life, and national consciousness manifested in a common culture. Nations come into existence and pass out of existence, by forcible and peaceful historical processes, or a combination of both. It is a dynamic process in which, the creation and development of each nation occurs in a specific and different way. As a result, the struggle for a democratic solution to the national question requires an understanding and respect for these objective differences.
Among the smaller nations in Canada are Indigenous peoples who are exercising their right to sovereignty with the demand for autonomy and self-government. Among these are the Northern Cree in Quebec, and the newly created territory of Nunavut, the Nisga’a on the west coast, and others. The Acadians in the Maritimes also constitute a smaller nation in Canada. The two largest nations are English-speaking Canada and Quebec.
The crisis of confederation lies first and foremost in the refusal of the ruling class, the Canadian monopoly bourgeoisie, to recognize the right of each nation to self-determination; that is, the right to choose the form of sovereignty that the majority of the people of each nation desires, including the right to separate and form an independent state.
Sovereignty may be expressed in a free national choice of one of three following forms: a separate state, a confederation of equal nations or states, or autonomy.
'''New consitution'''
For many years, the Communist Party has put forward the proposal for a new constitution based on the equal and voluntary partnership of all nations in Canada:  Quebec, English-speaking Canada, the Indigenous Peoples, and the Acadians.  Such a new constitutional arrangement must guarantee the protection of Indigenous inherent rights, including the right to consent over any change in their constitutional status, and on all matters pertaining to their national development.
'''Confederal Republic'''
The Communist Party proposes a confederal republic with a government consisting of two chambers:  one, such as the House of Commons today, would be based on representation by population, elected through a new system of proportional representation. In the view of our Party the other chamber would be a House of Nationalities, which would replace the present Senate. Our proposal – subject to amendment during full advance consultations by the nations within the Canadian state – is that such a House of Nationalities would be composed of a guaranteed and significant number of elected representatives from Quebec, English-speaking Canada, Indigenous peoples (First Nations, Inuit and Métis) and the Acadians. Each chamber would have the right to initiate legislation, but both would have to adopt legislation for it to become law. Furthermore, the Indigenous peoples would have the right to veto on all matters pertaining to their national development.
This structure will protect both fundamental democratic principles: equality of the rights of nations whatever their size, and majority rule. Structural changes reflecting this confederal arrangement would need to be made throughout the legal system and state apparatus.
A genuinely democratic constitution would correct the historic injustices suffered by the Indigenous peoples by recognizing their full economic, social, national and political equality, and the just settlement of their land claims based on treaty rights, Indigenous claims and scrip.  This includes the rights and demands of Indigenous women. The right of nations to self-determination must be entrenched in the Canadian constitution.
This fight for constitutional change is crucial to the overall struggle for democracy, social advance and for socialism. Uniting the working class across the country will not be possible without combating national oppression and fighting to achieve a new, equal and voluntary partnership of Canada’s nations.
'''Quebec'''
The sharpest expression of the constitutional crisis relates to Quebec’s national status and the refusal of the Canadian state to recognize Quebec’s right to national self-determination, up to and including secession. This non-recognition of Quebec’s rights is itself an expression of the historic national oppression of Quebec – its political, economic and social oppression – since the British conquest of New France in 1763. This national oppression continues, in turn, to arouse national indignation among the Quebec people, and to spawn a nationalist and separatist movement led by a section of the Quebec bourgeoisie and petite bourgeoisie.
The fight to defend Quebec’s national rights and sovereignty is a pivotal social and democratic struggle. However, in the current situation the independence of Quebec as advocated by the bourgeois and petty- bourgeois nationalist parties would not solve the crisis in the best interests of workers. Quebec has reached the advanced stage of monopoly capitalism; its economic relations with English-speaking Canada are no longer those of a colonial character. The separatist solution would lead to significant additional economic hardship for both Quebec workers and the rest of the country, weakening their political unity against the common enemy – finance capital, both domestic and international – and weakening the common struggle for fundamental change.
'''Constitution and Charter'''
Recent changes to Canada’s constitution have perpetuated the structural flaws and built-in inequalities of the original British North America Act (BNA Act) of 1867. The adoption of a new Canadian constitution and Charter of Rights and Freedoms in 1982, while formally a step forward from a colonial aAct of another country, nevertheless failed to address the underlying source of the crisis of Confederation. The current constitution perpetuates the injustices and inequities of the old BNA Act. “Provincial rights” were substituted for genuine national rights, thus accentuating the trend to decentralization, while doing nothing to uphold Canadian independence or to recognize the national rights of Quebec, the Indigenous peoples, and other nations in Canada.
'''Acadians'''
The Acadians, who today live mostly in the Maritimes, are also a nation. Originally 16th century settlers from France, the Acadians were driven out of Nova Scotia by the British colonialists who seized these lands after the defeat of the Kingdom of France in 1755. While significant numbers of the Acadian people remain geographically scattered in the Maritimes and Quebec, the Acadians now constitute one third of the population of New Brunswick and are the majority of the population on a large territory in the northeast of the province. They constitute a numerically important, stable community that retains its unique language, culture, history, and collective national consciousness.
As a nation, the Acadians have the right to self-determination. They may choose national autonomy and self-government within Canada, while maintaining their right to secession in the future if they so decide. Autonomy and self-government would include state support to help protect and maintain Acadian national identity within Canada.
'''Metis'''
The Métis nation emerged in the period of merchant capitalism in the 18th century based on the fur trade and was mainly situated along the rivers flowing into Hudson Bay. The assertion of national rights by the Métis in the rebellions of 1869-70 and 1885 was brutally crushed by the dominant English-speaking ruling class, who were backed by the expansionary industrial capitalism of Ontario and Quebec. Nevertheless, the resistance of the Métis led to the establishment of the province of Manitoba and helped keep alive the spirit of resistance against all national oppression in Canada up to the present. About half a million Métis live across the country, mainly concentrated in the prairie provinces.
ctrl +f
depending on the development of the productive capacities of each community – from smaller, dispersed and relatively isolated tribes into more complex, organized and technologically advanced societies with extensive trade partnerships.

Latest revision as of 12:34, 25 April 2024

Program

The Development of Capitalism in Canada

What was the basis for imposing early colonial structures

  • Mercantile capitalism through the trade of fish, fur and timber with the colonies and France and Britain.  


Mercantile capitalism eventually gave way to?

  • larger-scale operations, especially in forestry and shipbuilding, were started.


Who's capital was Canada dominated by at first and who did that change to?

  • Canada was under the domination of British capital. Early in the 20th century however, trade and debt dependence on Britain was gradually replaced with an even more debilitating dependence on U.S. capital and technology.  


Which economic structures did US gain control of

  • Manufacturing and natural resources


What did this result in?

  • Canada becoming more integrated into and more dependent on the U.S. economy than any other developed capitalist country.  
  • The growing presence of U.S. and other transnationals increased pressures for the exploitation of Canadian natural resources. It has also led to a massive and growing outflow of profits, interest, fees, and other transfers, stifling new development, jobs, and research, and easing the political and cultural penetration of U.S. imperialism.

State Monopoly Capitalism

What is state monopoly capitalism?

  • merging of the interests of finance capital with the state


What does finance capital use the state for?

  • to provide orders, capital and subsidies, and to secure foreign markets and investments

Monopoly capital supports the expansion of the state sector – both services and enterprises – when that serves its interests, and at other times it uses the state to cut back and privatize.


How does state-monopoly capitalism undermine bourgeois democracy?

  • Big business openly intervenes in the electoral process on its own behalf, and also indirectly through a network of pro-corporate institutes and think tanks. It uses its control of mass media to influence the ideas and attitudes of the people, and to blatantly influence election results. It corrupts the democratic process through the buying of politicians and officials. It tramples on the political right of the Canadian people to exercise any meaningful choice, thereby promoting widespread public alienation and cynicism about the electoral process.


What does International finance capital also require?

  • Institutions of regulation ratified and supported by the imperialist states to protect and advance their interests. It has amplified the role of existing international capitalist institutions – the World Trade Organization (WTO), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and World Bank – to enforce its global hegemony, as well as numerous regional economic blocs to protect the interests of the respective imperialist centres. These powerful international structures undermine national and state sovereignty, thus giving rise to new conflicts and contradictions in the system of monopoly capitalist regulation.

Canadian Capital and the TNCs

What does Canada have the highest level of among imperialist countries

  • Foreign ownership


What is Canadian finance capital largely interlocked with?

  • U.S. transnationals and international finance capital in general


What has intensified this process of capitalist integration under U.S. domination?

  • Imposition of neo-liberal policies especially under the free trade agreement

Canadian monopoly groupings control many sectors of the economy and control the Canadian state, but international finance capital – primarily U.S.-based TNCs – control substantial parts of the resource, manufacturing and service industries


What does this result in?

  • Important decisions on investment policy, technological change, plant closures and layoffs are made outside our borders. No sector of Canada’s economy is free from U.S. and other transnational influence.

Capitalism Generates Crises

What led to Keynesianism being implemented?

  • widely implemented during the prolonged post-W.W.II economic boom to stabilize capitalist economies, weaken and deflect the militancy and internationalism of working class movements and weaken the powerful attraction of the socialist alternative.

What was the impact of these policies

  • Keynesian prescriptions helped capitalist governments to temporarily ease the worst effects of cyclical crises but ultimately failed to prevent them. It also tended to inhibit international capital flows and TNC activity, and in general submerged the capitalist state in staggering public debt, the servicing costs of which were borne primarily by working people.

What brought us out of Keynesianism?

  • By the mid-1970s, finance capital turned towards neoliberalism. Under the slogan of a “return to the free market,” capitalist governments in Canada and elsewhere began to impose a vicious, pro-corporate and anti-people agenda which included liberalized or “free” trade, deregulation and privatization, corporate tax cuts, an intensified assault on labour and democratic rights, and various measures to drive down real incomes and living standards of working people to the benefit of the banks and monopolies.

What were the consequences of this?

  • It was successful in temporarily halting and reversing the decline in the rate of profit, and accelerated the accumulation and concentration of wealth in the hands of the ruling capitalist elite. This forced a decline in the purchasing power of the vast majority of the people which led to a decline in aggregate demand for commodities and services.

How was the decline in the purchasing power handled?

  • Extending cheap credit which increased the debt load borne by households and governments alike.

What did this debt bubble lead to?

  • the “great economic meltdown” of 2007-08 – the largest, most widespread and protracted capitalist crisis since the Great Depression of the 1930s. Production and international trade collapsed, and mass unemployment and poverty soared in the U.S., Europe, and elsewhere around the world. The ruinous consequences of neoliberalism stood fully exposed.

Since the ruling circles of finance capital have refused to change course and turned to being bailed out, austerity measures and wage cuts which has resulted in?

  • real economic growth in GDP has remained stagnant, while government and household indebtedness have grown even larger than 2007-08 levels, setting the stage for another, even more devastating capitalist crisis.

Productivity, Unemployment and the Working Class

What has increased exploitation and alienation of the working class and is accelerating the antagonism of the two classes

  • Technological and scientific progress

What is a general way it is doing this?

  • Technology is used to lower production costs by replacing human labor with machines

How has this impacted the manufacturing industry?

  • Workers in manufacturing (with the exception of auto assembly) have been reorganized into smaller hi-tech production units where smaller groups of precariously employed workers are isolated from the mainstream of organized workers. This has broken up the collectivization of what has been the most militant and organized portion of the industrial working class

How does this increase the gulf between the working people and finance capital?

  • The more technological progress there is, the higher the productivity rate, the higher the rate of exploitation, and the higher the intensity of labour, deepening the gulf between finance capital and working people. The longer hours and increased physical and mental stress demanded of the individual worker has a negative effect on the health and safety of all workers.
  • My note: this makes me think of one of the reasons Chris Smalls and others organized a union at Amazon because having to keep up with the machines made the work dangerous and stressful.

How is work over digital platforms (like remote work) changing working conditions?

  • Creating a shift towards hiring employees on a short-term, temporary basis, without fixed hours, wages or benefits. They are usually classified as "independent contractors." Terms and conditions of work are often controlled from other geographic jurisdictions, beyond the reach of labour standards legislation or guidelines, subject to change without consultation. Workers are often placed in competition with each other and may never meet in person.

What is rapidly intensifying the contradictions in tech these days?

  • Advancements in AI: AI has the potential to enhance the health and quality of life for all humanity, to facilitate scientific breakthroughs to reverse environmental destruction and climate change, and to sharply reduce necessary labour-time, increase leisure time, etc. But under capitalist relations, AI research is instead directed to enhance the profits of employers by eliminating whole categories of human-based labor, at the expense of workers, their families and communities, and toward military applications (such as lethal autonomous weapon systems) which could threaten all humanity. Unless reversed, this path will lead to the widespread marginalization and pauperization of the working class, to the further degradation of labour and democratic rights, and to aggression and war.

What does Tech do that doesn't benefit transnationals and financial groups?

  • Tech innovation is very expensive and it's application intensifies the tendency for the rate of profit to fall

How does finance capital try to offset this tendency of the declining rate of profit?

  1. driving down its labour costs through wage cuts, benefits cuts, pension cuts, speed-ups, lengthening the work day, contract work, redundancies, plant shutdowns, and other forms of corporate restructuring
  2. absorbing or merging with its competitors
  3. redistributing income from the working people to the capitalist class through taxation policies
  4. privatizing parts of the public sector and turning them into new sources of profit
  5. forcing open access to new markets through trade and investment agreements and, where necessary, through military aggression

How does the increased mobility of capital harm the workers?

  • enhancing transportability of production: In expanding numbers and types of industries, capital can respond to strikes or workers’ demands by quickly – and almost seamlessly – relocating entire production processes on a permanent or temporary basis.

How does the domination of advanced tech by U.S. transnationals further undermine Canadian independence and sovereignty?

  • inhibit's research and development and reduces the availability of skilled and high tech jobs to Canadian workers

How are the high costs of modernizing the economy with the latest tech paid for?

  • It is financed by the profits from exploiting the working class in the advanced capitalist countries, capital bled from the most exploited and impoverished countries by the transnational corporations, and through vast government handouts to commerce and industry paid for by the taxes of the working people.

What have free trade agreements resulted in?

  • de-industrialization and the export of hundreds of thousands of jobs, creating a large pool of unemployed people who are used to drive down wages and working conditions of the employed and organized workforce.

What is one of the tools used that threatens state sovereignty and democracy in the free trade agreements

  • Investor State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) clauses: a tribunal of corporate lawyers can overrule state domestic, health, environmental and financial legislation. A trans-national corporation that claims it has been denied current or future profits from the application of these laws can sue the state. These corporate appointed tribunals allow the lawyers to rotate between serving as “judges” and bringing cases for corporations against governments – a conflict of interest that should be illegal in law. Only corporations can sue the state. The state cannot sue corporations.

What is the best way to counteract all this?

  • International working class unity and solidarity

How has this impacted unemployment?

  • While job creation has tended to expand the engineering, research and hi-tech sector of workers, the rate of job formation has dipped below the rate of growth of the population as a whole. Higher levels of permanent unemployment and underemployment have become a mass phenomenon, independent of cyclical recovery and boom.
  • Canada faces the tragic consequences of having a generation of young people, many of whom may never work full-time or never work at all. Unemployed workers labeled “older” by employers are discriminated against and being denied re-entry into the labour force because of inadequate skills and the unprofitability of retraining them for a relatively brief remaining work life.

How does the growth in part-time, temporary and contract work impact workers

  • Regressive labour legislation often denies these workers minimum wage guarantees, job protection, social security benefits or the right to organize. This separates many part-time workers from the workforce as a whole and particularly from the trade union movement

How does this deepen divisions between people who work, the unemployed and those permanently displaced from the labour market?

  • The reserve army of unemployed drive down wages and pits sections of working people against each other. The working population, constantly forced to pay more direct and indirect taxes, is pitted against the poor and unemployed, who also pay direct and indirect taxes but whose plight becomes more desperate as social programs for their relief are consistently cut back.

What was the main source of growth in the working class in the past?

  • The movement from rural to urban

What is the main source of growth now?

  • Its ranks now grow mainly from the tendency to collectivize and proletarianize professions, semi-professions, clerical, commercial and administrative sectors and from the increased participation of women and new immigrants in the paid workforce.
  • Public sector and service industries have seen a lot of development. Also increasingly, workers in new mass technological industries, public institutions and large-scale service industries are playing a full and active role in the organized labour movement, alongside workers in traditional industries (workers in factories, mines and large scale industries).

What do new immigrants bring to our working class?

  • ethnic and cultural diversity, and their experience, militancy and class consciousness developed through class struggles in their originating countries.

What currently has the biggest impact on organized labor today?

  • the development of the public sector unions which now represent more than 60 per cent of organized labour and are comprised of a majority of women members

What percentage do women represent in all organized labor?

  • Over 50%

Since the 1970s, why has there been a growth in the number and proportion of self-employed persons in Canada?

  • This is the result of subcontracting, layoffs, and poverty, with little independence, and lower standards of living. These "entrepreneurs" have more in common with workers than with capitalists.

Crisis in Rural Canada

How has the concentration of wealth in Canada pushed out small farmers?

  • Farmers can't pay for more productive machinery which the industrial monopolies can. Financial and industrial monopolies dominate agriculture, and farmers are compelled to pay high monopoly prices for seed, equipment and other inputs, while the prices they get for their produce are set by the powerful packing, milling, grain-handling and railway monopolies. Monopoly capital fleeces the farmers through control of markets, prices and credits. It is extending its domination over agriculture through agribusiness and the forced introduction of bio-technologies such as genetically-modified crops, the use of which is strictly controlled by the agri-monopolies.
  • Increasing monopoly control and ownership of land and capital resources imposes crushing debts on the family farm, accelerating bankruptcies and driving the farm population off the land in record numbers.

What are some of the direct consequences that we see today of finance capital control of agriculture and the food processing and agricultural machinery industries?

  • The ruination of the family farmers or their transformation into agricultural labourers, their increasing proletarianization, and the growing use of highly exploited migrant labour

What other industries face this similar plight?

  • fishers and wood-lot owner
  • The small primary producers are also at the mercy of these big corporations, to which they must sell their harvest. Squeezed between increasing monopolization, higher operating costs and debt, lower wholesale prices, and dwindling resources, the incomes of these primary producers and their families are shrinking; thousands have been forced to abandon their livelihoods completely.

What is one of the ways, that hasn't been talked about, it impacts them?

  • introduction of high tech harvesting and processing equipment, is rapidly depleting the resource base, in some cases leading to environmental disaster.

This depletion of natural resources is also impacting heavily...

  • industrial workers, especially miners and workers who live and work in rural isolated communities.

To sum up...

Many thousands of well-paid, unionized jobs have been eliminated as a result of automation and/or resource exhaustion.

The crisis affecting family farmers and primary producers, miners and woodworkers is destroying the economic basis of many rural communities and small towns across Canada, ruining small-scale independent businesses, and increasing unemployment in the countryside.

Environmental Crisis

What is one of the propaganda tactics employed by capital to resist efforts aimed at curbing the environmental devastation resulting from its pursuit of profit?

  • hunt for ever increasing profits is being disguised as a concern for jobs. Some resource based unions have bought into the corporate agenda that pits environmental protection against employment

Chapter 3: Canada in a changing world

What is one of the alarming trends?

  • The increase of fictitious capital. Vast resources are no longer employed in productive enterprises, but are diverted to speculation in currency, “futures” and the stock market, where huge profits are siphoned off without ever generating increased production. This speculation worsens the anarchy inherent in capitalist production, giving rise to deeper cyclical and structural crises within countries, regionally and globally.

What are the three main imperialist centers?

  • EU, US, Japan

The CP-Canada party believes in upholding the role of the UN while pressing for it's democratization...

The UN Charter and the principles of international law – premised on the full equality, sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states – are now routinely violated by the imperialist powers under the pretext of the “Responsibility to Protect” (R2P) doctrine and/or the ‘right’ to protect their national security interests. In these circumstances it is vital to defend these principles of international law, and to uphold the role of the United Nations, while pressing for its democratization.

How is fascism different from right wing populism

  • Like fascism, right-wing populism plays on division and inflames prejudice, particularly against immigrants and racialized peoples. It thrives on xenophobia, racism, misogyny, homophobia and transphobia. Its leaders present themselves as the people’s champion, disclaiming political allegiances that expose their anti-working class and anti-democratic essence. Unlike fascism, however, right-wing populism may maintain some elements of liberal democracy, like bourgeois elections.

Does right wing populism lead to fascism

  • Right-wing populism does not inevitably lead to fascism, as the long history of struggle against Social Credit in English-speaking Canada, and the Creditistes in Quebec, clearly shows.
  • However, in today’s context of increasingly reactionary measures being enacted to curtail and suppress labour and democratic rights, to curtail the rights of Parliaments and legislatures, and to intensify repression of socialism and the revolutionary movements in all of the capitalist countries, it is clear that right-wing populism often prepares the ground for the emergence of far-right political movements and parties including fascist and white supremacist organizations.


While the international expansion of capital is transforming the role of national governments and restricting their economic regulatory function in favour of institutions such as the WTO, IMF and World Bank, the coercive function of the state remains a vital instrument to protect the interests of monopoly capital and to repress opposition. Therefore, the struggle for deep-going democratic and anti-monopoly reforms, and ultimately for working class political power must still be conducted primarily at the level of the national state in each country.

But given the global character of contemporary capitalism, class and democratic resistance at the state level, in and of itself, is no longer sufficient. Struggles waged in each country must be combined to an ever-greater extent with coordinated regional and global forms of struggle. An international democratic and anti-imperialist front is urgently required, to bring together the democratic, working class and progressive forces around the world to confront the unfettered power of international finance capital. Such a front or alliance can be forged around a program for genuine internationalization, based on: the principles of peace, non-aggression, and global disarmament; respect for the sovereignty of all states, for the equality and rights of all nations, large and small, the peaceful coexistence of different social systems, and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; fair and balanced trade and economic cooperation; respect and promotion of cultural diversity; and protection of the global environment.

Chapter 4: The Canadian State, the Nations and Peoples of Canada, and the Crisis of Democracy

Events and such I want to do more research on...

In 1837, popular anti-colonial uprisings led by the democratic forces of French and English Canada revolted against colonial officialdom and the reactionary and privileged strata (the Family Compact in Upper Canada and the Chateau Clique in Lower Canada). The revolutionary uprising of the Métis and Indigenous peoples followed in the West. But these struggles took place before and during the period of the birth of industrial capitalism in Canada; they opened the way to the development of industry and the political rule of the Canadian capitalist class.

The Canadian state bears the imprint of its colonial origin: the retention of a monarch of another country as the head of state, and still in possession of the ill-defined “royal prerogative.” The Senate is still appointed from the privileged class

At Confederation, the British government confirmed the claim of the Canadian capitalists to legislative sovereignty within Canada, while they in return undertook to keep the Dominion within the Empire. The result was commitment to British foreign policy and wars, and acceptance of the role of Canada as a raw materials supplier.

The Statute of Westminster (1931) declared the “equality of status” of members of the Commonwealth. But this was also the period of the rise of the United States to world dominance; and the Canadian bourgeoisie, ever more closely linked with U.S. monopoly interests, proceeded to make this country dependent on U.S. imperialism.

By offering a “free choice” between the political parties representing capitalist interests, and by its control of the agencies that mold public opinion, the capitalist class has been able to maintain its class rule. This includes the state financing of election expenses for the biggest political parties, parties which are increasingly similar on the main questions of concern to the people. At the same time, the smaller, progressive and revolutionary parties are being squeezed onto the electoral margins, or off the electoral platform altogether. More and more, important policy and state affairs are removed from the parliamentary arena, and instead decided by Cabinet or its non-elected officials in the state apparatus, by appointed judges and courts, or in conformity with the terms of bilateral and multilateral agreements imposed on the Canadian people. A similar anti-democratic trend exists at the provincial and municipal levels of government.

this so-called “democratic” bourgeoisie rules the vast majority of the population through an economic dictatorship.

The Canadian bourgeoisie claims with pride that the judicial branch of government is independent of the legislative and executive branches. Yet, the judiciary is appointed by the executive and reflects its class character.

CSIS and CSE

The Canadian Security Intelligence Service and the Communications Security Establishment are a particularly dangerous part of the state apparatus. Working in tandem with the CIA and other imperialist security agencies, CSIS and CSE constitute an attack on the democratic and civil rights of Canadians. These agencies operate outside the law and beyond the reach of Parliament.

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Canada includes many nations. The word ‘nation’ is used in different ways, but what is meant here is an historically-constituted community of people, formed on the basis of a common language, territory, economic life, and national consciousness manifested in a common culture. Nations come into existence and pass out of existence, by forcible and peaceful historical processes, or a combination of both. It is a dynamic process in which, the creation and development of each nation occurs in a specific and different way. As a result, the struggle for a democratic solution to the national question requires an understanding and respect for these objective differences.

Among the smaller nations in Canada are Indigenous peoples who are exercising their right to sovereignty with the demand for autonomy and self-government. Among these are the Northern Cree in Quebec, and the newly created territory of Nunavut, the Nisga’a on the west coast, and others. The Acadians in the Maritimes also constitute a smaller nation in Canada. The two largest nations are English-speaking Canada and Quebec.

The crisis of confederation lies first and foremost in the refusal of the ruling class, the Canadian monopoly bourgeoisie, to recognize the right of each nation to self-determination; that is, the right to choose the form of sovereignty that the majority of the people of each nation desires, including the right to separate and form an independent state.

Sovereignty may be expressed in a free national choice of one of three following forms: a separate state, a confederation of equal nations or states, or autonomy.

New consitution

For many years, the Communist Party has put forward the proposal for a new constitution based on the equal and voluntary partnership of all nations in Canada:  Quebec, English-speaking Canada, the Indigenous Peoples, and the Acadians.  Such a new constitutional arrangement must guarantee the protection of Indigenous inherent rights, including the right to consent over any change in their constitutional status, and on all matters pertaining to their national development.

Confederal Republic

The Communist Party proposes a confederal republic with a government consisting of two chambers:  one, such as the House of Commons today, would be based on representation by population, elected through a new system of proportional representation. In the view of our Party the other chamber would be a House of Nationalities, which would replace the present Senate. Our proposal – subject to amendment during full advance consultations by the nations within the Canadian state – is that such a House of Nationalities would be composed of a guaranteed and significant number of elected representatives from Quebec, English-speaking Canada, Indigenous peoples (First Nations, Inuit and Métis) and the Acadians. Each chamber would have the right to initiate legislation, but both would have to adopt legislation for it to become law. Furthermore, the Indigenous peoples would have the right to veto on all matters pertaining to their national development.

This structure will protect both fundamental democratic principles: equality of the rights of nations whatever their size, and majority rule. Structural changes reflecting this confederal arrangement would need to be made throughout the legal system and state apparatus.

A genuinely democratic constitution would correct the historic injustices suffered by the Indigenous peoples by recognizing their full economic, social, national and political equality, and the just settlement of their land claims based on treaty rights, Indigenous claims and scrip. This includes the rights and demands of Indigenous women. The right of nations to self-determination must be entrenched in the Canadian constitution.

This fight for constitutional change is crucial to the overall struggle for democracy, social advance and for socialism. Uniting the working class across the country will not be possible without combating national oppression and fighting to achieve a new, equal and voluntary partnership of Canada’s nations.

Quebec

The sharpest expression of the constitutional crisis relates to Quebec’s national status and the refusal of the Canadian state to recognize Quebec’s right to national self-determination, up to and including secession. This non-recognition of Quebec’s rights is itself an expression of the historic national oppression of Quebec – its political, economic and social oppression – since the British conquest of New France in 1763. This national oppression continues, in turn, to arouse national indignation among the Quebec people, and to spawn a nationalist and separatist movement led by a section of the Quebec bourgeoisie and petite bourgeoisie.

The fight to defend Quebec’s national rights and sovereignty is a pivotal social and democratic struggle. However, in the current situation the independence of Quebec as advocated by the bourgeois and petty- bourgeois nationalist parties would not solve the crisis in the best interests of workers. Quebec has reached the advanced stage of monopoly capitalism; its economic relations with English-speaking Canada are no longer those of a colonial character. The separatist solution would lead to significant additional economic hardship for both Quebec workers and the rest of the country, weakening their political unity against the common enemy – finance capital, both domestic and international – and weakening the common struggle for fundamental change.

Constitution and Charter

Recent changes to Canada’s constitution have perpetuated the structural flaws and built-in inequalities of the original British North America Act (BNA Act) of 1867. The adoption of a new Canadian constitution and Charter of Rights and Freedoms in 1982, while formally a step forward from a colonial aAct of another country, nevertheless failed to address the underlying source of the crisis of Confederation. The current constitution perpetuates the injustices and inequities of the old BNA Act. “Provincial rights” were substituted for genuine national rights, thus accentuating the trend to decentralization, while doing nothing to uphold Canadian independence or to recognize the national rights of Quebec, the Indigenous peoples, and other nations in Canada.

Acadians

The Acadians, who today live mostly in the Maritimes, are also a nation. Originally 16th century settlers from France, the Acadians were driven out of Nova Scotia by the British colonialists who seized these lands after the defeat of the Kingdom of France in 1755. While significant numbers of the Acadian people remain geographically scattered in the Maritimes and Quebec, the Acadians now constitute one third of the population of New Brunswick and are the majority of the population on a large territory in the northeast of the province. They constitute a numerically important, stable community that retains its unique language, culture, history, and collective national consciousness.

As a nation, the Acadians have the right to self-determination. They may choose national autonomy and self-government within Canada, while maintaining their right to secession in the future if they so decide. Autonomy and self-government would include state support to help protect and maintain Acadian national identity within Canada.

Metis

The Métis nation emerged in the period of merchant capitalism in the 18th century based on the fur trade and was mainly situated along the rivers flowing into Hudson Bay. The assertion of national rights by the Métis in the rebellions of 1869-70 and 1885 was brutally crushed by the dominant English-speaking ruling class, who were backed by the expansionary industrial capitalism of Ontario and Quebec. Nevertheless, the resistance of the Métis led to the establishment of the province of Manitoba and helped keep alive the spirit of resistance against all national oppression in Canada up to the present. About half a million Métis live across the country, mainly concentrated in the prairie provinces.

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depending on the development of the productive capacities of each community – from smaller, dispersed and relatively isolated tribes into more complex, organized and technologically advanced societies with extensive trade partnerships.