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A History of the U.S.S.R.
Author	Anna Pankratova, Sergei Bakhrushin, Konstantin Bazilevich, A. V. Fokht
Written in	1947
Translated by	Bernard Isaacs from Russian
Publisher	Foreign Languages Publishing House
First published	1947 Moscow
Type	Book
Source	Part 1 Part 2 Part 3

Part One (Prehistory to 1700)

Early Times

The Primitive Community System in Our Country

Primeval Human Society

The Birth of Human Society

The first traces of human life in Europe date back to that distant period when the climate was warm and humid. The luxuriant, evergreen forests consisted of laurel, box, yew and other species of trees. The woods and riverbanks abounded in animals which today are either extinct (as the pre-historic elephant, and a peculiar genus of rhinoceros) or which now occur in southern lands (as the hippopotamus and leopard).

Human beings lived in small groups ("primitive hordes"). The first implements used by man were rough-chipped stones. People obtained their food in common by gathering snails, insects, fruit and edible roots. The hunting of small animals was still a casual pursuit. Because of the warm climate man had no need for the protection of special shelters or clothing.

Gradually the climate hardened and grew still more humid. Large glaciers formed in the north, and moved down the mountains. The luxuriant forests receded farther south, and the warm-climate animals either went south with them, or vanished completely. Vast areas were under ice.

Man however remained and adapted himself to the harsher climatic conditions inasmuch as he had learned the use of fire. At first he learned how to keep up a fire, and then how to obtain it by rubbing dry sticks together and by striking sparks out of stone. Fire kept man warm, protected him against wild beasts, and allowed him to eat his meat and fish cooked.

The earliest squatting places of man in our country are those discovered in the Caucasus (near Sukhumi) and in the Crimea. A large number of split animal bones and rude stone implements have been found in caves not far from Simferopol. These were the dwellings of primitive hunters who used natural caves as protection against beasts and as shelter in time of bad weather.

When the Glacial Age was at its height, a large cap of ice covered the European territory of our country, extending to the Middle Don and the Southern Dnieper (almost to Dniepropetrovsk). The ice cap over Siberia was less considerable.

This blanket of ice covered our land for many tens of thousands of years. The glaciers melted slowly and the ice gradually receded to the north, leaving behind it ridges of boulders.

At first the land freed from the glaciers was covered with tundra. Torrents of thawing ice cut channels into the soil and formed the river systems. The abundance of moisture stimulated the rapid growth of grass and forests. The plains, woods, riverbanks, lake shores, etc., became the abode of large animals — the mammoth and rhinoceros, as well as the reindeer and other specimens of the northern and Arctic animal world, Man’s most dangerous enemies — the cave lion, cave bear and cave hyena— inhabited the hills and caves. Man followed the retreating glaciers to the north.

The Primitive Community

Equipped only with the wooden club, the wooden spear and the crudest stone implements man was unable to combat the rigorous conditions of nature and the wild beasts singlehanded.

Danger dogged him at every step. Only by helping each other could men protect themselves against the attacks of beasts and obtain the food they needed. This co-operation was especially necessary when hunting big game like the mammoth, rhinoceros, the wild bull and other beasts. In appearance the mammoth resembled the elephant, but was much larger and stronger. The mammoth chief means of defence were his enormous upcurving tusks.

The mammoth was a herbivorous animal and dangerous only when being pursued. To capture such a strong beast people had to set traps or to lie in wait for their quarry near watering places or steep cliffs.

Collective life led to the formation of the primitive community. Everything, with the exception of some insignificant articles, belonged to the community; private property did not yet exist. In the primitive community there were no rich and poor, no exploitation of man by man. Productive forces were very poorly developed.

People learned to make mud-huts and hovels as a shelter from the cold. Not long ago the remains of such a dwelling place were discovered on the Don, near the village of Gagarino. The bottom of the hut was a shallow, oval pit the sides of which were lined with boulders and large bones, to which poles were affixed, joined together at the top and forming a roof covered with twigs and hides. The bones of the mammoth, rhinoceros, bull and various small animals were found scattered inside the hut. Ornaments were also discovered there — the teeth of small beasts of prey, shells, and several carved bone figures of women. With the development of Soviet archeology as many as 200 habitats of ancient human society have been discovered on Soviet land. They are scattered in various places in the southern half of the European territory, in the Altai Mountains and in Western and Eastern Siberia, and are evidence of the profound antiquity of human society in our country.

The Matriarchal Clan

Origin of the Matriarchal Clan

As the climate changed, the vast glaciers vanished. They remained only in the extreme north and on mountain peaks. Gradually the conditions of nature became more like what they are today. The animal world changed; many large beasts, such as the mammoth and the cave lion, became extinct. Man's struggle for existence was considerably mitigated.

The primitive community had had no definite social organization and readily disintegrated. On the other hand, the existence of a common economy called for a more stable and permanent social organization.

In the course of many thousands of years people handed down from generation to generation acquired labour habits. They learned to make implements of various sizes and shape from flint and bone, such as axes, hammers, knives, celts, picks, spear points, etc. They started polishing the surfaces of the stone implements, making them easier to handle. People learned to sharpen and pierce stones and fix them onto handles. Of great importance was the appearance of the bow and arrow which enabled the hunter to kill his quarry from afar.

His new production technique enabled man to rise to a higher stage of human civilization, that of barbarism. Man began to make earthenware, which was necessary for storing water, especially in dry regions. At first, the utensils were made of wood, twigs and skins. Then, to make them more durable, the walls of the wooden vessels were lined with clay. Still later the entire vessel was made of clay alone. Finally, the potter's wheel appeared, and with it pottery production. The plaiting of baskets from twigs and rushes anticipated the weaving of the fibre of wild plants. This was the beginning of textile production. Coarse, handwoven fabric was used for clothing, bags, and the like, Man’s vocations became more intricate and diverse. He began to use nets woven of fibre for fishing. His chief hunting weapons were the spear, the harpoon, and the bow and arrow. During their excavations archeologists sometimes find the bones of large beasts of prey with flint arrowheads deeply imbedded in them. At first women gathered fruit and berries; then they began planting grain, tubers and edible roots. For this purpose a plot of fertile land, usually in a river valley, was loosened by means of a pointed stick — the hoe. Barley, millet and wheat were sown. In this way arose the primitive form of hoe agriculture.

Primitive agriculture, which was carried on chiefly by the women, provided mankind with a more stable economic basis. Gradually, in the course of centuries, primitive people began to revere woman as the symbol of fertility. Realizing the importance of maternity, they also honoured woman as the ancestral Mother. And woman, as the Mother, tiller of the soil, and guardian of the collective life of the group, became head of the primitive matriarchal clan.

When a man took a wife, he went to live with her clan, where he was subordinate to his wife’s mother. At clan meetings, woman, the Mother, was in command, and members of the clan honoured only their female ancestors. For the murder of or insult to one of their kin, the entire clan sought revenge. Inter-clan blood feuds became endless wars. For purposes of war several clans joined to form tribes. Clans consisted of several hundred people, and were united chiefly for work. A tribe combined a number of clans comprising several thousand people, who primarily formed a military group. At tribal meetings the armed people — men and women — elected leaders and elders, and decided questions of war and peace. Women were also tribal chieftains.

The men, who were hunters, tamed wild animals. This laid the foundation for animal herding. The first domestic animal was the dog. In northern regions man tamed the reindeer.

Habitations of Clan Communities

Many dwelling places of clan communities have been found all over our country, from the shores of the Black Sea and the valleys of the Transcaucasian Mountains to the Far North, and from Byelorussia to Eastern Siberia. This material has enabled scientists to determine how people lived in that remote epoch.

In the forest belt people lived along riverbanks and lake shores. Each settlement belonged to a single clan and consisted of a few hovels. The dwellers’ chief occupation was fishing, and to some extent hunting. In some places clan settlements were located in groups, a fact that points to the rise of a tribal union of clans.

In the south, where the country consisted of mixed forest and steppeland, and especially in the fertile river valleys, the chief occupation of the population was tilling the ground with the hoe. As an example of a primitive agricultural society we have the Tripolye civilization, relics of which were first discovered near the village of Tripolye (not far from Kiev). Numerous settlements of the Tripolye civilization have been found on Ukrainian territory, west of the Dnieper; they are said to be about 6,000 years old. Settlements were located on high banks or on the slopes of ravines at the bottom of which streams flowed. The site selected for a dwelling was spread with clay which was baked hard with the help of bonfires. The walls were built of piles and sticks coated with clay. The result was a fairly spacious dwelling with several hearths inside. These crudely constructed houses accommodated up to a hundred and more people. The people planted wheat, barley and millet not far from their place of abode. Wooden flint-tipped hoes were used to turn up the soil. The grain was ground between large stone slabs.

A large number of clay statuettes of animals have been found; a magical power was presumably ascribed to these statuettes which were supposed to protect the domestic herd and help it to multiply. Pictures of domestic animals are also to be found on vessels.

Occasionally articles made of copper are found in the villages of the Tripolye civilization. Little casting moulds have been unearthed, pointing to the fact that some of these articles were made at the place where they were found. The frequent occurrence of metallic objects coincides with the period when the matriarchal clan system began to decline.

The Patriarchal Clan

The Development of Herding

The domestication of wild animals was of great importance in the life of the clan communities. Possessing domestic animals, people had a constant supply of food and were no longer dependent on the outcome of their hunt, which was not always a success. The taming of dogs and reindeer (in the north) was followed by the domestication of other animals such as cattle, goats, sheep, swine and horses. Gradually herding became the chief pursuit of the community. At first the cattle lived all year by grazing near the settlement. Later the people began to make hay as fodder for the winter; in the north thin leafy twigs were dried and shredded for this purpose. During the winter domestic animals lived in the same houses with the people. Later special sheds were put up for the animals. Large herds of cattle could not remain in one place for a great length of time. People therefore began to migrate with their cattle in search of fresh pasturage. Thus, nomad herding originated in the vast steppeland. Dairy farming, and the making of cheese and butter appeared with the development of cattle raising. Man learned to treat the wool of animals and to spin thread from it; then he began to make warm fabrics which were a good protection against the cold. Later the weaving loom was invented.

The breeding of domestic animals enabled man to use them in turning up the soil. This led to the appearance of the first tilling implement — the wooden plough. The first primitive plough was probably a tree limb with a bent, pointed bough or rhizome.

Origin of the Patriarchal Clan

Herding was the chief occupation of the man. It greatly enhanced his importance in the community. Man, the livestock breeder, replaced woman in agriculture: he tilled the land with the aid of animals (the bull, deer and horse) and freed woman from heavy physical labour with the hoe or plough. By using draft animals, man transformed hoe agriculture into plough farming. Kinship began to be traced from the male line, and no longer from the female. The matriarchal clan, which had existed heretofore, disappeared, and was replaced by the patriarchal clan, that is, a union of relatives who originated from a common male ancestor.

It became the established custom for a man’s children to inherit their father’s property, and this led to the accumulation of wealth in the family. Rich families began to withdraw from the clan. This accelerated the disintegration of the primitive community system.

Development of Copper and Bronze Age Culture

The development of the patriarchal clan was coeval with the period when stone implements began to give way to copper and bronze tools. Native copper was worked in the cold state. However, implements made of pure copper were too soft, they easily bent and soon got blunt. The discovery of bronze, a copper and tin alloy, was of great importance in improving the quality of metal implements. Bronze melts at a lower temperature than copper. This facilitated the smelting and manufacture of bronze implements. The use of bronze, which is much harder than copper, permitted of a considerable improvement in tools and weapons, with the result that man’s labour became more productive and his weapons stronger.

The most ancient copper articles found on the territory of the U.S.S.R. date back to 3,000 B.C. They were originally introduced from southern and eastern lands. Local production came into being no later than 2,000 B.C. The mountains of the Caucasus, Central Asia, the Altai and the Urals became seats of the Bronze Age civilization. From here the use of bronze implements spread to the steppe and forest regions.

In early times, when hunting was man’s chief occupation, life in the different primitive communities was practically unvaried. Later occupations became more diversified. In forest localities which abounded in wild animals, hunting was still an important pursuit. Near rivers and lakes people turned chiefly to fishing, while in fertile river valleys they tilled the soil. The grassy steppe served as pasturage for their herds.

The inhabitants of the European forest belts and the vast wooded areas of Siberia remained preeminently hunters and fishermen. They lived in small villages far removed from each other. The primitive community system still prevailed there.

In the grassy plains of Southern Siberia, Central Asia and the Black Sea region, herding became the basic occupation. Agriculture predominated in the fertile valleys. Here the disintegration of the primitive community proceeded more rapidly. Communities of husbandmen and herders developed more quickly than communities of hunters. Sea steppes, which, when excavated, revealed human skeletons dyed a red colour. During burial, the dead body was covered with ochre or minium (red lead), which later settled in the bones. The dead man’s weapons and various household chattels were placed beside him. Sometimes the skeletons of a man and a woman were found together in the same burial mound. It is to be presumed that when a man, the head of a family, died, his wife was killed and buried with him. The barrows reveal that there were rich and poor burials, and testify to the incidence of inequality in property status. An example of an especially lavish burial — that of a clan or a tribal chief — is the tumulus discovered near the city of Maikop. The mound was about 30 feet high. The main section of the sepulchre contained a skeleton which had been coloured a bright red with minium. The deceased was dressed in clothing ornamented with golden images of bulls, rings, rosettes, and also with gold, cornelian and turquoise beads, and other small objects. Gold and silver vessels lay beside him. A canopy had been erected above the body, and was supported on gold and silver tubular piles decorated with solid gold and silver figures of bulls. The grave contained two other skeletons in special sections; the chieftain’s nearest relatives had to die with him. The Bronze Age flourished during the second millennium and the beginning of the first millennium B.C. in the mountains of the Caucasus, Transcaucasia and the Altai. Ancient mines from which ore was obtained for the local production of bronze, have been discovered in many places.

Beginning of the Iron Age

Iron objects appeared on the territory of the U.S.S.R. at the end of the second millennium B.C. At first iron was used to ornament bronze articles. In the first half of the first millennium B.C. the production of iron implements had already originated in various places, and these articles began to replace bronze weapons and tools. By the middle of the first millennium B.C., iron had firmly established itself in the life of the population of our country. It increased the productivity of labour tremendously, especially in agriculture and the crafts. "Iron made possible agriculture on a larger scale and the clearing of extensive forest tracts for cultivation; it gave the craftsman a tool of such hardness and sharpness that no stone, no other known metal, could withstand it."

The beginning of the first millennium B.C. witnessed the birth of a class society in the southern mountains of Transcaucasia and in Asia Minor. The iron ploughshare and the iron ax brought about the decline of the primitive community system.

Earliest States on the Territory of Our Country

Earliest Slaveowning States in the Caucasus and Central Asia

Basis of Slavery

In the primitive community oppression did not exist. But production, too, was in an embryonic state. With the development of herding, agriculture and domestic crafts, men were able to produce more than was necessary for their own subsistence. This led to the accumulation of stocks and the bartering of products among the clan communities. With the development of private family ownership of the means of production, individual families also engaged in inter-family barter. Such barter further stimulated production, which could no longer be maintained by the labour power of a single family or clan.

Wars furnished a new source of labour power: prisoners of war were no longer killed, but were converted into slaves. War was now waged for the sake of capturing prisoners no less than for that of plunder. Wars still further increased property inequality. The rich could now enslave not only people of alien tribes, but also their own tribesmen and clansmen. Thus arose a division of society into classes: a class of slaveowners and a class of slaves. The slaveowner considered his slaves his absolute property, just as he did any other article that belonged to him. He could sell, buy and kill his slave just as he did his cattle. A slave had no property of his own. His labour was extensively employed in the economy. The condition of slaves was a very wretched one, yet compared to the primitive community, the system of slavery was a progressive stage.

Formation of the Slaveowning State

The state came into being with the development of property and class inequality. It was essential to the propertied class as a means of preserving amassed riches and maintaining its power over the slaves and the indigent population. The body politic arose on the ruins of the primitive community system.

With the appearance of property inequality, clan and tribal chief tains came to be elected from among the rich families. Wars of plunder enriched these chieftains still further and made them more powerful; with them their military retinues also enriched themselves. These retinues helped to make the rule of the chiefs hereditary. A special armed force, one which replaced the former tribal volunteer levy, was required to keep the slaves and the poor in subjection. Popular justice was replaced by a new court of law, one which served the interests of the ruling minority. In the clan, society had been governed according to traditional customs. Laws that protected the interests of the slaveowners appeared in the slaveowning state. A state power unknown under the primitive community system was formed in this manner.

Ancient states expanded by subjugating weaker neighbouring tribes. Such multi-tribal states were unstable since they were founded not on economic ties but on the power of the conqueror. They therefore united or fell apart according to the success or failure of one or another military leader or ruler.

Ancient Transcaucasian States

The first slaveowning state to appear on the territory of our country originated in Transcaucasia near Assyria. In the middle of the second millennium B,C. the mountainous land in the region of the triple lakes, Van, Sevan and Urmiya, and the upper reaches of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers and their tributaries, was occupied by small tribal unions. The Assyrian kings undertook frequent campaigns against them. This country of the triple lakes was named Urartu (Urardhu) by the Assyrian kings.

In the beginning of the first millennium B.C. the small principalities of Urartu united under the supremacy of the stronger tribes. The united tribes, called Chaldeans — after the name of their god, Chaldu (Khaldu) — formed a kingdom headed by powerful rulers, who not only effectively repelled the attacks of the Assyrians, but themselves launched campaigns against them. A capital which was well protected in the south by the Iranian Mountain Range was built on the shore of Lake Van (near the present city of Van). During the 9th-8th centuries before our era the dominions of Urartu expanded tremendously.

To commemorate their victories the kings of Urartu left cuneiform inscriptions on rocks and cliffs, which were sometimes located in very inaccessible places. These writings, telling of important events in the history of Urartu, have been deciphered with great difficulty by Russian and foreign scientists.

The kingdom of Urartu attained its maximum size and power in the middle of the 8th century B.C. In the north the Chaldeans seized the valley of the Araxes River and went as far as the Great Caucasian Mountain Range. During their successful campaigns against their neighbours, the Chaldeans destroyed settlements and forts, carried off rich spoils and herds, and either slew the inhabitants or captured and made them slaves. King Argishti, in an inscription engraved on a cliff at Van, records the massacre and enslaving of over 64,000 people effected by him in a single campaign. Thousands of slaves dug canals, were employed in economy, and built impregnable castles on high cliffs on the domains belonging to the king of Urartu and his lords. The buildings were erected without the use of mortar, merely by pressing stones tightly against each other. Spacious dwellings were also hewn out of stone cliffs. This demanded a tremendous expenditure of labour. The intricate water supply and irrigation systems were amazing engineering feats. The canal which supplied drinking water to the capital, Van, remained in use for over two thousand years. Grain and grape vines were cultivated in the irrigated regions and river valleys. Livestock breeding was of great economic importance. The Chaldeans were noted for their excellent bronze weapons and other bronze articles. Urartu was a state of slaveowners, the population being divided into freemen and slaves. The richest slaveowners were the king and his chief courtiers.

At the end of the 8th century B.C. the power of Urartu began noticeably to wane. Nomads from the north pressed the Chaldeans hard. The Assyrian empire on the Tigris grew strong again. Sargon, the Assyrian king, routed the troops of the Urartu ruler, destroyed his capital, and carried off tremendous booty. Sargon carved the following inscription on a cliff as a record of his victory: "When the king of Urartu learned of the defeat of his troops, his heart quivered with fear, as the heart of a bird fleeing from an eagle."

In the middle of the 6th century B.C. the Persian kingdom lying southeast of Urartu grew in power. The Chaldean tribes were weak ened by their struggle against it. Their union under the rule of the Urartu kings had begun to disintegrate. The very name, Chaldean, fell into disuse; Urartu was retained in the name Mt. Ararat.

New tribal unions were formed on the former territory of Urartu in the 6th century B.C., which later developed into two nations— the Georgians and Armenians, The ancient Armenians lived on the land around Lake Van. The Karthveli (Karthli) and other kindred tribes who lived in the valleys of the Araxes and Kura rivers and the adjacent mountainous regions formed the Georgian people. At the end of the 6th century B.C. Armenia was compelled to submit to the rule of the Persian king, Darius I Hystaspes. Darius has left a lengthy inscription about his conquests, in which he describes how the Armenians rose up in rebellion against him, and how this rebellion was crushed only after five bloody engagements. Armenia had to pay heavy tribute to the Persian king.

Ancient Peoples of Central Asia

In the first millennium B.C. the vast steppes of Central Asia were inhabited by numerous nomad tribes of herdsmen. According to the Greeks, these people were noted for their warlike spirit and bravery. All their weapons — arrows, spears, swords, axes — were made exclusively of copper and bronze. Women enjoyed great freedom and even took command in time of war.

In the fertile river valleys the population engaged in agriculture. Among the agricultural people the clan system had already begun to disintegrate. Husbandry was carried on by a large patriarchal family which also included the slaves. Slave labour was used for the build ing of artificial reservoirs and canals, which were of great importance in arid areas. The most important agricultural regions were Khoresm (Khwarizm) along the lower reaches of the Amu Darya, and Sogdiana on the Zeravshan River. Caravan routes crossed Central Asia, connecting the Caspian countries with Eastern Asia. The towns situated along these routes plied an active trade. The largest of these towns was Marakanda (now called Samarkand), the principal city of Sogdiana.

Campaign of Alexander the Great in Central Asia

In the 4th century B.C. Greece and Persia contended for world supremacy. Alexander, king of Macedonia, invaded Asia Minor, Iraq and Persia. He dreamed of conquering India. He defeated the army of the last Persian king, Darius III, and in the spring of the year 329 B.C. crossed the Hindu Kush Mountains and descended to the Central Asiatic plain, attracted by its natural resources and large population.

The inhabitants of Sogdiana desperately resisted the Macedonians. Taking advantage of Alexander’s absence — he had set off for Syr Darya with the bulk of his forces — the rebellious population, led by Spitamen, massacred the Macedonian garrisons in the towns. Alexander the Great hastily returned to Sogdiana and devastated the land wantonly. However, in spite of their fearful losses, the people continued to resist. Spitamen, with detachments of horsemen, made unexpected sallies against the Macedonians and kept them in a state of constant alarm. After a protracted struggle, the Macedonians succeeded in routing Spitamen, who then retired to the steppes with the nomads who had been his allies. The nomads, however, fearing the Macedonians' ven geance murdered Spitamen and sent his head to Alexander. Thus did this outstanding leader of the Sogdians meet his end.

Having completed the conquest of Central Asia Alexander the Great marched against India. He died in the year 323 B.C., while he was preparing for new conquests.

Following the death of Alexander the Great his empire, which consisted of a large number of conquered lands in no way united among themselves, fell apart. Several independent states, headed by the descendants of Macedonian generals, were formed on the territory conquered by Alexander. Greek (Hellenic) culture began to penetrate into the East after its conquest by Alexander. Greek warriors paved the way for merchants and craftsmen. Commerce between the Eastern countries and Greece increased. Greek art considerably influenced the art of the Eastern peoples. For this reason the Eastern states formed as a result of Alexander the Great’s conquests are called "Hellenic."

The state of the Seleucids (named after one of Alexander’s gen erals, Seleucus) was founded in Syria. It subjugated Transcaucasia including Georgia and Armenia, and part of Central Asia including Sogdiana. Gradually the population of these lands threw off the yoke of the Seleucid state.

In the 3rd century B.C., Bactria became an independent state. Bactria (the territory of modern Tajikistan) was a flourishing slaveowning state at that period, and at various times included separate parts of Sogdiana, Ferghana, Kazakhstan, Afghanistan and Northwestern India.

Bactria maintained intercourse with Siberia, which supplied gold to Central Asia, and with the Urals, where metal was mined. It also had ties with China, to which country a so-called "silk route" had been laid. The Bactrian kingdom reached the zenith of its development in the 2nd century B.C.

Armenia under Tigranes II

After the destruction of the Seleucid state by the Romans in the year 190 B.C. the Armenians rebelled against the Syrians and formed an independent slaveowning kingdom with its own dynasty of rulers. Armenia was at its greatest during the 1st century B.C. under Tigranes II, who crushed the might of the neighbouring Parthian king in Asia Minor, Persia and Turkmenia, Following this victory Tigranes II called himself the "king of kings" and even declared himself a god. He established a magnificent Eastern court at which he gave refuge to Greek philosophers and writers who had fled from Roman oppression. During his campaigns Tigranes II captured large numbers of Greeks, Jews and Arabs, and settled them in his towns. With the help of these settlers he tried to develop the crafts and trade.

Tigranes II governed the country with the help of the rich slave owners. Slaves cultivated the lands belonging to the king, the temples and the rich nobility. Tigranes II had a large, well-organized army. If necessary he raised a popular levy of slaveowners and their people. The army was organized on the Roman system.

Georgia and Albania

Georgia, which comprised two large countries — Iberia and Colchis — was situated north of Armenia. Colchis was the name of a country bordering on the eastern extremity of the Black Sea famous for its auriferous sands and silver mines. East of Colchis was Iberia. The population inhabiting its mountainous regions engaged in herding and preserved the clan system. Both agriculture and horti culture were developed in the plains. Slavery was introduced here in the 1st century B.C.

Albania was located on the western shore of the Caspian Sea. The mountainous regions and lowlands of Albania were inhabited by numerous small tribes, which were ruled by their respective petty princes. These tribes often attacked their neighbours, the Iberians (Georgians) and Armenians. Later they united under the supremacy of the strongest tribe, the Albanians. Subsequently the descendants of the people of ancient Albania were incorporated into the Azerbaijan nation.

Peoples of the Northern Black Sea Region

Scythians

The people occupying the steppeland from the Volga to the Dniester in the 8th-3rd centuries B.C. consisted of various tribes including cultivators and nomad herdsmen, who bore the common name of Scythians.

We find descriptions of the life of the Scythian nomads in the accounts of Greek writers. All the property a Scythian possessed was contained in a four-wheeled or six-wheeled nomad kibitka — a waggon with a felt tilt drawn by two or three yoke of oxen. Each kibitka was a sort of little felt home in which the women and children lived. The Scythians roamed with their herds of horses, sheep and cattle, remaining in a given spot as long as there was sufficient pasturage for their cattle. Then they would leave in search of pasture land. Among the masses of nomads was a rich ruling nobility which possessed large herds that were tended by slaves.

The Scythians were remarkable for their martial spirit and power of endurance, for their daring, and their cruelty to the enemy. They made wine-cups from the skulls of the people they killed, and quivers from their skin. A brave warrior was accorded the greatest honour. The Scythians held annual feasts at which only those who had slain one or more of the enemy were permitted to take a draught of wine from the common goblet.

Every tribe had its king who was vested with great power. When a king died, his body was placed on a cart which was drawn throughout the entire land. The inhabitants who met the body of the king had to express profound grief: they cut their hair short, cut off part of an ear, scratched their faces, pierced their left hand with arrows. Kings were buried in huge barrows. With them were laid their arms, precious gold and silver vessels, and a large number of horses. Their wives and servants were also killed and buried with them.

Scythian tombs, some of which rise to a height of 30-35 feet are extant in the south of our country. Many of them have been excavated and a large number of interesting objects found in them are now on display in our museums.

In the large Chertomlyk barrow (not far from the city of Nikopol) on the Dnieper) a wonderful silver vase was discovered, with a frieze showing scenes of nomad life and Scythians breaking in wild mares. One section depicts two horses grazing freely in the steppe, in another scene some Scythians are having a hard time holding down a wild horse they have captured; in a third, three Scythians are trying to throw a horse to the ground. Then there is a picture of the horse after it had been tamed; a stooping Scythian is hobbling its forelegs.

Of no less interest is a gold vase found in a barrow near Kerch (on the Kul-Oba Hill). One of the scenes pictures a sea ed Scythian, evidently a chief, listening to a tale or a warrior’s report. The chief’s long hair is tied with a headband. His clothing consists of a short kaftan confined by a belt, and loose, Turkish-like trousers. The chief is leaning on a long spear with both hands. A warrior is kneeling before the king. Another picture on the vase shows a Scythian fitting a string to his bow. Some other Scythian is treating the tooth of a third person. Still another picture portrays a Scythian bandaging someone’s diseased or injured leg. Several of the Scythians are wearing tall pointed hoods on their heads. All of them have quivers of arrows and cases for bows slung at their side.

A golden comb, which apparently belonged to some Scythian king, was found in one of the barrows (Solokha). The upper part of the comb has a scene on it picturing a combat between three warriors: two foot soldiers (one of whom is undoubtedly a Scythian) are attacking a Greek horseman. Thus has an episode of the Scythian people’s struggle for independence from the Greek enslavers been preserved for history.

Greek Colonization of the Black Sea Coast

Greek slaveowners went to the Black Sea region in quest of slaves, and were also lured to that territory by its riches. They had heard that the Scythians possessed large herds of cattle and a great amount of grain, and also that there was gold in the Caucasus. Accounts of the Black Sea region have been preserved in Greek legends about the golden fleece, the adventures of Odysseus and others. The first Greeks to visit these shores were fishermen and tradesmen who bartered with the local inhabitants. Beginning with the 7th century B.C. permanent Greek colonies sprang up on the shores of the Black Sea. On the estuary of the Southern Bug and Dnieper arose the colony of Olvia; not far from modern Sevastopol was Khersones; and on the southeastern shore of the Crimea — Feodosia and Panticapaeum (now Kerch). The city of Tanais was built at the mouth of the Don by the Sea of Azov; Greek colonies also arose on the Caucasian coast.

The centre of each Greek colony was a city surrounded by a stone wall. This wall protected the Greek colonists from attack by the hostile population. Within the city wall were dwellings, stores and various public buildings, such as the temples and baths. Among these structures were some splendid works of Greek architecture, ornamented with marble columns and statues.

Trade with Greece, with Eastern lands and the peoples of Eastern Europe was of great importance for the Greek colonies on the shores of the Black Sea. Vessels sailing for Greece were loaded with grain, slaves, furs and fish, while Greece exported weapons, fabrics, various utensils of clay and glass, costly ornaments and articles of luxury, and wine. Part of these imported goods went to satisfy the needs of the upper class of the local Greek population; part was exchanged for grain and other products supplied by the population of the northern Black Sea coast. Later the Greek cities developed their own crafts. Many of the articles found in the Scythian barrows were made in the workshops of the Black Sea colonies. The free Greek population in the colonies, as in Greece itself, met at "popular assemblies" to discuss various questions and to elect their functionaries. The entire administration was in the hands of the rich slaveowners and merchants. Every city-colony constituted a separate state. One such city, Panticapaeum, ruled a considerable territory, the so-called Bosporus kingdom. It was governed both by Greek and Scythian slaveowners, whose power was passed by inheritance from father to son.

At the end of the 3rd century B.C. the condition of the Greek colonies along the Black Sea shore deteriorated. Tribes of nomads, Sarmatae, who were kin to the Scythians appeared on the Caspian steppes. Harassed by the Sarmatae, some of the Scythians, and other nomads moved westward and reached the Danube; others went to the Crimea and occupied its northern steppes.

The Scythians who remained were assimilated by the Sarmatae and other tribes. The Greek cities found increasing difficulty in repulsing the attacks of the nomads.

The Scythians who settled in the Crimea during the 2nd century B.C. often attacked Khersones and the Bosporus kingdom. At this time a Pontic kingdom was formed in Asia Minor, on the southern shore of the Black Sea.

Khersones, which was not strong enough to defend itself, concluded a treaty with the king of Pontus, by which it was to receive help.

Slave Revolt in the Crimea

At the end of the 2nd century B.C. the Scythian slaves in the Bosporus kingdom rose in revolt. A slave of the Bosporus king, named Saumacus, slew the king and headed the uprising. The revolt was crushed by Diophantus, a general of King Mithridates VI of Pontus, who had come to Khersones to defend it against the Scythians. He captured Saumacus and sent him to Mithridates in Asia Minor. As a sign of their gratitude for the help rendered against the Scythians, the rulers of Khersones erected a bronze statue of Diophantus in the acropolis of the city near the altar of their most revered goddess. An inscription telling of the services and victories of Diophantus was carved on the marble pedestal. The inscription was found among the ruins of Khersones.

The uprising of the slaves in the Crimea was not an isolated instance. Similar mass rebellions of slaves occurred in the 2nd and 1st centuries B.C. in many other slaveowning states — in Asia Minor, Greece, Italy, on the Island of Sicily and other places. These rebellions portended the end of the slaveowning system.

Roman Conquests in the Black Sea Region

During the 1st century B.C. Roman dominions rapidly spread eastward. In order to conquer Asia Minor Rome had to destroy the kingdoms of Pontus and Armenia. The struggle between Rome and King Mithridates VI of Pontus lasted almost 18 years. Finally, the Roman legions inflicted a serious defeat on Mithridates. Roman slaveowners invaded the domains of Tigranes II. They sacked the rich capital of Armenia (the city of Tigranocerta on the Tigris River). The people rose in defence of their land and inflicted a series of defeats upon the Romans. Other legions under Pompey were then sent against Tigranes II. Georgians, Medes and other peoples joined the Armenians against the Romans. Pompey took advantage of dissension among the Armenian nobility and forced Tigranes II to conclude peace. The Armenian king was named the "friend and ally of the Roman people," a title which signified the subordination of Armenia to Rome. Subsequently the Romans subjugated a considerable part of Georgia.

During the 1st century B.C. the Romans established themselves firmly in the Black Sea region. The kings of Bosporus became the vassals of the Roman emperors and submissively executed all their orders. Roman legions were quartered in Khersones and other Greek cities of the Crimea and the Caucasus. Roman fortresses with towers from which the approach of enemy vessels could be observed, were built along the shore of the Black Sea.

The kings of Bosporus began to use the names of Roman emperors and to wear Roman clothing. They received their insignia of royalty from Rome: the sceptre with an image of the emperor and the royal crown. Throughout the century-long existence of the Greek colonies, the descendants of the former colonists intermingled with the local population. Alien people of various tribes made their home in the Black Sea towns and became local citizens. In the Crimea, too, there was a mingling of different peoples and cultures.

With the decline of the Roman empire, its influence in the Black Sea countries decreased still further. By the 3rd century A.D. the Roman fortresses in the Crimea and along the Caucasian shore became desolated. The former Greek cities became independent once again. A new union of tribes, known as the Goths, was formed on the southern steppes of the Black Sea region in the 3rd century. This union also included the eastern Germans, who had formerly inhabited the lower reaches of the Vistula. Towards the middle of the 3rd century the Goths began to invade Roman dominions beyond the Danube. At the same time Goth pirates plundered the Caucasian and Asia Minor coasts of the Black Sea and penetrated to the Aegean Sea, burning Greek towns. In the 4th century the Goths were severely defeated by the Romans.

The attack of the Goths upon Rome’s eastern possessions marked the beginning of the struggle of various East European tribes against the Romans. During the same period a struggle was being waged in Western Europe between the Romans and the German tribes. The attacks of the "barbarians" (non-Romans) hastened the downfall of the slaveowning Roman empire.

Nomads of Asia (from the 3rd century B.C. to the 8th century A.D.)

The vast steppes of Southern Siberia and Central Asia were inhabited by various tribes of nomads that later formed the Turkic and Mongolian peoples. Several centuries before our era the nomads living north of China formed a large tribal union. The Chinese called the nomads belonging to this union Huns. The Chinese waged an arduous strug gle against the Huns, which lasted for centuries. The nomads made sudden raids on China’s northern territories, sacked the towns, ruined the harvest and carried off the population. When a large Chinese army was rallied, the nomads returned to the steppe and dispersed over its boundless expanses.

In order to defend their frontiers the Chinese, as far back as the 3rd century B.C., constructed solid stone fortifications which became known as the "Great Wall of China." Gradually Chinese influence made itself felt among the nomads. The Hun chief assumed the title of "born of heavens and the earth, the chosen of the sun and the moon." The Hun princes sent their sons to serve at the court of the Chinese emperor.

The nomad ruling caste adopted Chinese customs and Chinese clothing. A Soviet expedition to Northern Mongolia, headed by P.K. Kozlov, which explored the exceedingly rich barrows of the Hun rulers, discovered chariots, Chinese silks, a magnificent rug picturing a winged animal tearing an elk apart, precious objects, parasols which were symbols of high honour, and other objects.

The great Hun state decayed in the 1st century B.C. A large number of Huns moved westward. New tribes formerly under the domination of the Huns now came to the fore in the steppes of Asia.

Invasion of Eastern Europe by the Nomads

When the Hun state collapsed in Mongolia, some of the tribes moved westward in their attempt to escape the Chinese. Their descendants after intermingling with other peoples in the course of their roamings, appeared in Eastern Europe in the 4th century A.D. Contemporaries of the Huns called them "the fiercest warriors." Besides the Mongolian Huns, the Hun kingdom included the native population of Central Asia and the northern part of the Black Sea region.

The Huns defeated the Goths and drove them west. The main Hun horde stopped between the Danube and the Tisia. For a brief space of time there was a strong Hun state in this locality, the king of which was Attila. After his death in 453, the Hun kingdom broke up: some of the Huns settled on the right bank of the Danube and mixed with the local population; others returned to their native haunts in the Black Sea steppes, where they were ethnically assimilated by the local population.

The movement of the Huns west of the Volga along the northern shores of the Black Sea stimulated the migration of other tribes as well. Close upon the heels of the Huns, the Bulgars came to the Caspian steppes. But the Bulgars, too, were not long able to withstand the pressure of other nomads. The Bulgarian tribal union broke up into several parts. Some of these settled on the Volga (in the Bulgarian kingdom); others reached the Balkans, where they intermingled with the local Yugoslavic population, to whom it gave its ethnic name — Bulgar.

Turkic Khanate

A group of tribes, known as the Turkic khanate, arose in Mongolia in the 6th century A.D. The ruler of this state was called a kaghan. A large number of nomad and, to some extent, agricultural tribes were under the rule of this khanate. The ruling tribes under the leadership of their khan constantly raided their neighbours and spread their power over a vast territory. The rich and the nobles commanded the warrior detachments and governed the subjugated tribes. The bulk of the nomad population lived in separate clan communities.

Tombstones of Turkic khans, bearing engraved inscriptions of remarkable campaigns and outstanding events, have been preserved in the valley of the Orkhon Hiver.

The Turkomans of the khanate were hostile to the Turkic Kirghiz (Khakass) who inhabited the upper reaches of the Yenisei River and the Altai Mountains. One of the inscriptions tells how a Turkic khan mounted his white stallion and set off with his troops against the Kirghiz. He threw one Kirghiz off his horse. Then with a spear in his hand, he rushed into the ranks of the enemy. While doing so he dug his spurs into his white horse so violently, that he broke the horse’s ribs. The Kirghiz khan was killed and the people submitted to the power of the Turkic khan.

The Turkic state in Mongolia and Central Asia collapsed in the 8th century A.D. After the fall of the Turkic khanate, the Kirghiz (Khakass), who had as many as 80,000 warriors and a large population proved to be the strongest people.

And so throughout many centuries the vast lands of Southern Siberia and Central Asia saw the continuous rise and fall of one or another tribal union. The nomads in their search for better pasturage and plunder, traversed a large section of the Central Asiatic steppes. Part of the nomads settled in the new places; others continued further west. They were drawn to those regions by the fertile, grassy plains which spread out like a heavy green blanket northwest of the Caspian Sea.

Early Feudal States in Transcaucasia

The Struggle Between Rome and Persia (Iran) for Armenia and Georgia

Rome ceased to exist as a slaveowning empire in the 4th-5th centuries A.D. The peoples of Europe and Asia, including those of Parthia and Persia, rose against her. Persia subjugated Parthia, Albania (Azerbaijan) and a considerable part of Georgia and Armenia. Only a small part of Western Armenia and Western Georgia remained under Roman power. At the end of the 4th century the Roman empire fell apart and was divided into two empires: the Eastern and the Western. The Eastern Roman empire (Byzantium) continued its struggle against Persia for possession of Armenia and Georgia.

The Birth of Feudalism in Armenia and Georgia

About the middle of the 1st century A.D. the Arsacid dynasty was established in Armenia. With great solemnity the Roman Emperor, Nero, received an Armenian embassy and personally placed a crown upon the head of the Armenian king. It was approximately in the 4th century A.D., when kings of the Arsacid dynasty were in power, that feudal relations originated in Armenia. Slave labour was not very productive and even became unprofitable with the development of agriculture and the crafts and improvements in working tools. It was therefore superseded by the labour of feudal subjects. Serfs who lived on the lands of their feudal lords had their own little farms and the necessary implements. They tilled the land of the feudal lord and fulfilled other services for him. The lord could no longer kill his serf with impunity, as he had killed his slave, but he still retained the right to buy and sell serfs. Under serfdom the peasant was interested, to a certain degree, in husbandry as a means of livelihood and to pay his lord a tax in kind, that is, with the products of his own harvest. The big landowners forced the peasants to do all the work on their estates and to render all manner of service. Every rich feudal lord had his own castle and troops. The feudal nobility seized the most important posts. The great feudal lords formed the king’s court, and attended state ceremonies at which they occupied places according to seniority.

At the end of the 3rd century A.D. the Armenian king and nobility adopted Christianity from Byzantium, and it became the national religion of Armenia. Byzantium supported the Christian church, using it to strengthen her influence. The church contributed to the final establishment of feudalism in Armenia, though ancient pagan beliefs persisted for a long time among the peasant population.

In the Byzantine part of Armenia the power of the king was destroyed at the end of the 4th century, and the country was ruled by Byzantine officials appointed by the emperor. Similarly the rule of the king in that part of Armenia which was under Persian sway soon came to an end. With the termination of the king’s rule the power of the large landowners was still further augmented.

Mesrob Mashtots, a monk, born of a peasant family, perfected the Armenian alphabet in the early part of the 5th century. This marked the beginning of an Armenian literature; instruction in the schools was carried on in the native language; youths were sent to Egypt and Byzantium to perfect their knowledge of the sciences. An extensive literature, both original and translated, appeared.

A kingdom was formed in Western Georgia on the territory of ancient Colchis in the 4th century A.D. This land was inhabited by ancient Georgian tribes of Lazis, whence the Romans and Greeks derived their name for the land — Lazica. The centre of this land was the fertile valley of Rion, which was covered with vineyards and orchards. This valley was also the site of a considerable number of towns, including Kutaisi, which engaged in commerce. After a long struggle with Persia, Lazica remained under Byzantine rule. The Eastern Georgian lands formed part of another kingdom, Karthli (ancient Iberia). In the beginning of the 5th century the king of Karthli became a vassal of Persia. As everywhere else, the development of feudal relations in Georgia enhanced the power of the landowning nobility, which tried to limit the king’s power. Christianity began to penetrate into Georgia via the cities along the Black Sea shore. With the aid of Byzantium it became firmly established as the state religion of Karthli in the middle of the 4th century, and in Lazica in the beginning of the 6th century. Christianity strengthened the cultural ties between Georgia and Byzantium. Translations of religious writings appeared simultaneously with translations of Greek philosophical and historical works. This stimulated the growth of Georgian literature. The peoples of Transcaucasia did not cease their struggle for liberation. At the end of the 5th century the Karthlian king, Vakhtang, who was called the "Wolf's Head" because of the emblem in the form of a wolf’s head on his helmet, fought against Persia. During one of the engagements he was mortally wounded. After his death the Persian feudal lords assumed power. The country was then ruled by a Persian satrap who settled in Tbilisi.

The Struggle of the Peoples of Transcaucasia Against Persian and Byzantine Domination

Byzantine and Persian domination in Georgia, Armenia and Albania (Azerbaijan) was accompanied by the terrible oppression and devastation of these lands. The population was brought to the point of despair by intolerable tribute and compulsory services. The conquerors conscripted the Armenian and Georgian youth into their armies. These conditions led to frequent bloody popular uprisings in Georgia, Armenia and Albania (Azerbaijan). The rebellions were notably powerful when the Georgians and Armenians joined forces against the common enemy. Pilled with hatred for their enslavers, these peoples won many a victory over numerous and better armed enemy detachments. While the people fought heroically and staunchly for the liberation of their country, the rich feudal lords often turned traitors and went over to the camp of their country’s enemies. This made it easier for Persia and Byzantium to crush the uprisings of the people.

Struggle of the People of Transcaucasia against the Arabs

Persia’s rule in Armenia and Georgia lasted until the 7th century, when the Arabs, soon after reducing the Persian empire, conquered Transcaucasia and Central Asia. In 642 they seized the capital of Armenia, Dvin, and within a few years conquered all of Armenia and Eastern Georgia. In the 9th-10th centuries there was a considerable number of rich cities in Transcaucasia — Tbilisi (Tiflis), Derbent, and others, which carried on trade and the crafts and maintained intercourse with Eastern Europe. Tbilisi became the residence of the Arabian emir. The country was ruled by his ostikans — governors. With the arrival of the Arabs the Moslem faith spread among the people of Transcaucasia.

The peasants of Transcaucasia frequently rose in revolt against their Arabian conquerors, who were ruining the land with their exactions and turning the local population into slaves and serfs. A big uprising of peasants, craftsmen, and slaves occurred in the first half of the 9th century in Azerbaijan, under the leadership of the gallant chieftain Babek. Babek was orphaned when still a child. After his father’s death, when he was only 10 years old, the boy was turned over to a rich herdsman, for whom he worked as a shepherd. Later he became a camel driver. This enabled him to study the life of the Azerbaijan people at first hand. The sufferings of these people, oppressed by heavy taxes and other exactions, aroused in Babek a feeling of irreconcilable hatred for the oppressors and enslavers, especially for the Arabian rule. Babek, who was only 18 years old at that time, joined a popular uprising and soon became its leader. Finding protection in the inaccessible, high mountain regions, Babek fought tenaciously against the Arabs. The rebels won several victories over powerful Arabian detachments.

It was only after long years of struggle that the Arabs succeeded in occupying the chief insurgent areas. Babek went into hiding in the mountains and from there he continued guerilla warfare against the Arabs and the local feudal lords who had betrayed their own people. All attempts to surround and capture Babek failed. Then one of the powerful feudal lords, pretending to be a supporter of Babek's, invited him to his castle. There Babek was treacherously seized and turned over to the Arabs. He was executed upon the order of the caliph. The uprising was suppressed. This determined struggle of the Azerbaijan people for independence lasted over twenty years.

The disintegration of the Arab caliphate, which began at the end of the 9th century, led to the restoration of the rule of the local wealthy families in Georgia and Armenia.

In 864 Ashod I, who represented one of the most powerful families of Armenia, became king of Armenia and founded a new dynasty of the Bagratids, which ruled until the middle of the 11th century. This dynasty succeeded in uniting a large part of Armenia. The city of Ani (not far from the city of Kars) became the capital of the Bagratids and the trade centre between the East and the West. The city was beautified by a number of splendid buildings which point to the flourishing state of Armenian architecture. From his study of the ruins of the city of Ani, Academician N. Marr, famous Soviet scientist, retraced the history of the language and culture of ancient Armenia.

After the fall of the Arab caliphate, Georgia broke up into a number of rival independent feudal principalities. It was only in the second half of the 10th century that one of these, the Tao-Klarzhetsk, succeeded in uniting these principalities under the power of the kings of the Georgian Bagratid dynasty.

Armenian Epic, "David of Sasun"

The memory of the age-long struggle of the Armenian people against their conquerors, the Arabs, has come down to us in a beautiful epic poem, David of Sasun. It tells of the adventures and feats of four generations of Armenian knights. Two brothers built a fortress of huge stones high in the mountains which they named Sasun ("Wrath"). Poor people came to Sasun from all parts of the country to seek protection, and it became the bulwark of the people’s struggle against the enemies of their native land. David of Sasun is the central figure of the poem. When still a youth he fought against the Arabs, who were oppressing his people. The Arab sovereign set off with a large army against Sasun. He had so many warriors that they dried the rivers on their way by each of them merely drinking a mouthful of the water. Yet the enemy’s might did not daunt David. "Brothers and sisters!" David exclaimed. "Fear not the enemy; I shall go and fight the foe for you." David mounted his father’s miraculous steed and engaged the enemy in battle. He slew the enemy warriors, sparing those, however, who had been forcibly driven to war. He also slew the Arabian king and liberated the prisoners:

I break the bonds that do enslave,

Return, you all, to friends and those you love so true.

Return, you, home, return and there your life renew.

Nor fees nor tribute do I crave.

David had a son, Mger the Younger, who was as puissant and dauntless as his father. Left an orphan, Mger continued the struggle against the enemies of his native land. The poem tells how Mger stepped up to a cliff and with a powerful blow cleaved it in two. Riding his grandfather’s miraculous steed, he vanished into the fissure, where he will remain until the old, unjust world is destroyed.

As long as the world is all sin

As long as deceit stands to win,

So long do I part with this world.

When all is destroyed and created anew,

When barley grows large as the berries I knew,

Oh then will I welcome my day!

This place will I leave on that day!

In these words of Mger the Younger the Armenian people expressed their undying dream of a better life. Centuries passed, generations changed, but the bards, from age to age, continued to sing of the knights of Sasun, of their feats in their struggle against evil, and of their great love for their native land.

Peoples of Central Asia in the Struggle against the Arabs

Conquest of Central Asia by the Arabs

At the time of the Arabian conquest Central Asia consisted of several states which were constantly at war with each other. The most important of these was Sogdiana, a land of fertile oases, rich foothills and mountain valleys. Its territory was studded with the castles of landowning princelings who were practically independent of each other. The most powerful of them was the ruler of Samarkand, who called himself the "Sogdianian king." West of Samarkand was Bokhara. Along the lower reaches of the Amu Darya stood Khoresm.

The steppes of Central Asia were populated by nomad tribes. The incursions of Turkic tribes from the east grew more insistent. In the early part of the 8th century they tried to seize the agricultural regions of Central Asia and its rich commercial cities, but were repulsed by the Arabs.

In 751 the Arabs routed both the Turkomans and the Chinese on the banks of the Talass River and also conquered Central Asia.

The population of Sogdiana — the Sogdians, remote ancestors of the Tajiks — desperately resisted the Arab aggression. This agricultural people found an ally in the nomads, who came to their aid. It took the Arabs about 75 years to completely subjugate the lands between the Amu Darya and Syr Darya. Khoresm, Sogdiana, Bokhara and other Central Asiatic lands became part of the Arab caliphate in the middle of the 8th century. In most cases the Arabs permitted the local princelings to retain their lands and power, but made them their tributaries. The caliph sent his governors to the larger cities and established permanent Arabian garrisons there.

The prosperous merchants took advantage of the Arabian conquest to trade with the caliphate dominions. Large numbers of Arabs settled in the towns, and noticeably influenced the local culture. The Moslem faith spread among the ruling class of the local population, and the Arabian tongue became the language of literature and of the state.

The agricultural population, who had heretofore rendered various services to their landowners, now also had to pay heavy taxes in kind to the Arabs. This tax sometimes amounted to as much as half their crops. The people, i.e., the peasants, slaves and indigent city population, were in constant rebellion against the Arab yoke.

The Revolt of Mokanna

The greatest uprising took place in the seventies of the 8th century. It was called the revolt of "the white-shirted," since the peasants wore simple white clothing. The leader of the popular rebellion was Hashim-ibn Hakim, who was known among the people as Mokanna, which means "The Veiled."

Mokanna used to wash clothes in his youth. Later he had command of one of the rebel detachments. He was captured by the Arabs and spent some years in a dungeon, but succeeded in escaping, and began to prepare a general uprising of the peasants against the Arabs and local landowners. This rebellion lasted about seven years. The insurgents seized and destroyed castles, killed the local landowners who had joined the enemies of their native land, and wiped out the Arabian garrisons in the towns. To subdue the peasant uprising, the Arabian emirs raised a huge army equipped with battering rams. Several fierce battles took place in which the peasant army suffered heavy defeats. Mokanna was killed, but the people did not cease to rebel against the Arabs.

The State of the Samanids

When the Arab caliphate collapsed in Central Asia in the second half of the 9th century, the ancient Tajik state of the Samanids was formed (subsequently the name Tajik was given to the native Sogdiana population), with the city of Bokhara as its capital. The kings of the Samanid dynasty tried to create a strong, centralized power, such as was necessary to combat the nomads. They stubbornly opposed individual petty rulers who tried to establish an independent rule.

Thanks to the power of the Samanids, quiet set in in the Central Asiatic steppes. This stimulated trade and life in the cities. The largest cities (Bokhara, Samarkand and Merv) engaged in a lively trade with eastern and western countries, particularly with China and the Volga region.

Literature and learning flourished during the reign of the Samanids, Poets and scholars (philosophers, doctors, geographers, mathematicians, historians and others) created an exceedingly rich literature in the Arabian and Persian languages. Numerous valuable manuscripts were stored in the royal library at Bokhara. Each department of science or literature in the library had a special room to itself, and the library had an efficiently-kept catalogue. The famous philosopher, naturalist and doctor, Avicenna (ibn-Sina) lived and worked in Bokhara at the end of the 10th century. Later his works were translated into Latin and became widespread in medieval Europe.

Khazars and Bulgars on the Volga

The Khazar State on the Volga

The Turkic-Khazars formed a strong Khazar state on the Lower Volga in the 7th century. The Khazars were a semi-nomad people. In the winter they lived in the cities, and in the spring they took their herds out to the steppes to graze. Herding remained their chief occupation, although they also engaged in agriculture, and grapevine cultivation. The Khazars were still divided into clans, each of which possessed its own section of land. However, the clan system had already begun to decay, and an influential group of the nobility in the clan came to the fore. The Khazar kingdom was headed by a khakan or king, who was surrounded by rich dignitaries. The king was rendered divine homage. The country, however, was governed by a lord lieutenant and not by the khakan himself.

The khakan lived in Itil, a populous city situated upon the delta of the Volga. Outside the city walls were wooden dwellings and felt nomad tents. The royal brick palace was situated on an island connected with the bank by a floating bridge. The eastern side of the city was inhabited by visiting merchants — people from Khoresm, Arabs, Greeks, Jews and others. The many markets here had a diversity of wares from Central Asia, the Caucasus, the Volga region and the Slavonic lands. Itil was an important centre for southeastern trade, and its commercial intercourse with Khoresm was of especial importance. The duty which the merchants paid the Khazars constituted one of the chief sources of income for the khakan’s treasury. The regular intercourse with Transcaucasia and Khoresm had an important influence on the constitution of the Khazar state and the everyday life of its population. The Khazar ruling class and the king embraced Judaism.

Another important Khazar city was Sarkel on the Don. Sarkel was built with the help of Byzantine engineers, and was intended to afford protection against irruptions of nomads from the north and the east.

The Khazar state reached the zenith of its power in the 9th century. In the south the Khazars in alliance with Byzantium fought against the Arabs and even went as far as the Araxes River. West of the Volga, the lands between the Caspian and Azov seas belonged to the Khazars, who at one time had subjugated part of the Crimea and imposed tribute upon the Slavonic tribes living along the Dnieper and the Oka rivers. In the north their power extended to the middle reaches of the Volga.

The closest neighbours of the Khazars were the Pechenegs, who, in the 9th century, roamed between the Yaik (the Ural) River and the Volga. Harassed by other nomad tribes as well as by the Khazars, the Pechenegs moved further west in the second half of the 9th century, and occupied the steppe between the Don and the Dnieper.

Bulgar State on the Volga and Kama

The union of Bulgar tribes on the Volga broke up as a result of the constant attacks of other nomads. Some of the Bulgars migrated to the Danube. Here they were absorbed by the Slavs, but they handed down their own tribal name to these people. Others went north up the Volga and settled on the lands along the lower reaches of the Kama and the Middle Volga, where they formed an independent state. During this period of migration to the Kama and the Volga, the Bulgars were still nomads. In their new environment they turned to agriculture. According to the accounts of Arab writers, the Bulgars cultivated wheat, barley and millet.

In the Bulgar state the power belonged to the king, the tribal chieftains and the tribal nobility. Most of the towns were situated near the confluence of the Kama and the Volga. The Arabs called the Bulgar capital on the Volga, the "Great City." Merchants from the Slav lands, from Transcaucasia, Byzantium and Central Asia, paid annual visits to the capital of Bulgaria. From the Slav lands they brought strong, stalwart slaves and valuable furs. Arabian merchants came with steel swords, silk and cotton fabrics, and various rich ornaments.

The Bulgars themselves made journeys for furs to the north, which they called the "land of gloom." They bartered with the trappers of that country. The Bulgar merchants would lay out their wares in a pre-arranged spot and then depart. The following day they would find animal skins set out beside their own goods. If the Bulgar merchant was satisfied with the bargain, he took the furs and left his own wares. If not, he would not touch the skins but would take back his own goods. Arabian culture, which was more highly developed, penetrated Bulgaria with the eastern trade. By the 10th century the ruling class of Bulgars had already taken over the Moslem faith from the Arabs. In imitation of the Arabs, the Bulgars began to mint their own coins.

In the beginning of the 10th century ibn-Fadhlan visited Bulgaria as a member of an Arabian embassy. He left a most interesting description of his travels. The Bulgar king met the embassy not far from the capital. The envoys were ushered into a large, richly appointed tent, with Armenian rugs spread on the ground. The king sat on a throne covered with Byzantine brocades. On his right hand sat the chiefs of his subject tribes. During the feast the guests were regaled with chunks of meat and drinks made of honey. Ibn-Fadhlan also saw Russian merchants there. They were strong stalwart people. Each of them was armed with a battle-ax, a knife and a sword, with which he never parted.

After the formation of the Bulgar and Khazar kingdoms, the Volga became a very important trade route between Europe and Asia. Its upper reaches closely approach the Western Dvina, which flows into the Baltic Sea. Thus there was an almost complete river route between the Caspian and the Baltic seas. Where there was a break in the river system, boats were hauled overland by "portage."

Arabian merchants came in great numbers to trade on the Volga in the 8th-10th centuries. They paid for their purchases with dirhems, small silver Arabian coins, which were current throughout Eastern Europe, including the Baltic states, Scandinavia and even Germany.

The Kiev State

Formation of the Kiev State

The Slavs in the 6th–9th Centuries

The Slavs in the 6th and 7th Centuries

The ancestors of the Slavs, one of the most numerous peoples in Europe, inhabited the greater part of Eastern Europe since time immemorial. According to Roman writers of the 1st and 2nd centuries A.D., who knew the Slavs as Venedi, the Slavs lived along the Vistula and on the southern shore of the Baltic Sea.

Byzantine writers of the 6th century referred to the Eastern Slavs as Antes. The Eastern Slavs lived in the region of the Carpathians, the lower reaches of the Danube, along the Dniester, the Dnieper and the Don, occupying almost the whole of the southern part of Eastern Europe as far as the coasts of the Black Sea and Azov Sea. The Eastern Slavs engaged in agriculture, herding, fishing and hunting. They were also acquainted with the working of metals. Their dwellings consisted of huts made of interwoven brushwood or reeds covered with clay. Their villages were surrounded by ditches, earthen ramparts, and wooden walls. The Eastern Slavs at that time still preserved the clan system. All matters of tribal concern were decided at tribal meetings called the veche (from the word veshchat meaning to speak). Influential members of the community became head-men or princes; some of them were influential not only in their own, but in neighbouring tribes as well.

Patriarchal slavery existed among the Eastern Slavs, but slave labour did not play a significant role in their economy. Captives were either sold to foreign merchants, were permitted to return to their own land for a ransom, or, after spending several years in captivity, were given their freedom and the right to stay in the community as freemen.

Beginning with the 5th century, the Eastern and Western Slavs, year after year, ravaged the Danube lands which formed part of the Byzantine empire. Tall, strong and very hardy, the Slavs were inured to heat, cold and hunger. In war they displayed great adroitness and cunning, and though armed only with shields and javelins, rushed boldly at the enemy. During the wars with Byzantium the Slavs mastered the Byzantine military art and acquired weapons which they learned to use even better than the Byzantines themselves.

From the 6th century the Slavs no longer confined themselves to raiding the frontier regions of the Byzantine empire, but also began to settle on the conquered lands. They peopled the entire northern part of the Balkan Peninsula almost as far as Constantinople and even penetrated the Peloponnesus.

A nomad horde of Bulgars invaded the Danube Valley in the 7th century. Culturally, the Danube Slavs, an agricultural people, were far superior to the Bulgar herdsmen. This explains why the Bulgars who settled on the Danube lands were quickly Slavonicized. The descendants of the Bulgar princes headed the Slavonic kingdom which was formed at the end of the 7th century south of the Danube and which was called Bulgaria (or Bulgaria on the Danube, in contradistinction to Bulgaria on the Kama).

Slavonic Tribes in the 8th-9th Centuries

In the 8th and 9th centuries the Eastern Slavs split up into several tribes. The Slavonic tribes which had once inhabited the Black Sea steppes and its shores had, for the most part, been swept away by the influx of nomads. The Polyane (from the word polye meaning field) lived along the middle reaches of the Dnieper in the region of Kiev, bordering on the steppe. The land west of the Polyane (in the western regions of the present Ukraine) was inhabited by the Dulebi or Volynyane (Volhynians), while south of them, in what is today the Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic as far as the Lower Danube dwelt the Tivertsi and Ulichi. Northwest of the Polyane, as far as the Pripyat, a tributary of the Dnieper, were the Drevlyane, the "forest dwellers" (from drevo meaning tree) and the Dregovichi (dryagva — swamp) . The Severyane lived on the left bank of the Dnieper, along its tributary, the Desna. The vast expanse along the upper reaches of the Dnieper, beginning from the Smolensk region, and along the Western Dvina, was inhabited by the Krivichi. The Radimichi, who dwelt along the Sozh River, a tributary of the Dnieper, formed a separate tribe. The Slavs inhabiting the shores of Lake Ilmen were known as the Ilmen Slavs, or the Novgorod Slavs, after the city of Novgorod. East of the Dnieper basin, along the Oka and its tributary, the Moskva River, lived the Vyatichi.

Pursuits and Social System of the Eastern Slavs

In the 8th and 9th centuries the Eastern Slavs were chiefly an agricultural people. In wooded areas agriculture was carried on in forest clearings, the under brush being cut away and the large trees being stripped of their bark to rot away. The next year the patch was prepared for cultivation by firing the soil and loosening it with hoes, or it was ploughed up. Besides agriculture an important place in the economy of the group was occupied by such pursuits as hunting, collecting the honey of wild bees, and fishing. In the southern regions agriculture was of greater importance than in the north.

By the 9th century the clan system among the Eastern Slavs declined noticeably, though certain clan survivals still persisted. One instance of these survivals, though more rarely practised, was the blood feud. Wedding rites characteristic of the patriarchal clan still survived. Some of the more backward tribes clung to their custom of abducting women. In other tribes a wife would be bought for a veno, a purchase price. The richer men had several wives. But the clan, as such, practically no longer existed. Clans broke up into separate, large families which, no longer held together by ties of kinship, continued to live as neighbours on a common territory and formed an agrarian community. Such an agrarian community the Eastern Slavs called the verv. The husbandmen who belonged to such a community were called smerds. The verv possessed in common forests, pasture land, etc. Every family that joined the community had the right to graze its cattle on the common pasture land, to extract honey of wild bees from the hollows of trees in the common forest, and to set traps for birds and beasts. Tilths were the absolute property of the respective families. The centre of the community was the fortified town which sheltered its members in case of danger. Gradually a group of wealthier elders took the lead in the community, and acquired large tracts of land. These lands were cultivated not only by members of their families; some of the prisoners were now made slaves and also forced to work. However, like other European peoples, the Slavs advanced from the clan system directly to feudalism without adopting the intermediary slave holding system, since the slaveholding system was a stage through which man had already passed.

In time of war, chieftains — princes — were chosen from among the elders. Leadership in time of war afforded the princes a new means of enrichment inasmuch as they would always receive the lion’s share during the division of spoils and captives. This enabled the princes to maintain a retinue of warriors whose chief means of existence was warfare. With the help of their retinue the princes seized the power in their own tribes.

Each tribe was ruled by several princes, one of whom was considered the grand prince. This grand prince was supposed to consult with the other tribal princes and the elders on all questions concerning the tribe. Sometimes a meeting of the entire tribe, the veche, was called.

Such tribal principalities originated in the 9th century among all the Slavonic tribes of Eastern Europe. The centres of these principalities were the towns that served as the residences of the princes and their retinue. The following towns were already known in the 9th century: Kiev in the land of the Polyane; Chernigov in the land of the Severyane; Smolensk on the Dnieper and Polotsk on the Western Dvina in the land of the Krivichi; Novgorod of the Ilmen Slavs, and others.

The Slavonic tribes east of the Dnieper (the Vyatichi and Severyane) and also the Polyane, who bordered on the steppe, were conquered by the Khazars in the 9th century. They paid tribute in the form of furs to the Khazar khakan.

Religion of the Eastern Slavs

Until the 10th century the Slavs were heathens. They believed in the forces of nature, which they vested with human qualities. Everything that surrounded them — the stones, streams, trees, the grass — they endowed with miraculous powers: they made sacrifices to nature, decorated the boughs of "sacred" trees with bits of cloth, threw offerings into the water. According to the Slavs the birds and beasts also possessed miraculous powers.

The Slav world was peopled with spirits. They believed that every forest had its wood-goblin upon whom the success of the hunt depended. Before starting on a hunting expedition the Slavs left a piece of bread for the wood-goblin on a tree stump. The deep still waters of rivers, the Slavs believed, were the abode of the water-goblins whom they tried to propitiate before going to fish. The waters were also inhabited by water-nymphs. Every Slav had his household god (the Domovoy, hearth-god) in his hut, who helped him to run the household.

The Slavs believed in the power of the sky, the sun, thunder and lightning. Their chief deity was the sun, or Dazbog the son of Svarog, the god of heaven. In the summer when the days were longest, the Slavs held a big feast in honour of the sun. In ancient times on the eve of June 24 (old style calendar) a maiden was thrown into the water as a sacrifice to the gods. Later a puppet was used for this purpose and the people bathed in the river. This night was called Kupalskaya (from kupat — to bathe), or Midsummer Eve. Fire, according to the Slavs, was the son of the sun. The god of thunder was Peroun. They believed that Peroun drove across the sky in his chariot and slew evil spirits with his fiery arrows. Thus did the Slavs explain the phenomena of thunder and lightning. Stribog was the god of the wind. The patron of herding and agriculture was the "cattle god," Veles. He was also revered as the patron of bards.

One of the beliefs of the Slavs was that the souls of the dead continued to live after death. Food was left on the graves for the deceased. Their funeral rites were in conformity with the cult of the dead. Not all Slav tribes had the same rites: in some places the body was buried in a grave, in others the corpse was burnt and the ashes interred. A mound was put up over the grave. The deceased was fully equipped for his future life; various household objects (a knife, flint, weapons, utensils, etc.) were laid in the grave. When a rich man died his wife and slaves were all interred with him. A wake was held to honour the dead, attended by military games and feasting in which the dead man was supposed to be a participant.

The Eastern Slavs had no temples. Wooden idols were set up in open-air shrines . Sacrifices were made to propitiate the gods and receive their support or appease their wrath. Sometimes these were human sacrifices. The Slavs believed that there were people who could divine the will of the gods. and they called such people volkhvy, or wizards. The latter were supposed to know special incantations by which they could control the powers of nature, cure the sick, transform themselves into werewolves, etc. The pagan beliefs of the Slavs such as the belief in household gods, wood-goblins and other superstitions persisted among the people for many centuries.

The Neighbours of the Slavs

The southeastern part of the Baltic seacoast from the Niemen River to the Western Dvina was occupied by Lithuanian tribes. Those living between the Niemen and the Vistula were called Litovtsi-Prussi. The right tributaries of the Lower Niemen were inhabited by the Litovtsi-Zhmud. The region of the middle reaches of the Niemen was occupied by the Lithuanians proper (Litva). This name was later applied to all Lithuanian tribes. The right bank of the lower reaches of the Western Dvina was the home of the Letygols, and the left bank - the Zimigols (Semigallia). These two tribes subsequently formed the Latvian people. The land along the watersheds flowing into the Baltic Sea was covered with dense forests and swamps. The Lithuanians lived in these forest jungles in small settlements; they had neither towns nor fortifications. Their small clan and tribal unions were in no way connected with each other. The population engaged in hunting, agriculture, and, to some extent, in herding. The Lithuanians who lived along the seacoast fished, collected amber, which was highly prized at that time, and traded with neighbouring peoples (notably the Scandinavians).

Various Ural-Altaic tribes lived northeast of the Lithuanians and Slavs: the Chudes (Esths), Merya, Mordvinians, Cheremissi (Mari) and others. They occupied the forest land in the northeast of Europe. Their chief occupations were hunting and fishing. The northern woods abounded in sable, marten, squirrel, fox and other valuable fur-bearing animals. The pelts of these animals were bought by eastern merchants on the Volga and by European merchants on the shore of the Baltic. The people lived in mud-huts, selecting as sites for their settlements places which offered a natural protection and shielded them against attacks of the enemy.

The Varangians in Eastern Europe

A water route connecting the Baltic Sea with the Black Sea ran across the land occupied by the Eastern Slavs and was called the "route from the Varangians to the Greeks," that is, from Scandinavia, the land of the Varangians, to Byzantium. This route ran from the Gulf of Finland via the Neva River to Lake Ladoga, thence up the Volkhov River to Lake Ilmen and from Lake Ilmen to the Lovat River, from which vessels were carried by portage to the upper reaches of the Western Dvina. Bands of Varangians, as the inhabitants of Scandinavia were known in Eastern Europe, or Norsemen, as they were called by their southern neighbours, used this route in the 9th century when they went in quest of plunder. At that time the Norsemen terrified all Western Europe with their raids. They invaded the lands of the Eastern Slavs, as everywhere else, for predatory trade and plunder. The Varangians were organized in military bands under the leadership of their konungs, or princes. They attacked the Slavs and other tribes, robbed them of their furs, took prisoners, and carried off their booty to be sold in Constantinople, or to be shipped down the Volga to the land of the Bulgars and to the Khazar capital Itil. The Slavs and their neighbours repeatedly rose against these freebooters and drove them off.

Some of the Varangian princes and their retinues seized the most advantageous places on the "route from the Varangians to the Greeks" and imposed tribute upon the local Slav population. They very often killed or subordinated the local Slavonic princes and ruled in their stead. Legend has it that in the middle of the 9th century one such adventurer, Rurik, established himself in Novgorod, which was the key position to the Dnieper route from the north. His brother Sineus lived at Byelo Ozero (White Lake), across which lay a route from the Gulf of Finland to the Volga and the Urals, and another brother, Truvor, at Izborsk, a town which commanded the routes to the Baltic shore. Two other Varangian chiefs Askold and Dir, took possession of the city of Kiev in the land of the Polyane. Kiev was an important southern point on the "route from the Varangians to the Greeks."

Another offshoot of Scandinavia seized the principality of Polotsk on a different route leading from the Baltic Sea to the Dnieper along the Western Dvina. Most of the Varangians who made raids on Slav lands returned home with their booty. Some of the Scandinavian princes, however, settled with their retinues in the towns of Rūs. sometimes entering the service of the local Slav princes to protect them from new freebooters coming from Scandinavia.

The number of Varangians who settled on Slav lands was negligible. The Varangian bands were augmented by local Slav warriors. Before long the Varangians were Slavonicized: already in the beginning of the 10th century they used the Slavonic language and worshipped Slavonic gods. The Varangian warriors very quickly merged with the Slav nobility and formed with it a single class. The ancient state of Rūs grew in its struggle with the Varangians in the north and with the nomads who invaded the Black Sea steppes from the east, and maintained its independence of Byzantium.

Union of Eastern Slavs around Kiev

The Kiev State

The Dnieper region and the adjacent lands were united under the rule of Prince Oleg in the beginning of the 10th century. The chroniclers tell us that at first Oleg ruled over the Novgorod Slavs, but later went down the Dnieper and conquered the Smolensk Krivichi. Proceeding farther down the Dnieper, he slew Askold and Dir, who were in Kiev, took possession of the city, and reduced the neighbouring Drevlyane. Oleg also subdued the tribes of Severyane and Radimichi, who had been under the Khazar yoke. The simultaneous possession of Novgorod and Kiev made Oleg the undisputed lord of the Dnieper route. The lesser princes wore forced to submit to him. He became the "Grand Prince of Rūs," with all other princes "under his will." The lands of the Dnieper and the Ilmen Slavs were united under the rule of the Kiev prince. This union was called Rūs, and its centre was Kiev, which is why we call this union of ancient Russian lands "Kiev Rūs."

The greater part of the population subject to the Kiev princes were Slavs, but their state also included the Merya, Vesi, Chudes and other tribes. The economic ties among all these tribes were weak, and the latter were therefore unable to form a stable entity.

During this period the Eastern Slavs still lived in agricultural communities — vervs — and retained various customs that had prevailed under the clan system. But the process of disintegration was already in progress in the community; individual members accumulated wealth; the labour of the poorer tribesmen was exploited. In this way the division of society into classes was hastened, private ownership of land developed, and feudal relations originated.

Campaigns Against Byzantium and the Caspian Countries

The Kiev state, which consisted of a number of independent principalities loosely held together maintained itself by force of arms.

The Kiev state played an important role in Eastern Europe. In 860, as a reprisal against Byzantine aggression a large fleet of Slav odnoderevki (small craft hewn out of solid oak trunks) made its way to the Golden Horn (the inlet of the Bosporus forming the harbour of Constantinople) and threatened the walls of Constantinople. The city was saved only because a storm dispersed the Slav fleet. The annals state that Oleg undertook a successful campaign against Constantinople. In 911 he concluded an advantageous peace with Byzantium, which established the exact relations between the Rūs and the Greeks. The treaty is evidence of the regular relations between Rūs and Byzantium and of the great power of the prince of Kiev.

In 913 or 914 Rūs attacked the Caspian coastline. Russian vessels sailed from the Sea of Azov up the Don to the spot where this river most closely approaches the Volga, and from there, by portage, their boats were carried to the Volga. The Rūs then went down to the Caspian Sea and ravaged the Transcaucasian coast (now Azerbaijan), but on the way back they themselves were attacked by the Khazars and sustained certain losses.

Oleg was succeeded in the second quarter of the 10th century by the Kiev Prince Igor, whom the annals call the son of Rurik, and who occupied a similar dominating position in relation to the other princes. Igor continued the conquests of Oleg. He subjugated the Slavs living on the Southern Bug and imposed tribute upon the Drevlyane who revolted against the rule of Kiev. In 941 Igor launched a big sea campaign against Byzantium. The Rūs devastated the precincts of Constantinople, but the Greek fleet kept them out of the harbour and forced them back to the Black Sea. Repulsed from Constantinople, the Rūs ravaged the northern shore of Asia Minor. The Greek government had to send a large land force to drive the Rūs out of that country. The Greek fleet, which was equipped with devices for pouring liquid combustibles — "Greek fire" — over enemy vessels, inflicted a telling defeat on Igor’s sea force. The Greeks succeeded in setting fire to the Russian vessels. To save themselves from the "Greek fire" many of the Rūs plunged into the water and were drowned. Never theless, what remained of the Slavonic fleet made its way past the enemy vessels and returned to its native land.

To avoid a repetition of raids by the Rūs the Greeks concluded a new treaty with Igor in 945. In this treaty the trade conditions between Rūs and Constantinople were set forth in detail, and a military alliance against their common enemies was established.

In 943 Rūs once more undertook a big expedition against the settlements along the Caspian seacoast. Rūs warriors sailed up the Kura River and captured the city of Berdaa. From there the Rūs made attacks on the outlying lands. The unfavourable climatic conditions told on the Rūs, of whom disease and mortality took heavy toll. Their thinned ranks were besieged in a fortress by Arab troops; however, the remnants, under cover of night, succeeded in making their way to their vessels and to return to Rūs with their plunder.

Polyudye

One of the reasons that prompted the Kiev princes to undertake campaigns and to wage war was the collection of tribute from the conquered peoples.

Feudal relations were as yet poorly developed in the Kiev state in the 10th century. Big land tenure was in the process of formation. The princes therefore exploited the population chiefly by collecting tribute from the people. The princes had bodies of military retainers — retinues — with whose help they undertook their campaigns and kept the conquered peoples in subjection. They shared the tribute they extorted with their retinue, thus paying the latter for their services. Each year, at the beginning of winter, the prince and his retinue of warriors would leave their city na polyudye, that is, on an expedition "among the people" — to levy tribute. The prince would make the round of his subject domains and collect furs, honey, bees-wax, etc., from the inhabitants. In the spring the booty together with prisoners captured in war would be loaded on ships and sent down the Dnieper to the Black Sea. At the Dnieper rapids the merchandise and vessels would be transferred by portage. Here the travellers would often be beset by the Pechenegs, lying in wait to rob them of their wares. Another dangerous spot was near the Island of Khortitsa (where Dnieproges, the Dnieper Power Station, now stands). The high bluffs here cramped the narrow current of the Dnieper, and a fleet of ships was always in danger of attack by the nomads.

After leaving the mouth of the Dnieper and sailing into tho Black Sea, the voyagers offered thanksgiving sacrifices at a "sacred" oak on a little islet. Then they followed the western shore of the Black Sea. The final destination was Constantinople, or Tsargrad (the tsar’s city) as the Slavs called it. There they sold the furs, beeswax and slaves, and in exchange acquired costly fabrics, wines, fruit and other luxuries.

Tribute was wrung from the subject tribes by violent and oppressive means, with the result that the Drevlyane, headed by their local Prince Mal, rebelled during the rule of Igor. Igor, the chronicler says, entrusted the levying of tribute from certain Slav tribes to one of his more influential retainers named Sveneld, thus arousing dissatisfaction among his guard. The latter persistently urged Igor to go to the land of the Drevlyane himself to collect tribute, saying: "Svenold's warriors have fitted themselves out with arms, clothes and horses, while we are naked. Let us go, Prince, and collect the tribute, and thou wilt gain and we will." After collecting tribute from the land of the Drevlyane, Igor dismissed most of his military retinue and decided to make another round himself. "I will return and go about some more." When the Drevlyane heard that the prince was preparing to come back for more tribute, they said: "If the wolf gets into the habit of visiting a herd he will devour it all unless he is killed." They slew Igor’s attendants, then captured and killed Igor himself (945).

Igor’s widow, Olga (945-957), who ruled instead of her son Svyatoslav, who was in his minority, mercilessly crushed the mutiny. Iskorosten, the principal city of the Drevlyane, was taken and burned; many of the inhabitants were either slain or reduced to slavery; the rest had to pay a heavy tribute. Fearing further uprisings, Olga fixed the exact amount of tribute to be paid in the future. However, not content merely with tribute she began seizing portions of the land that still belonged to the communities. This testifies to the still greater exploitation of the conquered lands by the princes and their retainers.

The Conquests of Svyatoslav

Svyatoslav (957-972), the son of Igor and Olga, was a Slav by birth, name and appearance. He wore a simple white shirt, an earring in one of his ears, and shaved his head, leaving only a long forelock. A brave leader of a martial retinue, he spent his whole life on campaigns, "walking lightly, like a panther"; he never took any baggage carts on his marches, slept on the ground with his saddle as pillow, and ate half-cooked horseflesh. Svyatoslav never attacked an enemy by underhand, treacherous means. When setting out on a campaign he sent messengers ahead to say: "I want to march against you."

The adjacent lands of the Dnieper and Lake Ilmen were already part of the Kiev state. Svyatoslav directed his arms first against the Slavonic tribes living east of the Dnieper, conquered the Vyatichi on the Oka, and then attacked the other peoples. In the sixties of the 10th century he defeated the Volga states of the Bulgars and the Khazars, then marched to the Northern Caucasus, where he defeated the Kasogi (Circassians) and Yasi (the Ossetians). In 907 Svyatoslav launched a campaign against Bulgaria on the Danube, a land inhabited by Slavs who had assumed the name of the Bulgars, their conquerors. The Bulgars were constantly attacking their neighbour, the Greek empire, inflicting serious defeats on the Greeks. Not equal to coping with Bulgar incursions the Greeks appealed to Svyatoslav for aid. He not only won a complete victory over the Bulgars, but even planned to establish himself permanently in Pereyaslavets on the Danube, the capital of Bulgaria. "Here," he said, "is the centre of my land; here flows everything that is good — gold, rich fabrics, wine and fruit from the Greeks; silver and horses from Czechia and Hungary; furs, bees-wax, honey and slaves from Rūs."

The Greek government, fearing such a dangerous neighbour, bribed the Pechenegs to attack Kiev. News of the siege of Kiev by the Pechenegs forced Svyatoslav to hasten back to the Dnieper region. But he did not relinquish the idea of conquering Bulgaria. After driving the Pechenegs back to the steppes, he returned and recaptured Pereyaslavets. Thereupon the new Byzantine Emperor, John Tzimisces, advanced against him with a big army. Faced by a superior enemy, Svyatoslav nevertheless did not abandon the struggle. He is attributed by the chronicles to have made the following address to his warriors: "Let us not shame the Russian soil, but lay down our lives, for the dead know no shame, but if we flee, then shall we be shamed."

The Greek troops took Pereyaslavets, but not until after a hard struggle. The Rūs garrison which had been left in the city by Svyatoslav barricaded itself in the royal palace of the Bulgars and defended itself even after the city fell to the enemy. Tzimisces ordered the palace to be set on fire; only then did the Rūs leave the city for the field, where they fought their last battle. "They fought vigorously," writes a Greek historian; "they did not take to flight, and our men put them all to the sword." Svyatoslav shut himself up in the town of Dorostol on the Danube. He was besieged on land by Tzimisces’ army, while on the Danube his retreat was blocked by the Greek fleet with its fire-throwers. In spite of this, Svyatoslav rejected all peace offers. His army, which was very small, defended itself heroically and made daring sallies. During the night the Rūs burned their dead, killed the prisoners in their honour, and offered sacrifices to the gods. The besieged were weakened by hunger. They made a last desperate attempt to break their way through. The Greek army wavered, and the emperor had to go into battle himself, at the head of his bodyguard — the "immortals." The sortie was repulsed; many of the Rūs were wounded, and killed, and Svyatoslav himself was wounded. Further resistance was impossible. In 971 Svyatoslav concluded a peace treaty by which he surrendered Bulgaria. But the Greek government still feared Svyatoslav and informed the Pechenegs of his return to his native land. They ambushed Svyatoslav at the Dnieper rapids, where they killed him (972). The Pecheneg prince made a drinking cup of the skull of the murdered Svyatoslav.

Introduction of Christianity into Kiev Rūs

Vladimir Svyatoslavich (980-1015)

Svyatoslav, during his absence at the wars, had left the government of his domains in the hands of his three sons. The land of the Polyane, including Kiev, went to his oldest son Yaropolk; the land of the Drevlyane — to Oleg, and Novgorod to Vladimir. Soon after the death of their father the brothers quarrelled. Oleg and Yaropolk fell in battle, and Vladimir again united all the lands of the Eastern Slavs under his rule. Subsequently he extended his possessions at the expense of his neighbours. Vladimir annexed the land of Galich (Halicz) to the Kiev state, and marched against the Poles, who wanted to take possession of it. Vladimir also advanced against Lithuania. But his chief concern was to defend his southern frontiers against the raids of the Pechenegs. During his rule the steppe borders were fortified with ramparts and palisades, forts were erected and warlike people were settled on the frontier.

Adoption of Christianity

During Vladimir’s reign Kiev Rūs adopted the Greek Orthodox religion, as Greek Christendom is called in distinction to that of Western Europe, called Catholicism. The Eastern Slavs became acquainted with Christian culture through their regular trade and political intercourse with Byzantium and their frequent trips to Constantinople. The chief reason for the adoption of Christianity was the fact that the class of feudal lords, which sprang up in the Dnieper region, needed a religion which would support its class interests. Furthermore, the old heathen religion was in the hands of sorcerer-priests, representatives of the old tribal nobility, who were hostile to the princes. The first to embrace Christianity were the representatives of the upper class, including their retainers. Even under Igor there already were many Christians in the prince's military retinue. Igor's widow, Olga, had also adopted Christianity. At the end of the year 987 a revolt broke out in the Byzantine empire. At the same time the Danube Bulgars threatened Byzantium from the north. The Byzantine government called upon the Kiev prince for help. An alliance was formed (988) which was to be sealed by the baptism of Vladimir and the entire Russian people, and by the marriage of the Kiev prince to the Greek Princess Anna (two emperors ruled Byzantium at that time; Princess Anna was their sister). With the help of a contingent of Russian troops the revolt in Byzantium was suppressed. Byzantium, however, was in no hurry to fulfil the terms of the agreement concerning the marriage of Vladimir and princess Anna. Vladimir besieged and took the city of Khersones (Korsun) in the Crimea, which belonged to Byzantium, and forced Byzantium to fulfil its part of the treaty. Vladimir was baptized according to the rites of the Greek church and married Princess Anna.

On his return from Khersones, Vladimir ordered the whole population of Kiev to be driven to the river, in which they were baptized by Greek priests. The images of the gods were burnt, and an idol of Peroun was thrown into the Dnieper. The population of other cities was baptized in the same way. Christianity, however, did not take immediate root. Heathen beliefs continued to prevail for a very long time, especially, among the rural population.

The adoption of Christianity was an important event in the life of Kiev Rūs. In comparison with heathenism, Christianity was a great advance on the path of progress. It stimulated the further development and strengthening of feudal relations in Kiev Rūs, since the Greek clergy employed peasant serfs on their church lands, and not slaves. The church advocated the liberation of the slaves.

Christianity was instrumental in spreading the higher Byzantine culture among the Eastern Slavs. The establishment of a single religion hastened the unification of all Slavonic tribes and strengthened the power of the princes.

The introduction of Christianity also brought about closer ties with Byzantium and the states of Western Europe. Vladimir maintained friendly relations with Czechia, Poland and Hungary. He became related to the Greek imperial house through his marriage with Anna. The cultural influence of the more enlightened Christian countries also increased. Kiev, in the manner of Byzantium, erected stone buildings ornamented with paintings and mosaic work. The heathen shrines gave way to a church built by Greek craftsmen, and, beside it, a palace was erected for Vladimir.

Education became more widespread. About a hundred years before the conversion of Rūs, the missionaries Cyril and Methodius, upon instructions from the Greek government, invented a Slavonic alphabet and translated the Greek scriptural books into the Slavonic (Bulgarian) dialect to facilitate the preaching of Christianity among the Western and Southern Slavs. Thanks to this, Kiev Rūs, after its conversion, received books in the Slavonic language. Vladimir ordered the children of the nobility to be taken from their parents and forcibly taught to read and write.

The memory of Vladimir has been preserved in folk songs or byliny. In these songs the people embodied their ideal of love for their native land in the persons of their valorous knights — Prince Vladimir’s warriors, the peasant Ilya of Murom, Dobrynya Nikitich, Alyosha Popovich, and others who defended their Russian land against the dwellers of the steppes. These folk songs present the period of Kiev Rūs as a brilliant epoch in Russian history.

Yaroslav Mudry (the Wise)

Vladimir died in 1015 and immediately after his death a fierce struggle broke out among his sons. One of them, Svyatopolk, seized the power in Kiev and slew his brothers, Boris, Gleb and Svyatoslav. Another son, Yaroslav Vladimirovich, who had been entrusted with the government of Novgorod during his father’s lifetime, attacked Svyatopolk. With the help of the people of Novgorod, he routed Svyatopolk, who fled to Poland to his father-in-law, Prince Boleslaus the Brave. This internecine warfare among the princes exposed the Russian frontiers to foreign aggressors. Boleslaus of Poland invaded Rūs, defeated Yaroslav on the Western Bug, entered Kiev and placed Svyatopolk on the throne. The indignation of the Russians was aroused against the Poles who engaged in plundering and banditry. When the latter dispersed through the towns and villages to take up their winter quarters, the population slew them. Boleslaus fled to Poland with the remnants of his army. Without the support of the Polish king, Svyatopolk suffered a decisive defeat at the hands of Yaroslav and the Novgorodians, and was killed while trying to make his escape. Yaroslav united Kiev and Novgorod under his rule (1019). However, his brother Mstislav Vladimirovich, ruler of the Tmutarakan principality on the Taman Peninsula, near the Caucasus, launched a campaign against him. Mstislav conquered Seversk Land and the city of Chernigov from Yaroslav. The Dnieper became the boundary between the possessions of these two brothers. After Mstislav’s death (1036) Yaroslav re-annexed the land of Seversk to the Kiev state.

The reign of Yaroslav (1019-1054) was marked by the ultimate triumph of Christianity in Kiev Rūs. It was during his rule that the church, administration was organized, and a metropolitan appointed by the patriarch of Constantinople was placed at the head of the church of Kiev. It was also under Yaroslav that the Pechersk Monastery near Kiev came into existence. This monastery played a great part in the spread of learning among the ruling classes of Kiev Rūs.

The Kiev state in Yaroslav’s reign occupied a leading position among the states of Europe in point of power and the high level of its culture. Evidence of the close political ties that existed between Kiev Rūs and the states of Western Europe is furnished by the matrimonial alliances formed by Yaroslav’s family with foreign courts: his sister was married to the Polish prince, one of his daughters to the French king, another to the Norwegian, and a third to the Hungarian. Yaroslav frequently interfered in the affairs of Poland. Taking advantage of the turmoil that reigned in Poland after the death of Boleslaus, Yaroslav once more recovered the towns which had been lost after Vladimir’s death in Galich Rūs. Later Yaroslav supported his brother-in-law, the Polish prince, by sending troops to his aid. The last campaign against Constantinople (1043), which ended in failure, was undertaken during Yaroslav’s rule under the leadership of his son Vladimir. In the Baltic region, which was already becoming the object of attacks by Germans, Yaroslav built the city of Yuriev (Tartu in Esthonian) and extended his power over the Baltic peoples. He built a city on the Volga which he named Yaroslavl. In the south Yaroslav was compelled to wage a hard struggle against the Pechenegs. He continued to fortify the frontier belt by building towns.

During Yaroslav’s reign, the earliest code of laws was compiled under the name of Yaroslav’s Pravda, which revealed influences of Christian Byzantine legislation. Yaroslav’s Pravda reflected the tenacity of the old clan customs; for instance, it sanctioned the blood feud, which was confined to the members of the family, and was not applicable to the clan. "If one man shall kill another," Pravda said, "the brother shall avenge a brother, the son a father, the father a son, the nephew on the brother’s or on the sister’s side; if there be none to take revenge, then forty grivnas (a grivna was a bar of silver weighing approximately 200 grams) shall be paid for the murdered person." However, this obligation to seek revenge was imposed only on the next of kin and not on the entire clan, for by that time the clan had already fallen apart. During the reign of Yaroslav’s sons the blood feud was abolished altogether.

Yaroslav’s Pravda was later supplemented and revised during the reign of his sons and grandsons.

The Culture of Kiev Rūs

The cultural development of Kiev Rūs in the 11th century was greatly influenced by Byzantium which was the most civilized country in Europe at the time. The Russians, however, did not simply borrow an alien culture; they moulded it to the form of their own national art as well as that of Western Europe and Transcaucasia. An ancient Russian, native culture was created on Kiev soil which subsequently formed the basis of the national cultures of the Russian, Ukrainian and Byelorussian peoples.

A considerable number of books translated from the Greek in Bulgaria on the Danube made their appearance in Kiev Rūs together with the new religion. The prince and rich people had transcripts of these books made for themselves. Other books were translated anew into the Russian language.

Besides theological books there were secular writings, such as the Greek chronicles. Translated literature served as the model for original Russian works. The first attempts to compile a history of Rūs date back to the time of Yaroslav. After his death these historical notes were elaborated in the Pechersk Monastery in the form of a voluminous work which related "whence came the Russian land." The underlying idea of this work was that of a united Russia and a united ancient Russian people. The volume Nachalnaya Letopis (Initial Annals) as it was commonly called, was composed of stories, biographies of the princes, annual recordings of events made in various cities, passages from Greek chronicles, etc.

The Initial Annals have come down to us under the name, Chronicle of Ancient Years, in the revised versions dated 1116 and 1118. The Initial Annals are the source of our information on the ancient history of the Dnieper region and its adjacent lands. They are evidence of a high degree of learning in the monasteries of Kiev Rūs and of the versatility and wealth of the translated and original literature of the times.

Byzantine influence made itself felt in art as well. During Yaroslav’s reign the St. Sophia Cathedral was built in Kiev by Greek architects; however, the usual type of Byzantine architecture was modified to correspond to Russian tastes and demands. The St. Sophia Cathedral is a masterpiece of 11th century Russian art. The interior of the cathedral contains remarkable mosaics and frescos. The so-called "Golden Gate" was also built during Yaroslav's rule. Foreigners were amazed at the splendour of Kiev and called it "the rival of Constantinople." Other cities, especially Novgorod, built similar magnificent structures. Vladimir, son of Yaroslav, built the superb St. Sophia Cathedral in Novgorod after the Kiev model.

Disintegration of the Kiev State

Establishment of Feudalism in the Kiev State

Development of Feudal Relations in Kiev Rūs

Agriculture was the basic economy in Kiev Rūs. By the 11th century it had made considerable progress and spread over a vast territory.

Among the husbandmen (the smerds) living in communities some wealthy people came to the fore who started to seize the land and cultivate it with the labour of the poor people dependent upon them and slaves. In this way there arose in the community a number of rich landowners possessing large demesnes. It also became more profitable for the princes and their retinues to engage in farming on a large scale than to confine themselves to the collection of tribute from the population. They therefore appropriated the community lands from the smerds and concentrated in their hands large landed estates consisting of tilths, forests rich in wild bees, and hunting grounds. With the help of the princes and the boyars (as the wealthy landowners came to be called), the monasteries also appropriated land to themselves. Thus the landed property of the princes, boyars and churches was considerably expanded at the expense of the community land of the husbandmen.

Around the large towns there sprang up villages belonging to the princes, boyars and monasteries. Slave labour was not very productive. It was more advantageous for the landowner to have semi-free peasants on his land, people who had their own farms but who at the same time were compelled to work for the landowner. And so the landowners made bondsmen of the free husbandmen and exploited them.

The mass of the husbandmen still lived in communities in the 11th century, their dependence on the princes being limited to the payment of tribute. By the end of the 11th century there already was a considerable group of husbandmen who were dependent upon the rich landowners. Such dependent husbandmen were, for instance, the zakupy, A zakup received a kupa, or money loan from his master and a small plot of land which was paid for by services (the corvée). The inventory — horse, plough and barrow — belonged to the master. The latter had the right to inflict corporal punishment upon his zakup, who could not quit without settling his debt. If he ran away and was caught, he became a slave. The zakup was thus in complete bondage to the landowner. "The landowners kept the smerds in bondage even at the time of Russkaya Pravda," Lenin said. In the 11th century, according to Lenin, "the smerds (as Russkaya Pravda called the peasants) went into bondage and 'signed up’ for the landlords."

The husbandmen resisted the attempts to deprive them of their land and to enslave them; they ploughed up the boundary lines separating the lands that were alienated by the feudal lords, destroyed all boundary marks, killed the princes’ and boyars’ bailiffs, and set fire to the buildings on their masters’ estates. Spontaneous uprisings against the feudal lords broke out frequently in the villages.

Relations characteristic of the feudal system came into existence in Kiev Rūs: the large landowner subordinated and exploited the small producer and forced the latter to work for him.

Under the feudal system the peasants and craftsmen were the owners of the instruments and means of production and conducted their private economy by their own labour. The land, however, which was then the chief means of production, belonged to the feudal lords. This enabled the latter by means of force to enthrall the petty producer, the peasant, and convert him into a semi-free man.

Russkaya Pravda

During the reign of Yaroslav’s sons and grandsons, feudal customs found reflection in a code of ducal regulations, known xmder the name of Russkaya Pravda, the basis of which was Yaroslav's Pravda. The aim of Russkaya Pravda was to protect the property of the landowners, the feudal lords. It contained a number of clauses which listed the fines imposed for violation of boundary lines, for stealing cattle, etc. The rights of a lord over his zakup and slave were precisely defined. Russkaya Pravda abolished the clan feud, which it substituted by the vira (blood money), that is, recompence paid for a murdered man; this was set at forty grivnas. Recompense for the murder of a boyar was double the amount, eighty grivnas. A similar vira was paid for the murder of persons who occupied important posts on the estate of the prince, the prince's equerry, major-domo, etc. But no vira was paid for slaves. Their master was merely compensated for their cost which was five grivnas. A similar sum was paid for husbandmen working on a prince’s or boyar’s estate. Thus the tenant working on the land of a feudal lord was placed in the same category as the slave. In the case of crimes Russkaya Pravda fixed fines payable to the prince and damages to the plaintiff. For instance, according to Russkaya Pravda, "if a man be struck with the sword but not killed, the fine is three grivnas, and one grivna to the person struck and the cost of treatment, if a wound is inflicted," or "if a tooth is knocked out and blood appears in the mouth, then the fine is twelve grivnas and a grivna for the tooth"; "if someone hews down a tree in which wild bees swarm, the fine is three grivnas and half a grivna for the tree." The severest punishment was imposed for setting fire to a farm stead or threshing floor, taking the form of banishment and confiscation of the malefactor’s property. The severity of this punishment was due to the lords’ fear of vengeance on the part of their exploited tenants.

Trade and Crafts

A natural economy prevailed in Kiev Rūs, that is, each farm was practically self-sufficient. However, in the 11th century the cities were producing commodities for the local market. Certain articles of prime necessity, such as clothing and footwear, were obtained at the torg — marts. The feudal lords wanted articles of luxury such as jewelry, similar to those imported from Byzantium and the East. The Kiev craftsmen imitated the Greek and Eastern models and created an art of their own, the high standard of which can be judged from objects discovered amid the hidden treasures of Kiev and other cities. The smithy’s craft stood particularly high; Russian armourers made superior swords and other weapons. A new group sprang up in the cities — the merchants, who bought local goods and resold them in other cities in their own country and abroad; in exchange they imported foreign goods which they sold in their homeland.

The original medium of exchange was animal skins in the forest belt and cattle in the steppe zone. That is why in ancient times money was called skot — cattle, or kuny — marten skins. Rūs had no coinage of its own at first, and only Arabian, Greek and Western European coins were current. Beginning with the 11th century a small quantity of coins was minted in Kiev Rūs in imitation of the Greek coins, with the heads of the princes stamped on them.

Money lending was prevalent in the cities, where the lower sections, especially the artisans, suffered from it acutely. Though the craftsmen owned their own instruments of production, they became dependent upon the moneylender and merchant. The increasing division of labour intensified the process of class stratification in the towns. Exploited by the rich merchants and moneylenders, the city poor rose against their oppressors, but were unable to shake off the grievous yoke of dependence.

Beginning of the Disintegration of the Kiev State

Despite its show of splendour, the Kiev state was an agglomeration of loosely connected, diverse lands that had been subjugated by the Kiev princes. As big landownership developed in various regions, the local land owners, who came into possession of large estates with numerous dependent peasants, grew more powerful and maintained their own retinues of warriors. The most powerful local feudal lords strove to free themselves of the suzerainty of the Kiev princes, and supported their own princes who aspired to independence from Kiev. Thus the integrity of Kiev Rūs began to crumble and give way to feudal disunity.

Shortly after the death of Yaroslav (1054) this process of disintegration went on apace and the Kiev state was superseded by a number of independent principalities, respectively ruled by Yaroslav’s sons. The oldest, Izyaslav, inherited Kiev and Novgorod, that is, the two most important points on the Dnieper route; Svyatoslav received Chernigov Land, and Vsevolod — Pereyaslav and Rostov-Suzdal. The other lands went to the younger members of the prince’s family. At first the three elder brothers, Izyaslav, Svyatoslav and Vsevolod, acted in harmony, maintaining order in the land and defending it against enemies by their joint efforts. Sometimes the brothers met to confer on matters of common interest. Thus, at a conference called shortly after a revolt of the craftsmen and husbandmen in Kiev in 1068 they supplemented and revised the Pravda of their father Yaroslav.

Feudal Wars and the Struggle Against the Polovtsi

Yaroslav’s sons had to defend the Russian domains against the invasions of a nomad Turkic race from Asia, called the Polovtsi. In the middle of the 11th century the Polovtsi invaded and occupied the Black Sea steppes, driving some of the Pechenegs westward, to the Danube, and intermingling with the others. The Polovtsi were herdsmen. They were divided into several hordes or tribes, ruled by khans (princes). These nomads made devastating descents on Russian lands, seized captives, drove off the cattle, and disappeared back into the steppe. Their attacks were extremely fierce and sudden. A Greek writer says of them: "The Polovtsi appear and disappear in the twinkling of an eye. Their raid over, and arms full of spoil, they precipitately seize the reins, urge their horses on with their feet and whip, and rush off like a whirlwind, as though desiring to overtake a bird in flight. They are gone before you have seen them."

In 1068 Izyaslav and his brothers, Svyatoslav and Vsevolod marched against the Polovtsi, but suffered a serious defeat and fled from the field of battle. Izyaslav went to Kiev. The peasants, who had thronged to the city from the villages pillaged by the Polovtsi, and the Kiev populace demanded that Izyaslav give them weapons and horses and lead them again into battle against the enemy. But Izyaslav refused, fearing lest the weapons be turned against him. The crowd then broke into and pillaged the prince’s household, released the captive Polotsk Prince Vseslav from his prison, and proclaimed him the prince of Kiev. Izyaslav fled to Poland to seek the aid of Prince Boleslaus the Bold. The Polish feudal lords found this an opportune moment to intervene in the affairs of Kiev Rūs. Izyaslav returned with a Polish army. Vseslav betrayed the Kiev people and secretly fled to Polotsk during the night. With the help of the Polish feudal lords Izyaslav cruelly avenged himself upon the rebellious Kiev people: seventy were executed and many were blinded and punished in other ways. The Poles quartered themselves in the cities of the Kiev principality, where the populace, infuriated by their outrages, massacred them.

In spite of the danger from the Polovtsi, the league of Yaroslav's sons did not last very long. In 1073 Svyatoslav and Vsevolod drove Izyaslav out of Kiev. Svyatoslav occupied the Kiev throne. Izyaslav sought help from the German emperor and the Pope and finally, with the help of the Poles, recovered the throne, but shortly after this was killed in a war against his nephews.

The feudal wars continued under Yaroslav’s grandsons. In 1097 the most influential princes gathered at a joint council at Lyubech. "Why do we ruin the Land of Rūs," the princes exclaimed at this meeting; "plotting treason against each other while the Polovtsi are harassing our land and are glad that we are fighting among our selves! Let us henceforth live in harmony!" To put an end to the feudal internecine warfare, those who attended the council ordained the division of Kiev Rūs among themselves according to the principle of feudal heritage: "Let each possess his own patrimony!" — that is, the principality which his father had possessed. Kiev remained in the hands of Svyatopolk, the son of Izyaslav, the oldest of the Yaroslavs. The Pereyaslav principality, which had belonged to Vsevolod, went to his son Vladimir, known under the name of Monomachus, the "autocrat" (after the title of his grandfather, the Byzantine Emperor Constantine Monomachus). The participants of the conclave undertook to act jointly against those who violated the agreement. But they had no sooner departed to their respective homes when David Igorevich, the prince of Vladimir-Volhynsk, incited Svyatopolk Izyaslavich to seize one of the members of the conclave, the enterprising and bold Vasilko. Svyatopolk lured Vasilko to Kiev, seized him and turned him over to David. The latter ordered Vasilko to be blinded and imprisoned, and then seized his cities. The other princes, led by Vladimir Monomachus, came out in defence of Vasilko. He was liberated, and avenged himself for being blinded by mercilessly devastating David’s lands. At another convocation held in 1100 in the city of Vitichev, the princes punished David by depriving him of Vladimir-Volhynsk. "We do not wish to give thee the Vladimir throne," they bade him be told, "because thou hast flung the knife among us, which has never been in the Land of Rūs."

The wars among the princes enabled the Polovtsi to plunder the Russian lands with impunity. Sometimes the princes themselves sought the aid of the Polovtsi against their enemies. In order to fight the Polovtsi it was necessary to unite. In the spring of 1103 Svyatopolk Izyaslavich and Vladimir Monomachus met near Kiev, at Lake Dolobskoye, where they discussed the question of a joint campaign against the Polovtsi. Svyatopolk and his warriors were reluctant to agree to this undertaking, demurring that a spring campaign would have a bad effect upon the ploughing as they would have to take the horses from the peasants for this purpose. "I am astonished, warriors," Vladimir argued, "that you are sorry for the horse that is used in ploughing but you do not think that when the husbandman begins to plough, the Polovtsi will come, slay him with their arrows, and take away his horse, then they will come into the village and carry off his wife and children and all his property. You are sorry for the man’s horse, but you are not sorry for the man himself!" Vladimir's arguments convinced the vacillators. The expedition against the Polovtsi, in which almost all the Russian princes took part, was a signal success. The Polovtsi were routed, and the victors returned home with rich booty in cattle, horses, camels and captives. Another expedition undertaken in 1111 was even more successful; the Russian princes then penetrated deep into the land of the Polovtsi.

The long struggle which Kiev Rūs was compelled to wage against the peoples of the steppes has been commemorated in folk legends, which tell of the heroes who defended Russian soil against the Tatars (the name Tatar implies all the steppe people— the Polovtsi, Pechenegs, and others). These tales relate how Ilya of Murom, Dobrynya Nikitich, Alyosha Popovich and other heroes stood at the "knights' outpost" and guarded the land of Rūs.

Vladimir Monomachus (1113-1125)

A violent uprising broke out in Kiev in 1113, immediately after the death of Prince Svyatopolk Izyaslavich. Driven to despair by the tyranny of the prince’s retainers and the exploitation of the rich usurers, the city poor revolted and wrecked their houses. The rebellion threatened to spread to the countryside. The rich feudal lords — the boyars, the family of the deceased prince and the monasteries — were in danger. The wealthy burghers of Kiev, terrified by the menace, sent for Vladimir Monomachus to rule over them: "Come, Prince, to Kiev; if thou comest not, then know that much evil will be done — they will go against the boyars and the monasteries."

The arrival of Vladimir with his retinue checked the rebellion. Vladimir appreciated the necessity of making concessions and passed a law which slightly limited the amount of interest to be paid on loans. The position of the zakupy was also somewhat alleviated. But these concessions, prompted as they were by the fear of new outbreaks, in no way changed the general situation.

After taking Kiev, Vladimir Monomachus endeavoured to arrest the disintegration of the Kiev state, which was already in progress. He forced the other princes into submission and dealt harshly with the recalcitrant, dispossessing them of their cities. All the princes were "under his will" (his vassals), and had to appear before him at his first summons.

This powerful Kiev prince played an important role in the affairs of Europe. Vladimir was related to the Greek imperial house, his mother being the daughter of Emperor Constantine Monomachus, and a granddaughter of Vladimir’s was married to one of the Greek princes. Vladimir interfered in the civil strife in Byzantium, and his troops went as far as the Danube, where they established the claim of Rūs to the ancient Russian lands of Ismail. Vladimir Monomachus’ sister was married to the German emperor; Vladimir himself was married to the daughter of the English king.

Vladimir Monomachus was noted for his daring and bravery. "I never fled to save my life," he wrote of himself, "and always looked danger boldly in the face." "Children," he admonished his sons, "fear neither an army nor the beast; yours is a manly task." He spent all his life in campaigns and dangerous marches. "I gave myself no rest either by day or night, in cold or heat." He was fond of the hunt and frequently risked his life: twice the aurochs (wild bull) tossed him on its horns, a deer gored him, an elk trampled over him, a wild boar tore his sword from his side, a bear rent his clothing, and a "ferocious animal" threw both him and his horse.

Their tempestuous mode of life did not hamper the development of the princes intellectual pursuits. Vladimir’s father, Vsevolod, was an educated man, who knew five foreign languages. Vladimir himself set great store on learning. "Forget not the good that you know, and what you do not know, learn," he wrote his sons. He read a great deal, and always carried books about with him on his marches. He himself wrote an interesting book, "Instructions to Children," in which he set forth what in his opinion was the character of an ideal prince, illustrating it copiously from his own life.

The Significance of the Kiev State in the History of the U.S.S.R.

The Kiev state was a stage in the history of both the Eastern Slavonic world, and of the non-Slavonic peoples who subsequently became independent states. Within the womb of the Kiev state a rich and vivid culture was formed, which was destined to become the fountainhead of civilization for a number of Slavonic independencies in Eastern Europe and to exert a great influence on the neighbouring peoples.

However, the Kiev state was not a stable, political entity. Close economic ties did not yet exist among its separate parts — a circumstance which precluded the possibility of a strong political organization. Agriculture and the crafts spread throughout the various regions of the Kiev state, big landownership developed, and the economic significance of the cities was enhanced. These regions formed their own separate political centres. The falling apart of the Kiev state became inevitable.

Feudal Disunity in Eastern Europe and Central Asia

Feudal Principalities in the 12th and 13th Centuries

Intensification of Feudal Disunity

The State System of Russian Principalities

Vladimir Monomachus was unable to arrest the process of disintegration in the Kiev state. The development of feudal relations in the different regions led to the formation of independent principalities which no longer professed allegiance to Kiev.

In the 12th century the entire land of Rūs split up into a number of independent principalities, the most important of which were those of Kiev, Chernigov, Galich, Smolensk, Polotsk, Turov-Pinsk, Rostov-Suzdal, Ryazan, Novgorod and Vladimir-Volhynsk. Each of these principalities was ruled by an offshoot of the vast genealogical tree of Vladimir Svyatoslavich. Kiev passed from hand to hand. It was the prey of the strongest, for, as one of the princes said, "it is not the place that fits the head, but the head that fits the place." The Kiev prince enjoyed a traditional authority over all the other princes. being considered as the grand prince. It was his business to "think and ponder" for all the land of Rūs. But after Vladimir Monomachus, the princes no longer obeyed the Kiev prince and became completely independent. Kiev Rūs thus broke up into numerous small principalities independent of one another.

The prince was sovereign and master in his own little state. He managed all state affairs himself — he meted out justice, commanded the troops, and supervised the ecomony of the state. Sometimes, in case of need, or for lack of time he would entrust the court of justice to his bailiff. Vladimir Monomachus never relied on his servants but attended to everything himself, including his horses, falcons and even his kitchen.

War occupied an important place in the life of a prince. The prince’s chief military force was a well-armed retinue of horsemen which he maintained at his own expense. This military retinue was divided into superiors and inferiors. The superiors consisted of rich boyars — landed proprietors. The prince conferred with them about everything and made no decisions without their consent. If a prince undertook anything without the consent of his warriors they would say to him: "Thou hast planned this without us. Prince; we shall not go with thee."

In case of war the prince rallied a levy of foot soldiers from among the city inhabitants. He could not force the population to go to war, and in such questions he was wholly dependent upon the veche, that is, the assembly of the townsfolk. The veche which was controlled by the boyars and rich burghers expressed only the will of the rich burghers and not the populace as a whole. The townspeople were summoned to the veche either by the tolling of a bell or through town-criers. If the veche agreed to the campaign, the people shouted: "We shall all go, and our children, too." But there were occasions when the townspeople could not or wished not to fight. In such cases they demanded that the prince make peace with the enemy: "Make peace, Prince, or do thine own worrying." Thus, in the 12th century, a prince could not go to war or resist an enemy invasion without the support of the veche or the consent of his retinue. This circumstance made the veche a powerful organ. When a new prince came to the throne, the veche negotiated with the prince regarding the conditions on which it was willing to accept him. There were times when an undesirable prince was driven out by the burghers who invited a new prince in his stead: "Come to us. Prince, we want thee."

The Decline of Kiev Rūs

The breaking up of Rūs into separate principalities was the result of economical development and territorial expansion which entailed the decline of the old political centres — Kiev, Chernigov, Pereyaslavl, and, what was especially important, the weakening of the defence of Rūs against foreign enemies. Rūs was no longer able to defend herself effectively against the Polovtsi. The constant feudal wars between the various principalities led to the ruin of the land. The raids of the Polovtsi met with almost no resistance. The effects of these wars were most keenly felt by the husbandmen. During campaigns the princes drove them out of other principalities to settle them on their own lands and made them work for them, the princes. But even in their own principalities the princes and their boyars, by fair means or foul, deprived the free husbandman of his land and reduced him to bondage. From here originated the old adage: "Don’t set up your household near the household of a prince, don’t set up a village near the village of a prince: the prince’s bailiff is like fire and his servants like sparks. If you escape the fire, you will not escape the spark." Rapacious exploitation by the feudal lords and interminable warfare wreaked havoc among the labouring population. The devastating raids of the Polovtsi drove the husbandmen from the steppe-border regions and depopulated Kiev Rūs.

"All the cities and all the villages are desolated," writes the chronicler in this connection. "We cross the fields where herds of horses and cattle and flocks of sheep used to graze — everything is deserted now, the cornfields are overgrown and have become the home of wild animals." The Polovtsi took multitudes of the husbandmen into captivity. "Woe-begone and wretched, black with hunger and thirst, they walked through strange lands, naked, barefoot, their feet lacerated by thorns; with tears in their eyes they spake unto each other: 'I am from such and such a city,' and the other would reply: 'And I am from such and such a countryside.' "

The Lay of Prince Igor’s Regiment

The grievous consequences of feudal disunity and the need for unity if the land of Rūs was to be saved are portrayed with great artistic power in a brilliant national epic of the Russian people The Lay of Prince Igor's Regiment (that is, Igor’s campaign). This work, written by an unknown author at the end of the 13th century, centres around the expedition against the Polovtsi that was undertaken by the Seversk princes and led by Prince Igor Svyatoslavich. The Seversk princes refused to join the league of the Rūs princes against the Polovtsi; later they undertook an independent raid and suffered overwhelming defeat. Prince Igor himself was taken prisoner. The author depicts Prince Igor as the champion of the land of Rūs, going into mortal danger for her sake. "Filled with martial spirit, he led his brave regiments against the land of the Polovtsi to defend the land of Rūs." And Igor spake to his warriors: "Brothers and warriors! ’Tis better to be killed than taken prisoner. I wish," he said, "to break the spear against the edge of the Polovtsi steppe; with you, Men of Rūs, I wish to lay down my head or drink of the waters of the Don from my helmet!" The entire campaign is described as a heroic feat performed to save the motherland from the enemies who were continually ravaging it. The decisive battle is pictured as a sanguinary feast: 'There was not enough bloody wine here; the brave men of Rūs were finishing their feast; they gave their kinsmen to drink and they themselves laid down their lives for the soil of Rūs." The poet rightly lays the blame for this defeat on the princes, who were at war with each other and who did not wish to unite in the common struggle against the enemy. He gives a graphic description of the afflictions of the land of Rūs, which was rent by feudal wars. "At that time internecine strife was sown and grew upon the land," he says, "and the span of human life was shortened by the treacheries of the princes. At that time the cries of the ploughmen were rarely heard on Rūs soil, but often did the crows caw as they shared the corpses among themselves." "Brother spake to brother; this is mine and this too is mine, and the princes began to call small things great, and to forge treason, and the unclean [the heathens, that is, the Polovtsi] came with victories to the land of Rūs." The poet addresses an ardent appeal to all the princes to unite in defence of the land of Rūs against the Polovtsi: "Place your feet, Sires, in the golden stirrups for the wrong we suffer today, for the land of Rūs, for the wounds of brave Igor, Son of Svyatoslav!"

The Lay of Prince Igor's Regiment is remarkable for its artistic merits. The author was not merely influenced by the literature of his time, but also found inspiration in folk poetry from which he borrowed poetic figures of speech and images. His poem is a patriotic appeal for the union of the entire land of Rūs against the foreign enemies.

The Galich-Volhynsk Principality in the 12–13th Centuries

Southwestern Rūs

Southwestern Rūs separated from Kiev at an early date and formed an independent state on the foothills of the Carpathians. It was one of the richest and most populous Russian regions. This land suffered less from the inroads of the steppe dwellers than the Dnieper region. Its proximity to the countries of Central Europe — Poland and Hungary — contributed to the development of its trade. The salt mines of Galich supplied all of Kiev Rūs with salt. The local feudal lords — boyars and bishops — lost no time in seizing the finest lands for themselves. Their wealth enabled the Galich and Volhynsk boyars to acquire great political influence and power. They had their own bodies of warriors with whom they went to war, they maintained relations with foreign states, and exercised the right of dismissing their own princes.

Two principalities were formed in Southwestern Rūs in the 12th century: the Galich principality, the chief city of which was Galich, and Volhynia, whose main city was Vladimir. The Galich principality thrived greatly under Prince Yaroslav Osmomysl (1152-1187). Evidence of the might of this prince can be found in the words which the author of The Lay of Prince Igor's Regiment addresses to him: "Yaroslav Osmomysl of Galich! Thou sittest high on thy throne. Thou hast propped up the Hungarian mountains with thine iron regiments, thou hast barred the path of the king (of Hungary), thou hast shut the gates to the Danube.... Fear of thee fills the lands, thou wilt open the gates to Kiev." Yaroslav was called Osmomysl — man of great wisdom — not only because of his native wisdom but also because of his great learning — he knew several foreign languages.

The Founding of the Galich-Volhynsk Principality

After the death of Yaroslav Osmomysl, disturbances broke out in Galich. Displeased with his son, who wanted to rule independently, the boyars appealed to the Hungarian king for aid.

Galich was invaded by Hungarian troops who, with the support of boyar traitors placed Andrew, the son of the Hungarian king, on the throne. The Hungarians bore themselves as conquerors in Galich and aroused a strong feeling of popular animosity. Prince Andrew was driven out with the help of the Poles who were called in from abroad. However, the disturbances still continued. A descendant of Monomachus, Roman Mstislavich, prince of the neighbouring principality of Vladimir-Volhynsk, took advantage of this circumstance to seize Galich and annex it to his principality (1199), thus establishing the Galich-Volhynsk principality. Roman was one of the most masterful, powerful, and cruel princes of Southern Rūs. He interfered in the affairs of the Kiev principality, and waged war against Lithuania. He made the captive Lithuanians work on his land. It is of him the proverb says: "Roman, Roman, thy life is ill when the Litva must till." The Polovtsi made his name a bugbear for their children. In his own principality Roman fought persistently against the boyars in an effort to unite the land of Rūs.

In 1203 Roman was killed in a battle with the Poles. The chronicler describes him in the following way: "He rushed at the unclean (the heathens) like a lion, his fury was like that of a lynx, he slew them like a crocodile, flew over their land like an eagle, was as brave as an aurochs, and followed in the steps of his great-grandfather Monomachus."

Roman left two young sons — Daniel and Vasilko. Taking advantage of their minority, the Galich boyars attempted to seize the power. The Hungarians and Poles intervened in the disturbances that broke out. The Tatar-Mongolian khans threatened from the east. Roman's sons were alternately driven out and recalled. When he reached manhood Daniel Romanovich vigorously combated the arbitrary power of the big feudal lords, the boyars. In this struggle he found support among the inferior retainers who were wholly dependent upon the prince. Even at the most critical times the inferior retainers rallied around Daniel Romanovich. The population of the rich cities also warmly supported the prince, for they too suffered from the feudal wars and the oppression of the feudal lords. A representative of the townsfolk, the captain of a troop of one hundred men named Mikula, the annals tell us, urged Daniel to exterminate the boyars completely, saying: "You cannot eat the honey until you have killed the bees."

Daniel finally established himself on Galich soil with the help of the military commonalty and the townspeople. The attempts of the bishop and the boyars to keep Daniel out of the city of Galich failed, for the people of the city rushed to meet their prince, as the annals say, "like children to their father, like bees to the queen bee, like thirsting people to a spring." Daniel's brother, Vasilko, who had shared with him his adversities and successes, became prince of Volhynia.

Daniel had to repel the invasions of the Hungarians several times. In 1249, when the Tatar-Mongolian yoke settled firmly over Rūs, a combined army of Hungarians and Poles invaded the land of Galich. Daniel tore into the ranks of the Hungarians and was almost taken prisoner, but he escaped, charged the enemy again, and seized and tore the Hungarian banner into shreds. The Hungarians fled, soon to be followed by the Poles who had engaged Vasilko’s troops.

The Hungarian king subsequently found it more to his profit to form an alliance with Daniel. The latter, in league with Hungary and Poland, fought against Czechia and Austria. Daniel's son was married to the niece of an Austrian duke, and Daniel hoped, in case of his victory, to place his son on the Austrian throne. However, the dual campaign ended in failure. Daniel undertook several successful campaigns against the neighbouring Lithuanian tribes.

The Galich-Volhynsk principality acquired a prominent position in Europe. Daniel assumed the title of king. His coronation, however, had no tangible effect. Rūs could not count upon the support of Germany and Rome in her struggle against the Tatars.

In the continuous struggle against foreign enemies and the boyars at home Daniel developed into a daring and brave prince who, however, was at times too much carried away by his love of military glory.

In the 13th century the Galich-Volhynsk principality reached a flourishing state. A busy commerce with the Dnieper region and Western Europe stimulated the growth of cities with a multifarious population engaged in trade and crafts. Daniel invited settlers, including many craftsmen, to the city of Kholm, which was fortified according to the last word of Western European military science. In his struggle against the feudal lords Daniel found support among the city population. The founding of the city of Lwow — so named in honour of one of Daniel’s sons — also dates back to the 13th century. Lwow became the chief city in the land of Galich.

Russian culture in the land of Galich-Volhynsk was of a high standard. A memorial of this culture are the Galich-Volhynsk annals, which are notable for their vivid artistic descriptions and which, in poetic quality, are at times reminiscent of The Lay of Prince Igor's Regiment.

Western European culture found access to the land of Galich-Volhynsk through the latter’s trade relations with the countries of the West. The churches of Kholm were ornamented in the Catholic style with sculptural figures and stained-glass windows.

The Principality of Rostov-Suzdal

Northeastern Rūs

The powerful principality of Rostov-Suzdal, situated northeast of the land of Kiev, between the Volga and the Oka, was formed in the 12th century. The land here could not boast of its natural riches. The forests abounded in wild animals and bees, and the rivers teemed with fish, but the only large fertile plain was that along the Klyazma River.

Along the Oka and its tributary, the Moskva River, lived the Slavonic tribe of Vyatichi. The Slavonic population of this territory was augmented by the steady influx of Smolensk Krivichi and Novgorod Slavs. The Slavonic city of Rostov is mentioned as early as the 10th century. Another very ancient Slavonic city was Suzdal. During the rule of Yaroslav the city of Yaroslavl was founded (11th century). The city of Vladimir was probably built during the rule of Vladimir Monomachus (12th century).

The neighbours of the Vyatichi were the Merya, Vesi and Mordvinians. The chief pursuits of these peoples were tree felling, hunting and collection of honey, and also agriculture. In the 12th century their clan system was already in a state of decay. A number of rich families came to the fore. The tribes were ruled by princes. For a long time heathen beliefs prevailed among the non-Russian population of the Oka and the Volga regions. As among the ancient Slavs the worship of trees, rocks and the waters was widespread. People believed in wood-goblins, water-goblins and other spirits. They had a strong belief in wizards.

The Russian feudal lords began to seize the land of the Merya and Vesi and, later, of the Mordvinians. The Russian princes exacted tribute from the local population.

In the 12th century the boyars and church authorities both in the Rostov-Suzdal principality and in the Dnieper region appropriated the lands inhabited by Russian peasants and non-Russian peoples and reduced the population to bondage. The annals speak of the Rostov bishop, Fyodor, as follows: "Grievously did the people suffer at his hands; they were deprived of their villages and weapons and horses, while others he reduced to servitude, threw into prison and robbed." By such means did the feudal lords increase their possessions in the land of Suzdal. The population between the Oka and the Volga was forcibly converted to Christianity.

An independent principality was formed on the land of Rostov-Suzdal in the first half of the 12th century. The first Rostov-Suzdal prince was Yuri Dolgoruki, son of Vladimir Monomachus. Here he seized large domains and had no scruples about appropriating the patrimonies of the local boyars. Legend has it that the village belonging to the boyar Kuchka stood on the present site of Moscow. Yuri took possession of this village. The princely demesne of Moscow arose on the banks of the Moskva River. It was here that Prince Yuri entertained his ally, the prince of Chernigov, in 1147. The estate being situated on the boundary between the land of Suzdal and Chernigov, Prince Yuri erected a wooden wall round Moscow, which he converted into a fortress (1156). Yuri Dolgoruki was the most powerful of the Russian princes of those days. He fought successfully against the Volga Bulgars and brought Novgorod under his domination. He also succeeded in seizing Kiev. Yuri, who became the prince of Kiev, died in 1157.

Andrei Bogolyubski and the Struggle with the Boyars

During the reign of Yuri’s son, Andrei Bogolyubski (1157-1174) the land of Rostov-Suzdal became a separate feudal principality. Andrei subjected the neighbouring princes and made them his vassals. In 1169 his troops, operating jointly with the troops of other princes, his allies, took Kiev "on the shield" (i.e., stormed it). For three whole days they pillaged the ancient capital. The next year Andrei sent an army to reduce Novgorod. The people of Novgorod successfully repelled the attacks of the Suzdal army, which was compelled to raise the siege of the city and withdraw after suffering heavy losses. But Novgorod subsisted on grain that came from the land of Suzdal. Andrei stopped the delivery of grain to Novgorod, thereby forcing it to surrender. It was the events of 1169, when Kiev was taken and sacked, that marked its utter decline. On the other hand, the Suzdal city of Vladimir, which Andrei made the capital of his principality, acquired great importance.

Andrei built his capital with great splendour, inviting artists from Western Europe. The Uspensky Cathedral erected in Vladimir during his rule bears traces of the influence of western art. Bogolyubovo, the fortified estate of the prince, was situated near Vladimir. Here the grand prince spent the greater part of his time. It was from this that he received the name of Bogolyubski.

Uneasy over the might of the Rostov and Suzdal boyars, Andrei endeavoured to increase his power within his own principality. He banished the boyars and surrounded himself with people of humble origin. The commoners, or mizinniye ("small" people), who suffered greatly from the tyranny of the powerful feudal lords, supported Andrei. "It is better to walk about in bast shoes on the estate of the prince than in fine boots on the estate of the boyar," one of them wrote later. The boyars retained their influence in Suzdal and Rostov. On the other hand, the craftsmen and inferior retainers who were loyal to the prince, were concentrated in Vladimir and the surround ing cities. With the support of these retainers and the townsfolk, Andrei attempted to unite the separate Russian principalities, including Kiev and Novgorod, into a single state. But the absence of economic ties among the various regions of the land of Rūs made this impossible.

Andrei’s ambition to concentrate all power in his own hands brought him into armed conflict with the powerful feudal lords of Suzdal. In 1174 the boyars entered into a conspiracy which was headed by the Kuchkovichi, whose brother had been executed by the prince. The plotters stole into the palace at Bogolyubovo and assassinated Andrei. This murder served as the signal for an uprising of the masses in Bogolyubovo and Vladimir. The poor sections of the population had suffered greatly at the hands of the prince’s underlings. They now took advantage of the absence of all authority in the city to wreak vengeance on their persecutors. The households of the prince’s servants were plundered and many of their owners were killed.

Consolidation of the Vladimir-Suzdal Principality

After Andrei’s death the Rostov and Suzdal boyars decided to secure their independence and, refusing to recognize Andrei’s brothers as princes, invited his nephews to rule over them. Andrei’s inferior retinue and the townspeople of Vladimir refused to submit to the boyars of Rostov and Suzdal. The boyars threatened: "We shall burn Vladimir or send down a posadnik (burgomaster) for they are our serf-masons." But Vsevolod Yurievich, brother of Andrei Bogolyubski, supported by his soldiers and the townspeople, defeated the powerful feudal lords and forced them to recognize him as their prince (1176-1212).

The Rostov-Suzdal principality came to be called the Vladimir principality after the new capital, Vladimir-on-the-Klyazma.

Vsevolod assumed the title of Grand Prince of Vladimir, and vigorously upheld the traditional seniority of the grand prince among the reigning princes. The Novgorodians were forced to accept his nephews and sons, whom he sent to them as their princes. The Smolensk princes were his "vassals" and compliantly took part in the campaigns on which he sent them. Vsevolod seized the Ryazan princes and threw them into prison, placing his own son in power in Ryazan. When the populace attempted to offer resistance, Ryazan was cruelly ravaged.

"Grand Prince Vsevolod!" the author of The Lay of Prince Igor's Regiment says in addressing the prince. "With the oars of thy boats thou canst scatter the waters of the Volga, and with the helmets of thy warriors — drain the Don."

Vsevolod fought the Volga Bulgars on several occasions. He under took a great campaign against the Polovtsi, and invaded their steppe lands. Under Vsevolod friendly relations were established between the Vladimir principality and distant Georgia. Vsevolod employed Georgian craftsmen to build the Dmitrov Cathedral in Vladimir. Georgian annals speak of the might of the Grand Prince of Vladimir describing him as a man "whom 300 kings obey."

Vsevolod treated the boyars with the same high hand as did his brother Andrei. "He even showed no respect for the powerful boyars," the chronicler writes.

Vsevolod is known as Bolshoye Gnezdo (the "Large Nest") because he had so many sons. After Vsevolod’s death each of his sons received an appanage in the principality of Vladimir. As time went on, these portions of land were divided up more and more. After separating from Kiev Rūs, the land of Vladimir-Suzdal was broken up into a number of petty principalities. Under Vsevolod’s sons it was split into five parts and under his grandsons, into twelve. The oldest member of the prince’s family received the principal city of Vladimir and the title "Grand Prince of Vladimir."

The Conquest of the Mordvinian Lands

Russian feudalism expanded and absorbed the lands of non-Russian peoples. After Vsevolod’s death the Vladimir princes continued their conquest of the peoples living along the Oka and the Middle Volga. The Mordvinians retained their independence for a long time. In 1221 Vsevolod’s son, the Grand Prince Yuri Vsevolodovich, built a fortress on the site of a small Mordvinian town, at the confluence of the Oka and Volga; this fortress was named Nizhni Novgorod (now the city of Gorky); from here the Russian princes launched their raids on Mordvinian territory. The Mordvinians defended themselves stubbornly. Their prince, Purgas, inflicted many defeats on the Russian princes, and even attacked Nizhni Novgorod and burned its suburbs, but he was unable to capture the fortress. The Russian feudal lords visited savage reprisals upon the insubordinate Mordvinian people.

The Land of Novgorod

Great Novgorod and Its Domains

The land of Novgorod, in the north, stood apart from the Kiev principality in the 12th century.

Novgorod, situated on both banks of the River Volkhov at the point where it issues from Lake Ilmen, was one of the most ancient of Slavonic cities. On the eastern Torgovaya (trading) side were the mait and the square where the veche used to meet. This part of the city was chiefly inhabited by tradesmen, craftsmen and labourers. On the western, Sofiiskaya side stood a fort containing the St. Sophia Cathedral, where the Novgorod bishop had his residence. Near Novgorod began the land of Novgorod proper, which extended to lakes Onega and Ladoga and to the shores of the Gulf of Finland. Here were located the vast demesnes of the Novgorod boyars and the church.

Further stretched the extensive colonial possessions of Novgorod, a territory that covered the entire north of our country as far as the Ural Mountains. The Novgorod feudal lords collected tribute in the form of furs and silver from the peoples inhabiting the coast.

The land of Novgorod was not very fertile. Its people were dependent upon Suzdal for their corn supply. But the Northern Pomorye (maritime country) which was rich in fur-bearing animals, was a veritable gold mine to the Novgorod boyars. It was connected by river routes both with the Baltic Sea and with the most important Russian cities. Owing to its geographical position Novgorod was a natural medium of trade between Europe and Rūs. German and Swedish merchants, at great profit to themselves, exported cloths and other fabrics, as well as metallic wares to Rūs and imported from Novgorod furs and raw materials such as flax and hemp. Regularly twice a year caravans of German "guests," as the merchants were called, arrived in Novgorod: "summer guests" came by the water route up the Neva; "winter guests"— by sleigh through Livonia. Two inns were built for the visiting "German" and "Goth" guests (the latter meaning merchants from the Swedish island of Gothland) — a "German" inn and a "Goth" inn. The German cities of the Baltic that traded with the countries of Northern Europe and in particular with Novgorod, formed a confederacy which later, in the 14th century, became known as the Hanse (Hanseatic League). Novgorod merchants acted as the intermediaries in the foreign trade with Eastern Europe, reselling the articles of foreign craftsmen and similar "German" goods to other Russian principalities.

Conquest of the Northern Peoples

At that time the Nentsi, a people whom the Novgorodians called Samoyedes, roamed the tundra seaboard of the Arctic Ocean. The main pursuit of these people was deer-breeding, while trapping water-fowl and polar fox provided an additional means of subsistence. The Nentsi lived in clans, in which the head-man was also the shaman, i.e., the priest. The Nentsi were a superstitious people who believed in the power of their shamans.

South of the tundra, in the taiga, lived tribes of hunters — the Komi. The people living along the Vychegda Pviver (a tributary of the Northern Dvina) were called Zyryane by the Russians, and those inhabiting the upper reaches of the Kama were known as the Permi (Permiaks).

On the slopes of the Northern Urals lived peoples whom the Novgorodians called the Yugra. They applied this name to the people known today as Mansi (Voguls) and the Khanti (Ostiaks). Their land was famous for its wealth of fur-bearing animals. The Novgorod people used to say that tiny squirrels and deer fell from the clouds in that country instead of rain, and that they then grew up and scattered in all directions. The Ural peoples also mined silver.

The Novgorod boyars formed detachments of the Novgorod poor and their own serfs, equipped them at their own expense, and sent them on marauding expeditions to the northern lands. These detachments sailed up the rivers in barks called ushkui, the members of these detachments being called ushkuiniki. The ushkuiniki would swoop down on the dwellers of the north, rob them, take away their furs, and carry off their women and children, whom they sold into slavery. By such means the Novgorod boyars subjugated the peoples of the north and made them pay tribute in furs to Novgorod.

The peoples of the north frequently tried to rebel. In 1187 the Yugra (a Ural-Altaic tribe) slew the Novgorod tribute collectors. Several years later a large punitive force was sent from Novgorod to subdue the land of Yugra, The Yugra prince intrenched himself in his stronghold, and to gain time sent a message to the Novgorod waywode: "We are saving up money and sables and other goods to pay tribute. Do not ruin your subjects!" Novgorod agreed to wait; meanwhile the tribesmen of the Yugra prince began to rally around him in his stronghold. Aided and abetted by certain Novgorod traitors the prince of Yugra inveigled the Novgorod captains into his townlet, ostensibly for the purpose of negotiating with them, and murdered them. The remnants of the Novgorod troops made their way back to Novgorod with difficulty. The Yugra, however, were unable to maintain their independence; other Novgorod detachments arrived and once more forced them to pay tribute. "Sovereign Great Novgorod" (Gospodin Veliki Novgorod) grew prosperous and powerful on its colonial tribute.

The Social System of Novgorod

The Novgorod boyars seized the best lands in Novgorod and the conquered regions, which they cultivated with the labour of their own serfs and peasants. The latter were obliged to deliver to the boyars a considerable part of their crops (as much as half — polovina — from which they received their name polovniki). The boyars exercised their power to prevent the polovniki from quitting their estates and delivered the products of their hunting, fishing and agriculture on credit to the rich Novgorod merchants who sold these products abroad. The petty tradesmen were dependent upon the rich merchants. The crafts were well developed in Novgorod, but the craftsmen also fell into the servitude of the boyars and merchants. The poor were hired to load goods and to row boats.

Thus all the fruits of colonial conquest were reaped by the boyars and the merchants. The latter exploited the poor Novgorod populace — the chorniye ("black people") — as the commoners were called. The craftsmen and petty tradesmen were in debt to the boyars and merchants. The cruel exploitation to which the chorniye were subjected often led to violent rebellions against the ruling classes.

The Prince and the Veche in Novgorod

The wealth of the upper stratum of Novgorod society contributed to the strengthening of its political power. The Novgorod boyars and merchants greatly restricted the power of the Novgorod prince. The Novgorod veche was more powerful and influential than that in other cities, but its masters were the boyars, who managed all affairs. In the first quarter of the 12th century the Novgorod veche, controlled by the boyars, contrived to have all the chief officials elected from among the Novgorod boyars. Important concessions like this the people of Novgorod wrung from the princes by force. Open rebellion broke out in Novgorod in 1136, during the reign of Vladimir Monomachus’ grandson, Vsevolod Mstislavich. Many accusations were levelled at the prince; he was criticized for not showing any concern about the peasants, and for being the first to flee from the field in time of war. The boyars held Vsevolod and his family in custody for two months, after which he was allowed to leave Novgorod. Beginning with that period the power of the Novgorod boyars greatly increased. However, the Novgorodians could not get along without a prince. Novgorod needed a prince and his retinue as a military force which it could rely on in its struggle against external enemies. But every time a prince came in conflict with the "will of Novgorod" the burghers "bowed him out," that is, they banished him and invited a new more acceptable candidate in his stead.

The Vladimir grand princes often attempted to bring Novgorod under their sway, but the Novgorodians stood their ground and did not yield their independence. Yaroslav, the son of Grand Prince Vsevolod Yurievich, encroached on the rights of the Novgorod boyars, and their indignation was so great that he had to leave the city in 1216. An early frost that year ruined the crops in Novgorod land. The road from Suzdal was held by Yaroslav who did not allow a single waggon of corn to enter the city. Soon famine set in. The people of Novgorod rallied an army under the leadership of the prince of Toropets, Mstislav Udaloi (the Bold). Yaroslav leagued himself with his brother, the Grand Prince Yuri Vsevolodovich of Vladimir and retreated to the land of Suzdal. A pitched battle took place on the Lipitsa River. The men of Novgorod, following an ancient custom, dismounted from their horses, removed all their superfluous clothing and their footwear, and rushing barefooted at the enemy, pressed the Suzdal troops hard. At a decisive moment Prince Mstislav and his retinue joined the fight and thrice breached the enemy’s lines.

The Suzdal soldiers quickly took to their heels.

The battle of Lipitsa ensured to the Novgorod people the preservation of their "liberties." Every new prince invited to Novgorod was compelled to sign a ryad or contract binding himself to comply with the Novgorod system of self-government. The prince had no right to impose new taxes or acquire lands. The government of Novgorod and its region was entrusted to persons elected by the Novgorodians themselves, and the prince could not dismiss them "without fault." The prince’s military retinue was not admitted to participation in the administration.

The veche elected a posadnik (a burgomaster or city magistrate) from among the Novgorod boyars to administer the affairs of the city. Without him the prince had no right to administer justice or decide important questions. To assist the burgomaster a tisyatski was elected who was in command of the Novgorod popular levy and was also the arbiter in trading affairs. Even the office of bishop of Novgorod was elective. It was not the prince but the burgomaster and the tisyatski who actually governed the city.

The veche was the supreme authority in Novgorod. It invited princes to come and rule, banished them, elected officials and administered justice. The veche assembled at the ringing of the veche bell. It sometimes happened that veche meetings were held simultaneously on the Torgovaya and the Sofiiskaya sides and contradictory decisions would be taken by them. Clashes between the two veches usually occurred on the Volkhov Bridge.

The veche was a peculiar form of medieval democracy. "Sovereign Great Novgorod" was the first ancient Russian republic, although a feudal republic. The veche, however, did not reflect the interests of the masses of the Novgorod population, being entirely controlled by the boyar feudal lords and, to some extent, the rich merchants.

By means of bribes and baits the boyars created a faction of "rowdies" with whose help they dominated the veche. Rich landholders and the merchants held all the power in their hands and reduced the authority of the prince to nought. The toiling people of Novgorod were in virtual bondage to the boyars. At times the Novgorod poor would rise against their oppressors — the boyars.

Novgorod Culture

Evidences of the rich medieval culture of Novgorod are to be found in the handsome buildings erected by its princes, boyars and merchants, some of which still survive. One of the most remarkable monuments of the 12th century was the Nereditsa Church, with its magnificent mural paintings recently destroyed by the fascist barbarians. The art of writing flourished in Novgorod. Here, as early as the 11th century, an attempt was made to compile annals similar to the chronicles of Kiev. From the end of the 11th century such annals were kept in Novgorod, and the most important events in the city were recorded in them.

Reminiscences of Novgorod’s ancient splendour survive in the legend of Sadko, the "rich guest" (merchant) and Vasili Buslayev. The former tells of the rich trade and the journeys across the seas made by Novgorod merchants; the latter - about the turbulent conflicts in the veche.

Pskov

Of the minor cities subordinate to Novgorod, the city of Pskov became the most powerful in the 12th century. Active trade was carried on between Pskov and the cities of the Baltic. This trade enriched the Pskov boyars and merchants and enhanced their power. Gradually they won their complete independence from Novgorod.

Novgorod and Pskov with their system of self-government resembled the "free cities" of Western Europe. However, there was an essential difference. In Western European cities the power was entirely in the hands of the merchants and the owners of large workshops, whereas in Novgorod and Pskov, who derived their wealth from extensive domains in the Maritime Region, the power belonged to the feudal lords — the boyars and the church, the rich merchants enjoying only a limited share of the authority.

Transcaucasia and Central Asia in the 11th–12th Centuries

Georgia in the 11th and 12th Centuries

Transcaucasia maintained regular relations with Kiev Rūs in the 12th century.

Georgia, where feudal relations were more developed than in Kiev Rūs, became very strong in the 12th century. The Georgian feudal lords seized the peasants’ community lands and reduced the peasants themselves to serfdom. They built castles in the mountains and established a tyrannical rule over the peasants. The revolts of the peasants against their oppressors were crushed by armed force; "the people" — as a monk chronicler puts it — "were filled with fear of their lords." Free peasant communities continued to exist only in the inaccessible mountain region.

The enhancement of the king’s power, which began to take place in Georgia in the 10th century, was resisted by the great feudal lords, who endeavoured to preserve their independence. The kings were supported by the petty feudal lords and the merchants, the former needing a strong monarch to keep the peasants in subordination, while to the merchants a united Georgia meant unhampered possibilities of trade.

The unification of Georgia was hindered by incursions of the Turkoman-Seljuks, a people from the Central Asiatic steppes under the leadership of sultans (sovereigns) of the Seljuk family (whence their name). The Seljuks conquered Persia, Iraq and part of Asia Minor.

The first devastating invasion of the Seljuks in Transcaucasia (Armenia) occurred in 1048-1049. Beginning with the sixties of the 11th century, Georgia became the object of continuous invasions by the Seljuks. It was then that Tbilisi was captured. "The Turkomans spread over the country like locusts," an eyewitness relates. "They plundered the people and turned them into slaves. They remained here till the first snowfall, eating the people out of house and home and putting to die sword all those who tiled to seek refuge in the mountains, forests and caves. Those who hid in the castles perished from cold and hunger. With the return of spring the Turkomans came again. No one in the land sowed or leaped a harvest; only wild beasts roamed where once people lived. Dwellings were destroyed by fire; the rivers ran red with the blood of men."

To effectively combat the invasions of the Seljuks, a strong state power was needed, capable of uniting the isolated feudal domains. This became possible under the Georgian king, David the Renovator (1089-1125). David fought against the feudal lords, who made several attempts on his life. He created a strong army, organized a guards unit of five thousand men; besides this, he brought over 40,000 Polovtsi from the Kuban steppes of whom he formed a regular army. He also subjugated the Caucasian hillmen.

After uniting Georgia, David made war on the Seljuks, whom he drove out of his domains. In 1122 he liberated Tbilisi. David began to extend his power over the neighbouring lands as well: he conquered Azerbaijan, and undertook an expedition to Armenia, whither he was called in by the native Armenian population, who looked upon the Georgians as their liberators from the yoke of the Seljuks and other alien princes.

David centralized the administration of Georgia. The country was divided into regions under the administration of governors. A code of laws was issued. David appointed and dismissed bishops. Gradually peace set in in Georgia. Commerce revived. Many craftsmen were invited from Armenia. The silk fabrics of Georgia won fame far beyond the borders of the land. They were exported even to Constantinople. David built new cities, including the city of Gori. He renovated bridges and aqueducts and erected palaces and other buildings. For these activities he was surnamed the Renovator. Georgian chronicles describe David in the following words: "He rose above all the kings of the earth; in his left hand he held the sea; his right hand rested on the rivers. In battle he was like a lion."

David’s successors extended their domains in Armenia to Erzerum. Feudal Georgia acquired exceptional splendour under Queen Tamara (1184-1213). She waged war against the feudal lords and maintained power only by making considerable concessions to the most powerful of them, promising to rule the country jointly with a council of leading feudal lords.

At that time Geoigia occupied a vast territory from the Black Sea to the Caspian, and from the Caucasian Mountain Range to Erzerum. Under Tamara several Persian regions were annexed to Georgia. The country played an important role among the states of Eastern Europe and Asia. It also established ties with Suzdal Rūs.

The Poet Shot’ha Rust’hveli

Georgian culture in the reign of Tamara was in a flourishing state. This was in great measure due to Georgia’s position at the intersection of busy trade routes joining the countries of the west and the east. Here the cultural influences of Asia Minor, Persia and Byzantium met. Young Georgian feudal lords went to Constantinople to study. Georgian architecture reflected the influence of Byzantium, Georgian literature that of Persia. From the Arabs came a knowledge of medicine and astronomy. Thus a Georgian native culture was created, which, in its turn, influenced the neighbouring countries, in particular Russian culture. Education in Georgia in the 12th century made great strides with the opening of schools and the growth of literature. Tamara surrounded herself with poets. Foremost among them was the great Georgian poet, Shot'ha Rust'hveli. His famous poem, Knight in the Tiger's Skin, is of world significance, being the first and earliest work of the Renaissance.

Shot'ha Rust'hveli was educated in Greece and was one of the most enlightened feudal lords of Georgia. He served at the court of Queen Tamara and was an ardent supporter of a strong monarchy. According to legend he greatly aided Tamara in her struggle against unruly vassals, thereby incurring the hatred of the nobility and eventually being forced to withdraw into exile. His poem, written at the end of the 12th century, is dedicated to Tamara.

Rust'hveli drew upon Georgian folk poetry for his inspiration. His poem reflects the age-old heroic struggle of the Georgian people for their independence against the Persians, Byzantines, Arabs, Seljuks, and other peoples.

No! The sons of alien Persia

Never our sovereign lords shall be!

the heroine of the poem exclaims. Rustaveli lauded the deeds of chivalry of the Georgian Knights who fought for their country’s independence, and sang of intrepidity and defiance of death.

Better death, but death with glory,

Than inglorious days of shame.

Realizing the necessity of unity in the struggle, Rustaveli extolled friendship and brotherhood among the warriors.

He who friendship shuns with near ones,

Is his own most bitter foe.

He that shall desert a comrade,

He will taste the dregs of woe.

A vehement opponent of feudal discord Rust’hveli called upon the people to support the royal power. At the same time he championed the cause of the exploited classes in their struggle against the tyranny of the feudal lords. One of his heroes orders the following disposition to be made of his wealth:

Give unto the weak and homeless,

And the slaves do thou make free,

Orphans feed, provide with plenty,

Help the poor that they may prosper

And by folk whom I do shelter,

E’er my praises sung shall be.

Rust’hveli’s poem has been translated into all the principal languages and, as a great work of art, will ever evoke universal admiration.

Armenia in the 11th and 12th Centuries

In the 11th and 12th centuries the feudal order in Armenia, as in Georgia, was in full flower. Vast demesnes were concentrated in the hands of the Armenian clergy and nobility. His contemporaries wrote of an Armenian bishop that he daily sent out 800 ploughs with six oxen each to till the soil. The peasants were made serfs and worked under the corvée.

The 10th century saw the beginning of Armenia’s break-up into several independent feudal principalities. The Byzantine empire took this opportunity to seize one principality after another, until, in the first half of the 11th century, it had annexed the whole of Armenia. When, however, Armenia was exposed to the attacks of the Seljuks, the Byzantine government was unable to defend it. In 1064 the Seljuks took Ani. A Byzantine army that attempted to recover Armenia for Byzantium was defeated and the emperor taken prisoner. The Seljuk invasion seriously affected the population. The people were impoverished and the country laid waste.

Small feudal estates remained intact only in the mountainous districts, whither the impoverished population sought refuge; here, too, fled the ruined feudal lords. Uniting under the leadership of the feudal lords, groups of Armenian warriors continued their struggle against the foreign enemy. For a long time the "sons of Armenia, the heroic defenders of their motherland," as Stalin expressed it, valiantly defended their mountain fastnesses and gorges. The mountainous district of Sasun defended its independence longer than all the others.

Despite Armenia’s ruthless devastation by the Seljuks, its cultural life did not die out. On the contrary, Armenian culture exercised no little infiuence on the neighbouring countries.

Azerbaijan in the 11th and 12th Centuries

The region of Shirvan in the northern part of Azerbaijan, contiguous with Georgia, was occupied by the feudal kingdom of the Shirvan shahs (or kings) in the 11th and 12th centuries. In the last quarter of the 11th century the Seljuks forced the Shirvan shahs to pay tribute to them but did not interfere in the domestic affairs of the country. The Georgian king, David the Renovator, marched against Shirvan; since then the Shirvan shahs became the vassals of Georgia and entered into a military alliance with her. This alliance resulted not merely from Georgia’s victory, but from the close commercial ties between the two countries and their need for union in order to defend themselves against their common external enemies.

An important trade centre of Azerbaijan was the city of Derbent, situated on a narrow strip between the Caucasian Mountain Range and the Caspian Sea. Intercourse with the Northern Caucasus and Rūs was maintained through this pass. The Derbent Pass was protected by strong walls. The city of Shemakha was an important centre for silk production and silk trade.

The 11th century saw the final process in the foundation of an Azerbaijan nation formed by intermarriage of the local Albanian tribes with the Polovtsi from the north, and the Turkomans from the south. A large section of the Albanians adopted the Moslem faith. Those who preserved Christianity merged with the Armenians.

Her Persian neighbour exercised a great influence on the culture of Azerbaijan, where the feudal lords spoke the Persian tongue and everything was written in that language. But the Azerbaijan people also contributed much of their own to Persian culture. There were two remarkable Azerbaijan poets: Nizami and Khakani, contemporaries of Shot’ha Rust’hveli.

Like Rustaveli, Nizami sang of chivalry and deeds of valour. He borrowed his themes from legends about Alexander the Great and the ancient Persian kings. His poem about Alexander the Great, filled with fantastic, fabulous description, mentions the war which Alexander is alleged to have waged against the Rūs, and is probably a reminiscence of the Rūs expeditions to the Caspian Sea in the 10th century. Khakani, the son of a carpenter and a Christian female slave, was a brilliant lyric poet; he wrote beautiful love poems and odes, but his masterpiece is the Prison Elegy, written by him in prison, where he was thrown by order of the Shirvan shah, into whose disfavour he had fallen.

Nizami and Khakani wrote in the Persian language, although they were native Azerbaijans, They did much to perfect the literary language of Persia. Their work was considerably influenced by Azerbaijan’s cultural intercourse with Georgia.

Central Asia from the 10th to the Beginning of the 13th Centuries

At the end of the 10th century the state of the Samanids was destroyed by the nomadic Turkic tribes. The Turkomans mingled with the indigenous population, who adopted the Turkic language and, to some extent, Turkic customs. During the first half of the 12th century, the Kara-Kitais, a numerous nomadic people with as many as 40,000 kibitkas, invaded Central Asia from the east and chose the valley of the Chu River for their pastoral pursuits. The dependence of the indigenous population inhabiting the region between the Amu Darya and Syr Darya rivers upon the Kara-Kitais was confined to the payment of tribute.

Khoresm formed an independent state. Its rulers, the Khoresm shahs, succeeded in defending their independence against the Kara-Kitais. Khoresm was attacked on the west by the Turkoman-Seljuks, but the latter were defeated. Under Shah Mukhammed (1200-1220) the region between the Amu Darya and the Syr Darya and Northern and Eastern Persia were incorporated in Khoresm, which at that time was a great political power in Asia and culturally far superior to many European states.

Mongol Conquests in the 13th Century

The Empire of Genghis Khan

The Social System of the Mongols in the 12th and the Beginning of the 13th Centuries

Eastern Europe, Transcaucasia and Central Asia were conquered by the Mongols in the 13th century. The Mongols inhabited the steppes of Central Asia, north of China. They were a pastoral people whose chief pursuit was primitive, nomadic herding. A subsidiary means of livelihood was hunting wild fowl by beating up the game from cover (battue). The Mongols did not cultivate corn and rarely used it. The necessity of feeding a large number of livestock compelled the Mongols to roam from place to place in search of good and abundant fodder. The Mongols lived in felt kibitkas or tents, which were placed on ox-drawn waggons and used as movable habitations. The women lit fires in the tents and cooked the food, an opening at the top of the tent providing an exit for the smoke. From a distance it looked as though an entire city was in motion.

At first the Mongols roamed in clans. The livestock belonged to the entire clan and was grazed jointly. Several clans living together formed a "horde" or tribe. Gradually private ownership of livestock and pasture land developed among the Mongols and inequality appeared among the members of the horde. To wage war the tribe elected chieftains, or boghaturs as they were called. Large detachments of warriors rallied about a brave and rich boghatur. The military chieftains frequently seized the power in their native tribes and became khans. Thus the khans, their clansmen and warriors came to own large numbers of cattle and slaves. The poor Mongols had to work for the khans and their suite: they shepherded the herds, made kumiss (an intoxicating liquor made from mare’s milk), sheared the sheep, fulled felt, etc.

As the exploitation of the masses of this nomadic society increased, the Mongol khans developed into feudal lords similar to the landowners in Western Europe and Rūs. The khans owned the pasture lands and large herds. Their own tribesmen became their bondsmen, over whom the khans maintained their power with the aid of their retinues.

The Empire of Genghis Khan

Yesukai, whose clan roamed the steppes of Eastern Transbaikal, was one of the most outstanding Mongol chieftains in the 12th century. He fell in battle against a neighbouring people, the Tatars. After his death his son, Temuchin, then a minor, was unable to retain the power. Even his nearest clansmen deserted him. But when he grew older his daring drew many warriors to him. He became the chief of a small but fearless group of warriors. With the help of one of the neighbouring khans the young Temuchin routed the Tatars, exterminated almost all the men, and spared only the young, who were "no higher than the linchpin of a cart"; the women and children were made slaves. Subsequently the neighbouring tribes attached the name of Tatars to the people of Genghis Khan and called them indiscriminately both Tatars and Mongols. After his victory over the Tatars Temuchin began to extend his power over other tribes. In 1206 a council of Mongol feudal lords, the kurultai, proclaimed Temuchin the supreme khan of all the Mongols. Temuchin adopted the name and title of Genghis Khan. He ruled over a great empire of Mongol, Turkic and Manchurian tribes.

Genghis Khan’s state was not united. All the members of the house of Genghis Khan received special domains. Genghis Khan either left the tribes he subjugated under the power of their own princes or subordinated them to his warriors. Each domain had to send a definite number of warriors to Genghis Khan. These domains were named after the number of men in the respective levies, forming units of a hundred, a thousand, and ten thousand men. The vassals were named accordingly. The chiefs of a troop of a thousand and ten thousand ruled over the lesser feudal lords. In spite of the fact that his empire was split into so many parts Genghis Khan firmly held supreme state power in his hands. He formed a well-organized bodyguard which served as his mainstay. He had an excellent army with an amazingly efficient military organization. The troops went into battle in formations of thousands, hundreds and tens, under the leadership of their respective commanders. The main force was the cavalry, armed with bows and arrows. The Mongols learned the art of warfare from the Chinese. When besieging cities they used missile engines, incendiary projectiles and battering-rams to break down walls.

The empire created by Genghis Khan was a military empire whose chief aim was war and conquests. "The wealth of the neighbours," Engels wrote, "excited the greed of the peoples who began to regard the acquisition of wealth as one of the main purposes of life. They were barbarians: plunder appeared to them easier and even more honourable than production. War, once waged simply to avenge aggression or as a means of enlarging territory that had become restricted, was now waged for the sake of plunder alone, and became a regular profession."

The Conquest of Central Asia

Having united the nomadic tribes, Genghis Khan set about conquering the neighbouring countries. In 1207 Juji, the son of Genghis Khan, subjugated the peoples of Southern Siberia — the Turkic tribe of Kirghiz on the Upper Yenisei, the Mongol tribe of Buryats on Lake Baikal, and others. The conquest of China was begun in 1211, followed after several years by the invasion of Central Asia. This brought the Mongols into conflict with the Khoresm shah, Mukhammed, who, however, was unable to offer effective resistance to the Mongols, because his kingdom was torn by internal disturbances. The heterogeneous tribes of which his kingdom was made up were at war with each other. The military chiefs, regional governors and representatives of the higher clergy, alarmed at the prospect of losing their feudal possessions, betrayed their country wherever possible and treacherously surrendered cities to Genghis Khan. After his first defeat Mukhammed fled from Khoresm and died on an island in the Caspian Sea. Left to the mercy of fate, Khoresm, despite the desperate resistance of its inhabitants, fell a prey to the conquerors. Samarkand, Bokhara and other cities were taken by the Mongols and subjected to terrible devastation. The country was ruthlessly ravaged. The large Murghab dam was wrecked, with the result that the city of Merv was completely destroyed. The entire kingdom of Mukhammed passed into the hands of Genghis Kkan, who also became ruler over a considerable part of Persia.

The Invasion of Transcaucasia and the Black Sea Steppes

The Mongol hosts, under the leadership of Genghis Khan’s chieftains, next set out to conquer Transcaucasia and the Caucasus. They ravaged Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia and invaded the steppes of the Polovtsi, whose khans appealed to the Russian princes for aid. "If you do not help us," their envoys said, "we will be slain today, and you — tomorrow."

In 1223 the Russian princes, with the Kiev prince at their head, marched out to the steppes to meet the Tatars, as the Russians called the Mongols. The Tatars started to retreat, thus luring the Russian troops deeper into the steppe. The Russians and the Polovtsi went as far as the Kalka River, which flows into the Azov Sea. There was no concord among the Russian princes. The bravest of them, Mstislav the Bold, with several young princes and the Polovtsi, engaged the Tatars without warning the other princes. A pitched battle took place in which the Russians were gaining the upper hand. Daniel Romanovich of Galich, at that time still quite a youth, especially distinguished himself. He was wounded, but in the heat of battle was not even aware of it. The Polovtsi, however, were unable to withstand a charge of the Tatars and fled, throwing the Russian ranks into confusion. The Russians were utterly defeated. Mstislav and Daniel barely managed to escape. Meanwhile, the Kiev and other princes who had not participated in the battle, stood encamped on a nearby bill and made 2no attempt to join the action although they saw the disastrous turn of affairs. The Tatars attacked them too. The Russians stood their ground for three days but were finally compelled to surrender. The princes were promised their lives but the promise was not kept — they were murdered. After their victory on the Kalka the Mongols advanced to the Volga and attacked the Volga Bulgars. Here, however, they encountered failure and retired to Mongolia across the Kazakh steppes. Genghis Khan continued his war against China. He subjugated the land of Tangut (in Southern Mongolia).

Thus a strong military power came into existence in the Mongolian steppes. The seizure of civilized countries essentially influenced the life and empire-building activities of the Mongols, especially in the case of China. Genghis Khan employed the services of Chinese officials for improving the organization and government of his vast empire.

The Conquest of Eastern Europe

Conquest of Russian Lands by the Mongols

Genghis Khan died in 1227 at a venerable age. At the time of his death his empire consisted of Mongolia proper, Northern China, Southern Siberia, Central Asia and Transcaucasia.

After Genghis Khan’s death his empire was split into several large dominions called which were divided among his sons and grandsons. Ogdai, the third son of Genghis Khan, was recognized as his successor, the "Grand Khan." He was given Mongolia and Northern China. The other members of Genghis Khan’s family were subordinate to Ogdai. Genghis Khan’s second son, Chagatai, received Central Asia east of Khoresm, that is, present-day Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and part of Kazakhstan. His dominions came to be called the Chagatai ulus. Another large Mongolian state on the territory of present-day U.S.S.R. was that of the Golden Horde, founded by Genghis Khan’s grandson, Batu. To Batu’s share fell all the lands west of the Irtysh "where only the hoofs of Mongolian horses have trodden." Batu marched out to conquer western lands. In 1236 his horde crossed the Ural River (the Yaik), invaded the land of the Volga Bulgars and mercilessly ravaged it.

The next year the Tatars invaded the Ryazan principality. Divided as it was into a number of independent principalities, Northeastern Rūs was powerless against the Tatar hordes. The princes failed to unite in their struggle against the common foe. The Grand Prince of Vladimir, Yuri Vsevolodovich (son of Vsevolod the "Large Nest"), refused to help the Ryazan princes. Ryazan was captured and razed to the ground. The Tatars destroyed Vladimir and overran the neighbouring principalities, "mowing the people down like grass." In one month they took and burnt 14 towns including Moscow.

Yuri Vsevolodovich, the Grand Prince of Vladimir, and his troops were encamped north of the Volga on a vast field near the Sit River, a tributary of the Mologa. The Tatars surrounded and defeated the Russian army (1238), the grand prince falling in the battle. Batu wanted to march farther north to the land of Novgorod, but the city being well protected by impassable forests and swamps, he turned to the Volga steppes.

On the way south he encountered serious resistance on the part of the city of Kozelsk (on the Zhizdra River). It defended itself desperately for seven weeks, for which the Tatars named it the "city of fury." After reducing the Polovtsi and conquering the Crimea, Batu in 1240 advanced against Kiev and besieged the city. The inhabitants of Kiev defended the city manfully. So deafening was the noise of creaking carts, the braying of camels, and the neighing of horses that people could not hear each other. The Tatars used battering rams day and night until they finally beat down the walls of the besieged city. Even then the people of Kiev continued to fight in the breach. Forced to retreat, they erected a palisade in the centre of the city during the night, and the following morning the Tatars had to storm this fortification as well.

After taking Kiev the Tatars invaded the principality of Galich-Volhynsk. Vladimir, Galich and other cities were captured. The Tatar hordes next laid waste to Poland. Batu himself went into Hungary, routed the troops of the Hungarian king and moved on to Czechia, but the resistance he encountered here was so great that he was forced to return to the Volga steppes. Batu set up his headquarters near the mouth of the Volga.

The memory of the Russian people heroic struggle against the Tatars still lives in legend. The hero of one of these epics, Ilya of Murom, delivered Kiev from the Tatars who were besieging it:

He fought fiercely, his sword smote them —

The Tatars of strength were bereft;

In swamps sank they, in deep rivers —

Their camps and their plunder they left.

The Tatar Yoke

Batu’s empire was called the "Golden Horde," that is, the golden tribe. Gradually the Tatars (Mongols) were as similated by the Polovtsi, from whom they adopted the Turkic tongue and with whom they formed one common Turkic-speaking horde. The Russian princes agreed to pay tribute to the Tatars and to send them troops. Batu granted the princes letters of investiture called yarlyki, entitling them to the possession of a principality. Yaroslav Vsevolodovich, the brother of Prince Yuri who had been killed on the Sit River, had the right through primogeniture, to the title of grand prince, and Batu recognized him as the Grand prince of Vladimir. Other princes who submitted to the Tatars also remained at the head of their princedoms. Their visits to Batu at the Horde were attended by humiliating ceremonies. Before entering the khan's tent, the princes had to pass between two bonfires. The Tatars considered that the fire cleansed those going to the khan of all wicked designs. If a prince refused to perform this rite he was killed as a malefactor (such was the fate of Prince Mikhail of Chernigov). Upon entering the khan's tent the prince had to bow to the ground before the khan and to remain on his knees throughout the reception.

Batu appointed governors, baskaki, to the principal Russian cities who oppressed the population with their heavy extortions and plunder.

The Grand Khan Ogdai had a census taken of the population in all the lands subject to the Mongols, on the basis of which still greater tribute was exacted from the Russian lands. "Whoever does not pay," says a contemporary, "is led off to the Tatars, where he remains in slavery," The Tatar tribute-gatherers and their servants demanded gifts for themselves, besides which the population had to bear the expense of their upkeep.

According to a folk song, there was no mercy even for the poorest of the poor. The collector took tribute from all:

If a man doth money lack,

From him his child they take,

If a man doth children lack,

From him his wife they take,

And if a man doth helpmate lack,

From him his very self they take.

Only the princes and the clergy were exempt from such exactions.

Revolts broke out against the Tatars in many Russian cities which were burdened by these tributes, but many Russian princes, fearing to lose their principalities, helped the Tatars to suppress these rebellions.

Novgorod was not conquered by Batu, and when Tatar envoys came to this city to demand tribute, the Novgorod people refused to pay it. The Novgorod boyars, however, out of fear of the Tatars, compelled the people to submit. The Tatars made a census of the city’s population and imposed tribute upon them. The boyars placed the entire burden of these payments upon the poor people: they "made things easier for themselves and difficult for the common folk."

The khans exempted the orthodox clergy from the payment of tribute and granted the metropolitans letters of investiture which protected their lands. The clergy therefore exhorted the poor to obey the Tatar feudal lords. The toiling population of Rūs thus suffered from a twofold oppression: that of the Tatars and the Russian feudal lords.

Only one Russian prince did not go to the Horde to pay homage to Batu - Daniel Romanovich of Galich. But when Daniel received a stern command from the khan to appear before him, he had no option but to obey. Batu received him graciously. "O, what gall and wormwood is Tatar honour," exclaims the annalist in this coimeotion. Daniel purchased the salvation of his principality at the price of his own self humiliation but he did not resign himself to his subservient position. On his return from the Horde he began to prepare for a struggle, building new cities and fortifying the old ones. He entered into a league with Hungary and appealed to the Pope for help against the enemy who was threatening all Europe. To win the support of the Pope Daniel even agreed to recognize him as the head of the Russian church. The Pope, on his part, recognized Daniel as king. But no one in Western Europe wanted to go to the aid of the Russians. Daniel thereupon severed relations with the Pope. When the Tatars learned of Daniel’s preparations, they demanded that all the fortifications in the land of Galich-Volhynsk be razed. Kholm, which was strongly fortified, refused to comply with the demand of the Tatars; all the other fortresses were, however, demolished.

The devastation wrought by the Tatars arrested the economic development of the Russian lands for a long time. "The blood of our fathers and brothers has drenched the land like water," a contemporary says; "many of our brothers and children have been taken into captivity; our villages are overrun by young forest; our glory is faded; our beauty has perished; our wealth has become the property of others; the fruits of our labour have been inherited by heathens; our land has fallen into the hands of aliens." Learning and culture declined. Many monuments of art and works of ancient Russian literature perished in the fires of Russian cities.

The Golden Horde in the Second Half of the 13th and in the 14th Centuries

The empire of the Golden Horde included the lands of the Volga Bulgars, the Polovets steppe, the Northern Caucasus, Khoresm in Central Asia, and Western Siberia as far as the Irtysh. The Russian principalities were also subject to the khans of the Golden Horde. The Golden Horde built for themselves a capital named Sarai (meaning "palace") on the Lower Volga.

Captive craftsmen constructed sumptuous palaces in Sarai for the Tatar khans, the walls of which were faced with beautiful coloured tiles. The city had a large market place which attracted merchants from Rūs, Persia and even Western Europe. Sarai was a temporary residence of the Tatar suzerains. The rest of the Tatars continued to lead a nomad life, and drove their herds over the vast steppes from the lower reaches of the Danube to Kazakhstan. The khans themselves did not live permanently in their capital, but most of the year led a nomad life.

The Golden Horde was divided into several hordes or tribes, ruled by princes who were vassals of the khan. The khan never embarked on any undertaking without their advice and consent. These princes, and other feudal lords, exploited their own tribesmen, whose cattle and products they appropriated for themselves. The princes arrogated to themselves the right of imposing taxes on some of the conquered regions. Finally, many of the feudal lords completely alienated the land together with the conquered agricultural population, which was obliged to render services to the feudal lords and to work for them.

At the end of the 13th century Prince Nogai, under whose rule was a large host of nomads, attained great power; he placed khans on the throne and deposed them. After the death of Nogai his horde fell apart.

The Tatar nobility adopted much of the culture of the Persians, Chinese and other civilized peoples of Asia. In the 14th century the Tatar feudal lords embraced Islam and spread this religion among the Tatar masses. This served the Tatar feudal lords as a means of keeping their subjects in submission. At the same time it tended to strengthen the ties of the Golden Horde with the civilized countries of the East.

Tatar domination also had a certain effect on the life and habits of the Russian feudal lords. The latter adopted the Eastern apparel of the Tatars (the Russian words: bashmak, kaftan, kushak, kolpak - shoe, caftan, belt, cowl - are of eastern origin), their weapons and utensils. Some Tatar institutions existed in the Russian state for a long time. For instance, it was the Tatars who introduced the yami, that is, stations where horses were kept for the use of the khan’s officials. This practice endured in Russia for several centuries. The Tatar conquerors, however, could not exert an appreciable cultural influence on the Russians because they themselves were at a considerably lower level of social, economic and cultural development. Whereas agriculture had developed among the Russians far back in ancient times, primitive nomad herding still prevailed among the Tatars.

The Tatar depredations ruined the agricultural areas and led to a general economic decline of the country. The Tatar yoke seriously affected all aspects of Russian life. The tax collections made for the khans, the freebootery of Tatar officials and other agents of the khans, and the raids of Tatar detachments which, in the beginning, were an almost annual occurrence, ruined the Russian people and retarded the economic, political and cultural progress of the country. The Russian people bravely defended their independence, and waged a valiant struggle, unaided, against the rapacious khans, thus shielding Western Europe from the Tatar-Mongolian invasions. As Marx said, the Tatar yoke not only oppressed, it outraged and consumed the very soul of the people who had become its victims.

Transcaucasia and Central Asia under the Rule of the Mongols

Conquest of Transcaucasia by the Tatars

Simultaneously with their conquest of the Russian principalities, the Tatars seized the lands of Armenia, Georgia and Azerbaijan. "As numerous as locusts," the Tatars overran the mountains and valleys of Transcaucasia and the Caucasus. When cities were captured all the adult males were massacred with the exception of the craftsmen, who were turned into slaves. The Tatar warriors shared the women and children among themselves. The country was divided among the Tatar princes. The impregnable mountain fortresses were occupied by the Tatars. Resistance to the conquerors in Transcaucasia was offered principally by the people. The Armenian and Georgian princes, like the Russian princes, hurried to pay homage to Batu. He gave them letters of investiture, but demanded tribute and military tolls. A census was taken in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia, similar to that made in Rūs. The Tatar taxgatherers, according to a contemporary, "demanded exorbitant taxes, thereby reducing the people to poverty and tortured and tormented them; those who hid were found and put to death." The impecunious had their children taken from them and sold to foreign traders. The princes co-operated with the Tatars and, as an annalist says, "plundered and robbed the poor and on the proceeds of these exactions arrayed themselves in costly clothes, and ate and drank and conducted themselves boastfully." The Armenian and Georgian clergy, who were also exempted by Batu from the payment of taxes, supported his rule.

In this way all of Transcaucasia fell under Tatar domination. And here, as in Rūs, the peasants were doubly oppressed by the Tatars and their own feudal lords.

Central Asia under Mongol Rule

Central Asia, the greater part of which, after the death of Genghis Khan, formed part of the Chagatai ulus (division), gradually began to recover from the ruthless desolation to which it was subjected by the Mongol invasion. Trade and the crafts came to life again in Samarkand and Bokhara. But here too the exactions of the Mongol rulers made themselves felt. The local feudal landlords alone were exempted from these payments; the Mongol khans and their sons granted them special charters and forbade them to be molested. The burden of taxes and servitude was borne by the poor — the peasants and the craftsmen, who in addition had to pay for the upkeep of the Tatar officials. The craftsmen had to deliver their wares — weapons, fabrics, etc. — free of charge to the treasury. These extortions and obligations were so burdensome that they led to a widespread uprising in Bokhara (1238). The revolt was headed by an artisan, a maker of sieves, by the name of Makhmud Tarabi, who lived in the village of Tarab near Bokhara (whence he received his surname). The revolt spread among the city craftsmen and the peasants of the outlying rural districts and was directed both against the Tatar rulers and the local feudal lords. The Tatars were driven out of Bokhara. Makhmud took possession of the city and drove all the feudal lords and the rich people out of it. The Tatar and Bokhara feudal lords united against the rebels. At first they suffered a serious defeat. The peasants, armed with hatchets, pursued and killed the fleeing enemy. But Makhmud was killed during the fighting and in spite of partial successes, the uprising was crushed.

The Struggle against German and Swedish Feudal Lords

Seizures by the German Feudal Lords in the Baltic

Advance Eastward by the German Knights

While Russia was being attacked by Mongol hordes in the east, German and Swedish crusaders in the west formed a new and grave menace.

In the 12th century, German knighthood, in quest of new lands and serfs, began to advance eastward. The southern coast of the Baltic Sea from the Vistula to the mouth of the Elba was populated at the time by the Western Slavs. The Germans attacked the Slavonic lands, built castles on them, baptized the Slavs with fire and sword, and made them their serfs. Gradually all the Slavonic lands east of the Elba as far as Poland and Lithuania were seized by the Germans. Part of the Slav population was exterminated, and the survivors reduced to serfdom. The Slavonic River Sprava was renamed the Spree, the Slavonic Branibor (battle-forest) was called Brandenburg, the Slavonic Pomorye became Pomerania, and the Slavonic city of Kolebreg, i.e., coastal city, became known as Kolberg.

After their seizure of the Western Slavonic lands, the German knights turned their attention to the eastern and southern shores of the Baltic Sea. This was the land of the Lithuanian tribes, and their neighbours the Livi (hence the name Liflandia or Livonia), while to the north lived the Esths (Esthland, or Esthonia). The entire land inhabited by these tribes was called Livonia. The Litovtsi-Prussi, Polab Slavs and Slav-Obodriti were exterminated by the Germans, and their lands seized.

The territory on the Western Dvina was the fief of the Polotsk (Russian) princes, to whom the inhabitants paid tribute. The tribes that lived in the north were subject to Novgorod.

The Order of Knights of the Sword

In the 12th century German merchants appeared in the Baltic region to buy furs, and set up a trading settlement near the mouth of the Western Dvina. The Germans used Christianity as a means of gaining a firmer footing on alien soil. Missionaries were sent to Livonia to preach the religion. Their mission not proving successful the Germans, with the support of the Pope, declared a crusade against the Livonians. The merchants of the northern German cities, interested in the conquest of Livonia, furnished the crusaders with ships.

When the bishop appointed to the diocese of Livonia arrived with a body of crusaders, the Livonians said to him: "Send your troops back; convince us with words and not with cudgels." The German knights defeated the Livonians in battle, but the bishop’s horse carried him into the ranks of the enemy and he was killed. The Germans sacked the country mercilessly and forcibly baptized the Livonians. The new bishop, Albert, realized that the people would not be brought to their knees by sporadic raids of the crusaders. He therefore built the fortified city of Riga (1201) at the mouth of the Western Dvina on the land of the Livi (the Letts) and settled it with German colonists. In 1202 he founded, with the sanction of the Pope, a special knightly order, called the Knights of the Sword, the members of which were to live in Livonia and to spread Christianity by means of the sword. Later this Order was known as the Livonian. The head of the Order was called the Master; its members were the small landed German gentry who hoped to become rich in the conquered land. The knights built castles in Livonia, forcibly baptized the population, and made serfs of them; those who resisted were killed. Protected by the knights, German merchants settled in Livonia for purposes of trade, and founded cities there.

The subjugation of the Baltic States by the German knights was accompanied by incredible cruelty. When the Germans set foot on the land of an insubordinate tribe, they divided their troops into several detachments which swept through the countryside burning and ravaging everything in their path, massacring all the males, carrying off the women and children into slavery, and seizing all the cattle. The people sought safety in the woods; during the winter they attempted to cross the icebound sea, but perished from cold and hunger. The following is a German chronicler’s account of how the German knights dealt with the Oesel islanders.

"They kept beating them all the way to the village, pursued the fugitives through streets and in their homes, dragged them out of the houses and murdered them; those who attempted to defend themselves from rooftops and woodpiles were also seized and put to death. … From the village the people were pursued into the open field, where they were slaughtered, and across the field to the sacred grove, and this sacred grove turned scarlet with their blood, … More than 500 dead remained on the scene of battle, and many others were killed in the fields, on the roads and in other places."

The disunited Livonian tribes were unable to withstand the well organized Order. Having fallen into oppressive slavery, they appealed to the Polotsk princes for help. The latter had contented themselves with the exaction of a small tribute from the Livonians; their rule was therefore considered lenient as compared with that of the Germans. Several times the Polotsk princes attempted, jointly with the Livonians, to drive out the conquerors, but the knights were better armed; they had missile engines with which the Russians were still unfamiliar. All the offensives undertaken by the Polotsk princes ended in failure.

After subduing the Livonians, the knights began to spread their rule over Russian lands. The population of the Polotsk principality strongly resisted the German knights. At one time the bishop of Riga even paid tribute to the Polotsk princes. One of the lesser Polotsk princes, Vyachko, especially distinguished himself in his resolute struggle for independence. He fought on heroically even after his own city had been captured and burnt by the Germans. In 1224 the knights attacked the Russian city of Yuriev, where Prince Vyachko together with the Esths sat firmly entrenched. The Germans surrounded Yuriev with siege engines, brought up a wooden siege-tower and began to undermine the city walls. When part of the wall crumpled, the tower was moved to the breach. But the besieged stubbornly refused to surrender. When the Germans started to storm the city, the besieged rolled red-hot wheels out through the gap in the broken wall and set the siege tower on fire. But the Germans broke into the city through this very opening. Yuriev was taken and a massacre began. The Germans surrounded the city and did not let anyone out alive. Prince Vyachko also perished. The Germans renamed the city of Yuriev — Dorpat (now Tartu).

After the death of Bishop Albert, the Germans suffered a number of defeats. The knights were especially discomfited when they attempted to invade the land of Lithuania. The Knights of the Sword began looking for allies.

The Teutonic Order

Next to Livonia there existed another German Order, the Teutonic. Between the Niemen and the Vistula lay the land of the Lithuanian tribe of Prussi. The warlike Prussi made devastating raids upon the neighbouring Polish lands. The Polish feudal lords, unable to cope with the Prussi, asked the German Teutonic Order for aid. The Teutonic Order had been founded at the end of the 12th century to fight the Mohammedans in Palestine. With the sanction of the Pope, the Teutonic knights readily agreed to take up their abode in the land of the Prussi. The latter, who lived in small tribes under different chiefs, were not able to oppose the knights by a united force. The Germans, on the other band, were a compact, disciplined force. Before long the little towns of the petty Prussi princes were conquered. "By the end of the 13th century," Marx says, "that flourishing country was transformed into a desert; forests and swamps appeared in the place of villages and cultivated fields; some of the people were killed, others were carried off, and the rest were compelled to migrate to Lithuania."

The knights built castles and cities on the land of the Prussi and began to attract colonists from Germany. The Germans who aided the Teutonic Order in its wars against the Prussi received grants of land and built new castles. And so ever greater numbers of German colonists poured into the land of the Prussi. The numerous outbreaks of the Prussi were suppressed because of the lack of unity among these people.

Both Orders (that of the Knights of the Sword and the Teutonic) united in 1237 with the aim of prosecuting their conquests jointly in the Baltic.

The merging of these two Orders appreciably strengthened the German knights and constituted a great danger to the Russian lands. Novgorod and Pskov were threatened. But the Russian people had to wage an arduous struggle simultaneously against the Germans and the Swedes. In the 13th century the people of Novgorod and Pskov saved the Russian lands from conquest by the German and Swedish feudal lords.

Struggle of Novgorod and Pskov against the Swedish and German Feudal Lords

The Victory on the Neva over the Swedes

For a long time the Swedes had been trying to seize the water-route from the Gulf of Finland to the land of Novgorod, which would give them control over the entire trade with Eastern Europe.

In 1240 the Swedes launched a campaign on the Neva under the command of Count Birger, who governed the Swedish kingdom at that time. But no sooner had the Swedes landed near the mouth of the Neva than they were attacked by the Novgorod troops under the command of the Novgorod Grand Prince Alexander, son of Yaroslav. Alexander was one of the most outstanding princes of his time; he pursued a very cautious and wise policy with the Tatar khans and won the respect of the Golden Horde. He was also a brave and skillful military commander. "While conquering he was unconquerable," a contemporary said of him. In the battle of the Neva against the Swedes, fought under his command, the Novgorod people displayed great valour. One of them, Gavrila Oleksich, in pursuing the enemy, rode his horse over the gangplank right onto an enemy’s ship. Thrown into the water together with his horse, he swam to the bank and once more rushed into the fray. Misha of Novgorod and his men sank three Swedish vessels. Savva made his way to Birger’s tent and cut down the pole which supported it; the unexpected collapse of the tent in view of the combatants inspired the Russian troops. The Swedes were utterly defeated; Birger himself was almost killed by a blow from Alexander’s lance, but saved his life by fleeing to his ships. The men of Novgorod pursued the retreating foe. For this victory on the Neva Prince Alexander won his honorific epithet of Nevsky.

Alexander was an imperious prince who realized that a strong rule was necessary in time of war. The Novgorod boyars, however, tried to limit his power. Soon after the victory on the Neva he came into conflict with the boyars and left Novgorod.

The Germans took advantage of Alexander's absence, seized the ancient Russian city of Izborsk and advanced on Pskov. Some of the boyars in the city proved to be traitors. Pskov was captured by a detachment of knights. The Germans invaded the land of Novgorod, built the fortress of Koporye, and made themselves masters of the land within thirty kilometres of Novgorod.

The Battle on the Ice

Under these circumstances the Novgorod veche demanded Alexander’s return. He promptly answered the call and arrived at Novgorod with his retinue of warriors and an auxiliary Suzdal detachment. He marched out and captured and destroyed the Koporye fortress. In 1242 he marched on Pskov, routed the German garrison and liberated the city. Then he invaded the lands of the Order. A powerful German army came out to meet him. The knights boasted: "We’ll take Prince Alexander with our bare hands." The opening joust between the skirmish lines was not in Novgorod’s favour. Alexander held a position of vantage on Lake Chudskoye (Lake Peipus). There, on the ice, on April 5, 1242, a battle took place which went down in history as the Battle on the Ice. The Germans attacked in their usual "pig’s snout" formation, that is, a closed wedge. The point of the wedge was formed by a heavily armed body of horsed knights, fringing a body of foot soldiers, armed with spears and swords. The rear and flanks were protected by a detachment of mounted knights. The battle was, in the words of a chronicler, "a furious one"; the ice was stained with blood. The Novgorod men pursued the Germans for seven kilometres, killed 500 knights and took 50 prisoners. After this defeat the Germans hastened to conclude peace. They renounced Pskov and all their other conquests.

The Battle on the Ice ended the offensive of the German knights against Prussian soil and saved it from the fate that overtook Livonia. The knights were driven back from the Russian frontier. This victory put a halt to the movement of the German feudal lords against Russian lands. The Russian people saved the Lithuanians, Esthonians and Latvians from destruction by the Germans.

The Grand Duchy of Lithuania

Formation of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania

As economic ties among the various regions in Eastern Europe developed in the 14th century the petty feudal domains began to unite into large feudal states. The need for defence against external enemies accelerated this process. The Grand Duchy of Lithuania was formed in this way and it incorporated not only the small Lithuanian but also the neighbouring Slavonic principalities.

Union of the Lithuanian Tribes

The Lithuanians, in the 12th century, had already emerged from the clan system. They broke up into separate tribes which were headed by petty chieftains, called kunigasi, who became prominent because of their wealth. These chieftains possessed large numbers of cattle and slaves and maintained a numerous retinue. The chieftains and their warriors lived in fortified towns deep within the forest thickets. The union of the scattered Lithuanian tribes was hastened by the danger of attack by the German knights.

In the middle of the 13th century Mendowg was the most outstanding of the Lithuanian petty princes. By violence and cunning he removed the other princes, taking all the power into his own hands. He also seized several Russian frontier lands. His capital was the Russian city of Novgorodok. To win over the German knights Mendowg ostensibly adopted Christianity and even ceded a part of Lithuania to the Order. In exchange the Pope bestowed upon him the title of king. But when Mendowg became stronger, he renounced Christianity and his royal title, and at the head of a Lithuanian army invaded the domains of the Order, and inflicted a severe defeat upon the knights. Mendowg and his army invaded the land of the Prussi, ravaged it and the neighbouring regions of Poland as well. By consolidating the union of Lithuania, Mendowg aroused the hostility of the other Lithuanian princes, who assassinated him (1263).

The consolidation of the Lithuanian tribes into a single state, which had begun under Mendowg, continued. The tribe of Lithuanians was the nucleus around which this slate was formed. It was gradually joined by other kindred tribes, with the exception of the Prussi, who had been conquered by the Teutonic knights and had in part been destroyed, and in part Teutonized. The land of the Prussi-Lithuanians became the land of the Germans-Prussians.

The Lithuanian state became especially strong in the beginning of the 14th century, under Gedymin (1316-1341), who adopted the title of Grand Duke of Lithuania. He already had a well-disciplined army which replaced the former popular levy. Gedymin’s troops were acquainted with siegecraft, the use of siege engines and the art of assault. Castles after the German style were built to defend the land.

After the Lithuanian grand dukes had united Lithuania, they began to extend their power over the neighbouring Russian lands. The population of these regions regarded their annexation to Lithuania as a deliverance from the Tatar yoke. Polotsk had fallen under the influence of Lithuania as far back as the time of Mendowg. Gedymin further extended his dominions over Vitebsk, Minsk and several other lands. Gedymin was followed by his son Olgierd (1345-1377), who became the Grand Duke of Lithuania. He was "smooth-tongued" as the Russian chronicles put it — a sly and crafty sovereign who knew where his advantage lay and adroitly executed his designs. Under him the Lithuanians seized Kiev, the land of Chernigov-Seversk and the greater part of the land of Volhynia. The Smolensk principality was annexed by the Lithuanians after Olgierd. In this way a large, powerful Lithuanian state, the capital of which was Vilnius, was created. The state of Lithuania included many Russian lands. Indeed, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania was essentially a Russo-Lithuanian state ruled by Lithuanian princes and Lithuanian pans.

Thus in the 14th century the Russian lands were divided into three parts: Northeastern Rūs (the lands of Vladimir-Suzdal and Novgorod) which was under the power of the Golden Horde, Southwestern Rūs (the principalities of Kiev, Chernigov, Smolensk, Polotsk, Vladimir-Volhynsk) which had come under the power of Lithuania, and the principality of Galich, which had been conquered by Poland in the middle of the 14th century. The ancient Russian nationality was similarly broken up into three divisions: Northeastern, Northwestern and Southwestern. Each division lived its own economic, political and cultural life. By the 15th century the Eastern Slavs formed three great peoples, each of which had its own language. The Slavs dwelling between the Oka and the Volga, and north of the Volga, with their political centre of Vladimir, formed the Velikoruss (Great Russian) or, as we now call them, the Russian nation; the Slavs living between the Pripyat and the Western Dvina, who were subject to Lithuania, formed the Byelorussian nation; in the South Russian lands, the centre of which was Kiev, the Ukrainian nation was formed.

The Union of Lithuania and Poland

Olgierd’s successor to the Lithuanian throne was his son Jagiello (1377-1392). During his reign Lithuania united with her neighbour, Poland. It was the need for union in the struggle against the Teutonic Order that prompted both countries to join forces. Furthermore, Jagiello hoped by this means to increase his own power within the country. The Polish pans, finding it beyond their strength to fight against the Germans, proposed a matrimonial alliance between Jagiello and the Polish Queen, Yadviga, and thus unite Lithuania and Poland into a single state. To consolidate the union, Jagiello was to convert his subjects to Catholicism, which was the dominant religion in Poland. In 1385 a treaty was concluded, sealing the union (ujiia) of Lithuania and Poland. Jagiello simul taneously became the Grand Duke of Lithuania and the king of Poland.

The union, however, was opposed by the Lithuanians, who did not want to lose their independence. Jagiello’s cousin, the ambitious and talented Witowt, stirred up an insurrection in order to gain Lithuanian’s independence. Jagiello garrisoned the principal Lithuanian cities with Polish troops, but the inhabitants killed the Poles. Witowt (1392-1430) was given the title of Grand Duke of Lithuania, but he undertook not to sever relations with Poland and to accept Jagiello’s suzerainty.

Rout of the German Knights

The union of Lithuania and Poland was prompted primarily by the danger of attack by the German knights. Having conquered the lands of the Prussi, the Teutonic knights strove to extend their power over the rest of Lithuania. More and more adventurers, greedy for plunder and land, kept coming to their aid from Germany. In the 14th century the Germans conquered the lands of the Lithuanian tribe of Zhmuds, whom they had already attacked on other occasions. The Zhmuds lived along the lower reaches of the Niemen and were neighbours of the Prussi. The cruelties and extortions of the knights drove the Zhmuds to desperation and caused them to revolt time and again. They came out of the forests in throngs, attacked the newly built castles, set them on fire, massacred the garrisons or carried the men off as captives. They appealed to Witowt and other princes for help. "Listen to us, who are oppressed and tortured," they wrote. "The Order has brought us to such a point that we must either roam o’er the world or become bandits if we wish to exist. The knights have taken from us all the fruits of the earth and the honey of beehives, they neither permit us to kill animals nor catch fish nor trade with our neighbours. Every year they carry off our children as hostages, our elders have been carried off to Prussia, others with all their kin they have burned at the stake. Remember that we are people, and not beasts."

The advance of the Germans threatened the Lithuanian Grand Duchy and the neighbouring Russian principalities with the loss of their independence. Witowt pursued a dual policy in relation to the Germans: at times he signed peace treaties with them, and at others supported the insurgent Zhmuds. However, the German menace compelled Witowt in 1410, jointly with Jagiello, to come out openly against the knights. Russian, Byelorussian and Ukrainian regiments — the Smolensk, Polotsk, Kiev and others — comprised the main force of the united army. The encounter with the enemy took place in July between the villages of Grünewald and Tannenberg. In the beginning success was with the knights, but the situation was saved by the daring and reckless bravery of the Smolensk warriors. The Germans suffered a crushing defeat, losing 40,000 in killed and 15,000 in prisoners. The grand master of the Order himself fell in the battle. The victory of Grünewald, which was won thanks to the Russian regiments, halted the German advance eastward. From that time the Teutonic Order dropped into decay and lost all military and political significance. The significance of the Livonian Order also dwindled at the same time.

Social System of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania

The Lithuanian Feudal Lords

The Grand Duchy of Lithuania was a feudal state, dominated by the powerful landowners. The foremost of them was the grand duke. He owned extensive "sovereign" lands. The peasants living on these estates worked under the corvée, and paid the grand duke quitrent in money and in kind. The peasants who lived on the grand duke’s lands were divided into freemen and bondsmen. The latter, if they tried to run away, were hunted and caught and returned to their master as fugitives. Besides the peasants the grand duke had free servants who lived on his estates and were obliged to render military service instead of the corvée and the payment of quitrent. Gradually these servants formed a group of small landowners called the szlachta. In addition to the grand duke there were other feudal lords in the Lithuanian duchy — princes and pans (nobles), and the church. These feudal lords were the supreme sovereigns on their estates. Most of the peasants living on their estates were serfs and had no right to transfer themselves to any other landowner. The rich feudal lords, like the grand duke, had free servants living on their land, and these were obliged to "render military service on horse and fully armed." Thus the population of the Lithuanian Grand Duchy, both Lithuanian and Slavonic, was sharply divided into two classes: the feudal landowners and the peasants whom they exploited.

Possessing as they did large numbers of peasants and armed servants, the Lithuanian feudal lords were very powerful. The Grand Duke of Lithuania had to take their wishes into consideration. He had a special council of the great feudal lords (called the pany-rada), who sat in state with him. On more important occasions all the leading feudal lords convened at a general assembly (the diet).

Cities in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania

The Western Dvina, which flowed through the Lithuanian Grand Duchy, was a convenient route for trade with the Baltic countries. The Grand Duchy of Lithuania therefore had many rich trading cities. Outstanding among these, besides Vilnius, were the old Russian cities of Polotsk, Minsk (first mentioned in 1147), and Berestye. The cities on the Western Dvina enjoyed a specially flourishing trade after the Grünewald victory, which gave the Lithuanian merchants access to the Baltic Sea. The grand dukes of Lithuania derived a large income from this trade, and therefore tried to encourage it in every possible way. They freed the merchants in the big cities from many obligations and granted them self-government.

Byelorussian, Ukrainian and Russian Lands in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania

The Lithuanian Grand Duchy was ethnically composed of Lithuanian and Slavonic lands. The latter included the lands of Byelorussia, Ukraine and Russia proper. The higher culture of the Russians, Ukrainians and Byelorussians exerted considerable influence on the Lithuanians. The faith of the Greek Orthodox church became widespread among the Lithuanians. State documents were written in the Russian language. Russkaya Pravda influenced Lithuanian law. After the union with Poland the situation changed. The Lithuanian pans, who had joined the Polish pans, began to persecute the Russian population in the duchy. The adoption of Catholicism by the Lithuanian feudal lords marked the beginning of the persecution of the Russian Orthodox religion and Russian national culture. The Russian (Orthodox) feudal lords were deprived of the right to occupy any state posts in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Nor were they admitted to the grand duke’s rada (council). Many of them adopted Polish ways and manners and embraced Catholicism, but the people clung to their native language and culture. When therefore the Russian state came into being in Northeastern Rūs the striving to unite with kindred Russian people was evinced by the Byelorussians and the Ukrainians no less strongly than by the Russians proper, all of whom were under Lithuanian domination.

The Grand Principality of Vladimir

The Principalities of Northeastern Rūs

Feudal Tenure in the 14th and 15th Centuries

The 14th century marked the beginning of the union of the principalities of Northeastern Rūs into a single Russian state.

The main occupation of the people in Northeastern Rūs in the 13th and 14th centuries was husbandry. Important auxiliary branches of economy were fishing, hunting, and collecting the honey of wild bees. In some places salt was obtained by evaporation from subterranean springs. This was an article of trade with neighbouring regions. Theirs was a natural form of economy, that is, all articles of prime necessity (food, clothing, wooden articles) were made at home. Trade was poorly developed. People resorted to the market mainly for imported goods — articles that were not made at home. The chief wares were foreign goods which, because of their high cost, were beyond the reach of the masses and were purchased only by the feudal lords. The unfertile regions bought corn from lands where there was a surplus. In some places a low grade of iron ore was smelted; iron and ironware were also sometimes traded. Such was the commerce between the regions. With trade but poorly developed there was little money in circulation.

In the 14th century most of the land belonged to the feudal lords, both clerical and lay, viz., the princes, their boyars and servants, the monasteries and other church institutions. The lands belonging to the feudal lords as their absolute property were called votchini, or patrimonial estates. On their patrimonies the feudal lords were petty sovereigns. They had the right to hold court and sit in judgment on all the people living on their lands; they could inflict corporal punishment, and even usurped the right of executing their subjects. They collected taxes and tolls from the people living on their patrimonies. The local prince could not interfere in the arrangements of the feudal lord, neither could he send to him his judges or his taxgatherers. The boyars and other feudal lords gave grants of land to their men in return for military service (fiefs). The feudal lords needed such a military retinue not only for purposes of war but also to keep the working population on their patrimonies in subordination.

The feudal lords endeavoured to increase the population of their patrimonies at the expense of the free peasantry. The monasteries were especially energetic in this respect.

Monasteries were usually founded in remote, sparsely populated places. The monks employed peasants to make forest clearings and prepare tillage grounds. The monasteries colonized vast uninhabited areas, thereby advancing the economic development of the country. But this colonization by the monasteries was attended by ruthless exploitation of the peasants who settled on the monastery lands. If there were any free peasants living near monastery estates, the monks contrived to wrest their land from them and compel them to work for the monastery.

Rich, populous monasteries acquired great political influence. In the 14th century the monk Sergei Radonezhsky founded the Monastery of the Troitsa (Trinity) near Moscow [the city that eventually sprang up around its wall is now called Zagorsk]. This once poor monastery, built in a remote forest, later became the richest of all the monasteries of Northeastern Rūs.

Peasants in the 14th and 15th Centuries

The peasants living on the land of a feudal lord performed all the work on his estate. They hauled timber for him, built the lord’s manor, put up a palisade around his domain, dammed the ponds, ploughed the land, sowed, reaped and carted the rye to the lord’s household, mowed hay, baked bread, brewed beer, spun flax furnished by the landowner, drove palings into the river for fishing, and helped him when hunting the bear, fox, elk, etc. Such were the feudal services they had to render their lords. These services were called the corvée.

Besides the corvée, the peasants had to pay quitrent, the obrok. On important holidays the peasants brought their lord "whatever they had on hand": eggs, cheese, baked bread and a cow, or several sheep from each village. Sometimes the corvée was completely replaced by the quitrent paid in rye and oats. When the landowner came to a village, the peasants had to feed him and his entire suite, offer them "beer in plenty, bread and drinks, fish and meat in plenty, and oats and hay for the horses in plenty." The peasants had to render all these diverse, burdensome services without protest, because the feudal lord was master of the land on which they lived.

It was difficult for a peasant to get away from the feudal lord. If he left, he forfeited all his property. Furthermore, the landowners had agreed among themselves not to take in peasants who had left their masters.

It often happened that the land owners retained their peasants forcibly. If, however, a peasant did succeed in getting away, he would usually fall into the same kind of thralldom under some other landowner.

The peasants lived in small, isolated villages. Each peasant family was a kind of separate little collective-producing unit. It was difficult for them to unite for joint action. Occasional attempts at resistance were easily crushed.

However, there were lands that did not belong to the feudal lords. These were inhabited by so-called state peasants, the chorniye, who were more or less free. These peasants formed communities or, as they were then called, volosts. Every peasant who belonged to a volost had his own allotment and hay field, but the forests and other lands were the common property of the entire volost. But even these seemingly free peasants were actually in feudal dependence on their prince. They not only had to pay him tribute, but also had to do all kinds of work under the corvée: graze the prince’s horses, mow his hay, help the prince’s hunters and fishermen, feed not only the retinue of the prince, but also his dogs and hunting birds (falcons).

Towns in the 14th and 15th Centuries

So long as a natural economy predominated, the crafts and trade could not develop to any great extent in the towns. Foreign trade was in the hands of the frontier cities — Novgorod and Pskov. In other large cities, such as Moscow and Tver, there were small groups of rich merchants who made their fortunes by buying and reselling foreign fabrics and other valuable merchandise. The local marts were poorly connected. However, economic intercourse steadily grew. At the end of the 14th century Moscow was already a commercial city of considerable importance.

Splitting up into Appanages

In the beginning of the 14th century Northeastern Rūs was broken up into several large principalities. The largest of them were: Tver, Moscow, Ryazan and, somewhat later, Nizhni Novgorod. Each of these principalities was ruled by a descendant of Vsevolod the "Large Nest."

The prevailing low stage of development of money-commodity relations between the various regions comprising the principalities hindered the establishment of close economic ties. And, consequently, strong political ties could not be established either. Each large principality was divided into appanages, that is, into small domains belonging to the various members of the prince's family. These appanages passed from father to son through inheritance.

The appanages increased in number and dwindled in size as the princely families multiplied. Each prince tried to enlarge his appanage at the expense of his neighbour. This led to interminable struggles among the rival princes over the possession of land and cities.

The senior member of the family — the father or oldest brother — bore the title of grand prince and was considered the chief prince. But as a matter of fact his authority over the junior members of the family was very slight. The appanage princes, as the younger princes were called, were absolutely independent in their own domains. "You attend to your patrimony, and I shall attend to mine," the grand prince said in his agreement with the appanage princes. The latter administered justice on their own appanages and collected their own taxes. Only in foreign policy was the appanage prince obliged to be "at one" with the grand prince and to come with his troops to his aid in case of war.

The government of the principality was simple. The principalities were not large. For instance, the Moscow principality at the end of the 13th century comprised three small towns besides Moscow. There were principalities which consisted of a single town and its rural environs. A painting of those days depicts the capital of the diminutive principality of Zaozerye, namely, the prince’s manor with its church and the adjacent village. Each prince directed both state affairs and his own economy. The prince’s troops consisted of boyars and the prince’s "free servants." Regiments of the appanage princes or their boyars joined the troops of the grand prince. The infantry was made up of a popular levy from the town and village population. On matters of prime importance the prince consulted with his boyars. Historians call such a conference the "boyar’s duma."

The administration of various branches of the prince’s economy was entrusted to different boyars. The prince appointed lord lieutenants to administer the various regions. They did not receive any salary in money but took for themselves a part of the income and "were fed" at the expense of the population of the region, that is, they received products in kind. This system of administration was called kormleniye — subsistence.

The Grand Principality of Vladimir

The numerous principalities into which Northeastern Rūs was divided were at first entirely disconnected. The constant danger of attack by the Golden Horde and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania compelled the population of the Russian principalities to join forces in the common struggle against the enemy. The Grand Principality of Vladimir became the centre around which the Russian principalities began to unite. It was the practice of the khan of the Golden Horde, according to an old custom, to appoint one of the Russian princes the "Grand Prince of Vladimir and of all Rūs," i.e., the head of all others, and to endow him with a letter of investiture. The prince who bore this title annexed the city of Vladimir and its surrounding lands to his own domains.

The need of defence against the Tatars helped to strengthen the power of the Grand Prince of Vladimir. An alliance of princes was formed under his leadership, the allies undertaking to help one another against the Tatars and other foreign enemies. They introduced uniform custom duties on the frontiers of their possessions. This was evidence of the fact that already in the 14th century the economic isolation of the feudal principalities was vanishing, a circumstance which favoured the prospects of consolidation.

Novgorod and Pskov in the 14th and 15th Centuries

Novgorod occupied a special position in relation to the Grand Principality of Vladimir — "the chief Russian republic ruling in Northern Russia," as Marx wrote. Since the end of the 13th century Novgorod no longer elected its own princes. The Grand Prince of Vladimir was nominally considered the prince of Novgorod. When he assumed his office as ruler of Novgorod, he had to conform to the ancient custom of "kissing the cross" (i.e., taking the oath), that he would observe the chartered liberties of Novgorod. The grand prince himself rarely came to Novgorod, but sent his lord lieutenants there. Actually Novgorod was governed by city magistrates elected from among the Novgorod boyars.

In the 14th century Novgorod became an aristocratic feudal republic. The head of this republic was Novgorod’s leading feudal lord — the archbishop, who was elected by the veche. The Novgorod archbishop owned immense estates and had his own troops. Nothing was done in Novgorod without the consent of the archbishop, who also negotiated with foreign envoys. He upheld the authority and prestige of the boyars in Novgorod in every way he could.

All affairs were first considered at a council of the boyar elite, who assembled under the chairmanship of the archbishop. The merchants, who made their fortunes on fur deals and from their trade with the Hanse and Russian lands were another influential factor in Novgorod politics in the 14th and 15th centuries. The Novgorod merchants served as intermediaries between the boyars and the German merchants. They supported the boyars.

The power of the boyars grew in proportion as their affluence increased. Their wealth was derived from the exploitation of the non-Russian population of Pomorye (the Maritime Region) and of the Russian peasants and craftsmen. A fierce class struggle was going on in Novgorod. In 1418 an uprising broke out here as a result of the oppression by the boyar usurers. A certain Stepanko seized hold of the boyar Daniel Ivanovich Bozhin on the street and began shouting: "Men, help me with this villain." A crowd gathered. The boyar was dragged to the Volkhov Bridge and thrown into the river, where he escaped drowning by a lucky chance. He caught Stepanko and dragged him to the torture chamber. At that some one struck the veche bell on the Torgovaya side. The crowd rushed to the street where Bozhin lived, plundered his house and moved on, sacking the homes of other boyars and saying: "They are our enemies." The boyars’ granaries were also pillaged. The boyars on the Sofiiskaya side armed themselves and repelled the assailants. From both sides people came running to the Volkhov Bridge armed and accoutred as though for war. Indeed some people had already been killed. But the Novgorod archbishop intervened, and accompanied by his prelates, hastened to the scene of battle. Being one of the wealthiest feudal lords of Novgorod, the archbishop was interested in the speediest termination of the outbreak. His intervention saved the boyars.

In the middle of the 14th century Pskov became independent of Novgorod. At the veche the Pskov burghers elected their own city magistrates from among the Pskov boyars. Like Novgorod, Pskov was subject to the Grand Prince of Vladimir, who sent his lord lieutenants to that city. Here, as in Novgorod, a relentless class struggle was in progress.

The Rise of Moscow

Strengthening of the Moscow Principality

Moscow and Tver in the Beginning of the 14th Century

In the first quarter of the 14th century a bitter struggle for the Grand Principality of Vladimir broke out between two of the most powerful principalities of Southeastern Rūs — Tver and Moscow. Both of these principalities occupied a favourable geographic position. They were less open to attack by the Tatars since they were shielded on the southeast by other principalities, and afforded refuge to fugitives from the ravaged regions. The growth of productive forces in the Tver and Moscow principalities was more rapid than in the other regions of Northeastern Rūs.

Tver was situated on the Volga at its confluence with the Tvertsa River. The city controlled the entire trade route from Novgorod to the Volga. Novgorod merchants travelled by the Tvertsa to Northeastern Rūs. The Volga was the trade route of Tver merchants dealing with eastern countries.

Moscow was situated on the River Moskva, a tributary of the Oka. A direct road from the Upper Volga to the Oka passed through the Moscow principality. From here one could travel to the upper reaches of the Don, down to the Azov and the Black seas and to the Crimea for trade with the Italian trading colonies which existed there at the time.

The advantage of Moscow lay in its central position, which enabled it to fight both against the Tatars and Lithuania, and also made it easier for Moscow to unite all the separate principalities of Northeastern Rūs.

Moscow became the capital of a separate principality at the end of the 13th century after the establishment of the Tatar yoke. At that time the Moscow principality was very small, and comprised Moscow proper and two other cities — Ruza and Zvenigorod. In 1301 the Moscow prince, Daniel (son of Alexander Nevsky) took possession of Kolomna, which stands at the confluence of the Moskva and the Oka. In 1302 he inherited the neighbouring principality of Pereyaslavl, to which Moscow had once been subject, and thus greatly added to Moscow’s power. Nevertheless Tver was the stronger at first. The Grand Prince of Tver, Mikhail Yaroslavich, in the beginning of the 14th century, received a letter of investiture from the Tatars bestowing upon him the Grand Principality of Vladimir.

The Tatars’ policy was to weaken Rūs and not allow any one prince to enhance his power at the expense of another. Uzbek Khan, one of the most powerful khans since Batu, fearing the growing power of the Grand Prince of Vladimir, supported the Moscow Prince Yuri Danilovich (1303-1325) against him. The khan gave his sister in marriage to Yuri and also placed Tatar troops at his disposal to fight against the Grand Prince of Tver. In spite of the Tatar help, Yuri suffered a severe defeat. His wife, Uzbek's sister, was taken prisoner. She died in captivity, and Yuri took advantage of this fact to accuse Mikhail before the khan of having poisoned her. He succeeded in having Mikhail sentenced to death, while he himself received the cherished letter of investiture to the grand principality. But he himself soon fell at the hands of one of Mikhail’s sons. Uzbek executed Yuri’s murderer, but nevertheless bestowed the grand principality on another of Mikhail’s sons, Prince Alexander Mikhailovich.

Ivan Danilovich Kalita

In Moscow Yuri was succeeded by his brother, Ivan Danilovich (1325-1341), surnamed Kalita, meaning "moneybag," on account of his wealth. Ivan Kalita was a shrewd and crafty sovereign. He had no scruples about the means he employed to achieve his ends and to strengthen Muscovy. He was greatly assisted by the church. The Russian metropolitans at that time resided in Vladimir, and not in Kiev, which had been ruined by the Tatars. Yuri Danilovich and Ivan Kalita succeeded in winning over the metropolitan Peter. He transferred his seat from Vladimir to Moscow, and ever since Moscow has been the religious centre of Russia. In the person of the metropolitan the Moscow prince acquired a powerful ally. The church used all its religious influence to consolidate the power of the Moscow princes. The threat of the metropolitan’s malediction was sufficient to compel the neighbouring princes to submit to Moscow’s will. Furthermore, the church possessed vast populated lands and was in a position to help the Moscow princes with money and troops.

While endeavouring to win the sympathy and support of the church, Ivan Kalita at the same time did not grudge his amassed riches when it was a question of bribing the khan, his wives and his retinues. Soon he had an opportunity of gaining possession of the grand principality, with the aid of the Tatars. In 1327 the khan's envoy, Cholkhan (Shchelkan, as Russian folk songs called him), came to Tver with a large Tatar force. The Tatars began to pillage the city, causing an outbreak among the populace. Grand Prince Alexander himself headed the rebels. Cholkhan and his Tatars were wiped out. Ivan Kalita hastened to the Horde and offered to the khan his services to punish the rebels. With a large Tatar army he invaded the principality of Tver and desolated it. Grand Prince Alexander Mikhailovich took refuge in Pskov. However, the metropolitan Theognost threatened the Pskov people with excommunication if they did not deliver the grand prince; the latter therefore fled to Lithuania. Later Alexander returned to Tver and managed to obtain the khan's pardon. Instigated, however, by Ivan Kalita the khan later summoned Alexander to the Horde and had him put to death.

The Moscow prince achieved his goal. In 1328, after the suppression of Tver, the title of Grand Prince of Vladimir was bestowed upon him. The khan granted him the right to collect the Tatar tribute from all of Rūs and to deliver it in person to the Horde. This greatly increased Ivan Kalita's importance among the other Russian princes, and he exercised a certain authority over them. On the other hand, he became more independent of the Tatars. He appropriated some of the tribute, thus enriching himself. Ivan Kalita considerably expanded his possessions at the expense of other princes. Tenacious and unscrupulous, he diligently enlarged his possessions, sometimes by purchase, sometimes by violence. He made adroit use of the Tatars to increase his own power. As Marx said, Ivan Kalita used the khan as a weapon by means of which he rid himself of his most dangerous rivals and removed every obstacle that hampered his seizure of power.

At the time of his death Ivan Kalita left a fairly large principality. His brother Yuri and he himself had added Mozhaisk and several other towns to the possessions they had inherited from their father. Now the Moskva River all along its course from Kolomna to Mozhaisk belonged to the Moscow princes. Thus was built up the territory of the future Russian realm.

Ivan Kalita was so powerful that he succeeded in establishing a certain amount of order in his principality. The chronicler assures us that under him "a great peace settled over the entire Russian land and the Tatars ceased to war against it." And within the principality itself brigandage diminished and life became safer.

Beginning of the Struggle against the Tatars

Dimitry Donskoi

The increase of Muscovy continued after the death of Ivan Kalita. The Grand Principality of Vladimir remained all the time in the hands of Ivan Kalita’s descendants. Only in 1359, when his second son, Ivan II, died and the Moscow throne passed to the latter's young son, Dimitiy Ivanovich (1350-1389), did the neighbouring prince's attempt to dispossess the young Moscow prince of the grand principality. The metropolitan Alexei and the Moscow boyars succeeded in getting the Horde to confirm their prince as the grand prince: they placed the boy Dimitry in the saddle and marched against their rival, the prince of Suzdal. Moscow was victorious and Dimitry recovered Vladimir.

Under Dimitry Muscovy became extremely powerful. He fortified his capital, Moscow, building a stone wall round it in place of the former oak wall (1366). He prosecuted a vigorous policy of gaining supremacy over the other principalities and "brought all the Russian princes under his will." He had to wage a prolonged war against the neighbouring principalities of Tver, Ryazan and Nizhni Novgorod. Dimitry’s enemies sought help from the Lithuanian Grand Duke, Olgierd, who thrice marched against Moscow, but the patriotism of the Muscovites and the stone wall of the capital made it impregnable. The boyars and clergy, and especially the metropolitan Alexei, helped Dimitry considerably.

Annexation of the Lands of the Vychegda Komi People

Dimitry continued to extend the rule of Muscovy to the lands inhabited by non-Russian peoples. In the Ural region, on the Vychegda River, a tributary of the North Dvina, and on the upper reaches of the Kama lived the Zyryane (Komi) and their kindled tribe the Permiaks. The country of these people was covered with forests teeming with fur bearing animals. The Komi were skilled trappers. They lived in tribes and were ruled by petty princes. They were heathens, who worshipped sacred trees and hung the skins of bears and other offerings on the branches. Similar offerings filled their shrines — little huts in which they kept crudely made effigies of their gods. Intercourse with the land of the Komi had long been kept up through Russian merchants who used to go there to buy furs. With the support of the Grand Prince Dimitry a monk by the name of Stefan proceeded to convert the Komi to Christianity. Stefan destroyed the heathen shrines and built an Orthodox church on the site of an especially revered sacred birch. He invented an alphabet for the Komi people and translated scriptural books into the Komi language. This attempt to create a Komi literature found no support among the ignorant Muscovy clergy. The adoption of Christianity threatened the Komi with enslavement. Stefan, who was appointed bishop to their land, built a fortified town at the confluence of the Vym and Vychegda. The surrounding lands and the fisheries were alienated and declared the property of the bishop. The latter became a sort of lord over the entire land with the population as his feudal dependants. While spreading Christianity, the bishop also extended the power of the Moscow Grand Prince. Moscow taxgatherers came to Vychegda and fleeced the local population.

The Battle of Kulikovo

Under Dimitry the Grand Principality of Moscow grew so strong that it even took up the cudgels against the Tatars. The entire Russian people supported Dimitry in this under taking. While Muscovy was becoming more powerful, the Golden Horde became increasingly weakened by internal dissensions and feudal disintegration. In various parts of the Golden Horde independent khans appeared, who contended among themselves for power. The mightiest of the Tatar feudal lords was Prince Mamai (commander of a thousand) who ruled over the largest part of the Horde.

In 1378 the Tatar army sent by Mamai invaded the land of Ryazan in order to advance thence against Moscow, but it sustained a serious defeat on the Vozha River. Mamai then concluded an alliance with the Lithuanian Grand Duke Jagiello. Mamai marched out with a large host. The Grand Prince of Ryazan leagued himself with Mamai in the hope of securing the downfall of Muscovy by aid of the Horde.

Dimitry collected an army of 150,000 men. A large number of Russian princes rallied under his banner. Two Lithuanian princes, sons of Olgierd, in the company of Byelorussian and Lithuanian warriors, also joined Dimitry. At the head of a mustered force Dimitry crossed the Oka and went as far as the Don. Here he held a military council. A hot dispute ensued. Some said: "Go on beyond the Don, Prince!" Others objected: "Don’t go, for we have many enemies." Dimitry sided with the more daring. His troops crossed the Don. On September 8, 1380, a decisive battle which has gone down in history as the Mamai Battle or the Battle of Kulikovo, was fought on the vast Kulikovo Field, at the mouth of the Nepryadva River. Russians and Tatars stood facing each other on the hills that fringed the field. As soon as the morning mist lifted, both armies descended to Kulikovo Field. Turning to his troops with words of cheer, Dimitry addressed himself not only to the princes and the boyars, but also the "younger humble people, peasant sons from small to great," who constituted the bulk of his army. The battle began. An area of several miles was saturated with blood; the ground was strewn with corpses; horses stumbled over the dead bodies; men died under the horses’ hoofs or were crushed in the fray. At first the Tatars had the upper hand. But a body of Russian troops, led by Dimitry’s cousin, Vladimir Andreyevich of Serpukhov and Dimitry’s waywode Volhynsky-Bobrok was lying in ambush. The men, impatient to join the fray, asked: "Are we going to stand here much longer? What help are we to them?" But Bobrok restrained his men because, as the chronicles tell us, the wind was against them. When the wind changed he said: "Now’s the time!" The regiment rushed into battle. The appearance of fresh forces in the rear of the Tatars at the crucial moment of the battle decided the issue in favour of the Russians. The Tatars took to their heels, hotly pursued by the Russians, who captured the Tatar camp. For his victory on Kulikovo Field on the Don, Dimitry was called Dimitry Donskoi (Dimitry of the Don).

Shortly after this Mamai was killed in a battle against a new khan, Toktamish. After vanquishing Mamai, Toktamish, in 1382, attacked Moscow unexpectedly. Taken unawares, the Grand Prince Dimitry left for the north to muster an army. The boyars wanted to follow him in order to flee from the city, whereupon a rebellion broke out in Moscow. The Moscow inhabitants placed a guard at the gates of the Kremlin and did not permit anyone to leave, except the grand princess and the metropolitan. When the Tatars tried to assault the Kremlin the inhabitants of Moscow poured boiling water over the enemy, hurled stones at them and shot them down with firearms. Toktamish was unable to take Moscow by storm. After a battle that lasted three days the Tatars entered into negotiations, and secured Moscow's surrender by a stratagem and a promise that the city would not be harmed. But hardly had the gates been opened than the Tatars tore into the Kremlin, killed all its defenders, sacked the city and then gave it over to the flames. After this setback. Rūs had to pay tribute to the Tatars as before.

Though the battle of Kulikovo had not yet freed Northeastern Rūs from the Tatar yoke, its significance, nevertheless, was great, for it showed that the rout of the Tatars was inevitable if the forces of the Russian people were united. Moscow became the centre of the struggle for national independence. The battle of Kulikovo was proof that in the east of Europe "... the necessity of taking defensive measures against the invasions of the Turks, Mongols and other Oriental peoples demanded that centralized states capable of withstanding the onslaught of the invaders be formed without delay."

The Feudal Struggle in the First Half of the 15th Century

Annexation of the Principality of Nizhni Novgorod

During the reign of Grand Prince Vasili I (1389-1425), son of Dimitry Donskoi, the principality of Nizhni Novgorod was annexed to Muscovy. Vasili purchased an investiture from the khan giving him the right to this principality. But the fate of Nizhni Novgoiod was spelt not by the khan’s charter but by the Nizhni Novgorod feudal lords, who found it more to their advantage to serve the more powerful Grand Prince of Moscow. As soon as the troops of Muscovy approached Nizhni Novgorod, the boyars of the city declared to their prince: "Lord Prince, do not count on us, we are no longer thine, and are not with thee, but against thee." The prince of Nizhni Novgorod was seized and exiled. Nizhni Novgorod was annexed by Muscovy and with it the lands along the Oka, inhabited by Mordvinians.

Victory of the Grand Prince over the Appanage Princes in the Principality of Moscow

Vasili Dimitrievich left his son, the Grand Prince Vasili Vasilievich (1425-1462), a large and powerful principality, so superior to all the others in size and material resources that the possibility of a struggle against him was out of the question.

It now remained to put an end to feudal dissensions within the Moscow principality itself. The reign of Vasili Vasilievich was marked by sanguinary family feuds. Vasili’s uncle, the appanage Prince Yuri Dimitrievich, contested the title of grand prince. The khan settled the dispute in Vasili’s favour. Open war broke out between the princes, the struggle lasting about twenty years. The sons of Yuri Dimitrievich — Vasili Kosoi (the Squint-eyed) and Dimitry Shemyaka (the Unjust) — took an active part in it. Moscow passed from hand to hand several times. Once when the grand prince went on a pilgrimage to the monastery of the Troitsa (Trinity) a detachment of Shemyaka’s soldiers rode up to the monastery in sleighs, concealed under matting, took the guard by surprise and broke into the courtyard. Vasili was carried off to Moscow and blinded, whence he received the epithet Tyomni (the Blind). He was exiled to Uglich. Very soon, however, the vassals of the former grand prince began to rally about him in throngs. The blind Vasili advanced with them against Moscow. Shemyaka came out against him with his troops. A battle took place and Shemyaka, defeated, was forced to flee. A few years later he was poisoned. With the death of Shemyaka the struggle ended. In this civil strife Grand Prince Vasili was supported not only by the feudal lords and the clergy, but also by the peasants and craftsmen, who had suffered greatly from the feudal wars. Shemyaka is described in the folk tales about the Shemyakin Sud (the Unjust Trial) as an avaricious man and venal judge.

The victory of Vasili the Blind over the appanage princes of Muscovy marked a very important stage in the process of terminating feudal dissension and uniting all the Russian lands into a single Russian state. Internal family feuds did not stop the further strengthening of the Moscow principality because at that time the majority of the feudal lords, and especially the free servants and the church, needed a strong state which would protect their interests, ensure their right to the land, defend these lands against enemy invasion, and keep their peasants in submission. This explains why the immediate vassals of the Grand Prince of Muscovy supported him so wholeheartedly. And for both the townspeople and the peasants, a united feudal state was better than the former isolated feudal domains. A strong united state ensured them the peace they did not have during the continuous internecine feudal wars of the princes.

The development of trade gradually put an end to the economic isolation of the separate principalities. The need to fight the Tatars rallied the Russian people under the banner of the most powerful of the princes — the Grand Prince of Muscovy. The disunited feudal principalities were gradually merged into a single feudal state.

Life and Culture in Northeastern Rūs in the 14th and the Beginning of the 15th Centuries

The destructive activities of the Tatars retarded the cultural development of Northeastern Rūs. The Tatar raids and incessant feudal wars grievously affected the life of the toiling masses. Besides paying tribute to the Golden Horde, the peasant and urban population was cruelly exploited by their own feudal lords. The law of the strong reigned supreme. The feudal lords, supported by their military retinues, plundered and exercised an arbitrary power, in defiance of their own princes. Source material tells, for instance, of a certain Luka Kolotsky, a Mozhaisk landowner of humble origin who had grown rich and built himself a handsome manor, no less splendid than that of a prince; he gathered about him a retinue of warriors, feasted, hunted, and kept many falcons, hounds and tame bears. He behaved like a despot. Once when the huntsmen of the Mozhaisk prince were following the chase, Kolotsky fell upon them and beat them, and took their falcons and dogs. To the prince’s envoys he replied arrogantly and defiantly. It was this kind of tyranny of the feudal lords that the peasants most of all suffered from.

To keep the peasants in submission, the princes resorted to such cruel methods of punishment as flogging, cutting out tongues, lopping off cars, gouging out eyes. No less cruel were the princes to each other in their struggle for land and power.

The 14th century has not handed down any monuments of art or great works of literature, such as have come down from the 11th and 12th centuries, before the Tatar invasion. There were few literate people: Grand Prince Vasili the Blind himself was "bookless and unlettered." Crude superstitions and belief in witchcraft were still prevalent among the people. Those suspected of witchcraft were burnt at the stake. Nevertheless cultural life did not die out completely. At the metropolitan’s court the compilation of annals still continued. The struggle for national independence was reflected in tales which described the exploits of Alexander Nevsky (zhitiye, i.e., the biography, of Prince Alexander) and the victory of the Russians on Kulikovo Field (Tale of the Mamai Battle). In Novgorod, which was little affected by the Tatar invasion, the construction of public buildings and of churches ornamented with magnificent mural paintings, continued in the 14th and 15th centuries. A splendid palace with a tall spire was built in the 15th century by the Novgorod bishop.

In the beginning of the 15th century the famous icon painter, Andrei Rublyev, worked in Moscow. The icons painted by him, remarkable for their composition and delicacy of colouring, can be seen today in our museums.

The Empire of Timur and the Decline of the Golden Horde

The Empire of Timur. The Uzbeks

Conquest of Samarkand by Timur

During the second half of the 14th century the Golden Horde began to manifest signs of feudal disintegration. The Tatar princes, owners of separate domains, no longer owed fealty to the khan of the Golden Horde. The feudal lords deposed undesirable khans and set up others of their own choice. It was not rare for several rival khans at once to contend with each other for power. A serious blow was dealt the Golden Horde at the end of the 14th century by the formation in Central Asia of the empire of Timur, which seized some of the dominions of the Golden Horde.

The process of feudalization made great strides in Central Asia in the 14th century. Large feudal estates sprang into existence. The peasantry was heavily burdened by the services it was obliged to render the khans and other feudal lords, who were constantly at war with the khans. The eastern section of the Chagatai domain separated and formed a kingdom of its own, called Mogolistan. In western Chagatai there was a preponderance of Turkic tribes and the Mongols living there came under their influence. In the middle of the 14th century a Mongol-Turkic feudal lord, Timur, called the Lame (Tamerlane) came into prominence. Around him rallied a retinue of several hundred warriors, with whom he entered the service of the lord of Samarkand, Hosain, and became the companion of his campaigns.

At that time Samarkand was a big, rich city with a large population of craftsmen and tradespeople. After the invasion of the Mongols the city had lost its fortress walls and lay exposed on all sides. The Samarkand artisans suffered much from the oppression of their native feudal lords. In 1365 the Mongols of Mogolistan advanced against Samarkand. Hosain and Timur fled. The inhabitants of Samarkand united to organize their defence. The civilian population was headed by a cotton cleaner Abu-Bekr-Kelevi. With the help of the workpeople of the city he seized the power and organized the defence of Samarkand. After a protracted struggle he succeeded in repelling the Mongols. After their victory the people of the city retained the power in their own hands. But the following year Hosain and Timur returned. With flattering promises they inveigled Abu-Bekr to their camp and seized him. Abu-Bekr was executed.

In 1370 Timur overthrew Hosain and took possession of Samarkand, Bokhara and the whole country between the Amu Darya and the Syr Darya. He created a strong army of Chagatai nomads, and embarked upon the conquest of neighbouring territories.

The Conquests of Timur

Timur cherished the ambition of creating a world empire. "The whole area of the inhabited world", he said, "is not worth having two monarchs." He conquered Khoresm, the chief city of which — Urgenj — was a trade rival of Samarkand. Urgenj, on Timur’s orders, was levelled with the ground. Part of its population was transported to Samarkand, and the site on which Urgenj had stood was sown with barley. Then Timur advanced against Persia. This campaign lasted five years and ended with the subjugation of Persia. At that time the Golden Horde was united under the rule of Khan Toktamish. Khoresm had but recently been a dominion of the Horde. Toktamish, taking advantage of Timur’s absence — the latter was engaged in the Persian campaign — invaded Khoresm. The population sided with him, but Timur hurriedly returned from his campaign and, after punishing rebellious Khoresm, he marched to Toktamish’s dominions in Western Siberia and routed him.

At the end of the 14th century Timur invaded Transcaucasia, devastated Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia, and besieged the Georgian king, Bagrat, in Tbilisi. The Georgians made a desperate sally. "Like falcons at a flock of cranes, like a lion at a herd of bulls" the Georgians flung themselves upon the foe, but to no avail. In spite of the defenders' courageous resistance, Timur took Tbilisi by storm. King Bagrat was taken prisoner. But Timur had hardly gone before the Georgians rebelled again. Bagrat promised to make his land submit to Timur’s rule if the latter released him. Timur permitted him to go to Georgia, where Bagrat immediately joined the rebels. The Georgians ambushed the enemy in a narrow ravine, and wiped them out, whereupon Timur moved an even greater army against the Georgians. Georgia was utterly devastated and compelled to submit.

Timur's encroachments had brought his territories quite close to the dominions of the Golden Horde. Toktamish attempted to stem the tide of this advance, but suffered a crushing defeat on the Terek (1395), Timur invaded the territory of the Golden Horde, destroyed Sarai, marched to the then Russian frontier city of Yelets, destroyed it, and returned to Transcaucasia. Timur’s last years were spent in completing the conquest of Persia and his expedition into India (1398-1399). This was succeeded by his war with the Turks, which ended in the capture of the Turkish sultan, Bayezid (1402).

Timur was notorious for his ferocious cruelty. He mercilessly punished any attempt at resistance. Nothing but desolation and ruins remained as witnesses of his conquests. The populations of the captured cities were almost completely massacred. Only the artisans were spared to be driven off into captivity.

As a monument to his victories Timur had pyramids made of the skulls of his slain enemies.

The conquered territories of Timur formed a vast feudal kingdom. Timur shared his dominions among his sons and grandsons. The feudal lords did not cultivate their own lands but rented them out in small lots to the peasants who had to pay quitrent and render services under the corvée.

The capital of Timur’s empire was Samarkand. Here he built many magnificent buildings, the ruins of which have been preserved to the present day. Timur had a broad avenue with shops on both sides laid out in place of the narrow crooked streets, A water-supply system for the city was organized. Blossoming gardens surrounded Samarkand. Under Timur the city became the centre of a large caravan trade. It was also an important centre for the crafts inasmuch as Timur had brought over all the artisans from the conquered cities to Samarkand.

Timur’s grandson, Ulugh Beg, was the most outstanding of his successors. He was a patron of science and poetry, and built a splendid observatory near Samarkand, in which very exact scientific observations were made. In the 14th and 15th centuries the science of astronomy was on a considerably higher level in Uzbekistan than it was in Western Europe. The famous poet and philosopher, Navoyi, the author of the well-known poem "Farkhad and Shirin," and other works, lived in Ulugh Beg’s reign.

The Uzbeks and Kirghiz

After Timur’s death (1405) his empire fell apart. Intestine warfare broke out among his heirs.

A decisive blow was dealt the Timur empire by the Uzbeks, who constituted a union of various Turkic tribes (including the Polovtsi) that roamed the steppes of Central Asia. The Uzbeks had formerly been part of the Golden Horde, and called themselves Uzbeks after Uzbeg, khan of the Golden Horde. Their chief occupation was herding.

In the beginning of the 16th century the Uzbeks united under the rule of Sheibani Khan. During his reign they penetrated the country between the Amu Darya and Syr Darya, began to settle in the fertile valleys and engage in agriculture. Sheibani conquered Samarkand (about 1500), then Bokhara, and subjugated all the possessions of Timur’s descendants.

However, the Uzbeks did not form a centralized state; their domains were divided into several principalities, each ruled by a sultan and all of them constantly at war with each other. Under the Uzbek khans Samarkand lost its importance, and Bokhara became the capital. An independent Uzbek khanate was also organized in the 16th century at Khiva.

We find mention in the 16th century not only of the Uzbeks, but also of the Kirghiz. They are supposed to have come to Central Asia from the upper reaches of the Yenisei River. Some of the Kirghiz continued to live along the Yenisei even in the 17th century. In Central Asia the Kirghiz inhabited the territory of the present-day Kirghiz Soviet Socialist Republic.

Peoples of the Volga Region under the Rule of the Tatars

The Kazan Khanate

In the 15th century, as a result of the development of feudal relations in various of its regions, the Golden Horde broke up into several independent khanates. The local feudal lords, who exploited the agricultural and nomad pastoral population, grew stronger. They strove to become politically independent of the Golden Horde. Timur’s invasion proved to be the final blow, from which the Golden Horde was never to recover.

Thus, not far from the confluence of the Kama and the Volga, on the site of the former Bulgar kingdom there arose in the 15th century the Kazan khanate. In 1437 one of the Golden Horde khans, Ulugh Mahommed, who had been banished by his brother, crossed the Russian frontier with his horde and expressed his readiness to serve Grand Prince Vasili the Blind. His offer being rejected, he crossed the Volga, occupied the Bulgar town of Kazan, and killed the ruling petty prince.

The capital of the new khanate, the city of Kazan, stood on the steep bluffs of the River Kazanka, and was protected by wooden walls and surrounding swamps. After the conquest or the Middle Volga by the Tatars, the native inhabitants of the Kazan territory — the Bulgars — intermingled with the conquerors and formed the nucleus of the khanate population, which later was supplemented by an influx of Tatars from other Tatar lands. As distinct from the steppe regions, where nomad herding prevailed, the chief occupation of the inhabitants of the Kazan territory, ever since the Bulgars, was agriculture. The Volga and its tributaries abounded in fish, and the neighbouring forests in fur-bearing animals and bees. Fishing, hunting, and collecting the honey of wild bees were therefore also a very important sphere of economy. Rich pasture lands permitted the raising of large herds. The products of livestock breeding were articles of trade. Kazan leather, an item of export, was famous. Slaves, too, were an article of export. The Kazan Tatars made raids on the Russian border regions and carried off numerous captives. Some of these captives had to till the soil of the Tatar feudal lords; others were sold to visiting merchants. An annual fair was held on Gostinoy Island on the Volga, to which came merchants from Russia, Persia, Bokhara and Khiva.

The power in the Kazan khanate was in the hands of the feudal landowners. At their head stood the khan; the princes (beks) and the nobles (called murzi in Tatar) were subject to him. The Moslem clergy were also feudal lords. The highest dignitary of the church was called a seid. The clergy in Kazan were very influential. The khan himself dismounted from his horse when he met a seid. The khan and other feudal lords collected tribute in the form of money, honey and other products from the "black people," i.e., the masses.

In the early years of its existence the Kazan khanate was a fairly powerful kingdom. The Kazan khan, Ulugh Mahommed, was for a short time in possession even of Nizhni Novgorod. At Suzdal the Kazan Tatars inflicted a telling defeat on Vasili the Blind, the Grand Prince of Muscovy, taking him prisoner. He was liberated only for a large ransom. But later, internal dissension greatly weakened the Kazan khanate. There was no unity among the Kazan feudal lords, and a furious struggle raged for the power and for tribute. Groups of rival feudal lords alternately deposed khans and placed new ones on the throne. The enemies of the Kazan khanate — Muscovy and the Crimea — took advantage of this struggle to interfere in the affairs of the khanate and they placed their own creatures on the Kazan throne.

The Volga Region under the Rule of the Tatars

The Mordvinian, Mari, Udmurt and Chuvash peoples, who had long lived in the Middle Volga region, were under the power of the Tatars. All these peoples had taken up agriculture, but hunting and the collecting of honey still remained an important pursuit. After the Tatar conquest these peoples had to pay tribute in the form of marten skins, honey and money. By this time the clan system had already disintegrated among the Mari, Mordvinians, Chuvashes and Udmurts, who were governed by the descendants of tribal princelings. These princelings quickly assimilated Tatar ways and customs, intermingled with the Tatar feudal lords and together with them exploited their own tribesmen.

The Bashkirs, who roamed the valleys of the Belaya and Ufa rivers, were also under the rule of the Tatar khans. The chief occupation of the Bashkirs was herding. Hunting served as an auxiliary means of existence. They paid the Kazan khans tribute in the form of marten skins.

The Nogai Horde

In the beginning of the 15th century a large independent horde ruled by its own princes came into being in the region between the Volga and the Yaik (the Ural) rivers. This horde was called the Nogai (13th-14th centuries) because it contained certain tribes that had once been subject to Nogai, the khan of the Golden Horde. The Nogais continued to lead a pastoral nomad life. The horde was broken up into small domains ruled almost independently by members of the prince's family; one of the princes was recognized as the chief prince.

The Crimean Khanate

An independent Tatar khanate was formed in the Crimea in the 15th century. The Tatars were in possession of the northern steppe of the Crimean Peninsula. The seaboard, which was divided from the steppe by mountain ranges, was in the hands of the Italians. After the Crusades, two powerful Italian mercantile republics — Venice and Genoa — seized the most important trade routes to the East in the 13th century. The Venetian and Genoese merchants penetrated to the Black Sea and seized the most important harbours in the Crimea, forcing out the Greeks. A struggle commenced between Venice and Genoa for possession of the Black Sea markets. Genoa was victorious, and the chief coastal towns of the Crimea came under its power. The centre of the Genoese colonies was Kaffa (now Feodosiya), where the ruins of Genoese walls and towers exist to this day. The Genoese in the Crimea were compelled to recognize the supremacy of the Golden Horde khans, but they retained their independence in the administration of their internal affairs and spread their rule over the entire southern shore of the Crimea, with its heterogeneous population (Greeks, Italians, Armenians, Jews, Tatars, and others).

Originally the Crimea Tatars engaged exclusively in herding. They wandered with their herds far beyond the confines of the peninsula. But gradually, agriculture developed side by side with cattle breeding. The Tatar feudal lords began to encroach upon the lands of the indigenous peoples of the Crimea as well as of their own tribesmen who had settled on the peninsula. The Tatar peasants who lived on the lands of the feudal lords had to pay them a tenth of the crops they grew and perform services for them under the corvée. The Christian and Jewish population had to pay quitrent.

In the 15th century the Crimean feudal lords grew so strong that they elected their own khan in the person of Hadji Girai, who was considered a descendant of Genghis Khan. After his death (1466) a struggle for power broke out among his sons. Victory fell to the clever and able Mengli Girai, but even he did not immediately establish himself firmly on the throne. One of the big Crimean feudal lords quarrelled with him and appealed to the Turks. Mengli Girai found an ally in the Genoese. In 1475 a Turkish fleet appeared off the coast of the Crimea and destroyed Kaffa and other Genoese fortresses. Mengli Girai was taken prisoner and carried off to Constantinople. The remaining Genoese intermingled with the Tatar population of the Crimea.

The sultan converted the khanate of the Crimea into a dependency of Turkey. By agreement with the Crimean feudal lords he restored Mengli Girai to the throne (1479-1515). The Crimean khans were obliged to come to the sultan’s aid with their troops at his first summons. The sultan placed his garrisons in Kaffa and other important Crimean coastal towns.

Mengli Girai formed a close alliance with the Moscow Grand Prince Ivan III, and with his help routed his enemy — the khan of the Golden Horde. In league with Muscovy, Mengli Girai waged war against Lithuania and also made frequent devastating raids upon the Ukraine; he captured and burnt Kiev, and went deep into the Lithuanian Duchy. The Polish kings, who were also the grand dukes of Lithuania, annually paid heavy tribute to Mengli Girai and his descendants, to purchase immunity from his incursions. The Muscovy princes, in their turn, sent annual gifts to the Crimea. Bakhchisarai — "the palace of gardens" — became the capital of the Crimean khanate. The city received its name from its luxurious palaces and gardens with their beautiful fountains.

In Bakhchisarai Mengli Girai built a school. Instruction in it, however, was limited to the teaching of the Mohammedan sacred books.

The Crimean khanate was the most powerful Tatar khanate in Eastern Europe. It lasted until the end of the 18th century.

The Siberian Khanate. The Kazakhs

The Peoples of Western Siberia in the 15th Century

The Tatars living east of the Urals along the Tobol River formed a separate Siberian khanate. In the 16th century the city situated at the mouth of the Tobol, which the Russians called "Siberia," became its capital. The Siberian khanate was not a united kingdom. It was broken up into a large number of small principalities (ulusi) whose petty princes enjoyed a large measure of independence.

The Siberian Tatars engaged in cattle raising and to some extent in agriculture, but the chief wealth of their land lay in their valuable fur-bearing animals — sable, marten, beaver, squirrel, etc. Hunting provided the Siberian Tatars with a profitable article of exchange with the more cultured lands of Asia — Bokhara and Khiva. The Siberian Tatars also obtained furs by robbing their neighbours, the trappers, from whom they collected tribute in furs.

Along the upper reaches of the Tura and to the north of it lived the Mansi (Voguls); along the lower reaches of the Irtysh and along the Ob — the Khanti (Ostiaks). Both of these peoples were divided into small tribes ruled by petty princes. The Mansi lived by hunting. Each clan owned a section of forest where it set up enclosures for the catching of elk and placed arbalests. Some of the Mansi practised a rudimentary form of agriculture and cattle breeding. The Khanti lived chiefly by fishing. Those of the tribe who inhabited the tundra raised herds of northern elk.

The Mansi and the Khanti were heathens: the Khanti worshipped the bear, which they regarded as their ancestor. Whenever they killed a bear they performed a sacred song and dance over it, to "atone for their sin."

The Tatars conquered the Mansi and the Khanti and forced them to pay tribute in furs. In case of war the Vogul and Ostiak princelings had to go with their troops to help the Tatars.

To the north of the Khanti the Nentsi (Samoyedes) roamed the tundra with their herds of elk. In the spring they moved on to the Ob River for fishing. The vast tundra made the Nentsi inaccessible to the conquerors; they therefore did not fall under the rule of the Tatars.

Formation of the Kazakh Khanate

In the middle of the 15th century the Kazakh khanate was formed east of the Urals, on the land of present-day Kazakhstan. The nomadic peoples comprising it had formerly belonged to a union of Uzbek tribes. In 1466 they separated from the Uzbeks and formed an independent kingdom. The Kazakhs received their name from the fact that they had separated from the Uzbeks (the word kazakh in Turkic means "a free man who has broken away from his tribe," from which comes the Russian word kazak — Cossack — meaning "a free man").

Creation of the Russian National State

The Reign of Ivan III and Vasili III

Territorial Formation of the Russian State

Consolidation of Northeastern Rūs

Beginning with the 14th century closer economic ties developed among the different Russian principalities. This contributed to their gradual consolidation into a single national Russian realm. However, the economy of Russia was, in itself, inadequate to ensure the formation of a centralized Russian state in the 15th century. The process of unification was hastened by the need to defend the country against the Tatars and other external enemies.

During the reign of Ivan III (1462-1505), son of Vasili the Blind, the Grand Principality of Moscow annexed almost all the lands of Northeastern Rūs that had remained independent, and formed a single Russian state.

Of the territories that still retained their independence before the 15th century the largest was that of Novgorod, which had vast colonial possessions in the Maritime North. Novgorod continued to be ruled by a veche, and by elected burgomasters and tisyatski. It concluded agreements with the grand princes as of old, but the Novgorod boyars clearly realized that their liberties were coming to an end. Among these Novgorod boyars was a group who were inclined to side with Lithuania in order to preserve their ancient privileges. This group was headed by the rich and influential Boretsky family. One member of the family was the Novgorod burgomaster. His mother, the energetic Marfa Boretskaya, led the struggle against Muscovy. The Boretsky faction often exclaimed at the veche: "We do not want to be called the patrimony of the Grand Prince of Moscow! We are free people, and we will not tolerate any insults from Moscow; we are for King Casimir."

In 1471 the ruling faction of Novgorod boyars betrayed their land and submitted to the rule of Casimir, the Polish king and Lithuanian Grand Duke. On the other hand, the Novgorod poor were for union with Moscow, with which Novgorod was inseparably bound. Ivan III, leading a big army, undertook a campaign against Novgorod. The Novgorod army was defeated in a decisive battle on the Shelona River. The city was suffering from a shortage of bread, and the poorest elements of the population compelled the boyars to enter into negotiations with the grand prince. Ivan III ceased military operations on condition that indemnity be paid. Novgorod promised to break its alliance with Lithuania. Moscow permitted Novgorod to retain its former "liberties." However, Ivan III annexed Novgorod’s colonies to Muscovy. In 1472 a Muscovy army invaded the land of Perm. This country was inhabited by the Komi-Permiak people. The Muscovy princes defeated the Perm princes and captured their chief towns. The land of Perm was forced to recognize the supremacy of the Moscow Grand Prince. Being in need of metal, Ivan III sent men skilled in mining to the newly conquered Ural regions.

Disturbances still continued in Novgorod. The defeated boyars began to settle accounts with the friends of Muscovy and the latter sought protection from the grand prince. In 1477 the people of Novgorod welcomed Ivan III as their Gosudar. They had never before bestowed this title on any grand prince, and in this case were prompted by a desire to emphasize that Great Novgorod remained independent of Muscovy, since in the dialect of Novgorod the term Gosudar, meaning lord, was applied to any feudal landowner. Ivan III took advantage of this occasion to demand the same "sovereignty" in Novgorod as he enjoyed in Moscow, that is, unlimited power, since Gosudar in the Moscow dialect meant sovereign, supreme ruler. The Novgorod veche refused to accede to Ivan III’s demands. He marched against Novgorod a second time and besieged it. This time the Novgorodians made no attempt at resistance, and opened negotiations with him. In January 1478, after a lengthy parley, they accepted all the conditions laid down by the grand prince. The veche was abolished; Novgorod was to be governed by the grand prince’s lord lieutenants, instead of the burgomaster; the greater part of the lands that had belonged to the Novgorod feudal lords passed to the grand prince. The republic of Novgorod ceased to exist. The symbol of Novgorod’s liberties — the veche bell — was removed. Many of Novgorod’s leading boyar and merchant families (including Marfa Boretskaya) were removed to the cities of Muscovy and replaced by nobles from Moscow. The military servitors of Muscovy were settled by the grand prince on the lands that had been appropriated from the Novgorod boyars. Pskov was allowed to retain some of its former independence for having helped Muscovy in the war against Novgorod.

The next principality to be annexed was Tver, which had once been a rival of Moscow. The Prince of Tver, Mikhail Borisovich, like the Novgorod prince, had betrayed Russia and trafficked with Casimir, the Polish king and the Grand Duke of Lithuania. Ivan III profited by this to besiege Tver. During the night Mikhail fled to Lithuania. The Tver boyars transferred their allegiance to the conqueror (1485).

The principality of Ryazan also became a tributary of Muscovy. Thus, during the reign of Ivan III a single national Russian state was formed in place of the former independencies of Northeastern Rūs.

The Russian national state united the Russian people. The kindred peoples of Byelorussia and Ukraine were unable to free themselves from the power of Lithuania and Poland and form their own national states. They subsequently united with the Russian people in a single centralized multi-national state.

Liberation from the Tatar Yoke. The Conquests of Ivan III

Overthrow of the Tatar Yoke (1480)

With the incorporation of Great Novgorod, Muscovy became powerful enough to venture on casting off the Tatar yoke. Ivan III made the most of the Golden Horde’s disintegration. He contracted a close alliance with the Crimean khan, Mengli Girai, to whom he annually sent envoys with personal gifts for the khan, his wives and his leading feudal lords. Taking advantage of the weakness of the Golden Horde, Ivan III stopped paying tribute to the Tatars.

Ahmed, khan of the Golden Horde, leagued himself with the Grand Duke of Lithuania in 1480 and went forth to compel Moscow to pay tribute. The grand prince led his troops to the Oka, to meet the Tatars. Ahmed, who was expecting help from the Lithuanian Grand Duke, moved upstream, in the direction of the Lithuanian border. At this time Ivan III was confronted with the menace of a mutiny on the part of his brothers. The grand prince hastened back to Moscow, subdued his brothers and returned to his troops.

The Tatar and the Russian hosts stood facing each other on opposite sides of the Ugra River, a tributary of the Oka. Neither the Russians nor the Tatars crossed the river. Ahmed was willing to make peace but he insisted upon the payment of tribute. The bishop of Rostov, Vassian, sent a message to Ivan III exhorting him to courageously stand his ground against the Tatars and not to heed the cowards who advised him to betray his native land to the enemy. Thus things dragged on until the onset of frosts. When the Ugra froze, Ivan ordered his troops to withdraw in order to give battle from more favourable positions. The khan, however, hesitated to attack. His troops were suffering from the cold and lack of food. Meanwhile, Ivan III’s ally, the Crimean Khan Mengli Girai, was menacing the Golden Horde from the rear, and the Grand Duke of Lithuania, who had promised his aid, had left Ahmed in the lurch. The latter retired from Moscow’s borders. Thus ended this remarkable seven months’ hostile meeting on the Ugra River.

And thus ended the Tatar-Mongolian yoke, which for two centuries had lain heavily upon the Russian people. Having won its independence from Tatar domination, the Russian national state was now able further to develop and strengthen itself politically and economically.

The so recently omnipotent Golden Horde was utterly routed by the Crimean Tatars in 1502. In place of the Golden Horde a small khanate came into existence on the lower reaches of the Volga, the capital of which, was the city of Astrakhan.

Russia’s Foreign Policy (1492–1505)

Freedom from the Tatar yoke enabled Ivan III to undertake the gradual recovery of Russian territories on its western frontier. Prom the Murmansk coast to the lower reaches of the Danube and the Black Sea lay the ancient Russian lands of Kiev Rūs, which had been seized by the Danes, Swedes, Germans, Lithuanians and Turks. As a preliminary to his struggle for the acquisition of Smolensk and the Baltic, Ivan III in 1492 concluded peace with Turkey, being the first European sovereign to do so.

That same year Ivan III had a fortress built on the delta of the Narova River, and named it after himself — Ivan-gorod (the city of Ivan). This marked the beginning of Russia’s righteous war for possession of the Baltic Sea. The Russian army, in retaliating the Swedish incursions which reached almost to the city of Vologda, advanced to the shores of the Gulf of Bothnia. A diplomatic war commenced over Pechenga (Petsamo) which the Danes were endeavouring to seize. In 1500 open war that lasted three years broke out with Lithuania for the possession of ancient Russian lands. The Muscovy troops won several brilliant victories over the Lithuanians. Lithuania entered into an alliance with the Livonian order. The German knights approached Pskov several times but suffered a serious defeat at the hands of the Russian troops. By a peace treaty with Lithuania, the ancient Russian province, the land of Seversk, including the city of Chernigov, were annexed to the dominions of Muscovy, bringing Russia close up to Kiev. The Livonian Order undertook to pay annual tribute to the Moscow Grand Prince, but did not fulfil its obligations.

Ivan III forced the Kazan khanate to accept vassal dependence on Muscovy. He interfered in the appointment of khans to the Kazan throne, and the people of Kazan could do nothing without the permission of Muscovy.

Several campaigns were launched in the Urals. In 1500 the troops of Muscovy crossed the Ural Mountain Range. In the mountains they were attacked by the Nentsi, whom they defeated and from whom they took away 200 reindeer. After that the Moscow waywodes continued on their way by reindeer while the common soldiers travelled on dog teams. The Yugra princes who came forth against them were routed and compelled to pay tribute.

Ivan III pursued a cautious but tenacious policy of consolidating the Russian state. Occasional failures did not daunt or check him. He achieved his ends by clever and surefooted tactics. His relations with the Tatar khans were governed by subtle policy, he skillfully played off the Crimean and Siberian Tatars against the Golden Horde, and tried to avoid recourse to arms. Harsh in his attitude towards his vassals, he held the power firmly in his hands and succeeded in making himself feared.

Russian Social and State Structure at the End of the 15th Century

Development of Money-Commodity Relations

The unification of the Russian nation into a single body-politic was possible given the existence of at least a rudimentary form of market intercourse between the various Russian territories.

The economy of the Russian state at the end of the 15th century was fundamentally still a natural one. But the development of money-commodity relations in this period proceeded more intensively than formerly. More active trade relations were established between the different towns and regions. A large trading centre was created in Moscow; shops and bazaars arose, the latter being originally known as gostiniye dvori, literally meaning "guest inns" for the accommodation of visiting merchants. Food products were brought for sale to Moscow from the surrounding regions. A foreigner who visited Moscow during Ivan III’s reign gives a vivid description of winter trade: on the ice of the Moscow River "the merchants set up their stalls with various wares"; here "every day throughout the winter corn, meat, pigs, firewood, hay, and other necessary supplies are brought for sale; at the end of November all the people in the vicinity of Moscow slaughter their cows and pigs and bring them to the city for sale. It is a pleasure to look at these enormous quantities of stripped animal carcasses standing on the ice on their hind legs."

Thus, the individual household no longer produced all its own foodstuffs, and purchased some of them on the market. The growth of money-commodity relations is evidenced by the fact that landowners at the end of the 15th and beginning of the 16th centuries were no longer content with receiving payment in kind from their peasants, and also demanded money from them (monetary quitrent).

The development of trade enhanced the importance of the merchants in the cities. At the end of the 14th century mention is made in Moscow of a group of rich Surozh merchants (i.e., those trading with the town of Surozh, or Sudak, in the Crimea) and clothiers. In addition to trade the rich merchants engaged in money-lending; many of the appanage princes and even the brothers of Ivan III were in debt to them. The merchants were interested in the cessation of feudal strife and the unification of all Russian lands, inasmuch as this would foster trade between the various parts of the country.

The Army and Fee Estates. The Landlords and the Peasants

The economy of the feudal patrimonies remained a natural one, and still found difficulty in adapting itself to the market. There was little money in the country. When in need of money, the landowners borrowed it from the rich merchants, but chiefly from the monasteries, which amassed considerable wealth through the collection of donations and by usury. Lands were mortgaged as security; in default of redemption the mortgage was foreclosed and the lands remained the property of the monastery. Large patrimonies were ruined and broken up. The chief military force was no longer the large landowners who, under the new conditions, could not afford to maintain large military retinues, but the petty landowners. Most of these petty landowners were the vassals of the more powerful feudal lords and possessed lands which they had received from their lords in payment for their services. They were chiefly military servitors or the dvoryane (nobility) who belonged to the court of the grand prince. The term dvoryane was applied to all small landowners who served in the army of the grand prince.

The army became centralized. Until then every prince had had to appear with his own troops when a summons came from the grand prince calling him to the army. Such a conglomerate army was deficient in many ways. In case of a sudden attack by the enemy it was difficult to marshal. On each occasion it was necessary to come to terms with every individual prince. There was no single command in the army. Every regiment fought under its own "banner." As the separate principalities were destroyed, Ivan III attached the regiments or, as it was then said, the "dvori" (courts) of the princes to his own court. In this way a large army of the dvoryane (courtiers or nobles) was formed, augmented by freemen and servants of the boyars.

However, the more important boyars who had been former princes still retained their own small forces, and during campaigns they joined the army of the dvoryane.

Owing to the lack of money in the treasury of the grand princes, the dvoryane did not receive their allowances. Instead of paying in money, the grand prince gave the dvoryanin a small section of land which he could hold so long as he rendered military service. If a noble resigned his military service, he forfeited the land. The lands given to the nobles or other military servitors were called pomestya or fee estates in contradistinction to the patrimonies, which were the absolute property of their owners, and the person rendering this military service who held the estate in fief was called pomeshchik (landlord).

Thus, the dvoryane formed a large stratum of petty landed proprietors (later all landowners came to be called pomeshchiki). The pomeshchik had the right to collect quitrent from the peasants living on his estate and to force them to render compulsory services under the corvée.

Under feudalism the peasant was never free. The feudal lord kept him on his land under compulsion, and thought nothing of resorting to open violence. It was especially difficult for the "old inhabitants," peasants who had lived on the patrimony for a long time, to quit the land of their feudal lord. But even the other peasants were restricted in their freedom of passing from one landlord to another: custom demanded that they quit only after the winding up of all the field work, in the beginning of winter, when the grain had been stored in their master’s granaries.

After the formation of a strong, centralized state, which protected the interests of the feudal lords, the nobility wanted to legalize this arrangement and thus further strengthen their power over the peasants.

To provide serf labour for the landlords, Ivan III passed a law in 1497 by which the peasant was not permitted to leave his landlord until all the farm work had been completed. A definite day was established throughout the realm on which the peasant could "leave," namely, St. George’s Day ("Yuryev Den"), that is, November 26 (old style calendar). The peasant could quit his master during the week preceding St. George’s Day and the week following it. But before doing so he had to settle all accounts with his master and pay for his pozhiloye, that is, his tenancy. Even before 1497 the peasants had been greatly restricted in their right of transition from one landowner to another; the new law increased these restrictions. Muscovy was a feudal state, and it helped the landlords in every way possible to enthrall the peasants.

The numerous nobility acquired great political influence in the state. Having no landed property of their own, the nobles wholly depended on the grand prince, from whom they received their estates and who gave them every opportunity to exploit the peasantry. The grand prince therefore had a loyal servant in the nobility, upon whose support he could rely in the matter of strengthening his power.

Central and Local Government

When the separate feudal principalities were united in a single feudal state, the government of Muscovy was organized on a new basis. Under Ivan III the entire administration became concentrated in the hands of the grand prince.

All the princes who had at one time been independent rulers were now in the service of the Grand Prince of Muscovy and became his boyars. The most illustrious of the boyars were members of the grand prince’s council, called the duma. The former princes and the rest of the boyars ranked according to lineage or, as it was then said, "according to birth." The most exalted boyars received high posts. A boyar of quality could not serve under a man of inferior dignity or even occupy a similar position as an inferior. When appointments were made for campaigns or other service, disputes would arise over "place," with disastrous results. This state of affairs historians have given the name mestnichestvo — contention for precedence (from the Russian word mesto meaning "place"). This rivalry for precedence wrought considerable mischief. Appointments were made not on personal merit and ability, but in consideration of a man’s rank and dignity, even though they were incompetent. Struggle for precedence was a sign of the political power wielded by the rich feudal lords at the court of the grand prince. It greatly hampered the proper conduct of state affairs, although the fact that the Grand Prince of Muscovy decided all disputes for precedence among the boyars was evidence of his own growing power.

The grand prince appointed his lord lieutenants to the newly conquered regions. These people governed the regions entrusted to them, held court, and collected taxes. For doing this they were "fed" at the expense of the population, according to ancient custom. Prior to Ivan III these requisitions in favour of the lieutenant governors were entirely unrestricted. Ivan III established a fixed ration, in kind or in money, and also determined the amount of legal dues and trading imposts. Special government offices, called prikazi, were set up in Moscow. They were of two types. Some were in charge of territorial administration and the former appanages; others supervised different branches of the state administration, such as military affairs and finances. Of great importance in the administration were the grand prince’s clerks or scribes on whom all the routine of these institutions devolved. In 1497 Ivan III issued a "Law Book" called Sudebnik, establishing the form of government and legal procedure in the state.

Muscovy’s International Position

A strong army was organized under Ivan III. The concentration of power and finances, as well as the centralization of the army made it possible considerably to improve military technique. An artillery was created; craftsmen called in from Western Europe cast cannon in the newly built Liteiny Dvor (Foundry) on the Neglinnaya Biver in Moscow.

During the reign of Ivan III the Russian state acquired a place of importance among the countries of Europe. The German emperor offered Ivan III the title of king, but Ivan declared that he needed nobody’s confirmation. The Pope, who had long wanted to bring Eastern Europe under his influence, also entered into relations with Muscovy. Trade between Muscovy and the mercantile countries of Western Europe, especially with the rich republic of Venice, became very brisk. Venetian envoys and merchants paid frequent visits to Moscow via the Black Sea and the Crimea. The grand prince needed European artificers. Through the medium of Venice he invited architects, gun craftsmen and other specialists to settle in Moscow.

In 1453 Constantinople was conquered by the Turkish sultan, and the Byzantine empire fell. Turkish domination extended over the Black Sea coast, the Caucasus, the Balkans, and up the Danube as far as Vienna. Through the aid of Venice and the Pope, Ivan III formed a matrimonial alliance with Sophia Palaeologus, the niece of the last Greek emperor. Both Venice and the Pope hoped through this marriage to increase their influence in Moscow and induce Russia to fight against Turkey. They also counted on penetrating into the East — to India and China — through Russia. But Ivan III did not allow foreign interference in the affairs of the Russian state.

Through the medium of the Crimea Ivan III entered into relations with Turkey, and Moscow merchants started travelling to that country. Relations between Russia and Persia were also established. Afanasy Nikitin, a merchant of Tver, after many adventures succeeded in making his way into India (1467-1472). He left an interesting description of his travels, "peregrinations over three seas" (the Caspian Sea, the Indian Ocean and the Red Sea). Afanasy Nikitin was one of the first Europeans to reach India.

The Power of the Grand Prince

The position of the Grand Principality of Moscow underwent a radical change in the reign of Ivan III. Formerly it had been one of the many principalities of Northeastern Rūs. Now it was transformed into a strong consolidated state uniting almost the entire Russian people and had become a national Russian realm. The character of the grand prince’s authority also changed. Ivan III’s reign saw the beginnings of autocracy, that is, the unlimited power of the grand prince. Formerly the Grand Prince of Moscow was simply primus inter pares (first among his peers), the most powerful of the many Russian princes. Now he had become the sole "sovereign" of all Northeastern Rūs. Sometimes he even called himself the "tsar" (a contraction from the word Caesar). After the Turkish conquest of Constantinople, Ivan III began to regard himself as the direct successor of the Greek emperors. He adopted the imperial seal of Byzantine — the double-headed eagle. On state occasions Ivan III sat on a throne set in precious stones, and wore a crown or, as the Russians called it, the "Monomakh cap" (according to legend, it had been handed down by Vladimir Monomachus, who is said to have received it from the Greek Emperor Constantine Monomachus). The grand prince rebuilt his capital with great splendour. Before Ivan III Moscow had consisted almost exclusively of wooden buildings. Even the grand prince’s palace had been made of wood. During Ivan III’s reign the construction of stone buildings increased.

Ivan III invited foreign masters and artificers to Moscow. Among them was the famous Italian architect Ridolfo di Fioravante, nicknamed Aristotle, who acquainted the Russians with the use of improved building methods and mechanical devices. The masters invited from abroad built the still-existent Kremlin walls and their towers, the stone cathedrals, the luxurious stone palace of which the "Red Wing" with figures of lions still survives, and the magnificent Granovitaya Palata. Besides the Italian, Pskov artificers were also employed in decorating the capital.

The consolidation of the various disunited principalities into a single state led to the cessation of feudal wars among the rival princes. But the formerly independent princes did not immediately resign themselves to the loss of their rights as rulers. They were not satisfied with their position as boyars at the court of the grand prince. They wanted an active part in the government and demanded that the grand prince listen to their counsels. So long as Ivan III was surrounded by a small group of faithful old Moscow boyars, he willingly listened to their opinion and tolerated criticism. But now at the grand prince’s court there were many new boyars, former appanage princes. Ivan III did not trust his enemies of yesterday, and the new boyars were constrained, sorely against their grain, to submit to the grand prince. The latter began to hold aloof from his boyars. He adopted towards them the haughty and proud mien of the Greek emperors. For disobedience to his orders boyars were either executed or exiled. The boyars attributed these changes to the influence of the Grand Princess Sophia. "As soon as the Grand Princess Sophia came with her Greeks," they said, "everything has become topsy-turvy."

The church played an important part in strengthening the power of the grand prince. The clergy supported the unification of the Russian lands into a single state. It preached that the grand prince derived his power from God. Ivan III, for his part, granted the church numerous privileges, ensured the inviolability of its estates and ruthlessly persecuted the "heretics," that is, men who dared to criticize the tenets of the Orthodox church. The church therefore readily gave its services to the grand prince.

Consolidation of the Russian Realm under Vasili III

The unification of the principalities of Northeastern Rūs was completed by Vasili III (1505-1533), the son of Ivan III. Pskov was incorporated under his rule in 1510. Vasili summoned the Pskov burgomasters and the boyars, who were Muscovy’s enemies, to Novgorod on the pretext of examining their complaints against the lord lieutenant, and had them arrested. A clerk of the grand prince was sent to Pskov, where, addressing the populace from the veche tribune he announced to them the demands of the grand prince, namely, that the veche in Pskov be abolished and that the city and its environs be governed by his lord lieutenants. The veche bell was removed and taken to Moscow. Three hundred Pskov families were sent to live in Moscow, and Moscow landlords were settled on their estates.

It was also during Vasili’s reign that Ryazan was finally joined to the state. The last Ryazan prince, chaffing under his dependence on Moscow, leagued himself with the Crimean khan. The Ryazan prince was summoned to Moscow and his person seized, but he managed to escape and fled to Lithuania. His principality was annexed to Muscovy (1521). The whole of Northeastern Rūs was now united under the hegemony of Muscovy.

Vasili III continued the struggle for the recovery of ancient Russian territories seized by the Lithuanian grand dukes as far back as the 14th century. In 1514 he laid siege to Smolensk and began bombarding the city. After three salvos a deputation headed by the bishop of Smolensk came to the grand prince at the Russian camp with the entreaty: "Do not destroy the city, take it in peace." Thus was the ancient Russian city of Smolensk re-incorporated into the Russian state. The power of Vasili III within the Russian realm was greatly strengthened. He was now "the sovereign of sovereigns over the entire Russian land." The former appanage princes had to serve him "at his entire will." The power of Vasili III, as foreigners wrote, "surpasses all monarchs of all world"; he "is absolute master of the lives and property of all." The Muscovites "openly declare that the will of their sovereign is the will of God." Vasili III removed the boyars from the government. He suffered no opposition on their part, and if a boyar contradicted him, he drove him out of the duma with curses. He decided all matters with two or three of his trusted servants, chosen for the most part among his clerks who were always at his beck and call.

One of Vasili III’s contemporaries, the monk Philothei, in a message to the grand prince, expounded the ideology of the nascent autocracy. "Moscow," he wrote, "is the successor of the great world capitals: ancient Rome and the second Rome — Constantinople; Moscow is the third Rome, and there will be no fourth."

Expansion of the Russian State and Its Transformation into a Multi-National Realm

The Reign of Ivan IV

The Rule of the Boyars. Reforms of the 1550s

The Rule of the Boyars

Vasili III died in 1533, leaving the throne to his three-year-old son Ivan, during whose minority the country was governed by his mother, the Princess Elena Vasilievna Glinskaya (1533-1538). Vasili’s brothers, appanage princes, tried to take advantage of his death to regain a share of their lost independence. But Princess Elena, who was an energetic and determined woman, immediately crushed all such attempts. After suppressing the turbulent appanage princes, Elena reigned supreme. She is said to have been poisoned by the boyars, who hated her.

The sudden death of the princess untied the hands of the boyars. A boy of eight sat on the throne. The boyars hastened to seize the power in their own hands, but they themselves were at variance with each other. The princes Shuiski and Belski became involved in a bitter struggle. The Shuiskis rallied their followers, broke into the Kremlin, forced their way into the palace, and seized their opponents. But the Shutski faction did not remain in power very long, Andrei Shuiski was killed in 1543, and the power passed to the Glinskis. The rule of the boyars lasted for about nine years. The boyars were opposed to the newly established system of centralized government. They turned the cities and volosts over to their relatives and supporters for "feeding"; the lieutenants appointed by them robbed the population. Taking advantage of this turmoil and anarchic state of affairs, the Crimean and Kazan Tatars made devastating raids upon Russian lands.

In such an environment of boyar enmity and rivalry did the Grand Prince Ivan grow up, utterly neglected and scorned by those around him. He was a witness of revolting scenes of brawls and violence among the factious boyars. At the same time, young Ivan was precociously aware of the significance of his title of grand prince. As a child, during his mother's lifetime, he remembered himself on ceremonial occasions, as when attending church or at receptions of ambassadors, surrounded with imperial pomp and homage. After his mother's death those very boyars who, as he himself put it, were usually not even concerned about his food and clothing, paid him obsequious honours at state receptions. Ivan learned to read at a very early age, and he read avidly. From the scriptural books and historical works that he read, he formed an idea of a sovereign vested with supreme authority. In this respect he was greatly influenced by the metropolitan Makari, an educated person for those times who propounded the same idea in his writings. The brutal and degrading environment of his youth engendered in Ivan a strain of cruelty.

In 1647 the seventeen-year old Ivan solemnly assumed the title of tsar. By this act he stressed the importance of the Russian state among the other European states and the unlimited power wielded by the Russian tsar within his own country.

The return to the old system of appanages had a grievous effect upon the condition of the people, which resulted in a mutiny breaking out in Moscow in 1547 against the Glinski faction. The immediate cause was a great fire which destroyed a considerable part of the city. The populace had already been reduced to a state of despair by the tyrannies of the Glinskis. The Muscovites accused their oppressors of having started the fire; they shouted that Anna Glinskaya, the grandmother of the tsar, had set fire to Moscow by witchcraft. One of the Glinskis was killed; the others fled. The tsar himself took refuge in his village of Vorobyovo (the site of the present Lenin Hills).

The Demands of the Nobility

When the uprising was suppressed, a man of humble origin, a clever and adroit official named Alexei Adashev, came to the head of administrative affairs. With the support of an influential court priest named Sylvester, Adashev formed a strong ruling group in which were included several powerful boyars. Thus was created an Izbrannaya rada (Council of the Elect) or, as it was otherwise called, "the intimate duma", without which the young tsar made no decisions.

It was necessary as quickly as possible to satisfy the demands of the mass of the so-called military servitors— the petty provincial landlord nobility. The demands of these people found expression at the time in the writings of a nobleman by the name of Ivan Peresvetov. In the latter’s opinion, the tsar’s chief concern should be for the "military", that is, the nobility, whom he should provide with lands and salaries. Inasmuch as there was a dearth of land, he should begin the conquest of the ^^podraiskaya zemlitsa^^ — the near-paradise — in other words, the Kazan khanate. To provide salaries for the nobility Peresvetov proposed that all the national revenue be concentrated in the royal exchequer. For this purpose the system of "feedings" was to be abolished. Legal procedure was to be improved by the compilation of a code of laws and the infliction of severe punishment for bribery and corruption. The realization of all these measures required a strong rule and the elimination of the remaining vestiges of feudal dismemberment. And inasmuch as the "leniviye bogatiny" (the idle rich)— the boyars— would be opposed to this, Peresvetov counselled breaking their opposition by "terror," since, he claimed, "without such terror it is impossible to introduce truth in the kingdom." Such was the program of the nobility. One section of the boyars realized the necessity of making concessions .They rallied around Adashev and helped him pass a number of measures aimed at strengthening the tsar’s power and at the same time satisfying the most pressing needs of the nobility.

Reforms of the 1550’s

The first thing to be undertaken was the reorganization of the administration. This was necessitated not so much by the demands of the nobility, as by the rapid growth of dissatisfaction in the country with the old forms of government, which had found vent in the Moscow uprising of 1547. The ruling classes were faced with the menace of a popular outbreak. A convocation of the clergy, boyars and nobles is said to have been held in Moscow in 1549 to discuss ways and means of pacifying the country. In 1550 a new code of laws was published, regulating legal procedure and defining punishment for bribery.

When Ivan IV was still a child, all cases of banditry had been withdrawn from the jurisdiction of the lord lieutenants who had turned them into a source of private income, and had been turned over to the district reeves. These reeves were elected by the population of the uyezds (counties) from among the local nobility. These elections were virtually manipulated by the nobility, and gave them great power over the peasants of their district.

In 1565, under great pressure from the provinces, the system of "feedings" was completely abolished. The lord lieutenants were replaced by mayors and magistrates elected from the people. These mayors and magistrates administered justice and collected taxes from the townspeople and the chorniye (commonalty), that is, the state peasants. The revenue went directly into the exchequer. This measure was a very important step in the centralization of government.

Simultaneously measures were taken to improve the position and military training of the nobility.

In 1665 a code was published concerning military service: it defined the normal size of an estate whose landlord was obliged to appear "on horse and fully equipped" (about 150 hectares— 370 acres). If a military servitor possessed a larger estate, he was to provide a certain number of serfs, varying according to the size of his estate or patrimony.

To ensure labour power for the nobility, the code of 1560 confirmed the law prohibiting peasants from leaving their landowners on any date other than St. George’s Day. Peasants living on the lands of the feudal lords were, as formerly, under the jurisdiction of the landowners’ court. All these measures were in the interests of the nobility, i.e. the petty and medium feudal lords. The strengthening of the nobility was conducive to the strengthening of the regal power.

The Wars of Tsar Ivan IV

The Conquest of the Volga Khanates

At the beginning of Ivan IV’s reign, the whole of Northeastern Rūs was already united. It was during his rule that the subjugation of the neighbouring peoples, the conquest of their lands, and the gradual transformation of the Russian state into a multi-national state was begun. In the reign of Vasili III the Kazan Tatars, supported by the Crimean than, had freed themselves from dependence on Muscovy. Ivan IV began preparations for the complete conquest of the Kazan khanate. Besides the need of providing land and serfs for the nobility, other motives for this undertaking were incessant raids on Russian frontier territories by the Kazan Tatars who desolated the land and carried off large numbers of captives. Furthermore, Kazan was the key to the Volga waterway which had an outlet to the Caspian, and to the routes beyond the Urals. The strengthening of Turkey on the Black Sea and in the Caucasus constituted a threat to Russia from the east via Astrakhan and Kazan. In 1550 a big expedition against Kazan had ended in failure. In the spring of 1551 the city of Sviyazhsk was built on the land of the Mari, * on the hilly side of the Volga, opposite the city of Kazan. The Mari hillmen, who had till then been paying tribute to the Kazan khans, were now compelled to submit to the Moscow tsar. The following year the troops of Muscovy, using Sviyazhsk as their base, crossed the Volga and invested Kazan. The Tatars put up a furious resistance but were obviously outmatched by superior Russian forces which numbered 150,000 strong, well equipped with artillery .

With the co-operation of foreign engineers Kazan was encircled by a line of trenches; siege turrets were moved up to her walls, which were undermined. The total number of Tatar troops in the city was only 30,000.

Supported by detachments which attacked the Muscovy troops from the rear Kazan held out for a month and a half. Finally, the walls of the city were blown up, and on October 2, 1562, Kazan was taken by assault. The struggle, however, did not cease with the fall of Kazan. The Tatar, Mari, Udmurt, Chuvash and Mordva peoples continued to offer resistance to the conquerors.

The rebels inflicted a telling defeat upon the Muscovy troops and even captured the waywode who had been sent out against them. Only after a struggle that lasted five years were the local feudal lords won over by bribes to the Russian tsar. The lands of the former Kazan khanate were distributed among the Muscovy military and the clergy. The population was reduced to serfdom. The Tatar feudal lords, who had retained part of their lands and were placed on the same footing as the Muscovy nobility, also took a hand in the exploitation of the peasant population of the Volga. Thus the toiling people of the Volga region came under a double yoke— that of the Russian and the Tatar feudal lords. With the conquest of Kazan the Bashkirs too recognized the supremacy of Russia.

In 1555 Yediger, sovereign of the Siberian khanate, acknowledged himself the vassal of Muscovy and undertook to pay the Moscow, tsar annual tribute.

In 1556 came the turn of Astrakhan: the Muscovy military servitors drove out the local khan and occupied the city. The entire Volga River was now in the hands of Muscovy.

The acquisition of Astrakhan opened the way to the Caspian countries. Taking advantage of intestine feuds among the petty princes of the Northern Caucasus , Ivan IV ordered a city to be built on the Terek, but abandoned it under pressure from Turkey. The Russian Cossacks, i.e., the free military servitors, refused, however, to accept this decision and continued to live on the Terek. After the subjugation of Kazan and Astrakhan, the Eastern front was well fortified against Turkish aggression. But the Crimean khanate was still a great menace. Year after year the Crimean Tatars made devastating inroads upon the Russian frontier regions and carried off thousands of prisoners, whom they then sold to Turkey. To render the southern borders safe against these raids, a fortified line was built, the so-called Tula abatis line, which consisted of a number of abatises, forts and other artificial barrages near the city of Tula.

In order to keep a watch on the movements of the Tatars, detachments, or, as they were called, stanitsi, were sent to the steppe, where they set up military outposts. Usually the observer kept a lookout for the enemy from a high tree or a tower, beneath which his comrades stood ready with saddled horses. As soon as a column of dust appeared in the distance, signalling the approach of Tatar horsemen, the observers galloped with the news to the next outpost, which relayed the information further. In this way the news of approaching Tatars reached Moscow quickly and made it possible to move troops promptly against the Tatars.

At the end of the 1550 ’s the Moscow government decided to attack the Crimea. The Russian troops sailed down the Don and the Dnieper, and reached the Crimean coast. The war for the Baltic, begun in 1558, prevented the Russians from following up these successes

Beginning of the War for Livonia

The vital needs of the nation forced Muscovy to seek an outlet to the Baltic Sea. Russia's possession of a seaboard was essential in the interests of defence, and as a means of developing her trade, and establishing cultural relations with Western Europe. Isolated from the West by Livonia and Lithuania, Muscovy, in its intercourse with Western Europe, was virtually dependent upon these two states, who were interested in preserving the backwardness of the Russian state and persistently prevented Western European master-workmen and skilled artificers from coming to enter the service of the Russian tsar.

After the defeat of Grimewald the decline of the German knighthood went on apace and they were unable to maintain the independence of their domains. Supremacy in Livonia meant supremacy in the Baltic. And so the clash among Livonia’s neighbours — Lithuania, Sweden, Denmark and Russia — for the possession of Livonia was coming to a head.

In January 1558 Ivan IV launched military operations against Livonia. After several months of fighting, Narva, one of Livonia’s most important ports, was taken. Next Yuriev (renamed Dorpat by the Germans), an ancient Russian city, was recovered for Russia. One town after another surrendered to Muscovy’s waywodes. Livonia fell beneath the blows of Muscovy’s troops (1561). Alarmed by the success of Russian arms, the neighbouring states intervened in Livonia’s affairs. Revel (Tallinn) placed itself under the protection of Sweden, Denmark took over the Island of Oesel, while the rest of Livonia went to Sigismund-Augustus, the Polish king and Grand Duke of Lithuania. The Grand Master of the Livonian Older kept Courland, but merely as a vassal of the Polish king. Thus the German Order, which had once threatened Russia had now ended its existence. The partition of Livonia led to a new twenty years’ war of Russia against Poland, Sweden and Denmark.

The Oprichnina

Organization of the Oprichnina

In Tsar Ivan's opinion the Izbrannaya rada (Council of the Elect) was not prosecuting the war with Livonia with sufficient vigour. Tsar Ivan fell out with the Council soon after the capture of Kazan. The boyars on the Council endeavoured to limit the tsar’s power. Adashev and the priest Sylvester consulted their boyar followers behind the tsar’s back. This attempt to limit the tsar’s power in the interest of a small group of boyars was strongly resisted by the mass of the military servitors.

In the beginning of 1560 Adashev was banished from Moscow to honourable exile as waywode of one of the conquered Livonian cities, where he died shortly afterwards. At the same time Sylvester was secluded in a monastery. This was followed by the execution of their supporters. Many of the latter fled to Lithuania, to the enemies of the Russian state. Nevertheless in 1563 Muscovy’s troops won a very great victory: Polotsk, one of the largest cities on the Western Dvina and once the centre of a Russian principality, surrendered. King Sigismund-Augustus made peace overtures to the Moscow government and agreed to renounce all the cities and lands in Livonia conquered by the Russian troops, but Moscow was not inclined to make peace. In 1564 Prince Kurbski, a distinguished captain whom the tsar had placed at the head of the army operating in Livonia, betrayed his country and fled to Lithuania after losing a battle. In Lithuania Prince Kurbski was richly compensated for his treachery with a grant of large estates, and appointed in command of one of the armies operating against his own country (Kurbski betrayed all Ivan’s military plans to the enemy),

Kurbski ’s perfidy led to new executions. The boyars’ treason and the setbacks suffered in Livonia brought to a head the question of concentrating all power in the tsar’s hands, completely destroying the boyars’ opposition, and wiping out the last traces of feudal disunity. These were the goals that Ivan IV sought to attain when he reorganized the state administration in the beginning of 1565, Distrusting the boyars who surrounded him, the tsar suddenly quitted Moscow with a bodyguard of his noblemen. He stopped at the fortified Alexandrova Sloboda (a village within 100 km. of Moscow), whence he wrote an epistle to Moscow, addressed to the metropolitan, in which he recounted the treacheries of the boyars and reproached the clergy for having interceded on behalf of the traitors. The tsar announced that he abdicated the throne. In another epistle to the Moscow merchants and the people, the tsar wrote that 'He had no anger whatever against them," Under pressure of the Moscow populace, a deputation of the clergy and boyars went to Alexandrova Sloboda to implore the tsar to return to Moscow.

Ivan IV consented. He punislied the boyar traitors, snmmoned the Zemski Sobor (National Assembly) and set about organizing the oprichnina - a "separate estate" or select corps. The populace of the capital, frightened by the possibility of the boyars seizing power, welcomed the establishment of the new order in the realm and the institution of a reign of terror against the boyars.

Ivan IV divided the entire territory of the realm into two parts: the zemhchina, which was governed by the boyars’ duma, under the direction of the tsar, and the oprichnina, which was governed by the tsar himself. The oprichnina consisted of the finest regions located in the centre of the realm, territories which were of great military or economic significance. The city of Moscow was similarly divided. The oprichnina and the zemshchina boyars and waywodes functioned side by side. There were administrative bodies (prikazi) which governed the zemshchina and administrative bodies which governed the oprichnina. The capital of the oprichnina was Alexandrova Sloboda (the village of Alexandrov) where the tsar felt himself more secure. The oprichnina was designed to crush the power of the great feudal lords and create a corps from among the small landowning nobility, which could be relied upon to support a strong centralized state authority.

The rich feudal lords, especially the descendants of the appanage princes, had by no means lost their political power. "The state", Lenin points out, "broke up into separate lands, sometimes even into principalities which preserved the living traces of their former autonomy, and the peculiarities in their administration; sometimes they kept their own special troops (the local boyars went to war with their own regiments), special customs lines, etc. Such a situation was incompatible with the interests of the centralized feudal realm which was in the making. All princes and boyars were therefore removed from the territory of the oprichnina. Their patrimonies were taken over "for the sovereign"; in exchange they were given other, by no means equivalent, estates in remote regions where they had no political ties whatever. Their former patrimonies were distributed among the petty nobility, who formed a select corps of oprichniki. The oprichnina was headed by Malyuta Skuratov, who enjoyed the confidence of the tsar. The chief task of the oprichniki was to uproot the remaining vestiges of feudal and boyar disunity. The oprichniki were selected from the small landowning nobility. With the help of the oprichniki the tsar inaugurated a reign of terror against the boyars. Ivan IV ruthlessly executed his enemies, and massacred the upper strata of the feudal lords including even their infants, and sparing neither their servants nor peasants.

The attempts of the powerful secular and ecclesiastical vassals to rally against the tsar failed. The metropolitan Philip, who belonged to the noble family of Kolychev, tried to intercede on behalf of the boyars, but was removed from office and exiled to a monastery, where he was secretly put to death. About 1567 the boyars entered into a far-reaching conspiracy, but it was discovered and the conspirators were executed. Novgorod, in which the traditions of its former political independence were still alive, was also involved in the conspiracy. Some of the Novgorodians, including the archbishop, were ready to betray their sovereign and transfer their allegiance to Lithuania, In January 1570 the tsar headed a large punitive expedition against Novgorod. For five weeks the oprichniki tortured the population of Novgorod and drowned them in the River Volkhov. The city itself was pillaged. From Novgorod, the tsar moved to Pskov; although he pillaged the city, no cruel executions took place here.

The oprichnina satisfied the class interests of the petty and middle nobility. By means of the oprichnina the nobility extended their land holdings, receiving as they did the patrimonies confiscated from the boyars. The nobility also used the oprichnina to bring pressure to bear on the peasantry. The oprichniki seized the lands of the peasants, raised quitrents, increased the corvée, transferred peasants from other lands to their own, and committed acts of violence.

Strengthening the Tsarist Autocracy

The ruination and partial extermination of the powerful feudal lords considerably strengthened the power of the tsar and his nobles, and resulted in the establishment of an autocracy.

Prince Kurbski expressed the feelings of the boyars who had been the victims of the oprichnina. He entered into a correspondence with Ivan IV from Lithuania, in which he accused the tsar of wanton cruelty, and attempted to vindicate the boyars accused of treason. A tsar should govern jointly with the boyars and listen to their counsel, Kurbski urged upon the tsar.

In his replies Ivan IV argued that the royal power was ordained by God. It was a heinous sin to disobey the tsar; all the tsar's subjects were his servants, whom it was his will to pardon or to execute. Any attempt to limit the power of the tsar was a crime, since it weakened the defence of the country.

The struggle among the feudal lords grievously affected all sections of the population. When the estates belonging to the disgraced boyars were devastated, the peasants were the first to suffer. The expedition against Novgorod was attended by such widespread desolation that for a long time the peasant households could not recover from the effects. One of the participants of this expedition, a German in the service of the oprichnina, named Heinrich Staden, boasted that whereas he had set out on the Novgorod campaign with a single horse, he had come back with forty-nine horses and twenty-two carts laden with booty.

In 1571 the Crimean khan, Devlet Girai, made an unexpected incursion. The khan marched unopposed on Moscow, burnt the entire city with the exception of the Kremlin, and carried off an enormous number of captives. On attempting to repeat the raid the following year Devlet Girai was stopped at the Oka River by the zemski waywodes, who saved Moscow from being ravaged a second time (1572).

The tsar realized the importance of uniting all the feudal lords against the country’s external enemies. The oprichnina had by this time served its purpose. The last traces of feudal disunity had been eradicated. The boyars had been sufficiently weakened. Not only was the oprichnina no longer necessary, but it was even harmful, for it proved to have traitors in its midst. Executions began among the oprichniki themselves. In 1672 the oprichnina was abolished.

Despite its negative aspects, the oprichnina had promoted the centralization of the realm. "Nevertheless," says Staden, "the present Grand Prince has secured the establislinient of a single faith, a single weight, and a single measure throughout the land of Russia, throughout his realm! He governs alone. Everything that he commands is carried out, and everything that he forbids, does really remain forbidden. No one gainsays him, neither the clergy nor the laymen."

The autocracy promoted the consolidation of a centralized feudal realm and increased its powers of defence. It is therefore to be regarded as a beneficial influence in comparison with the former conditions of national disunity. The establishment of an autocracy was in the interests of the majority of the feudal class. The petty and middle nobility were able to secure their domination over the peasants and extend their estates only by means of the unlimited autocratic power of the tsar.

The autocracy also served the interests of the merchants, since the survivals of feudal disunity hampered the development of trade among the various regions of the country. The merchants therefore vigorously supported all the efforts of the tsar to strengthen the unity of the realm. On the other hand, a powerful state facilitated the seizure of new markets in the east and the west. The autocratic state was built up at the expense of the toiling peasantry. To the latter the autocracy brought heavier feudal oppression, and permitted the nobility to enthrall the peasants on their lands still more. But in those days the people believed in a benign tsar, and looked upon him as their protector against the evil boyars. The people therefore gave Ivan IV the imposing title of Grozny (the Dread), which to them signified mighty, just, and mercilessly cruel to the enemy.

End of the Livonian War

Progress of the Livonian War

The interference of Sweden, Poland and Lithuania in the Livonian war extremely complicated the situation in the Baltic. Muscovy now had to contend not with an enfeebled Order, but with three powerful states. Ivan IV was supported by the National Assembly, consisting of representatives of the ruling classes, which he had convened in 1566. The assembly was attended by the church prelates, the military servitors of the capital, landlords from the Lithuanian border districts, and the rich merchants. The assembly insisted upon continuing the war until the whole of Livonia was annexed. Meanwhile a temporary truce was signed.

At the Diet which met at Lublin in 1569 a new union was formed, by which Poland and Lithuania constituted a single Polish-Lithuanian state, known as Rzecz Pospolita, ruled by an elected king. The powerful Lithuanian feudal lords reluctantly consented to this arrangement, which threatened to curtail their own rights and privileges, but, as they themselves said, "the enemy was at their heels." Furthermore, they not only received no support from the Byelorussian and Ukrainian feudal lords, who were subject to Lithuania, but even from their own szlachta (gentry). The szlachta advocated a rapprochement with Poland, because they counted on receiving Poland's help against Muscovy. The Lithuanian gentry also endeavoured to secure for themselves the privileges which the Polish gentry enjoyed. The Union of Lublin considerably strengthened the Polish-Lithuanian coalition in the struggle against Russia.

After the death of Sigismund-Augustus, the Rzecz Pospolita elected Stephen Bathory as king (1676), Within a short time he reorganized the army, creating a trained infantry of German and Hungarian mercenaries, and a good artillery. He replaced Polish-Lithuanian defensive tactics by a policy of active offensive.

In 1579 Bathory suddenly appeared before Polotsk. After nearly a month’s siege, Polotsk was captured.

Bathory did not confine himself to recovering the cities previously conquered by the Russians; he crossed the old frontier of the Russian state, with the aim of conquering Russia— "rich India" as he called it. In the autumn of 1581 he invested Pskov with an army of 100,000, and after surrounding the city with a network of trenches, proceeded to bombard it. When a breach had been made, the besiegers stormed the walls and seized two towers. The Russians blew up one of them and drove the enemy out of the other. The Poles withdrew after sustaining heavy casualties. Although the siege became a protracted one, Bathory was unable to take Pskov.

Ivan IV was simultaneously obliged to wage war against Sweden, who likewise laid claim to the Baltic province and had captured the city of Revel. The attempts of the Russian troops to capture Revel failed. The Swedes had carried their arms into Russian Karelia, and were conquering Russian cities. Thus Ivan IV met with failure on all fronts.

Conclusion of Peace

The heroic defence of Pskov made possible the opening of peace negotiations. A truce was concluded with Poland in 1582, Ivan IV renounced all his conquests in Livonia; Bathory returned the Russian cities he had taken. The next year a truce was also signed with Sweden, at the cost of abandoning to it the cities captured by the Swedes (Yam, Koporye, Ivan-gorod). Thus, the 25 years’ war (1558-1683) for possession of the Baltic seaboard came to nothing. Here was reflected the backwardness of the Russian state. This war was, however, inevitable— the blockade of Russia by Poland, Sweden and Germany had to be broken at all costs. The war also demonstrated to Western Europe the strength of the new realm and its readiness to fight for the Baltic.

Ivan IV

Ivan IV died in 1584. He was a man of great natural ability and foresight. Well-educated for his time, he liked to write and wrote well, and possessed a keen and subtle intellect. Both in his home and foreign policy he mapped out the country’s aims and tasks with sagacity and profound judgment and prosecuted them dogggedly and indefatigably. His conception of Russia’s needs of the Baltic seaboard does credit to his farsightedness, but his idea was not realized until the reign of Peter I. In his conflict with the boyars Ivan IV espoused the cause of a centralized feudal state, at the head of which he stood. He wrote to Kurbski: "Who can wage war against the enemies if the realm is rent by internecine strife?" Unbalanced and turbulent, Ivan IV was not always responsible for his actions. In a fit of ungovernable fury he struck his eldest son, Prince Ivan, a blow with his staff, which proved fatal. The reign of Ivan IV marked a very important period in the history of Russia. Under him the Russian state put an end to feudal partition and became a united, powerful state capable of defending itself against its external enemies. During his rule the international prestige of Russia grew immeasuiably. Ivan IV has gone down in folk songs and legends as a "dread" tsar who dealt out punishment to the boyar traitors.

Subjugation of the People of Western Siberia at the End of the 16th Century

The Stroganov Domains

At the close of Ivan IV's reign Russia commenced the subjugation of Western Siberia, The first steps in this direction were undertaken by the rich salt traders, the Stroganovs. Six years after the conquest of Kazan (1558) they secured permission from the Moscow goveimnent to seize the lands along the Kama. Having ousted the natives, the Mansi (Voguls), the Stroganovs started to set up salt works on which they employed the gratuitous labour of serf settlers. For the protection of their domains the Stroganovs built foitified settlements, equipped with artillery, and guarded by volunteers. The tsar made the Stroganovs absolute sovereigns on their patrimonies. The Mansi and other peoples whom the Stroganovs had robbed of their lands and salt mines frequently attacked the settlements. On occasions they united uith the Stroganov peasants against their common exploiters. In this struggle the Mansi were, aided by their tribesmen living east of the Urals.

The head of the Siberian khanate at that time was Khan Kuchum. He killed Yediger, the vassal and tributary of the Moscow tsar, and took possession of Siberia. Ambitious to strengthen the Siberian khanate, Kuchum Khan endeavoured to extend his possessions west of the Ural Mountains. He adopted the Moslem faith as a means of consolidating his power.

The Expedition of Yermak

In the 16th century there were many "Free Cossacks" living in the Don steppes on the outskirts of the Russian state. In the main they were peasants and thralls who had fled from the oppression of their feudal lords. The Stroganovs enlisted their services and organized them into military detachments for the purpose of protecting their existing possessions and extending them fuither eastward. In 1581 the Stroganovs fitted out a detachment of Cossack mercenaries whom they supplied with food, arms, and boats, and sent across the Urals under the leadership of ataman Yermak Timofeyevich. The detachment sailed up the Chusovaya River, a tributary of the Kama, and after spending the winter in a mountain pass, hauled their boats in the spring by portage to one of the tributaries of the Tura River, which flows into the Tobol. The country was sparsely populated and the Cossacks advanced without hardly meeting any opposition. Coming out on the Tobol, they entered the territory of the Siberian khanate. They encountered their first serious resistance not far from the capital of the Siberian khanate, where the Tobol River flows into the Irtysh. Here Kuchum had erected a fortified outpost and rallied a large lorce among his subject Tatar and Ural-Altaic tribes— the Mansi (Voguls) and the Khanti (Ostiaks), who met the Cossacks with a rain of arrows. The Cossacks retorted with their firearms and attacked the fort. A hand-to-hand fight ensued. The Khanti and Mansi were unable to withstand the onslaught and were the first to take flight, throwing the ranks of the Tatars into confusion. The Cossacks pursued and slew the fleeing enemy. After this defeat Kuchum abandoned his capital and fled south into the steppe; Yermak and his Cossacks entered a deserted town. The neighbouring population hastened to submit to the conqueror. Realizing that it would be impossible for a small band to hold out among a hostile people Yermak sent messengers to Moscow informing the tsar of the conquest of the Siberian khanate and asking for help.

While waiting for assistance, the Cossacks went on with their subjugation of the outlying lands. The natives, armed only with spears and airows mostly tipped with bone instead of iron, were unable to contend against the Cossacks’ firearms. Despite its swift success, Yermak’s small detachment soon found itself in difficulties. Even the arrival of an auxiliary detachment of the tsar’s troops did not save the situation. Owing to a shortage of food, the Russian men succumbed to scurvy, Yermak himself perished after falling into an ambush laid for him by Kuchum. Yermak missed his footing in attempting to leap into his boat and was drowned in the Irtysh. The survivors were forced to abandon Siberia. The khanate capital was once more occupied by the Tatars.

Annexation of Western Siberia

It was not until after Ivan IV’s death that waywodes were sent into Siberia at the head of a strong force. In 1586 they built the city of Tyumen on the ruins of the Tatar city bearing the same name, whence they commenced the gradual conquest of the land. The following year a small settlement, Tobolsk, was founded on the Tobol not far from Kuchum ’s former capital, which had been completely abandoned by its inhabitants. Tobolsk became the centre of tsarist dominion in Western Siberia. The years that followed saw the conquest of the neighbouring tribes of Mansi and Khanti.

However, the struggle against Kuchum was not yet over. He continued to roam the Baraba steppe and constantly harassed the frontier regions. It was not until 1598 that Kuchum suffered a complete defeat, one from which he never recovered.

The relatively quick victory over the Siberian khanate is accounted for not only by the technical superiority of the Russian troops, but also by the absence of political unity among the Tatars. The Siberian khanate was split up into a number of small domains loosely held together. Kuchum’s vassals deserted him at the first rebuff. Still weaker was the association between the Siberian khanate and its vassal Ostiak and Vogul princelings who had taken part in the khan's war only under compulsion and had fled at the first opportunity.

The subjugated peoples were taxed with a tribute, which went into the tsar's treasury. The tribute was paid in sable skins and other valuable furs. In addition to the royal tribute the Siberian peoples had to make gifts to the waywodes and the military. Hostages were taken to enforce the payment of tribute. The government also resorted to bribes by rewarding the local princelings with miscellaneous gewgaws for regular payment of tribute and according them the "sovereign favour," i.e., treating them with wine, etc. The Siberian furs were very valuable, and sold by the state in foreign countries they constituted an important source of revenue to cover military and other expenses of the realm.

The military penetration of Siberia was closely followed by the infiltration of Muscovy merchants. They carried with them cheap merchandise such as little bells, fragments of fabric, and various other trifles in exchange for which they acquired valuable furs from the Siberian peoples. The merchants would shamelessly get the taiga people drunk and obtain their sables and other furs from them for a mere song. But Russian peasants and Russian artisans also came to Western Siberia. They brought with them the technique of the Russian crafts and the threefield system of tillage, which was unknown to the Siberians before the appearance of the Russians.

Thus in the 16 th century the dominion of the Muscovy tsars had extended over a number of other peoples besides the Russians —the Kazan and Astrakhan Tatars, the Mordvinians, the Mari, Chuvashes, Udmurts, Bashkirs and the peoples of Western Siberia. Thus Russia gradually became a multi-national state. The non-Russian, weaker peoples were forcibly incorporated into the powerful Russian nation.

Crafts and Trade in Russia in the 16th Century

The coalescence of Eastern Euiope into a centralized multi-national state was only possible with the development of economic intercourse between the various territories of the realm. The development of money commodity relations that took place in the 16th century stimulated the economic unification of the country and facilitated the process of political consolidation.

Petty handicraft production was prevalent in the cities and villages of Russia in the 16th century. In large cities such as Novgorod and Kazan over a hundred different kinds of handicraft production existed. There were masters who specialized in the manufacture of metal implements and various kinds of metal wares such as earrings, pins, nails, etc., and the sewing of sarafans, mantles, warm sleeveless jackets, etc. The products of the artisans were bought up by merchants who conveyed them to Siberia where they were exchanged for furs, which were then resold to foreigners. In this way connections were established between the various markets, which eventually became amalgamated into a single all-Russian market.

Russia’s commerce with the East and the West developed considerably in the 16th century. With the conquest of Kazan and Astrakhan the entire Volga waterway proved to be in Moscow’s hands. This contributed to the stimulation of trade with Azerbaijan, Persia and Bokhara.

Intercourse between Russia and Western Europe was impeded by the intervening territories of a hostile Poland and Lithuania and the domains of the German Order.

The 16th century was the flourishing age of English commerce. English merchants were engaged in a strenuous struggle with the Spaniards and Portuguese, who had till then been masters of the sea. The sea route to India (around Africa) was in the hands of the Portuguese. The English merchantry equipped an expedition to seek a route of communication with India via the Arctic Ocean, that is, through that Great Northern Sea Passage which only became available for navigation under Soviet power. The expedition failed. But one ship, under the command of Captain Chancellor was carried by a storm into the White Sea and to the mouth of the Northern Dvina. Thus, in 1553 the English discovered a direct sea route to Russia. Chancellor entered into negotiations with the waywode of Kholmogor, who notified Ivan IV of the arrival of the English captain. The latter was summoned to the capital. Ivan IV fully appreciated all the advantages to be derived from direct relations with one of the richest mercantile countries of Europe. He granted the English the right of trading in the Russian empire on the most favourable terms. Russia’s own industry was poorly developed. The country received from England woolen and other fabrics, metals and metal wares, as well as spices and other re-exports from Asia, Africa and America. In exchange the English merchants took Russian raw materials such as furs, hemp, pork, etc., and also acquired eastern goods, especially Azerbaijan silks.

Upon the heels of the English came the Dutch, who also began to use the White Sea route for trade with Muscovy. Soon after the death of Ivan IV the city of Archangel was built not far from the mouth of the Northern Dvina. Fairs at which Russian traders met foreign merchants were held here annually, But the White Sea was covered with ice for a great part of the year, and could only be used in the summer months. This explains Russia’s persistent efforts to obtain a footing on the Baltic seaboard.

Active commerce with Western Europe and the East had a verystimulating effect on the Russian home market. Traders were attracted eastward, to the Urals, for valuable furs; and nautical expeditions were equipped to the Gulf of Ob in quest of sable hunting grounds.

Life and Culture in the 16th Century

Russian Customs in the 16th Century

During the period of the Tatar-Mongol yoke civilization in the Russian state was behind that of Western Europe. Prevailing family customs were generally crude. The father was lord and master both of his serfs and his wife and children.

A book was written in the 16th century, called Domostroi, which was a sort of code of household instructions and worldly wisdom for the edification of the ruling classes. Much space in this volume is devoted to the upbringing of children and the schooling of a man’s wife, in "the ways of virtue." The rules laid down by the Domostroi, however, were not far removed from harsh reality. It recommended that one’s wife and children should be kept under rigorous constraint. The Domostroi was the favourite reading of literate Russians in the 16th century. It has come down to us in a transcription made by the priest Sylvester for his son.

Enlightenment and Art in the 16th Century

Very few Russians were literate. Even among the clergy there were men who were barely able to spell. Books were manuscript, and therefore rare and costly. Ignorant transcribers made many mistakes and omissions which often distorted the meaning. The greatest demand was for fortune-telling. books, which were looked upon as some sort of magic. The crudest superstitions were prevalent.

Ivan IV realized that education was necessary in order to combat ignorance. In 1551 a synod (convocation of the clergy) was held in Moscow for the purpose of strengthening the authority of the church. At this assembly the tsar proposed that measures should be taken to remedy the more flagrant depravities in the life of the clergy (drunkenness, etc.) and to spread enlightenment among the population. The clergy were directed to open up schools for teaching children to read and write. The decisions of the assembly formed a volume which was called Stoglav (meaning a hundred chapters), but these decisions were not carried out, Ivan IV did not succeed in creating his schools because there were too few people in Russia at that time sufficiently educated to teach.

Despite all difficulties, Ivan IV founded a printing press in Moscow, which struck off several scriptural books. Two Russian masters, Ivan Fyodorov and Peter Mstislavets, worked at this printing press. The first Russian printed book appeared in 1564. Technically, it was done well. Many people in those days regarded printed books as the work of the devil. The semi-literate copyists feared that with the development of printing they might lose their means of livelihood. They incited a mob to wreck the "'printing establishment." Ivan Fyodorov and his colleague continued their useful activities in Byelorussia and the Ukraine and did much for the development of printing, Ivan IV was not to be daunted by his first failure. He set up a new printery in Alexandrova Sloboda, where the first Russian secular book, a history of Russia’s and Poland’s international relations, was printed (1670).

While literacy among the masses was poorly developed, there were educated people among the Moscow clergy and boyars in the 16th century. They produced several outstanding writers, chief among whom was the metropolitan Makari. Under his patronage there arose a small group of literary men. Other books appeared, among them the Stepennaya Kniga ("Book of Degrees," or 'Pedigrees") being a history of the rise of Muscovy from the Kiev Prince, Vladimir, and his grandmother, Olga, down to Ivan IV, Tsar Ivan IV himself was a writer of no mean gifts. Prince Kurbski, who was well educated, was also a man of letters. He was the author of the History of the Grand Prince of Moscow book of reminiscences on the reign of Ivan IV, written in defence of the boyars and sharply hostile to the tsar. Kurbski ’s epistles to Tsar Ivan showed remarkable literary merit for the times.

An original and vivid native Russian art came into being in the 16th century. An outstanding example of the architecture of those days is the church in the village of Kolomenskoye near Moscow and the St. Basil's Cathedial in Moscow, now turned into a museum. The cathedral, which was built by the Russian craftsmen Postnik Yakovlev and Barma, is a veritable masterpiece of ancient Russian art. Pskov craftsmen were also famous as painters. Their work hears traces of Western influence.

The spread of education was hampered by the fact that Russia was out off from the more cultured countries of Western Europe by Poland and Lithuania. Bearing that with the spread of education Russia would grow too powerful, the Polish and Lithuanian feudal lords, as well as the Pope, the German emperor and the Swedish king did their utmost to prevent the establishment of regular intercourse between Russia and Europe.

The Peoples of Russia in the 17th Century

The Peasant War and the Struggle against Polish and Swedish Intervention in Russia at the Beginning of the 17th Century

The Russian State before the Peasant War

Serfdom

In th© second half of the 16th century, the lot of the peasants became a very hard one. The landed proprietors, who were in financial straits, extended seignorial tilths and increased taxation of the peasants in money and kind. Formerly the extent of the peasant ’s servile tenures had been fixed by custom : the peasant tilled the seignori al land and paid his quitrent "as of old." Ignoring this established tradition, the landlords, in the 16th century, themselves determined the payments and tenures of their peasants. The royal proclamations required the peasants to obey their landlords in all things, to do whatever the landlords told them to do, pay their quitrent, etc. Great expenditures had been incurred by the Livonian war. The monetary taxes imposed on the peasants and the urban trading popu lation and craftsmen were increased manifold. Seeking to escape from oppietofaue labours taxation and bLaxvation, the peasants left their homes and villages en masse and went to the east, beyond the Volga; even more went south, beyond the Oka River, where lay the almost uninhabited black-earth steppe, and where a fugitive peasant could not easily be found. This migration of the peasants caused a serious void in the central regions.

Deprived of labour hands the feudal estates of the landlords found themselves in a difficult plight. The landowners who suffered from a shortage of hands competed with others in trying to attract settlers to their lands. Every year on the eve of St. George’s Day this keen competition for peasant labour opened up anew. Most of the peasants lacked the moiiey to settle accounts with their landlords. The bai liffs of competing landlords would then make the settlement on their behalf and convey the peasants to the estates of their new masters* Rich, powerful landowners would even organize raids on their neigh hours’ estates, and carry off the peasants in chains to their new dom icile. The lower and middle ranks of the nobles complained that they were unable to render the military service required of their de populated estates.

In 1581, during the defence of Pskov, Tsar Ivan IV temporarily, "pending the royal ukase" prohibited peasants to migrate on St. George’s Day. The year when the peasants were forbidden to change then* domicile even on St. George’s Day was called the first zapovedni year (year of interdict). The peasants were still more strongly fet* tered to the soil of the landlords.

The Cossacks

With the growth of serfage in the central regions of Russia there occurred a notable swelling of the ranks of the Cos sacks at the end of the 16th century, due to the influx of the Russian population to the outskirts of the country— to the upper reaches of the Oka, the Bryansk forests and to the Don. The steppe, which abound ed in wild fowl, and the rivers teeming with fish could sustain a rel atively large population on the Don, The Cossacks felt safe here from the tyranny of the landlords and the tsar’s waywodes. They did not engage in agriculture, but imported corn from Russian cities.

The Cossacks fought against Tatar and Turkish domination on the Azov and Black seas; when in luck they obtained good booty, which they divided among themselves. Sometimes the Cossacks also robbed Russian merchants on the Volga. All matters of common interest concerning expeditions, the division of spoil and relations with Moscow, were decided by the Cossacks at a meeting which was called Jcriog (circle). At these kncgs they also elected their chiefs-— atamam.

Tsar Fyodor Ivanovich

When Tsar Ivan IV (Grozny) died, he left two sons: Fyodor, a son by his first wife, Anastasia Roma nova, and the infant Dimitry, by his last wife, Maria Nagaya. Fyodor Ivanovich became tsar (1584-1598). Tsarevich Dimitry, his mother, aud her kinsfolk, the Nagiye, were banished to the small town of XTglich, which was given the young prince as his "appanage." Indeed Tsarevich Dimitry was the last of the appanage princes (1584-1591).

Tsar Fyodor was a sickly man of weak intellect and saintly char acter, very ill-fitted to govern the country. He spent his days in constant prayer, had a special fondness for ringing the church bells and amused himself with his jesters. The people openly called the new tsar a "fool." The power and government of the kingdom were seized by the tsar’s relatives and his chosen boyars. Before long the boyar, Boris Fyodorovich Godunov, came to the fore.

The Godunov family did not belong to the ancient Kussian peer age. Boris Godunov had been intimate with Ivan IV during his last years chiefly because of his family ties. Fyodor Ivanovich was married to Godunov’s sister, Irene. Boris Godunov was a man of sterling qualities and ability,* but he had not received a "bookish" (i.e., a theological) education. Unlike the well-born boyars he was no re spector of time-honoured usage, nor did he shun foreigners. One of Boris Godunov’s first acts was to banish from the court those boyars who interfered with his rule. He himself received foreign ambassadors. He ran his household* on the lines of the royal court.

Boris Godunov was fully alive to the significance of the church in the empire. The Orthodox church in Russia was administered by the metropolitan, resident in Moscow. The supreme authority in the Russian church was the patriarch who had his diocese in Constanti nople, in a country that was subject to the Turkish sultan. At the end of the 16th century the patriarchs began paying visits to Moscow on "errands of charity" to crave money or sable skins. Taking advan tage of the arrival of the Constantinople patriarch Jeremiah on such an errand of charity, Boris Godunov secured his consent to the insti tution of a separate patriarchate for the Russian church. In 1589 the first Russian patriarch was the metropolitan Job, one of Boris Godunov’s adherents.

During the last years of Tsar Fyodor’s life the direction of affairs passed entirely into Boris Godunov’s hands. He did much to strength, en the royal power and the authority of the nobility in the provinces.

The happy outcome of the second Livonian war (1590-1595) was of great significance. After the failure of the first Livonian war (1558-1583), Sweden had seized part of the Baltic seaboard that bordered closely on Muscovy’s domains. Sweden had cut Russia off from the sea and from economic and cultural intercourse with Western Europe, thus endeavouring to perpetuate Russia’s backward state of development.

The year 1590 saw the begximing of war with Sweden for an outlet to the sea, a war for the recovery of old Russian Baltic lands. Accord ing to the terms of the peace treaty concluded in 1595, restitution was made to Russia of her Kubsiaii territories on the coast of the Gulf of Finland and Lake Ladoga (Ivan gorod, Yam, Koporye, Karela). Besides military affairs, a problem that particularly disturbed the government was that of providing the landlords with peasants, for the latter still continued their spon taneous migrations to the border lands of the south, east and north. In order to return a runaway peas ant to his landlord it had to be proved that the fugitive had really livedon that landbefore he abscond ed. To facilitate this task, a new census was made of the land and population, the work being com pleted during the years of the war (1592-1693). All peasants who were thus registered as belonging to a certain landlord were henceforth considered his adscripts, or serfs. In 1597 a ukase was issued, establishing a five-year term for seeking out runaway peasants. Those not found during these five years between 1597 and 1602),

remained at their new abodes.

In the second half of the 16th century, the population became so impoverished that many of the people borrowed money on the con dition that they would work and serve on the estate of their creditor in lieu of interest. Such dependent people were called habalniye hho^ iopi— bondsmen, or serfs. After the death of their master they received their liberty. In this respect they differed from absolute bondsmen, whose servile tenure was hereditary. Formerly a freeman who worked for another in return for his bread and clothing was free to leave his master at will if he had not signed himself in bond. This ruling was now repealed. According to the ukase of 1597 any freeman who worked for another for his bread and clothing for more than six months became that personas serf. In this way Boris Godunov still further increased the servitude of the peasants and serfs in the interests of the landlords. The city poor likewise were increasingly oppressed.

In 1591 a rebellion broke out among the townsfolk of Uglich in coimection with the following incident.

The tsar’s younger brother, Tsarevich Dimitry, who had been living with his mother at Uglich, died on May 16, 1591. The morning of that day the nine-year-old Dimitry had been playing a knife game ^witH his playfellows, iinder the bupervision of his nurse and governess, when he suddenly dropped to the ground in an epileptic fit, and in doing so fell on the blade which he was holding in his hand, and cut Ms throat. The cries of the women brought his mother, Maria I^'agaya, out of the house. She began to shout that the boy had been muidered by some men sent by the Moscow scribe Bityagovsky. The crowd that gathered took advantage of the occasion to start a rebellion. The town poor demolished the scribe cpttage and destroyed all the records concerning their bondage. Bityagovsky and several of his friends were killed. Streltsi (soldiers) arrived from Moscow with a committee of enquiry, headed by Prince Vasili Shuiski. The latter pronounced that the tsarevich had accidentally inflicted the fatal wound upon himself. The Ts'iritsa Maria Nagaya was made to take the veil, while her relatives and many people of XJglioh were exiled for taking the law into their own hands. A rumour was spread among the people that the tsarevich had been killed on Boris Godunov’s orders.

Tsar Boris Godunov

With the death of Tsar Fyodor Ivanovich in 1598 the Rurik dynasty of Russian, tsars came to an end.

On the death of Tsar Fyodor, Boris Godunov, having won the support of the nobility, had no dangerous rivals. The National As sembly {Zemsky Sobor) which met in 1598 and on which the nobles and merchants were in the majority, elected Boris Godunov as the Tsar of Muscovy. Boris Godunov continued Ivan IV ’s policy of intro ducing order into the realm. He too persecuted the descendants of the ancient families of princes and boyars. The scions of the late boyar, Nikita Romanovich Zakharyin, or the Romanovs, as they came to» he called, gave him special cause for anxiety. The Romanovs were related to Tsar Fyodor, and the eldest of them, Fyodor Nikitich, had many followers among the nobility and part of the townsfolk. Boris Godunov made use of secret information against the Romanovs to accuse them of plotting against the tsar, and exiled all the brothers* to the north, The oldest of them, Fyodor Romanov, was tonsured under the name of "Father Philaret." Godunov triumphed over his boyar enemies. But he was now confronted with a new, ominous dan ger— the peasant movement.

In 1601 a famine set in. Rains aud early autumn frosts had killed the harvest. The following spring the fields under winter rye yielded no crops. The peasants did not even have seed for the spring sowing. The starving population lived on weeds and birch bark, '\^ole villages died out. Even in Moscow corpses lay unburied about the streets. The terrible famine lasted three years (1601-1603). The landlords, monas teries aud merchants, who had large stocks of corn, made the most of the high prices on corn to build up large fortunes. The boyars aud the uobles refused to feed their serf domestics aud drove them oiSF their estates. Fearing hunger riots, Boiis Godunov gave ordeis for corn to be distributed from the state granaries, but the distributors got more of it than the famine-stricken people. Government stocks were inadequate to feed the starving population. On the other hand the landowners, including the monks and the patriarch, had full granaries, but they delayed releasing corn for sale, in the expectation of prices mounting still higher.

The starving peasants and serfs started forming detachments and attacked the landlords and merchants. Others left for the Bon and the Bryansk forests. In 1603 a large detachment of peasants and seifs, under the leadership of IGilopko Kosolap made its way to the out skirts of the capital. A fierce battle took place, during which the tsar’s waywode, Ivan Basmanov, was killed. The royal troops had great difficulty in driving off the insurgents from the capital. Khlopko Kosolap, covered with wounds, was taken prisoner and soon died. Many of the peasants and serfs were hung by the tsar’s waywodes on trees along the roads leading to Moscow.

Attempts of the Polish Gentry to Subjugate the Russian State. False Dimitry I

The Polish Minion, False Dimitry I

Soon after the conclusion of truce with Muscovy, the Polish king, Stephen Bathory, conceived a new plan for conquering Russia. However, after his death (in 1686) Poland’s internal condition did not permit her to begin open warfare. Under the new king, Sigismund III, Poland decided to take advantage of the peasant uprising in Russia to seize and subjugate the country. To accomplish this purpose Poland used the pretender— False Bimitry I as their tool. This plan of intervention was energetically supported by the Pope. The rumour that Tsarevich Bimitry had not been mur dered at Uglich but had escaped and was living in Poland was spread soon after Boris Godunov ascended the throne. At this time a man. appeared at the castle of Adam Wisniowiecki in the Ukraine who declared himself to be Dimitry, the son of Ivan IV. When the Moscow government heard of the appearance of the impostor in Poland, it declared the False Bimitry to be no other than the former monk, Grigofi Otrepyev, born of a family of petty Kostroma nobles. In his youth he had wandered from monastery to monastery, had spent some time in Moscow, and then fled to Poland with three other monks. The identity of the False Bimitry is still obscure.

The news of the appearance of False Bimitry was enthusiastically greeted by the Polish gentry. False Pimitry was removed to a relative of Wisniowiecki ’s, the waywode Yuri Maiszek of Sambor. In the spring of 1604 King Sigismund III received the False Dimitry in Cracow. After negotiations with the gentry and szlachta it was decided not to begin open war against Kussia, but to permit all the gentry who wished to do so, to enlist in False Dimitry's army. All prepara tions for the campaign were made in Sambor. Its organizers were powerful Polish magnates avid for conquest of new domains. They were readily joined by the petty Polish gentry who dreamed of rich spoils in Russia.

False Dimitry made specious promises to the Pope, the Polish king and the gentry. He adopted the Catholic faith and undertook to convert the Russian population to the Roman church. He also promised the king the city of Smolensk and the land of Seversfc (Cher nigov). To Mniszek's family False Dimitry planned to turn over the administration of the Novgorod and Pskov regions, as well as money and jewels from the tsar's treasury. On these terms Yuri Mniszek agreed to the marriage of his daughter Marina to False Dimitry; Marina was to become the Russian tsaritsa.

Late in the autumn of 1604 False Dimitry and a Polish contingent of 4,000 soldiers and several hundred Russian Cossacks crossed the Dnieper near Kiev. The first cities surrendered to False Dimitry practically without offering any resistance. Cossacks, fugitive peas ants, serfs, the petty military servitors— all who were dissatisfied with Boris Godunov— rallied to False Dimitry. At fii'st the misled peasants really believed that False Dimitry was the son of Ivan Grozny and hoped that he would free them from serf bondage. Towards the end of 1604 the tsar’s army went to the relief of Novgorod-Seversk which was besieged by the Poles and False Dimitry. A battle took place near this city, but without any decisive result. False Dimitry tried to avoid the tsar’s troops and headed for Sevsk. In January 1605 he was defeated at the village of Dobrynichi, near Sevsk and fled to Putivl with the remnants of his force.

In spite of his victory, Boi is Godunov’s position became increas ingly worse, as ever new detachments of insurgents kept appearing in many places. The tsar’s main forces were engaged in besieging the small fortress of Kromy in which, a body of Don Cossacks who had joined False* Dimitry had entrenched themselves. But the tsar ’s troops refused to fight; many of the soldiers deserted from the army and went home.

In April 1605 Tsar Boris Godunov suddenly died. His sixteen year-old son, Fyodor, was proclaimed tsar. The death of Boris Go dunov removed the last barrier to the progress of the pretender. At Kiomy the remnants of the tsar’s troops, under Peter Basmanov, went over to False Dimitry,

The boyars, eager to see the downfall of the hated Godunovs, hastened to effect a coup in favour of the alleged Tsarevioh Dimitry, with the intention of subsequently seizing the power themselves. Prince Vasili Ivanovich IShuiski retracted his former testimony con cerning the death of Tsarevioh Dimitry at Uglich, and declared that Godunov had wanted to kill the tsarevioh, but that the latter had escaped death, that he was alive and on his way to the capital. When False Dimitry’s heralds arrived in Moscow with his message to the people, the boyars assassinated Tsar Fyodor Borisovich and his mother. False Dimitry approached Moscow without encountering any further resistance. In June 1605 the Poles made their entry into the Russian capital.

False Dimitry in Moscow

Soon after False Dimitry, with the aid of the Poles, seized the throne of the tsar, he revealed his true aims. The lot of the peasants was in no way alleviated. The fugitive peasants, except those who had left during the famine because of their inability to feed themselves, were returned to their former landlords. The Polish gentry who had come with False Dimitry aroused the general indignation of the Russian population by their arrogant and insolent behaviour. False Dimitry surrounded himself with a bodyguard of foreign mercenaries. He sent large sums of money to Poland. In Moscow the people openly complained against the tsar.

In the spring of 1606 Marina came to Moscow, in the company of a huge suite and new detachments of the Polish gentiy. The marriage of Marina and False Dimitry was noisily celebrated and wassail was held for several days. The drunken szlachta committed new excesses. Hatred for the Poles, who conducted themselves so insolently in the Russian capital, reached such a pitch that a popular outbreak could be expected any day.

The boyars took advantage of this discontent on the part of the population to form a conspiracy, headed by Prince V. I. Shuiski .

At dawn on !May 17, 1606, the tolling of a bell gave the signal for an alarm throughout the capital. The Muscovites shouted to each other: *'On against the LitvasI Down with the Litvas!" (The Russians called the Poles "Litvas."}

False Dimitry learned of the danger when a crowd had already filled the square in front of the palace. In attempting to escape he leapt out of a window, and seriously hurt himself in the fall. He was found and killed. A few days later the body of False Dimitry was burnt, the ashes being rammed into a cannon and shot back in the direction whence he had come. Meanwhile, the populace throughout the city were engaged in a massacre of the Polish gentry, who had barricaded themselves in their houses. Using* knives and stones the Muscovites attacked the houses which the well-armed Poles had con verted into small fortresses. About 2,000 of the Polish gentry and soldiers were killed; the others suriendered.

Fearing the popular rebellion, the boyars hastened to stem it. What they needed first of all was to lestoie the royal authority. They accordingly proposed making the boyar V. I. Shuiski, who came from an ancient princely family, the tsar. The boyars were reluctant to convene the National Assembly for this purpose, fearing that most of the nobles and townspeople would be opposed to the boyars, Vasili Shuiski was therefore proclaimed tsar without any election. His name was shouted out to a crowd of people that had assembled before the Kremlin on May 19, and which consisted for the most part of Shuiski faction.

Thus the first attempt of the Poles to place their own piotegS on the Moscow throne ended in utter failure. The Hussian people crushed the interventionists.

Tsar Vasili Shuiski (1606–1610)

Vasili Shuiski gave the boyars his pledge that he would rule the country in agreement with them. The tsar was sworn in on the cross, pledging himself not to pass sentence of death, or confiscate the property of a convicted man’s relatives without the consent of the boyars’ duma. Proclamations were promul gated to the diflFerent cities, in which Shuiski proved his right to the throne. The wealthy boyars hastened to seize the best and most lucrative posts.

The ascension of Vasili Shuiski to the throne provoked a fresh out burst of dissatisfaction in the country. The nobles would not be recon ciled to the usurpation of power by the boyars. Disturbances broke out in Moscow itself, among the poor townsfolk. Fearing an uprising in the capi tal, the boyars quickly prepared the ICremlin for defence, mounted can non on its walls, and removed the permanent bridge which had been thrown across the moat at the fortress gates .

Peasant Insurrection under the Leadership of Bolotnikov

The Bolotnikov Movement

In the autumn of 1606 a peasant war broke out in the southwestern cities, where numerous fugitive peasants and serfs had collected. They were joined by Cossacks and the petty ranks of the military servitors. On the Middle Volga the Mordvinians joined in the rebellion together with the Russian population. An insurreotion broke out in the south, in Astrakhan, northwest of Moscow the peasants and townsfolk of Tver, Pskov and Novgorod, rose up in revolt. Thus, within a short space of time a considerable part of the country was swept by a wave of popular uprisings.

These rebellions, however, were sporadic and lacked coordination. They were simply isolated local outbreaks . While a rebellion was starting in one region it had already run its course in another. Thus the rebels were rarely in a position to help one another. The most powerful movement was that of the peasants, serfs and Cossacks led by Ivan Bolotnikov (1606-1607).

In his youth Bolotnikov had been a boyar’s serf. Having fled to the Cossacks on the Don, he fell into the hands of the Tatars, who sold him into captivity to the Turks. For a while Bolotnikov worked at the oar on a galley, where he, like the other prisoners, was chained to his seat and "encouraged" with a whip. Bolotnikov succeeded in escaping from Turkish captivity. After visiting various Euro pean countries he made his way back to the Russian frontiei. An uprising against Shuiski having just been started in the southwest border territories, Bolotnikov took command of the rebels. According to the accounts of contemporaries, he was a stalwart man of great physical strength, and remarkable intrepidity and bravery. Foreigners called Bolotnikov a daring and experienced "knight errant.’^ In his battles against the tsar’s troops he revealed real military talent.

Wherever Bolotnikov’s detachments made their appearance the peasants rose up against the landlords and joined the insurgents. The poor townsfolk also went over to his side. Bolotnikov’s army movea swiftly on Moscow from Putivl, via Kromy, Serpukhov and Kolomna, routing the tsar’s detachments as it advanced. At Yelets the insurgents found large stores of arms which had been laid up by False Dimitry I, On the road to Moscow Bolotnikov was joined by Tula nobles (headed by Istoma Pashkov) , who were dissatisfied with the boyars ’ govern ment, and also by the brothers Prokopi and Zakhar Lyapunov, who led the Ryazan landlords. Supplemented by these detachments of nobles, Bolotnikov’s army grew much larger, but it was less homogeneous and less reliable.

In the middle of October 1606 Bolotnikov appeared before Moscow. The capital was well protected by triple stone walls. Bolotnikov was unable to take it by storm, and he set down to a siege. He wrote appeals and circulated them among the population. The boyars called them "prelestniye" ("words of the tempter"). Bolotnikov called upon the peas ants and serfs to exterminate the boyars and landlords, and promised them the land which had been seized by the feudal lords. The nobles in Bolotnikov’s army realized that the peasants, their class enemies, represented a greater danger to them than the boyars’ government. The Ryazan nobles and the Lyapunov brothers went over to Shuiski.

In the beginning of December the tsar’s troops, having received large reinforcements, attacked Bolotnikov’s camp at the village of Kolomen skoye, near Moscow. At the height of the battle the Tula nobles, under Tstoma Pashkov, also went over to Shuiski, their treachery facilitating the victory of the tsar’s troops. Bolotnikov with the remnants of his detachment retreated to the south and entrenched themselves in Kaluga. Desirous of winning the nobles over to his side, Tsar Vasili Shuiski extended the period for the search of fugitive peasants from five to fifteen years. In the spring of 1607 a large tsarist army laid siege to Kaluga, but fresh detachments of rebels came to Bolotnikov’s aid. Shuiski ’s troops suffered defeat and were forced to raise the siege. Bolotnikov movedtoTula, where he was joined by fresh Cossack contin gents. Among them was a new pretender who claimed to be Peter, the son of I^odor Ivanovich, though Tsar lyodor had not had any sons.

The summer of that year Shuiski again tallied a big army.

Por four months Bolotnikov defended himself in Tula against an overwhelmingly superior foe. In spite of hunger and a shortage of arms, the besieged made daring sallies every day and inflicted heavy losses upon the tsar’s army. The tsar’s waywodes feared that their troops would be unable to endure a winter siege. A dam was therefore built near Tula, to stop the flow of the Upa Kiver . The water rushed into the city and flooded what remained of the food and powder supplies. Only then did the besieged enter into negotiations for surrender. Tsar Vasili Shuiski promised to give all the rebels their freedom. But he did not keep his word. Ivan Bolotnikov was sent north, to Kargopol, where he was blinded and drowned. Many of those who had taken part in the uprising were made Jcholopi (household slaves) and the serf peas ants were handed over to the nobles.

The Bolotnikov rebellion, like all the other peasant uprisings in the period of feudalism, ended in the defeat of the rebels. These peasant uprisings were spontaneous outbreaks; the peasants and serfs were poorly armed; they had no military training, and could not wage a protracted • war against the better organized and better armed troops of the tsar. The peasants felt the injustice and oppressiveness of feudal power, but did not know how to overthrow it. They believed in a "benign" tsar and hoped to obtain their emancipation from him.

Bolotnikov perished, his detachments were dispersed, but the revolt against Shuiski continued. On the Volga, the peoples enslaved by tsar ism, the Mordvinians and the Mari (Cheremissi) , rebelled. Together with the Eussian peasants and serfs they besieged Nizhni Novgorod, The tsar^s troops drove the rebels away from the city, but in the autumn of 1608 the whole Middle Volga was once more in the throes of a rebel lion.

Polish and Swedish Hostilities in 1608–1610

New Polish Minion, False Dimitry II

The Poles did not cease their aggressive activities against Russia. On the very day that False Dimitry I died, the Poles spread a rumour in Moscow that another per son had been killed, instead of him. However, the Poles were not imme diately able to send fresh troops to Russia owing to trouble within their own country where malcontents among the Polish gentry had raised an insurrection against the king for attempting to encroach on their liber ties. The insurgents were defeated by the king ’s troops in 1607, when Si gismund HI was once moie free to turn his attention to Russian affairs. In the autumn of 1607 a new Polish minion, who likewise assumed the name of Tsarevich Dimitry Ivanovich, False Dimitry II, appeared on the frontier of Muscovy .The Poles sent the new False Dimitry large mili tary forces, including contingents of Polish regulars. A relative of the Lithuanian chancellor, Jan Sapieha, brought up a detachment of 7,500 soldiers (infantry and cavalry). Hetman Rozinski came with a detach ment of 4,000 men. Detachments of Don and Zaporozhye Cossacks also joined False Dimitry H.

In the spring of 1608 the tsar’s troops were defeated in a two day battle near Bolkhov. False Dimitry II^s main forces moved on to wards Moscow by way of Kaluga and Mozhaisk. They made an attempt to seize Moscow, but were repulsed. The Poles then set up a fortified camp near the village of Tushino, on the high bank of the Moskva Rjver, not far from the capital. False Dimitry II was named the 'T?ushino tsax^’ or the '"Thief of Tushino" after the name of the Tushino camp (political criminals in Muscovy were called thieves).

At Tushino False Dimitry II brought his army into fighting trim. Ivan Zarutsky, one of the Polish szlachtahj descent, took command of the Cossacks. The general command was left in the hands of the Poles.

Moscow’s position became very grave. Famine set in in the city. Discontent with the tsar increased. Many boyars and nobles foreseeing the speedy downfall of Vasili Shuiski, went over to the Tushino camp, where False Dimitry II granted them charters to certain estates, and other awards. Some of the nobles changed sides several times, going hack and forth between Moscow and Tushino. These people were called ^erelyoty (birds of passage).

EfeiVing invested Moscow the Tushino detachments began to spreaci in various directions from the capital. The Troitsk-Sergiyev Monastery (70 km. from Moscow, now called Zagorsk) behind whose high fortress walls the surrounding peasant population entrenched themselves, heroic ally resisted the Polish invaders. The monastery’s defenders withstood the fierce cannon bombardment and bravely repulsed all attacks of the enemy, inflicting heavy losses upon the Poles during their sallies. But the Tushino troops met with considerable success in the region of the Upper Volga. The rich cities of the Volga and the north, such as \aroslavl, Vologda, Kostroma and others, recognized the power of False Dimitry II. Many people really believed they were fighting against the hated tsar of the boyars and for "Tsarevich Dimitry."

Partisan War Against the Poles

Slowly people’s eyes were opened to the imposture. Poles began to make their appearance in the cities, confiscating the merchants’ goods and imposing heavy taxes upon the peasants and craftsmen. In the rural districts Tushino detachments robbed the peasants, took away their corn andhay, killed the inhabit ants and burnt their houses and farms. The Polish gentry took Russian cities and estates on "indemnity," that is, they collected revenue from them for their own benefit. The peasants in the countryside, and petty craftsmen, military servitors and tradespeople in the cities began to fight the invaders. Peasant detachments sprang up, commanded by peasants, serfs, or military servitors. They boldly attacked the well armed Polish troops. By the end of 1608 partisan warfare was rife throughout the country.

Tsar Vasili Shuiski, realizing that he would not be able to cope with the rebels and Poles of Tushino and fearing the peasant disturbances in the country, had recourse to foreign intervention, soliciting the help of the Swedish king, Charles IX. According to the treaty concluded between them, the city of Karela (Kexholm) and its county were ceded to Swe den who, on her part, promised Vasili Shuiski military assistance in driving out the Polish detachments and restoring the tsar’s power in the country, Sweden in fact had long been waiting for an opportunity to seize Russian frontier territory and again cut Russia off from the sea. The Swedish king sent a strong body of troops under Jacob Delagar die to Novgorod in the spring of 1609. This force consisted of 15,000 mer cenaries— Swedes, Germans, English, Scots, French, and others to which the tsar’s nephew, Prince M.V. Skopin-Shuiski attached himself with his Russian soldiers. The Russo-Swedish detachment left Novgorod for Moscow, advancing through Tver, and liberating on the way the towns which had been seized by the Tushino troops.

Outbreak of War Between Russia and Poland

The resistance offered the Polish aggressors by the Russian people proved to the Polish gentry that the support they were rendering the pretenders was not achieving its goal. Meanwhile, Russia was ruined by the protracted war. Vasili Shuiski ’s government was tottering. The Polish szlachta decided that this was an opportune moment to deal Russia a decisive blow, and extend Polish domains at the expense of her weakened neighbour. Throughout the summer of 1609 Polish detach ments attacked Russia’s frontier lands and pillaged the Byelorussian peasants. In the autumn a large Polish army under King Sigismund III crossed the frontier and laid siege to Smolensk.

After Poland had comiiienoed open hositlities against Russia, she no longer had any need of False Dimitry II. Sigismund HI there fore recalled the Poles who were in the service of False Dimitry II to his own army standing before Smolensk. In the winter of 1609 the Russo-Swedish troops of Skopin-Shuiski and Delagardie, who had marched out from Novgorod were drawing close to Moscow. At their approach the Poles lifted the siege of the Troitsk-Sergiyev Monastery. Early in January 1610 False Dimitry II, deprived of Poland’s support, fled from Tushino to Kaluga, followed hy some of the Poles, who still hoped to take Moscow with his help. The Russian boyars and nobles in the service of False Dimitry H decided to come to terms with the Polish king. They agreed to recognize the Polish Prince Wladislaus as the tsar of Muscovy, and on February 4, 1610, concluded a cor responding agreement with Sigismund III. Sigismund, on behalf of his son Wladislaus, promised not to change the state system of Muscovy, to maintain the power of the nobles and their landed property, and to return the fugitive peasants to them. The Tushino camp broke up completely. In March 1610 Skopin-Shuiski and the Russo-Swedish troops entered Moscow. Skopin-Shuiski died suddenly soon afterwards. Both Shuiski and the Tushino boyars had resorted to foreign inter vention because they feared the Russian people and had no faith in its powers.

Smolensk, besieged by the Poles, defended itself stubbornly. While continuing his siege of Smolensk, the Polish king decided to send an army under the Polish hetman Zolkiewski to take Moscow. The tsar sent an army, under the command of his brother, Dimitry Shuiski, against Zolkiewski. Both armies met near the village of Klushino in June 1610. During the battle the German and Swedish mercenaries betrayed the Russians and went over to the Poles. The tsar’s troops were defeated and the way to Moscow was open. The Poles granted the Swedes who had joined them a free departure. The latter went on to Novgorod region where they began preparations for the seizure of Novgorod.

In July 1610 the starving population of Moscow rose up against Vasili Shuiski. At that time False Dimitry 11 once more approached Moscow from Kaluga. The boyars and nobility seized Vasili Shuiski and forced him to take the monastic vow, thus ensuring his seclusion from all temporal concerns.

A boyars’ government was formed in Moscow, consisting of seven of the great boyars, mostly of ancient ducal lineageThis government was known as the Bemiboyarahchim (the Seven Boyars). Actually, however, it was the rule of the Poles that was estahlidied in Muscovy.

Seizure of Moscow by the Poles and of Novgorod Region by the Swedes

Fearing a popular uprising and the seizure of the capital by False Dimitry II ’s Cossacks, the boyars’ government hastened to come to terms with Zolkiewski. It agreed to recognize Wladislaus as the tsar of Muscovy, on the condition that he rule jointly with the boyars. After concluding this agreement the boyars’ government treacherously admitted the Polish troops into Moscow. A large dep utation, which included the metropolitan Philaret, was sent to Sigismund III, outside the walls of Smolensk, to conclude peace. The Poles seized the Moscow envoys and sent them off to Poland. The nobles who were members of the deputation sent epistles to Moscow in which they described their humiliating position; they called upon the Russians not to submit to the king and his son, the prince. "Take good counsel among yourselves concerning this," they wrote, "and send om epistle to Novgorod and to Vologda and to Nizhni (Nizhni Novgorod), that it may be known to all." The Polish king’s ambition was to become the tsar of Muscovy himself.

The Moscow boyars’ government found itself in a most humiliating position. The boyars had to render complete obedience to the new chief of the Polish detachment. Several of the boyars who attempted reoistance were inamediately arrested and placed under the surveillance of Polish commissaries. The Polish gentry robbed the tsar’s treasmy in the Elremlin of its valuables. They plundered the population of the capital and committed outrages. The situation in other cities was no better. A large Polish army headed by the king continued to besiege Smolensk. The Swedes seized thfe Russian southern coast of the Gulf of Finland, and threatened Novgorod. Trade between the towns prac tically ceased. The craftsmen and petty tradesfolk were impoverished. The nobility too were ruined since they had no one to work their land. Entire regions were desolated. The Russian state broke up into separate parts. But the Russian people, even in this difficult period, did not submit to the invaders or lay down their arms.

Struggle of the Russian People against the Polish Invaders

The First Popular Levy

The Poles in Moscow tried their utmost to make the population of the capital declare their allegiance to the Polish king. The people, however, did not want to submit either to the king or to his son, the prince, nor to any other Polish authorities. Proclamations were circulated among the population, branding as traitors those Moscow boyars who had struck a bargain with the Poles. The head of the Russian church, the patriarch Hermogen, also came out against the Poles. At the end of the year 1610 he sent out proc lamations to the cities, invoking the Russian people to rally to the capital’s liberation.

The appeals of the patriarch Hermogen inflamed the popular movement against the invaders still more. On learning of these proclamations, the Polec, thiew Hoimogea into a dungeon, but were unable to break his will.

In January 1611 the Ryazan waywode, Prokopi Lyapunov, began to organize a volunteer lorce for the liberation of Moscow. The basis of this popular levy was formed by detachments of nobles, chiefly from the southern districts. Lyapunov appealed to the Cossacks and serfs, promising the Cossacks remunera»tion and the serfs emancipation. The Cossacks who had formerly been in the Tushino camp likewise responded to this call. Various cities sent out proclamations inviting eacli other to join forces for effecting the liberation of Moscow. When the Poles learned of the rallying of a Russian popular levy they tried to make the people of the capital fortify the city. But far from helping the Poles the Russians hurled down the cannon which had already been set up on the walls. The Polish szlachta fell upon the populace and started a slaughter. The population put up a furious resistance. A detachment, commanded by Prince Dimitry Mikhailovich Po zharski, began to press the Poles. The vanguard of the popular levy came up at an opportune moment. The Poles and the boyar traitors then set fire to Moscow. The battle continued among the burning buildings, but the smoke and flames forced the Russian detachments back to the outskirts of the capital. Prince Pozharski was wounded during the fighting. Several days later, in the middle of March, the main forces of the popular levy arrived upon the scene. They stood outside Moscow for some months, but were unable to liberate it.

On June 30 a covenant was drawn up defining the form of govern ment and organization of the army. The popular levy, consisting of nobles and Cossacks was placed in the charge of three "chiefs": Lya punov, as representative of the nobles, and Prince Dimitry Trubetskoi and the Cossack ataman Ivan Zarut sky — leaders of the Cossack detach ments which had formerly been in Tushino camp. The nobles were mostly concerned with ensuring land and peasants for themselves. The covenant provided that serf peasants who had quitted their land lords during the peasant war were to be returned to their original domiciles. Drawn up in the interests of the nobles, the covenant of June 30th aggravated factional strife within the popular levy. Colli sions between the nobles and the Cossacks were a constant occurrence. The Cossacks slew Prokopi Lyapunov. After his death the popular levy fell to pieces. The detachments of nobles dispersed. Only a part of the Cossack troops, under Trubetskoi and Zarutsky, remained before Moscow.

For nearly two years the valiant garrison of Smolensk repulsed the furious onslaughts of a large Polish army. Neither the fierce bom bardment, disease and lack of food, nor the alluring promises made by the king could break the resistance of the besieged. To all propos als of surrender the Smolensk people retorted that they were determined to fight to the death. In the beginning of June 1611 the Poles succeeded in blowing up part of the fortress wall. The last ferocious battle was fought out in the streets of the burning city. The inhabitants put up a desperate fight. Many of them rushed into the flames rather than fall into the hands of the enemy. A powder maga zine containing about two and a half tons of gunpowder was blown up. Many Poles and Russians perished under the debris of falling buildings during the explosion. Only a mere handful of the defendeis were taken prisoner. At about the same time the Swedes captuied Great Novgorod.

The stubborn defence of Smolensk was of signal value in that it kept the main forces of the Polish army tied up under the walls of that fortress, and facilitated the struggle of the Russian people for the liberation of their native land.

The Popular Levy of Minin and Pozharsk

The first pop ular levy, which consisted chiefly of the nobility and Cossack units, broke up by the autumn of 1611. But the struggle of the Russian people against the Polish invaders continued with unabated vigour, Kuzma Minin of Nizhni Novgorod, elected by the townsfolk as the reeve of Nizhni Novgorod, took the lead in organizing a new people’s army. He made an ardent appeal to the population to rally in defence of their country, and to spare neither life nor property in its liberation. The people of Nizhni Novgorod drew up a covenant by which they pledged obedience to their chiefs, undertook to provide funds for the army’s maintenance and not to spare themselves. On Minings proposal. Prince Dimitry Pozharski, famed for his battle against the Poles at Moscow, where he had been wounded, was invited to take command of the people’s army.

From Nizhni Novgorod, as at one time from Moscow, proclama tions were sent to other cities calling upon the people to join the strug gle for the liberation of their native land, and to send men, arms, and money. The whole country, from the Maritime North to Ryazan, rose up in arms. The Poles in Moscow were alarmed by the news of the mustering of a large popular army. Their boyar satellites, scared of the popular levy, tried to persuade the people to submit to the Polish Prince Wladislaus, But these appeals of the boyars met with no response.

Early in the spring of 1612 the popular levy moved from Nizhni Novgorod to Yaroslavl. Its progress was greeted enthusiastically by the people, the city folk made generous donations in money, and ever new detachments of warriors swelled its ranks from all sides. The popular levy stood about four months at Yaroslavl. Here it organ ized a ze^hsJci (national) government, a "Government of the Entire Land." Various government oflSces were set up for purposes of state administration, Minin and Pozharski, the leaders of the popular levy, devoted considerable time and energy to the organization of the mil itary forces. The popular levy was made up of many heterogeneous units, including nobles from various cities, a miscellaneous urban population, Streltsi, Cossacks, and peasants. Besides Kussians the levy comprised Tatars, Mari, Chuvashes, and other nationalities. While the main forces of the popular levy were stationed at Yaroslavl, detachments sent out in various directions had, with the help of the population, liberated a large part of the country from the Poles and also from the Cossacks who had formerly gone over to the side of False Dimitry 11 and now refused to recognize the national government.

The population in various parts of the country continued of their own accord to fight the Polish detachments. Unfamiliar as they were with the locality, the Poles forced the villagers to act as their guides. However, many of these guides, at the sacrifice of their own lives, led the Polish detachments into forest jungles or decoyed them into the snare of the Russian troops. One of these national heroes was Ivan Susanin, a Kostroma peasant whom the Poles took as their guide. He led the Polish detachment into the Isupovskoye swamp. The infuriat* edszlachta slew Susanin, but they perished in the swamp themselves.

At the end of August 1612 the main forces of the popular levy marched to the walls of Moscow, Ataman Zarut&fcy, who had again joined the Poles, fled with some of his Cossacks to the south. The remaining Cossacks, encamped before Moscow with Prince Trubetskoi, though they did not immediately join the popular levy, put no obstac les in its way. While the popular levy was marching on Moscow, Hetman Chodkiewicz, at the head of a Polish army, was hastening to the aid of the Poles with arms and food. In numerical strength his army was not inferior to that of Minin and Pozharski. Chodkiewicz fell upon the popular levy full tilt, supported by sallies from the Poles seated in Moscow. The popular levy found itself hard pressed. All day a furious battle raged. The men of the popular levy dismounted from their horses and closed in with the enemy. Some of Trubetskoi ’s Cos sacks joined the volunteers without waiting for his permission, and together they threw back the Poles. The latter renewed their attack on the following day. They strove to break through to the ferries on the Moskva River. Kuzma Minin with a troop of four hundred of Pozliarski’s men, crossed the river, and came down precipitately on the Poles’ flank. The Poles wavered before the shock of this sudden impact, then turned and fled to their camp. Their entire baggage train (400 carts with supplies) fell into the hands of the victors. The remnants of the Polish troops took to their heels. The Polish garrison in Moscow was left without reinforcements and food; the Poles began to suffer from hunger. On October 26, 1612, after a battle at the Kremlin Gates, they surrendered. Moscow was freed.

Autocracy in Russia in the 17th Century

Reign of Mikhail Romanov

Election of Mikhail Romanov as Tsar

After Moscow was liberated the ^*National Government" convened the Zemeki Sohor (National Assembly) for the purpose of electing a tsar.

The assembly consisted chieny of nobles and burghers, the boyars and clergy forming a small group. There were also many represent atives of the Cossacks, chiefly the Cossack atamans. Among the boyars were followers of the Polish ^own Prince Wladislaus and the Swedish Crown Prince Gustavus. The bulk of the assembly, however, were opposed to the interventionists..It was therefore resolved not to elect a foreigner to the throne. The most popular of the boyars, well regarded among the nobles and the Cossack atamans, were the Komanovs, relatives of Tsar Ivan IV and Pyodor. From them the nobles and the Cossack atamans hoped to obtain land, peasants, and other favours. Philaret, the metropolitan of Rostov, the oldest representative of this family, was a prisoner in Poland, and, moreover, being a monk, was not eligible as tsar. The Zemski Sohor therefore elected as tsar his sixteen-year-old son Mikhail, though he was a mere youth of weak character and inferior intellect. Tne elections were held at the begin ning of 1613. The boyars are said to have made Mikhail give them a written pledge that he would act only with their consent. The new tsar was too young and miwise to rule independently. The country was virtually governed by his mother and relatives. Theie were still traitors among the ruling boyars such as Prince Fyodor Mstislavski, It was they who dismissed the 'National Government" of Minin and Pozharski from power.

The new government did not immediately succeed in establishing a firm footing in the country. Zarutsky and Marina Mniszek, acoompanied fey some of the Cossacks j fled to Astrakhan where the former proclaimed himself Tsar Dimitry, and Marina’s little son the Tsar evich Ivan Dimitrievioh. The mass of the Cossacks did not support Zarutsky, and the residents of Astrakhan even started an uprising against him. Zarutsky then went to the Yaik, but there the Cossacks seized both him and Marina and handed them over to the Moscow authorities. Zarutsky was executed in Moscow. Marina died in prison; her young son was hanged.

The landlords took advantage of the restoration of a central govern ment to crush the peasant movement completely and re-establish their own power over the serf countryside.

The government made generous awards of land and serfs to the atamans and other wealthy Cossacks. In this manner the upper strata of the Cossacks were turned into landed proprietois. The poor element of the Cossacks was dealt with peremptorily. The tsar’s waywodes rounded up and annihilated the Cossack detachments everywhere. In 1616 a rather powerful movement broke out among the peasants and seifs in the Nizhni Novgorod district. The insurgents killed the nobles and burnt the villages. The same year saw an outbreak among the Tatars and the Mari in the Kazan district. They came close to the cities and tried to join forces with the rebels in the Nizhni Novgo rod district. The uprising was suppressed.

The insurrection quelled, the victorious landlords set about tighten ing the shackles of thralldom. Under pressure from the nobles and the monasteries the government issued a number of ukases lengthening the period of search for fugitive peasants from five to fifteen years, and thus paving the way to the complete abolition of the fixity of term that had heretofore existed. The war against the peasantiy re tarded the struggle against foreign intervention.

The Swedes who had seized Novgorod continued their military operations. The Swedish king, the famous general Gustavus Adolphus, was defeated at Pskov in 1615. This presented an opportunity for beginning peace negotiations with Sweden through the mediation of England and Holland. These countries were incurring losses as a result of falling trade with Russia due to hostilities. In the beginning ■of 1617 peace was concluded at Stolbovo. The Swedes retained the entire shoreline of the Gulf of Einland and the Russian cities of Oreshek, Ivan-gorod, Yam and others, but evacuated the Novgorod region. Once more Russia found herself cut off from the Baltic Sea.

The war against Poland continued. Wladislaus was not disposed to give up the Muscovy throne. He marched on Moscow in 1618, but the assault of the Polish troops was repulsed. On his retreat from Moscow Wladislaus approached the Troitsk-Sergiyev Monastery and demanded its surrender. The monastery walls opened cannon fire OH the Polish army and forced it to withdraw.

At the end of 1618 Moscow and Polish plenipotentiaries con* eluded an armistice for 14^/2 years in the village of Deulino (near the Troitsk-Sergiyev Monastery)* Smolensk and its adjoining ter ritory, and Seversk (Chernigov) Land were temporarily ceded to Poland.

Restoration of the State

The long war and intervention had reduced the country to a state of ruin. In the early years of Mi khairs reign the Zemshi Sohor^ which functioned uninterruptedly, rendered the government considerable assistance in restoring the state administration . All the current needs of the state were discussed at these assemblies, new taxes were imposed, etc. Widespread min and desolation made it difficult to collect taxes from the population. The Zemshi Sobor sent its representatives to the provinces to help the royal tax collectors. After the conclusion of the armistice with Poland the tsar’s father, Philaret Romanov, returned from his Polish captivity. On his arrival in Moscow he was immediately made the patriarch and became the virtual ruler of the state (1619-1633). All ukases were issued in the name of the tsar and his father. Philaret even accepted the title of Veliki Ooaudar — the Great Lord. He virtually combined in his person the ecclesiastic and secular power —the power of the patriaich and of the tsar. This greatly strengthened the central government.

Foreign Policy after the Peasant War

War with Poland for Smolensk

Russia could not reconcile her self with the .loss of Smolensk, a first-class fortress that protected the crossing over the Dnieper and was of great commercial significance. The Muscovy government, therefore, throughout the period of the Deulino armistice, made active preparations for a new war.

Events of the early 17th century strikingly revealed the technical backwardness of the Russian state. The government of Tsar Mikhail made urgent effoits to build up the military strength and improve the organization of the Russian army. Despite all difficulties a large quantity of arms was purchased abroad. New regiments were formed of foreign mercenaries, and peasant recruits from the monastery and landlord demesnes and volunteers were used to form Russian regiments of "foreign formation," trained according to European methods under the command of foreign officers.

In 1632 the army of Muscovy under the boyar Shein began its siege of Smolensk. Shein had already won glory in 1610-1611 during the heroic defence of Smolensk. At this time Sigismund'III of Poland died. A new king had not been elected and the country was in the throes of intestine strife. Smolensk was strongly fortified and the siege became a protracted one. Discipline among the foreign soldiers in Muscovy’s seivice was very lax. They constantly bickered among themselves and frequently went over to the enemy.

The Poles succeeded in persuading the Crimean Tatars by gifts and bribes to commence hostilities against Muscovy. The Tatars raided the southern border regions of Russia. On receiving news of the Tatar raid, the nobles of the southern districts abandoned the army and hastened to defend their estates.

In 1633 the patriarch Philaret died. The Moscow boyars did not want war and did not supply Shein with reinforcements. Demoral ization set in in the Russian army. Shein himself openly voiced his doubts as to the possibility of victory and, very likely, missed the opportunity of capturing the fortress. The son of Sigismund m, Wla dislaus rV, who was elected king of Poland, hastened with an army to the aid of the besieged Polish garrison. The Russians were trapped between Wladislaus’ troops and the Smolensk fortifications. After several attempts to break through, the Russians were forced to sur render on onerous terms— ^11 their cannon were handed over to the enemy.

The Moscow boyars, who did not like Shein for his haughtiness, made this failure an excuse for charging him with treachery. Shein was executed, although it was the boyars, and not he, who were the traitors. Purther progress of the Poles was stemmed at the fortress of Belaya. On, being demanded to surrender, the small garrison holding the fortress declared that it would defend itself to the last man. The threat of war with Turkey and the resistance encountered at Belaya compelled KingWladislaus to seek a speedy peace, which was concluded at the frontier river of Polyanovka in 1634. Poland kept Smolensk and the other cities seized during the intervention, but agreed to recognize Mikhail as the Russian tsar. Wladislaus renounced his claim to the tsar’s throne for all time.

Relations with Crimea and Turkey

One of the reasons for the failure of the Russian troops at Smolensk was the attacks of the Crimean Tatars on the southern districts. After the termination of the war the Moscow government energetically began to repair and build a line of fortifications to protect the southern frontier against the Tatar raids. These fortifications ensured Muscovy’s possession of the fertile steppe, which Russian landowners had begun to lay hands on.

In 1637 the Don Cossacks attacked the Fortress of Azov, held by the Turks, which barred the exit from the Don to the Azov Sea. After a siege lasting two months the Cossacks took Azov by storm.

In 1641 the Turkish sultan sent a large army with a powerful artil lery to Azov. The small Cossack detachment located in Azov coura geously repulsed twenty-four assaults and forced the Turks to raise the siege. In expectation of new attacks being undertaken by the Turks, the Cossacks appealed to Moscow for help.

The government of Tsar Mikhail hesitated to begin war with Turkey for the possession of Azov without first obtaining the support of the Zemald 8dbor. When the National Assembly convened in 1642 the military and merchants, though in favour of having Azov brought under the tsar’s power, bitterly complained about the burden of taxa tion, the bribery rampant among the government cleiks, the tyranny of the waywodes and other irregularities in the state administration. Seeing that it could not safely rely on the active support of the ruling classes, the government ordered the Cossacks to abandon Azov.

Feudal Serf Economy

The Condition of the Peasants

In the 17th century, as in the preceding centuries of feudalism, the land of every feudal demesne was divided into the lord’s land and the peasants ’. The peasants tilled not only their own plots with their own implements but also ih^ land of their lords, who alone enjoyed its harvest. As Lenin pointed out, in order that this system of economy, which was called barsJichina economy, might exist , the following conditions were necessaiy: "Firstly , the predominance of natural self-sufficing economy. The serf owner’s estate had to represent a self-contained, isolated whole, having very weak contacts with the outside world."* Se'feondly, such an economy demands that the peasant be consigned to a piece of land and attached to it so that he cannot leave the landlord. The third condition is the personal dependence of the peasant on the landlord: "If the landlord did not exercise direct power over the person of the peasant, he could not compel him, as possessor of land and a tiller on his own account , to work for him."* The fouith condition which was also a result of barskchina economy is 'Hhe extiemely low and loutine state of technique, for the land was tilled by small peasants who were crushed by poverty and degraded by per sonal dependence and ignoiance."** In the 17th century the lural population of Russia was divided up into several categoiies: pri vately-owned peasants living on the lands of the clergy, boyars and landloids, peasants adsciibed to the tsar ’s palace who supplied products for his needs, called dvoitsoviye (palace peasants); and finally all the other peasants who lived on crown lands, called chomiye or chernososhniye (the "black" people or the rabble). All the peasants vere heavily taxed by the tsar.

In the 17th century the number of privately-owned peasants continued to grow. The government of the first tsars of the Romanov dynasty granted laige estates together with chernososhniye and dvor* peasants, to the palatine aristocracy and nobles. Large demesnes together with the peasants and craftsmen living on them were seized by the relatives of the tsai . By the end of the 17th century the dijSFerence between the estates held in fee and the patrimonies practically van ished; most of the estates became of hereditary tenure, like the pat rimonies.

The condition of the privately-owned peasants was particularly onerous. The landlords kept on increasing the manorial tillage which the peasants were obliged to work. The latter paid the landowner quitrent in kind, consisting of various products of agriculture and the domestic crafts. The products obtained fiom the peasants went to feed the family of the landlord and his servants. The peasants had to pay their landlord, in addition to the products of their land, a money tax generally varying from fifty kopeks to one ruble for every peasant housebold.

With, the onset of autumn and the winding up of farm woik, many peasants usually engaged in various crafts: they wove linen cloth, fulled wool, curried hides, made mittens and wooden utensils, forged agricultuial imple ments, etc. Part of these articles remained in the peas ant household or was given to the landlord in payment of quitrent. The rest was sold on the market. In order to raise money to pay the crown taxes and their quitrent to the landlords, the peasants became increasingly depen dent upon the maiket.

The development of peas ant trade led to social di vision among the peasantry. Peasant factors appeared in the villages. Some of them abandoned husbandry and became merchants.

The landlords in the 17th century were no longer content with the products which they received from their peasants, serfs and crafts men, The rich boyars and the nobles of the capital made themselves clothes of Italian velvet or English woolens, woie sable hats, were fond of expensive ornaments, drank imported wines and introduced foreign articles into their households. All these things could be ob tained only for money received from the peasants or from the sale of the products of the peasant economy.

Seif economy in the 17th century began to adapt itself to the developing market.

An example of a large serf economy in the middle of the 17th century was that of the boyar Boris Ivanovich Morozov. Morozov had about thiee hundred villages with a population of over 40,000 serfs on his extensive demesnes, which yielded him a revenue, in money alone, of 10,000 rubles annually (equivalent to 170,000 rubles at early 20th century parity). His numerous granaries contained hundreds of thousands of poods* of corn. During the war with Poland Morozov took advantage of pievailing higli prices on corn to amass a huge foiijune. His serfs had to supply huge quantities of various products for the upkeep of the 700 servants on his estate. Morozov established ironworks and potash factories and compelled his peas ants to do the most difficult woik. The potash was sold to foreign merchants.

Manufactories

Side by side with the growth of handicraft pro duction, the first manufactories made their appearance in Hussia in the 17th century. In manufactories a number of people worked to gether, depending upon the size of the enterprise. They performed different parts of a common job. Work in the manufactory was per formed by hand w>th the aid of simple instiuments (the term "manu factory" comes from the Latin words manus meaning hand^ and factura meaning a 7haJcing). Compared with the labour of the artisan, the manufactory permitted greater productivity of labour. In 1632 a Dutch merchant, Andrew Vinnius, was granted a concession on the iron ore near Tula; there he built the first iron manufactory, thus laying the foundation for the futuie Tula Ironworks. A few years later a Swede by the name of Koet founded a glass factory near Moscow. During the second half of the 17th century the crown, merchants and landowners organized ironwoiks, copper foundries, glass woiks, paper mills and tanneries. Tor the most part, the woikers in these manu factories were di awn at that time from among the seifs or other depen dent peopleThe manufactories also employed fiee hired "Voikpeople" from the ranks of the city poor.

The Crafts and Trade

In th© 17th century regular trade inter course was established between the village and town marts. In some places the city and village population had begun to specialize in the manufacture of one or another article. The black-eaith districts sup plied the central regions of the country with their corn. Yaroslavl was renowned for its mirrors, which were shipped even to Siberia, Vologda produced various ironware. Kaluga was famous for its fine work in wood, and so on. In the southern cities one could meet merchants from the Maritime North; in the northern cities various tradesmen collected who had bought goods for shipment to Aichangel, Siberia and other places. Thus regions and cities ceased to be economically isolated as they had been before.

In the 17th century, as Lenin points out, small marts merged into a single ^*all-Russian market.’^* With the development of trade he^ tween regions, there was bi ought about a virtual amalgamation of all the territories that had formeily been part of separate principalities. The old local peculiarities vanished everywhere. Through her commerce Russia in the 17th century established still closer ties with many foreign powers. Archangel became the chief port of trade with Western Europe. Every summer large numbers of English, Dutch and German ships arrived at the port of Aiohangel, bringing miscellaneous cargoes of woolens, silk fabrics, expensive utensils, arms, metals, etc. Eussian merchants navigated the Northern Dvina with shiploads of Siberian furs, hides, hemp, hax, pitch, potash, pork, and the wares of peasants and city craftsmen. Trade with the East was carried on chiefly via Astrakhan, to which Bokhara and Persian merchants brought their Eastern wares.

Towns

The development of the crafts and trade stimulated the growth of towns. In the 16th.l7th centuries the Eussian town consisted of several sections. The central part of the town, the Kremlin (or citadel), was usually surrounded by wooden walls; some big towns had stonewalls aboutthem, with battlements and towers. The administra tive offices were housed withinthe fortress where the supplies of food and gunpowder were also kept, as well as special isha^ (huts) for sheltering the population in times of a siege. Adjoining the citadel were settle ments of craftsmen and petty tradespeople. Beyond these settlements, amid the fields and meadows, were scattered villages belonging to the monasteries and boyars.

The growth of domestic and foreign trade promoted the develop ment of a merchant class. The upper stratum of merchants in the capi tal who enjoyed great privileges were called '"guests." This title was conferred by special royal charter. The Eussian merchants had to compete with foreign merchants (the English, Dutch, Germans, and others) who tried to gain control over the Eussian market. The Russian merchants succeeded in getting the government to prohibit duty-free trade by foreigners in Russia.

The townsfolk were divided into several categories, according to their financial status. The wealthy merchants formed the highest category . Craftsmen and petty tradesmen as well as people who made their living by casual employment constituted the lower strata. Taxes were imposed on the townsfolk in money and in services. This assessment did not apply to people living on the lands of the church, boyars and nobles. The wealthy city taxpayers, the "best people" as they were called, held elective offices and tried to reduce their assessment. The condition of the lower estates in the towns, on whose shoulders rested the main burden of state taxation and who were virtually in thrall to the rich merchants, was a pitiful one.

Uprisings in the Cities in the Middle of the 17th Century

Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich

After the death of Tsar Mikhail, his son, the sixteen-year-old Alexei Mikhailovich (1645-1676), ascended the throne of Muscovy. The young tsar was very fond of falconry and other sports. His guardian, the boyar Boris Ivanovich Morozov, assumed the administration of the state. He appointed his own people to the most important posts. To strengthen his influence, he procured the marriage of the tsar with the daughter of Miloslavski, a boyar of humble origin, himself marrying another of his daughters.

At the time of Tsar Mikhail’s death the situation in the country was very grave. The unsuccessful war with Poland had completely ruined the country, which had not yet recovered from the effects of interven tion. The first thing Morozov did was to improve the country’s finan cial position. Forthesake of economy he reduced the salaries of the mili tary, and imposed a new and very high tax on salt. Thousands of poods of fish rotted because of the high price of salt, and the government was obliged to hastily repeal the salt tax. Other taxes ^ were intro duced, the burden of which fell on the poor part of the population, especially on the city craftsmen, unskilled labourers and petty tradespeople.

The rich merchants (guests) to whom the farming of taxes was entrusted, enriched themselves at the expense of the poor. The trades people from among the peasants, being the seifs of the boyars and the church, were exempt from taxation, though many of them carried on very big transactions. There were large settlements near the towns be longing to the boyars and monasteries the entire population of which engaged in trade and the crafts, and competed effectively with the townsfolk, without, however, having to pay taxes.

Insurrections in the Cities

The plight ol the lower strata of the urban population led to a number of uprisings and disturbances during the first years of Alexei Mikhailovich’s reign. On June 1, 1648, when the tsar returned to Moscow from a religious pilgrimage, the populace who went out to meet him lodged complaints against the extortions of Moro zov’s people. The petitioners were dispersed with whips. The next day a crowd broke into the Kremlin and made its way to the palace, demand ing that Leonti Pieshcheyev, who was in charge of the police in the capi tal, be turned over to them. Pieshcheyev had a reputation among the people of being a savage oppressor and a brute. The boyars who came out of the palace to pacify the crowd were forced to Cee. The people attacked the homes of the boyars and officials. An important functionary was killed. The insurrection assumed threatening dimensions. Fires broke out over a large section of the city. The terrified tsar handed over to the throng the most hated of the grandees— Pieshcheyev andTrabhaniotov. These were killed. Then the rebels demanded the head of Morozov him self . The tsar sent his boyars to the Red Square,’*' who, in the name of the tsar, swore that Morozov would be dismissed from the government. During the night he was taken out of Moscow and sent to a distant monastery.

The uprising became all the more menacing when the nobles, who had arrived in the city to take up service, also took advantage of the situation. The townsfolk and nobles submitted a petition to the tsar asking him to convene the Zemski Sohor in order to draw up a new code of laws {Olozheniye),

Simultaneously with the uprising in Moscow, disturbances broke out in a number of other cities: Kursk, Solvychegodsk, Ustyug, and others. In the autumn of 1648 the government hurriedly convened the Zemski Sohor, The assembly was well attended. The great majority con sisted of the provincial nobility and townsfolk. All their demands were met. In January 1649 a new Code of Laws was confirmed, fixing the duties and rights of the various social estates, the conditions of the nobles’ service and the assessment of the townsfolk. To conciliate the nobles on the much vexed question of repealing the " fixed period" that is, the term during which fugitive peasants could be sought, this issue was finally settled in the landlords’ favour, thus making serf dom a statutory established fact. According to the new legal code, fugitive peasants, in the event of their being caught, were reinstated together with their families and property to their former owners, irrespective of the time that had elapsed. Thus the feudal depen dence of the peasants was legally established as the law of serf dom. The townsfolk secured a decision by which all boyar andchurdi settlements were annexed to the towns, and their population placed on an equal footing with those of the towns in regard to taxation and ser vices. The townspeople themselves were completely attached to the set tlements in which they lived. At the same time the code consolidated the tsar^s power by establishing a death penalty for crimes against the tsar’s person and harsh punishments for an insult to the tsar.

Tae movement which had spread throughout the cities of Russia during the summer of 1648 did not subside immediately. In 1650 a very strong outbreak occurred in Novgorod and Pskov, in response, as it were, to the Code of Laws of 1649,

The uprising in Pskov was especially serious. The Pskov people deposed the tsar’s waywode and set up a self-government. They sent a petition to Moscow in which, among other things, they demanded that their own representatives be permitted to sit in the waywode ’s court of justice. In reply they received from Moscow a letter of reprimand. "Never has it happened that muzhiks have sat in court together with boyars and waywodes, nor will it ever be." At the same time troops were dispatched against Pskov.

The people of Pskov defended themselves bravely for almost three months, and inflicted heavy losses upon the tsar’s troops. In the Pskov district the insurgent peasants assaulted the landlords .The upris ing assumed such serious proportions that the tsar again convened the Zemshi Sohor in Moscow. The assembly sent a delegation to Pskov with the promise of an amnesty. There was no complete unity in Pskov. The rich people persuaded the populace to cease their resistance and give their allegiance to the tsar. In expectation of the amnesty the Pskov people obeyed, but they were cruelly deceived. When the disturbance was over, executions and exiles began. The rich Pskov people themselves helped the tsarist administration and betrayed the ringleaders.

The future patriarch Nikon especially distinguished himself in quelling the disturbances of 1650.

Organs of Government of the Russian State

The Power of the Tsar

The state structure of Russia as a system of feudal serfdom took final form in the 17th centuryimder the Romanovs. Lenin describes this feudal state in the following way: ^Tn order to maintain his domination, in order to retain his power, the landlord had to have an apparatus which would unite, under his rule, a tremendous number of people and would subordinate them to certain laws and regulations— and all these laws essentially boiled down to one —the retention of power by the landlord over the serf."* At the bead of the Eussian state was an autociaiic tsar who was himself the first anc foremost landlord of the realm. The nobles had need of a strong tsar who could protect their class interests. The will of the tsar was law foi the entire land. All military servitors, even the aristocratic boyars called themselves the servants of the tsar; and assessed people— the townsfolk and peasants —could not even call themselves* that. They were the tsar’s 'Tittle orphans." When addressing the tsar, everyone had tc refer to himself in the diminutive; Petrushka^ Ivashha (Peteikin, John ny). They did obeisance to the tsar as to a deity, touching the groun<3 with their foreheads.

The tsar’s power was also sustained by the splendour wdth whid he surrounded himself. On ceremonious occasions, when receiving for eign ambassadors or attending church, the tsar appealed in sumptuous "full-dress," in a brocaded kaftan embroidered in pearls, the roya] shoulder-mantle richly ornamented with images of the saints, the Monomakh cap, and a sceptre in his hands.

The Boyar Duma

To decide important matters the tsar had a council consisting of his court boyars, which was called the "boyar duma." The tsar, however, was not obliged to consult the boyar duma. More often than not he would confer with several of his trusted servants or make a decision without consulting anyone. The boyar duma was an aristocratic institution, and only people of "noble pedigree" were ap pointed to it. However, in the 17th century people of relatively obscure origin became members of the boyar duma more and more frequently.

Government Offices

Current administration was handled by special institutions, called •prihazi, at the head of which stood a boyar, assisted by one or two cleiks called dyahi. The ofS.ce routine was carried on by under-cleiks called podyacMye. The cleiks and under-cleiks were people of humble origin, who lived on the royal salary, on fees from petition ers, and often on bribes (gifts) which were banned by law. They were the obedient tools of the royal power and the esecutives of centialized government. There were over forty of these offices. The work was divid ed among them without organization or system. Military affairs were handled by several offices at once. The Razryadni Prihaz (Mili tary Office) discharged the functions of the Chief Staff; the Streletehi Office dealt with the affairs of the Streltsi troops; the Foreign Office took care of foreigners in the service of Muscovy; the Beiter Office was in charge of reiter regiments (ihe cavalry, trained on foieign lines and armed with sabres and muskets); the Gunnery Office had charge of the manufacture and storage of arms. The distribution of estates to the nobles was taken care of in the Estate Office. There were offices which administered separate and, at times very extensive, regions, such as, the Sibeiia Office, the Malorossia (Little Kubsia or Ukraine) Office. There was no definite system in handling the affairs of the various •prikazi^ a fact which greatly hampered the woik of administration. Even the best organized office, the Posohhi Prikaz, which dealt with foreign affairs, not only had charge of diplomatic matters but also collected taxes from the towns under its jurisdiction.

Every government office dispensed justice and imposed penalties. Legal procedure in those days was a cruel affair. The defendants were subjected to painful toitures. For minor offenses the guilty person was stretched out on the ground and beaten with a rod. For more serious offenses he was '"unmercifully" scourged with a whip on his bare backs. The cutting out of tongues, hacking off of hands, and death sentences were common practices. Offenders against religion were burned alive.

By means such as these was the power of the tsar and the feudal lords maintained. Such cruel punishments were characteristic of medieval justice in the 16th and 17th centuries everywhere, including the countries of Western Europe.

Local Administration

Waywodes from among the boyars and nobles were sent to govern the cities. The waywode was in command of the city garrison, he administered justice, and collected taxes from the resi dents of the city and the adjacent district. The elected staroati (reeves) became the subordinate agents ofthewaywodes. The gubernia (regional) reeves still existed, but only as assistants of the waywodes. In this way all branches of the administration were concentrated in the hands of the waywodes, a circumstance which provided wide opportunities for abuse. The waywodes regarded their posts merely as a means of private upkeep.

The Army

The old cavalry of the nobilitygradually lost its former military significance. In peacetime the nobles were busy with their es tates.Only at rare intervals did they pass under review for military pre paredness. In case of war they had to appear for service "mounted, manned and armed." They were variously armed, sometimes with fire arms and sometimes with bows and arrows . Discipline among the nobles ’ levy was lax. Many of them evaded service on various pretexts. For absence during inspection the offenders were beaten with rods and some times deprived of their estates. In view of the weakness of the nobles’ levy a body of Streltsi was organized in the 16th century. The Streltsi received pay in money, were equipped with firearms (arquebuses) , and went to war in proper "battle array." But even the Stieltsi were not really regular troops. They lived in Moscow and other laige cities in special settlements, and in peacetime engaged in the crafts and petty trading. In their mode of life the Streltsi hardly differed from the petty townsfolk, andthey frequently took part in the outbreaks among the city populace.

The government of Muscovy, making preparations for war against Poland, enlisted the services of several mercenary regiments. The siege of Smolensk in 1632, however, revealed the inefficacj^ and unreliability of these ill-disciplined mercenaries, who sold their sword to the highest bidder. Therefore, during Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich’s reign another method was adopted, one that had been tried and tested in his father’s reign. Eegiments were formed of Russian recruits and volunteers, with foreign -instructors invited to train them according to "foreign" ways. Thus "regiments of foreign formation" were organized consisting of horse and foot units, only the officers of which were foreigners.

In the years immediately following the death of Aloxei Mikhailo vich there were 63 regiments in the Russian army, trained according to European methods and comprising sixty per cent of all the troops, not counting the Cossacks. In this way the reorganization of the army was begun in the 17th century, and its efficiency improved. An attempt was also made under Alexei Mikhailovich to create a fleet. Foreign masters built the ship "Oryol" (Eagle), but it was destroyed during Razin’s uprising.

Nikon's Church Reform and the Schism

Church Reform

The Russian autocracy needed a strong church which would still further enhance the power of the tsar and the domi nation of the nobles. For this purpose it was necessary to subordinate all church organizations more strictly to the highest church power and to eradicate certain local peculiarities in the church service and ritual.

Nikon, a man who exercised great influence over the tsar, became the patriarch during the reign of Alexei Mikliailovich, Nikon disposed of the vast possessions of the patriarch and the monasteries as though they were his own estates. His wealth was tremendous. Nikon treated the clergy under him with great severity. The priests called him "a wild beast."

Upon Nikon’s orders, a general revision was made of the church service-books and rituals with the object of unifying them. The Greek church served as the model for this. The revision of the church service books and rituals was conducted under the guidance of Greeks and learn ed Kiev monks. Nikon gave orders that people make the sign of the cross not with two fingers, as formerly, but with three, as the Greeks did, that icons be painted like the Greek models, and so on. Nor did ho confine himself merely to changing certain rituals. He propounded the doctrine that the spiritual is higher than the temporal power, the former corres ponding to the sun and the latter to the moon in the firmament, which receives its light from the sun. Nikon assumed the official title of "Fe/iK Gosudar ^ — ^the "Great Lord," interfered in the aiFairs of the realm, and even issued orders affecting military operations.

The excessive enhancement of Nikon’s power evoked profound dis content among the court aristocracy and the nobles. While lending his support to Nikon’s measures for strengthening the church, the tsar was loath to have the royal power eclipsed. Conflicts arose between the tsar and Nikon, ^ivhich soon ended in a complete rupture. Think ing he would frighten the tsar and the boyars, Nikon unexpectedly discarded the patriarchal vestments and shut himself up in the Vos kresensky ]\Ionaster 5 r (New Jerusalem). Nikon expected the tsar to call him back* but his hopes were doomed to disappointment. In 1C66 the tsar convened the church assembly, at which two Greek patri archs a,ssi&ted. The assembly blamed Nikon for attempting to subordi nate the royal power to himself, 3 ^et confirmed all his chuich reforms. Nikon was exiled to one of the northern monasteries as an ordinary monk.

Thus, Nikon’s attempt to raise the church power above the mun dane ended in failure. In the struggle between the patriarch and the tsar all the advantages were on the side of the latter. The tsar was supported by the landowning nobles, who regarded the existence of an independent church possessing such vast demesnes with disfavour.

The Beginning of the Schism in the Orthodox Chttreh

Nikon’s reforms resulted in a great schism in the Russian church. His opponents refused to recognize the innovations introduced by Nikon and demanded that the old ritual be retained. The schismatics were called Baskolniki (from the Russian word raskoh meaning schism) or Old Believers.

The higher clergy and the monasteries, wkich possessed vast demesnes and a large population of serfs, ruthlessly exploited their peasants, amassed great wealth and deceived the people means of "miracle working" icons, sacred relics, etc. With rare exceptions, the monasteries and higher clergy were in favour of Nikon’s reforms, which enhanced the power of the ecclesiastical feudal lords still more.

The lower clergy were considerably worse off, and were themselves the victims of the tyranny of the church prelates. The first opponents to Nikon’s reforms appeared among the lower clergy. One of them was the protopapas Awakum of Moscow. For active opposition to Nikon and his church reform Awakum was exiled to Eastern Siberia where for nearly ten years he was cruelly persecuted and maltreated by the tsar’s wa 3 rwodes. Upon his return to Moscow Awakum renewed his war against the church reforms. This time he was banished to the north, to Pustozersk, as a prisoner in an undergroxmd dungeon. In 1681 Avva kum W'^as burnt at the stake. His advocacy of ancient ritual and observ ances was reactionary in character. But Awakum also looked upon his opposition to innovation as a struggle against the tyranny and abuse of the strong and of the ecumenical authorities. The defenders of the "Old Belief" who came from among the petty urban population— the craftsmen, traders and army people —were chietly opposed to the strong power of the dominant chinch and extortions by a greedy clergy. Among the peasants the struggle against a dominant church was combined with the struggle against feudal serfage. The peas ants and petty townspeople sought refuge from feudal oppression in the northern forests, and southern steppes and on the Don, where they formed sectarian communities. They believed, in this mannerj to be able to rid themselves of the oppiession of serfdom.

Nikon’s church reforms were a Iso opposed by a small conservative group of the court nobility and some of the higher clergy, who feared that these innovations would shcike the position of the church.

The Ukraine and Byelorussia in the 17th Century

The Ukraine and Byelorussia under Polish Dominion

Seizure of Ukrainian and Byelorussian Lands by the Polish Gentry

After the conclusion of the Lublin Union between Lithuania and Poland in 1569, a large part of Ukrainian territory (the lands of Volhynia, Kiev, and Chernigov) passed to Poland. The big Polish landed gentry energetically set about helping themselves to Ukrainian and Byelorussian lands. At first they seized the lands of Western Ukraine, but at the end of the 16th century, they crossed to the left bank of the Dnieper. Large holdings of Polish magnates, the Zol kiewskis, Potockis^ and others, were formed on Ukrainian territory.

The rapid development of agriculture among the Polish landlords followed increased exports of corn fiom Poland and Lithuania to Western Europe. Corn from the estates was shipped by water to the ports of the Baltic Sea, the most important of which was Danzig. The condition of the peasants in Poland at that time was worse than in any other European country. The Polish landlords destroyed the peasant communities, which had large sections ol land at their disposal. The Polish gentry seized the best community lands, settled the peas ants on small plots and imposed heavy taxes and duties upon them. They introduced Polish methods and customs on their Ukrainian and Byelorussian estates.

The Polish landlord enjoyed unlimited power over the population on his estates. He could with impunity appropriate the peasant’s Ukrainian peasants. Ficm a drawbig of the IHth century. According to Rigelman property, inflict whatever punishment he saw fit, and even take his life. The peasants dared not complain to anyone about their perse cution or wrongs. The landloids contemptuously called the peasants slaves and cattle.

The Poles suppressed the Ukrainian and Byelorussian national culture. The Polish gentry made use of the Catholic church to strengthen their own position in the Ukraine and in Byelorussia. The spread of Catholicism met with strong resistance from both the peasants and the city population, and some of the Ukrainian and Byelorussian landlords. Thereupon, on the proposal of the Jesuits, a plan was drawn up for the union of the Catholic and Oithodoschuiches.Accoid ing to this union, most of the church rituals of the Oithodox believers were to remain unchanged, but the Orthodox chuich was to be brought under the Papal authority. A chuich assembly was convened in the city of Brest in 1596 to settle the question of effecting this union. The majority of the assembly were opposed to a union and insisted on the complete independence of the Orthodox church. Their will, however, was overruled by the minority who, despite the opposition, proclaimed the union, which was confirmed by a special edict of the Polish king. The object of the union was to help subordinate the Ukrainian and Byelorussian lands to Poland, and signified the further intensification of Polish-Papal aggression against Russia.

The urban population also suifered from Polish oppression. In the 15th and 16th centuries many Uk ainian and Byelorussian cities had been granted self-government. With the growth of Polish land tenure in the Ukiaine and Byelorussia, the cities became dependent upon Pol'sh authority and the Polish landlords. According to Polish law, all landlords had the right to export the products of their estates and to buy whatever goods they needed duty-free. This privilege dealt a serious blow to city trade. The Polish authorities set aside the cities’ rights to self-government; the Polish landlords seized the city lands and hampered the crafts and trade.

The fJki ainian and Byelorussian population in the cities united in 'T)rotheihoods," organized under the churches, which fought for the preservation of their national culture and waged war against the Catholic church. The brotherhoods opened their own schools and printing shops, published books,

and rendered assistance to their .

needy members. ?5ome of the Ukrainian and Byelorussian feu dal lords copied the Polish gent ry and nobles , adopted the Polish language and Polish customs and usages ; but the mass of the people remained true to their native language and country, and the Poles were unable to destroy the national culture of the Ukraine and Byelorussia.

The Uki ainian and Byelorus sian peasants, to escape the op pression of the Polish landlords, Went south, to the still unsettled steppes of the Lower Dnieper. At the same time Russian peas ants, to escape the oppression of Russian landlords, migrated to the Don. A fortified camp of Cossacks and runaway peas ants from the Ukraine was organ ized on the Island of Khortitsa,

near the Dniepor falls. These B>eJonissian peasant. F/om a people came to be called the dra^ving of the l^th rfiyifurn Zwparozhyt {backfalls) Cossacks. Abatises of hewn trees were erected as protection against attacks, whence these fortified Cossack camps came to be called from the Enssian word for

abatis. The chief pursuits of the Cossacks were fishing, hunting, and various crafts. The Cossacks often waylaid the Tatars returning home to the Crimea after their raids and recaptured their captives and booty.

As^ a reprisal against Tuikish and Tatar inroads on Ukrainian lands the Cossacks carried out raids on the Crimea and Turkish towns situated on the Black Sea coast. Zaporozhye practically had no permanent population. The Cossacks gathered at the Bmh early in the spring when the high tide had fallen. At such times the island became a noisy, populous camp. The Cossacks elected an ataman and other military captains. Hundreds of people were busy building the long Cossack row-boats of willow and linden, called "gulls, repairing their weapons and putting in a stock of provisions. When all prep arations had been completed, large numbers of Cossack boats would move swiftly down the Dnieper out into the Black Sea. Usually the Cossacks made for Tuikish shores, sometimes reaching the very capital of the sultan— Constantinople, The Cossacks crossed the sea so quickly that the Turkish sentry posts rarely had a chance to warn the sultan of the imminent danger. The strength of the Cossacks lay in the daring and unexpectedness of their attack. In the winter the Za'gorozhskaya Bedh was deserted. The Cossacks left for Ukrainian and Polish cities ' where they sold the booty they had obtained on their raids and their own products. Only guards remained on Kkortitsa Island. Cannon, firearms, boats, etc., were carefully hidden away until.the following spring.

At the end of the 16 th century the number of Zaporozhye Cossacks increased considerably. Under King Stephen Bathory part of the Cossacks were entered in special lists (registers) and were called "reg isteied CossacL." The Polish government endeavoured to use them to defend the frontier Polish lands and for purposes of war. The "reg istered Cossacks'" therefore received a salary from the king and were quartered in the cities. Only an insignificant number of Cossacks, consisting of the more wealthy elements, were included in the register. It was the intention of the Polish government to make serfs of the other Cossacks and return them to the landlords.

At the end of the 16t^ century a process of class stratification set in among the registered Cossacks, with the appearance of an upper stratum of petty landed proprietors, who acquired their own home steads, had their own seifs and owned various industries.

The registered Cossack troops were under the command of a hetman, confirmed by the king, with a staff of chiefs, called the "general star shiTia," elected by the Cossacks and consisting of well-to-do members of the Cobsack community.

Popular Uprisings Against Poland

Polish oppression in '*he Ukiaine and Byelorussia evoked a number of spontaneous popular outbreaks at the end of the 16th century. 1 1 these uprisings the Za porozhye Cossacks usually joined foices with the peasant rebels. Sometimes a part of the registered Cossacks also joined them. During the uprisings the peasants set fire to Polish castles and killed the landlords, who, if they managed to escape, fled to Poland, whence they returned with Polish troops and cruelly avenged themselves on the peasants. The rebels sought refuge in the vast, dense forests along the middle reaches of the Dnieper, from where they waged a pro tracted partisan waifare.

The first big insurrections took place in the nineties of the 16th century. In 1595 Severin Nalivaiko, the son of a fur-di'e.-ser, headed a rebellion which bioke out in Volhynia. Nalivaiko's detachments moved to Byeloiussia and stirred up the Byelorussian peasants. The rebels captured several cities: Slutbk, Mogilev and Pinsk.

The Polish king, Sigismund m, sent a large army under Hetman ZolkieWbki to suppress the uprising. Nalivaiko^s detachment was surrounded near the city of Lubny. During an armistice the Poles treacherously killed the disarmed people and transported the leader of the uprising, Nalivaiko, to Warsaw, where he was tortured to death. The peasant movement against the Polish gentry continued into the beginning of the 17th century.

In the thiities of the 17th century the Zaporozhskaya Seek rose up once moie against the Poles. The uprising was suppressed owing to the treachery of the eldeis. After this the Poles, with the help of a Flench engineer, built the foitiess of Kodak above the falls to prevent Zaporozhye from having any intei course with the Ukiaine. The Polish hetman invited the Cossacks to look at the fortification that had been put up against them.

"What do you think of Kodaks" he asked mockingly.

"What human Lands have built human hands will destroy " Bogdan Ivhmelnitski, the chief of a Cossack hundi*ed, replied to him.

A few years later another upiising occuired, during which the Cossacks actually destroyed the fortiess of Kodak.

Xot until 1638, however, did the Polish troops succeed in crushing the popular rebellion m the Ukiame, The Polish Diet abolished "Tor all time" all Cossack privileges and self-gov ernment . The hetman was replaced by a commissary of the Polish government . The number of registered Cos sacks was reduced. They were placed under the command of the szlachta, the Ukrainian cities were garrisoned by Polish troops.

The Struggle of the Ukrainian People against Poland

Bogdan Khmelnitski

After the rebellion of 1638 was suppressed there were no new peasant outbreaks in the Ukraine and Byelorussia for a period of ten years. Punitive expeditions of the Polish szlachta went deep into the Ukraine, on the left bank of the Dnieper, and the resistance of the peasants was broken. The Polish nobles called this a time of "golden peace." However, the hatred of the oppressed Uk rainian and Byelorussian population for the Polish power grew all the more intense.

In the spring of 1648 the Ukraine rose up once more against the oppression of the Polish gentry and the power of Poland. The move ment was initiated by the Zaporozhye Cossacks under the leadership of Bogdan Khmelnitski.

Bogdan Khmelnitski was a popular figuie in the Ukraine. He was an educated person, had studied at the Kiev Academy, and knew the Latin language. He had more than once been participant and leader of daring Cossack campaigns. As far back as the ’twenties Bogdan had fought together with the Poles against the Turks, the common enemy of the Ukraine and Poland. Bogdan’s father fell in the battle of Chechora near Jassy; Bogdan himself had been taken prisoner by the Turks who kept him in captivity for nearly two years. The Cossacks often elected him to carry on negotiations with the Polish government, at which times Bogdan defended the interests of the Cossacks.

Bogdan KHimelnitski was a prosperous Cossack and was includ ed in the army register. His estate was situated not far from Chigirin . The dire condition of the Ukraine under Polish domination aroused Khmelnitski ’s indignation and wrath. Such indeed was the state of mind of many of the well-to-do registered Cossacks, who were better off than the peasants and rank-and file Cossacks. Soon Bogdan Khmel nitski personally experienced the savage tyranny of the Polish author ities A Polish squiie by the name of Chaplinski unlawfully obtained an investiture from the Polish authorities to Khmelnitskies estate, suddenly took possession of his homestead and put Khmelnitski ’s whole household in chains. When Bogdan Khmelnitski sought justice against the offender, Chaplinski flogged Khmelnitski ’s ten-year-old son to death. Khmelnitski likewise failed to obtain redress at the king ^s court. This incident strikingly demonstrated to the Cossack elder the defenceless state of the Ukrainian people at the mercy of arbitrary Polish rule.

lieturning home after his failure to obtain justice at Warsaw, Bogdan Khmelnitski gathered his Cossack friends in a secret confer ence, at which he called upon them, for the first time, to raise a re bellion against Polish domination.

"Uan we leave our biothers in such distress^" he asked. have seen dreadful persecution everywhere. Our unhappy people ask for help."

The old Cossacks replied: 'Tt is time to take up the sword, time to throw off the Polish yoke."

The Polish gentry, learning of Khmelnitski ’s plans through some traitors, imprisoned him. Khmelnitski succeeded in escaping to Za porozhye, where he fortified himself on one of the islands. Meanwhile, peasant outbreaks had begun in the Ukraine. There was not a village or hamlet where the call to rise was not heard. One Polish squire confiscated several thousand firearms which had been hidden by his peasants. The gentry hastily left their castles, abandoning their property, and fled to Poland. There was every sign of an imminent general uprising in the Ukraine.

Bogdan Khmelnitski realized that the struggle against the well armed, numerous Polish troops would be a difficult one. He therefoie hit on the expedient of forming an alliance with the Crimean khan. Edimelnitski left Zaporozhye for the capital of the Crimea— Bakhchi sarai. At that time the Crimean khan's displeasure was roused against the Polish king, who had not paid him any tribute for several years. The khan sent a body of Tatars with Khmelnitski xmder the command of one of his princes. Zajporozhshaya 8ech welcomed Bogdan's return from the Crimea with acclamation, and at an assembly of the Cossacks proclaimed him the hetman of the Cossack troops and presented him the insignia of hetman's office— the bulava^ or baton.

In the spring of 1648 Khmelnitski and his Cossacks set forth from Zaporozhye. The Polish troops under Hetman Potocki went out to meet them. In the beginning of May Khmelnitski defeated a detached Polish army corps at Zheltiye Vody (Yellow Waters). The Cossacks serving in this corps had gone over to Khmelnitski before the battle started. News of the defeat caused Potocki to beat a hasty retreat, Khmelnitski pursued the enemy, and in the middle of May com. pletely routed him at Korsun. Hetman Potocki was taken prisoner The Cossacks and Tatars obtained rich booty.

The Uprisings of the Peasants

The victories over the Polish troops won by the Cossacks under Bogdan Khmelnitski were followed by a wave of peasant uprisings that spread throughout the Ukraine. Landlords abandoned their castles and property and fled to Poland, The rebellious peasants found brave leaders in their own midst, notable among whom was Maxim Krivonos, or as he was called in folklore, Perebiinos (Broken Nose). Jeremiah Wisniowiecki, a rich Polish Ukrairdan magnate, used incredibly cruel means in his attempt to crush the rebellion. But he was unable to withstand the encounter with the Cossaek-peasant detachments led by Maxim Krivonos, who appeared with astonishing rapidity at rallying points of the Polish gentry. The Ukraine was followed by Byelorussia, where dozens of peasant detachments were also formed. A contingent of Byelorussian peasants wder Krivoshapka operated daringly and efectively.

Bogdan Bdimelnitski started his war with Poland in the interests of the registered Cossacks. He demanded from Poland that she increase the number of registeied Cossack troops, restore the Cossacks the rights they had been deprived of, pay up overdue salaries, and cease her persecution of the Orthodox church. The mass uprising of the peasants and the support rendered by the urban population showed Khmelnitski that it was not the Cossacks alone who were fighting Poland, but the entire Ukrainian people, Bogdan Khmelnitski headed the liberation novement of the Ukrainian people.

Together with Maxim Krivonos, who had joined him, he inflicted another, even more terrible defeat upon the Polish royal troops in September 1648, on the Pilyavka Itiver.

The victory over the main Poli&h foices on the Pilyavlca Piver opened the way to Warsaw before Klimelnilski. KJimelnitski contin ued his offensive, and diiving the Poles befuie him out of the TJ]a*aine, he advanced as far as Lwow and Zamostye, then returned to Kiev. The people acclaimed him che hborator of the Ulcraine from Polish bondage. After l^eariiig a yoke for thioe bundled years, Kiev was liberated and retiuned to the Ukraine.

The Polish goveinmeiit sent envoys to Kiev to conclude peace, hoping thereby to gain time to collect a new army. Khnielnitski, bearing in mind the successes of the peasant uprisings, demanded that the Ukraine be freed of Polish troops. "I shall wrest the entire Ukrainian people from Polish captivity," he said to the Polish envoys. The peace negotiations came to nothing.

The Zborov Peace

Khmelnitski opened a new campaign in the summer of 1649. He was joined by the Crimean khan, who came with a large Tatar force. Near the city of Zborov the Cossacks and Tatars sur rounded the Polish troops. However, the Polish gentry sueeeded in bribing the Crimean khan, who, upon receiving a large amount of gold from them, suggested to Khmelnitski that he conclude peace with the king. Appreciating the danger the Tatars represented in the event of his failing out with the khan, Khmelnitski consented and concluded a peace treaty which has become known as the Zborov Treaty. By this treaty part of the Ukraine was set up as an independent administration with its own hetman, Bogdan Edimelnitski . The number of registered Cossacks was raised from 6,000 to 40,000.

With the conclusion of the Zborov Peace Tieaty in 1649 ended the first stage in the Ukraine’s war of liberation. The peace terms satisfied the main demands of the rich registered Cossacks. It was otherwise, however, with the rank-and-file Cossacks an^ the peasants. Many peas ants who had fought against the Polish gentry and had not been includ ed among the 40,000 registered troops provided for by the peace treaty, had to return to their former places , to their former owners . The peasants remained as of old feudal sens of the landlords. After the conclusion of peace the Polish gentry began to return to their Ukrainian estates. The Zborov Peace Treaty did not satisfy the peasants, who therefore did not wish to cease their struggle and refused to let the gentry return to their estates.

Renewal of War

Poland regarded the Zborov Peace as a respite which it needed for reorganizing its defeated army. The gentry also took advantage of this respite to crush the peasant movement. The fields were strewn with the corpses of peasants and city people, who had been tor tured and murdered. Many peasant leaders lost their lives, among them Maxim Krivonos. In the beginning of 1651 Polish troops invaded western region of the Ukraine before Kbmelnitski had a chance to assemble his Cossacks to repel the attack. The valiant Nechai fell in the beginning of the new war.

In the spring of 1651 a large Polish army headed by the king took the field. The Pope absolved of their sins all those who took part in the war against the Ukrainian people. Kbmelnitski once more joined forces with the Crimean khan. The battle began in June 1651, near Berestechko, but during the course of the fighting the Tatars suddenly deserted the Cossacks and withdrew. Bogdan Kbmelnitski hastened to the khan to urge him to return to the battlefield. But the khan not only did not return, but detained the hetman. The Cossacks and peasants, left leaderless, entrenched themselves in their camp and for several days bravely repelled the attacks of the Poles. Bo gun, known alike to the Cossacks and Poles for his extraordinary strength and courage, especially distinguished himself in these clashes. The Cossacks elected Bogun as their leader. He organized sallies and amazed the enemy by his military cunning and the daring of his unexpected attacks.

However, the forces were unequal, and the necessity of effecting a withdrawal became obvious to the Cossacks. During the night some of them left unnoticed by a wooden paving laid across the swamp. When dawn came the Poles rushed the camp, and wreaked cruel vengeance upon the few remaining defenders, among whom were many poorly armed peasantsAbout three hundred Cossacks entrenched themselves upon a small island and stubbornly continued to defend themselves. The Poles proposed that they smTender and promised to spare their lives, but the answer they got from the Cossacks was: 'We do not hold our lives dear, and we abhor the favour of the enemy." Saying which the Cossacks embraced each other and rushed at the Poles. All the Cossacks died the death of heroes.

It was not until a month later that the Crimean khan released Kbmel nitski . By that time the Poles had taken Kiev, and the Tatars had rav aged the country ruthlessly. The hetman had to agree to the onerous terms of a peace treaty signed in the autumn of 1651 at Belaya Tserkov. Almost everything that had been won in hard struggle was now lost again. The number of registered Cossack troops was reduced to 20,000. The Cossacks were deprived of the rights they had received under the Zhorov Peace Treaty.

When the Polish landlords returned to the Ukraine, they cruelly avenged themselves on the peasants for their participation in the struggle. Fleeing from persecution the peasants thronged to the left bank of the Dnieper and pushed on further into the territory of the Russian state.The Ukrainian territory xmder Polish power became quick ly deserted. Meanwhile the Ukrainian population colonized the fertile regions along the upper reaches of the Northern Donets, where dozens of new Ukrainian settlements sprang up. This region came to be called the ^"^SldbodsTcaya Uhraim.^*

Despite the peace of Belaya Tserkov, detachments of the Pol'sh geiitry continued to pillage Ukrainian villages and settlements, to rob and kill the inhabitants, sparing neither old people, women, nor children. The Polish king made peace with the Crimean khan and gave him leave to despoil the Ukrainianpopulation during a period of forty days .An end less stream of fettered captives filled the roads to the Crimea. The Cri means carried off tens of thousands of men and women, doomed to a

life of slavery. An ancient Ukrainian song says of those times:

VhraiTLe^s people grieving^ they have nowhere to hide,

The hordes of normd horsemen o^er children's bodies ride,

The tender babes they trample, the old they lead away.

With arms behind them shachhd to be the dread khan's prey,

Incorporation of the Ukraine into the Russian State. War with Poland

Incorporation of the Ukraine into the Russian State

The war of 1648-1651 clearly demonstrated that the Uki*aine could not fiee her self from Polish bondage unaided. Surrounded as she was by more power ful states, there could be no question of securing independence at that time. Therefore, when, in 1652, the Ukrainian peasants and Cossacks rose a second time against the Polish landlords and the Polish power, Khmelnitsfci entered into negotiations with the Moscow government for the Ukraine’s incorporation into the Russian state. At the Zemski Sobor assembled in Moscow in the autumn of 1653 Russia decided to take the Ukraine under her protection and to declare war on Poland. On January 8, 1654, the Rada, i.e., the conference of representatives of the Ukraine Cossacks, met in Pereyaslavl, with Moscow envoys attending. Hetman Bogdan Khmelnitski addressed the assembled Cossacks, reminding them of the difSlcult position the Ukrainian people were in.

"You all know," he said, "that our enemy wishes to exterminate us so thoroughly, that even the name Rūs (i.e., Ukrainian) will never again be mentioned in our land. Therefore select one of four rulers for your selves. The first is the Tmkish sultan; he oppresses the Greeks. The second is the Crimean khan; he has shed the blood of our brothers many times; the third is the Polish king. There is no need to tell you of the persecu tion by the Polish gentry. The fourth is the tsar of great Rūs, the Eastern tsar."

Thousands of voices replied: "We will (i.e., wish) to be under the Eastern tsar." Under an agreement concluded somewliat later in Moscow the Ukraine received the right of belf-goirernment; headed by an elected het man. The number of registeied Cos acks was set at 60,000.

It was much more difficult for the Ukiainian people to tolerate the rule of the Polish king and the Polish landlords than to be subjects of the Russian tsar. The Velikormsi (Gi eat Russians) were kin to the Ukrainian and Byelorussian peoples by origin, language and culture. The Ukraine’s incorporation into the Russian stale signified a reunion of t wo gi eat fratei nal peoples which was to save the Ukraine from seizure by Poland and Tuikey.

War with Poland and Sweden

Poland was unwilling to relinquish the ULraine to Russia. Only war, theiefore, could liberate the Ukraine from Polish domination. In Moscow it was decided to begin a war with Poland for both the Ukraine and Byelorussia. The war broke out in 1654 and continued, with intermissions, lor thiiteen years (1654-1667). During the very first year of the war almost the entire territory of Byelorussia was liberated from Polish oppression. In many cities the residents them selves drove out the Polish garrisons. The population greeted the Russian troops with joy. In the autumn Smolensk sui rendered. The follow ing summer Russian troops occupied Vilno. At the same time Ukrainian and Russian troops waged a successful struggle in the region west of the Dnieper against the Poles, and the Tatars who had gone over to their side, -^ter iibeiaiing the Ukiainian lands, Bogdan Khmelni Iski and the Muscovy waj'wodes croshed the Polish frontier and took possession of Lublin.

In 1656 the Swedish kir g, Chaile? X, intent on seizing ceilain regions of Poland, intervened in the wai. He occupied Warsaw, Cracow, and many other Polish cities, Swedrsh aggression induced the Polish govern ment to start peace negotiations with Muscovy. In the interests of a lasting peace, the government o Muscovy demanded of the Polish en voys the relinquishment of the Ukraine and B;s eloi ussia. Since, however, Poland did not agree to these terms, only a truce vns signed, by the terms of which both sides ceased hostilities.

The struggle with Poland once more proved to Russia her need of Baltic ports in order to maintain relations with Westerm Europe, whence she recerved aims and military supplies. The government of Muscovy decided to make an attempt to wrest from Sweden the southern shore of the Baltic Sea, which the latter had seized in the first half of the 17th century . The war wrth Sweden started in 1656. The Russian army captu red seveiaJ Swedish foi tresses on the Western Dvina and besieged Riga. The siege was a failme, inasmuch as the garrison of the Swedish fortress received reinforcement from the sea . The war dragged on for several years with alternating success. In 1661 the Treaty of Kardis was concluded; according to its terms both sides retained theii former possessions. This time, too, Russia failed to acquire an outlet to the Baltic Sea.

In 1657 Bogdan Khmelnitski died. His hetmanship had been recog nized throughout the Ukraine. After his death a struggle for power broke out among the rival factions of Ukrainian elders. Poland took ad vantage of this conflict and tried to bribe the Ukrainian feudal lords, the elders and the rich Cossacks, with money and promises. The new hetman, Wigowski, a szlachcic by origin, and some of his Cossack elders went over to the side of Poland. In league with the Crimean khan he succeeded in defeating the Russian troops near Konotop. In violation of the truce the Polish troops also reopened hostilities. However, the rank-and-file Cossacks and the Ukrainian peasants did not support the Polish faction, but continued to fight manfully shoul der to shoulder with the Russian troops for the liberation of the Ukraine. Both sides, Poland and Russia, were greatly exhausted by the pro tracted war. At last, in 1667, after prolonged negotiations, the Truce of Andrusovo was signed (in the village of Andrusovo, near Smolensk) for 13^/2 years. Russia retained part of Byelorussia, Smolensk, and the Ukrainian lands on the left bank of the Dnieper. On the right bank of the Dnieper Russia acquired Kiev and the adjoining district for two years, but it did not return this land to the Poles upon the expiry of this period. In 1686 the Poles had to agree to the xmion of Kiev with Russia in perpetuity.

Popular Uprisings in Russia in the Second Half of the 17th Century

The Moscow Uprising of 1662

Intensification of the Mass Struggle

Increased feudal oppression in the 17th century led to the intensification of the class struggle, especially in connection with the war against Poland, since the entire burden of taxation and compulsory services fell on the shoulders of the exploited population. Sporadic uprisings broke out in different parts of the country in the sixties of the 17th century, followed during 1670-1671 by a peasant war which swept over the vast southeastern section of Russia.

The country’s economic difficulties during the war with Poland over the Ukraine were aggravated by the disorganization of the monetary system. In 1654 the tsarist govermn'ent, to meet heavy military expen ditures, islued a copper currency, whereas until then only silver coins had been in circulation. The government placed the copper coinage on a par with silver although the value of copper was only about one hundredth that of silver. During a period of eight years a tremendous number of copper coins were minted. This led to a sharp rise in the price of all commodities, especially of food. The peasants stopped sell ing corn for cojiper money. The resultant economic chaos mostly affect ed the city poor. The Streltsi and lessor military servitors, who re ceived their compensation in copper coin, also foimd themselves in sore straits.

Driven to the point of despair the indigent townspeople started a revolt in Moscow on July 25, 1662. The morning of that day placards appeared in various parts of the capital, giving the names of the most unpopular tsarist boyars and rich merchants. A crowd of people, in cluding craftsmen, soldiers and Streltsi set off for the village of Kolo menskoye, near Moscow, where Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich was residing at the time. The crowd forced the tsar to come out of the church in order to negotiate with them, and threateningly demanded that the most odious of the boyars be delivered into their hands, that taxes be abated and copper coinage abolished. The frightened tsar, wishing to gain time, promised everything they asked. But the rebels did not trust him, and shouted: '"What are we to believe?" The tsar took his oath that he would do ovor^i/hing, and struck hands on it with one of the people in the crowd. Deceived by the tsar ’s promise the crowd was on its way back to Moscow, when it met and mingled with another crowd coming to Kolomen skoye from Moscow. The insurgents once more broke into Kolomenskoye just at tho moment when the tsar was mounting his horse to set ofi for Moscow.

By <-his time regiments of the Streltsi had been drawn up in Kolomen skoyo, having been let through the back gates of the royal residence. The tsar changed his tone and commanded: "Let these people be beaten and slashed to death and those that remain be seized alive.’* Tho Strel tsi suddenly attacked the unarmed crowd and drove it to the Moskva River. Many were hacked to death, many others wore drowned in the I iver; most were taken prisoner. The tsar’s government cruelly punished the rebels. However, fearing a new outbreak, the tsar abolished copper money.

The Volga Region in the 17th Century

Peoples of the Volga Region

The vast forests and plains of the Vol ga region on both banLs of the Volga were inhabited by non-Russian, Ural-Altaic tribes. In the wooded area east of the Vyatka River lived the Udmurts (Votyaks), The Mari (Choremissi) inhabited the left bank pf the Volga between the Vyatka and Vetluga rivers and the right bank between the Volga and the Sura rivers. They were divided into the "meadow" dwellers inhabiting the lowlands on the left bank of the Volga, which was covered with forests and marshland, and the "hill" people, who lived on the right high bank of the river. The Chuvashes and Mordvinians were neighbours of the Mari. The Mordvinian settle^ ments covered the territory of the Lower Oka and the upper reaches of the Sura. Tatars lived on both banks of the Lower Kama. The lands southeast of the Kama and along the Ufa Biver were occupied by the Bashkirs (Turki). There were also Bashkirs living beyond the Urals, along the upper reaches of the Tobol River. After the conquest of the Kazan khanate by Ivan IV all these peoples were incorporated into the Russian state.

The tsarist government collected from the conquered peoples of the Volga region a tax in kind, the tribute which they had formerly (until 1552) been paying to the Kazan khan and his vassals. Part of the population paid in addition a money tax. The tsar’s tax gatheieis committed all sorts of outrages, and confiscated the people’s corn and cattle. The monasteries and landlords endeavoured to seize the fertile lands and forests which abounded in fur-bearing animals, and to enslave the population.

To establish its power more firmly over the Volga peoples, the tsar ist govermnent resorted to the assistance of the church, which was converting the people to Orthodoxy. Forcible Christianization was particularly intensified during the patriarchy of Nikon. The Ortho dox priests gathered together the peasants of the Mordvinian villages and baptized them, then compelled these people to hew down their "sacred" groves and burn the log structures placed above the graves of their ancestors.

The Condition of Bashkiria

The chief occupation of the Bashkirs was nomadic herding. The Bashkirs also engaged in hunting for fur-bear ing animals, collecting the honey of wild bees, and fishing. By the 17th century the Bashkirs in some places had already begun to cultivate the soil. Villages appeared, consisting of small log cabins. During the summer the Bashkirs drove their herds of cattle and droves of horses to graze on the steppe, returning to their winter settlements in the late autumn.

Bashkiria was divided into volosts; each volost in its turn consisted of several communities. The volosts were made up of people who con sidered themselves descendants of a single clan. In the 17th century, however, the clan system among the Bashkirs had disintegrated. Al though the pasture lands were nominally the common property of the entire volost or of its subdivision, the community, actually the rich people, who were called princes, tarlchani and hatyri^ disposed of the lands. They possessed large herds of cattle, received substantial in comes from the population, and forced the dependent people to work on their estates. The Bashkirs, like the other peoples of the Middle Volga, had to pay tribute to the tsarist government in the form of marten, fox, squirrel, and other valuable furs. In the 17th century the Russian landlords and the monasteries seized the rich Bashkirian lands (dense forests, ex cellent fisheries, salt mines, the black-earth steppe, pasture land, and tilths) greatly to the detriment of Bashkirian cattle breeding and woodland pursuits. In order to strengthen its power the tsarist government built a large number of fortified cities here, among them the city of Ufa.

The Kalmucks

The Kalmucks (Mongols) appeared in the region of the Lower Volga in the thirties of thel7th century. Formerly they had led a nomadio life in Asia, north of Lake Zaisan, in the mountainous land known as Jungaria. The Kalmucks lived in tribes ruled by princes. The tribes were independent of each other, but when threatened by an attack of neighbouring peoples, they were apt to form a league under the leadership of the strongest tribe and its prince.

In the beginning of the 17th century one of the more populous Elalmuck tribes brought its camps close to the upper reaches of the Irtysh River and started attacking Russian towns. Moving further southwest, some of the Kalmucks, in the thirties of the 17th century, occupied the steppe between the Yaik and the Volga, In 1656 these Kalmucks swore allegiance to Russia. At the end of the 17th and beginning of the 18th century the Volga Kalmucks were ruled by Ayuka Khau, who, though he professed allegiance to the Russian tsar, conducted himself independently and even attacked Russian towns along the Volga. The Jungaria Kalmucks formed a state which grew very strong at the end of the 17th century.

Uprisings in the Volga Region and Western Siberia

The peoples along the Volga fought stubbornly against the tsarist government, defended their lands against encroachment, and frequently raised rebellions. Some of these revolts lasted for several years. The largest outbreaks were those of the Bashkirs, which were adhered to by other peoples of the Volga and Western Siberia — the Tatars, Mari (Chere missi), Chuvashes, Kalmucks, Mansi, and Khanti.

In 1662 an uprising broke out simultaneously in several parts of Bashkiria and Western Siberia. A descendant of the Siberian khan Kuchum led the revolt of the Tatars, Bashkirs, and Voguls (Mansi) in Western Siberia. The insurgents attacked Russian fortified cities and destroyed the monasteries and Russian settlements. The rebellion lasted for several years and was suppressed with difficulty. The tsarist troops, reinforced by regiments of "foreign formation" were sent from Moscow to the Volga, where they exterminated the population, not even sparing "mere infants," as the official report expressed it. When this uprising was crushed, the tsarist government took possession of other Bashkirian lands. Young Bashkirs were forcibly conscripted into the tsar’s army and sent to fight against the Crimea. A new Bashkirian uprising broke out in the middle of the ’seventies, at first merely in the form of isolated armed conflicts, which reached its climax in 1682, Seit Sadir, the elder of one of the Bashkirian vol osts, directing the rebellion (it was called the Seit rebellion after him). The Kalmucks, headed by Ayuka Khan, supported the Bash kirs. The Kalmuck leader played traitor by going over to the tsarist government; this circumstance, combined vdth the ever-growing rivalry and feuds between Kalmucks and Bashkirs over pasturage, facilitated the suppression of the uprising.

Popular Uprising under the Leadership of Stepan Razin

The Don Cossacks in the 17th Century

The Don Cossacks were not a homogeneous people. Those living on the Lower Don were called the ** lowers." Some of them, the rich (or domovitiye — thrifty ones), who had seized elective posts, formed a group of their own. They traded with Russian cities, as well as with the Caucasus, the Crimea and Turkey. In exchange for grain, wine, weapons, gunpowder, cloth, and other commodities imported from Russia, the rich Cossacfe sup plied fish, furs, good Nogai horses and military booty. They used the labour of the poor Cossacks, the golytba, in their industrial pursuits and trade. The rich Cossacks supplied the poor with arms, clothing and food, and sent them on freebooting expeditions. They robbed the trading vessels of Muscovy merchants plying on the Volga, raided the Caspian coast, and pillaged the domains of the Crimean Tatars. When successful, the Cossacks brought back with them rich spoils, the greater share of which was appropriated by the wealthy Cossacks. The administrative centre of the Lower Don" Cossacks was the city of Cheikassk.

The Cossacks living on the Middle Don and its tributaries were called the "uppers." They, too, had among them a number of more prosperous Cossacks, who had succeeded in acquiring their own farm steads. Some of them had been born on the Don and had lived there many years. They were called starozhily—oldi settlers. But the bulk of the "upper" Cossacks belonged to the Cossack poor, whose numbers were constantly being augmented by "newcomers" from Russian cities, consisting of fugitive peasants, serfs, poor townsfolk, and other proper tyless people. Meanwhile the fertile lands on the upper left tributaries of the Don were being seized by the monasteries, big landowners, mem bers of the royal family and the great boyars. The runaway peasants aud serfs were in danger of being returned to their former landloids or enslaved by the local landowners.

In the sixties of the 17th century, impoverishment and hunger drove a still larger number of "fugitives" and "newcomers" to the Don. With the increase in population on the Don there was a palpable short age of corn, which was imported from the more northern Russian cities.

Uprising of Stepan Razin

In the ’sixties signs of unrest were in evidence among the hungry Cossack poor. In 1666 the valiant Cossack ataman, Vasili TJss, stirred up the Don poor against Muscovy and came before Tula with a large Cossack force. He was joined by the serfs of the southern landlords. At the same time an ataman appeared among the poor of the Don, Stepan Timofeyevich Razin, who became the leader of a great Cossacx and peasant uprising.

Li the spring of 1667 a detachment of the poor under the command of Stepan Razin made its way from the Don to the Volga. The Cossacks seized severaJ river boats with com and other merchandise belonging to the tsar, the patriarch, and the rich merchant, Vasili Shorin One of the boats carried exiles who were fettered in irons. The Cossacks killed the guard and set the prisoners free. Razin said to the exiles, the Streltsi and the oarsmen; "You are all free, go where you will. I shall not use force, but whoever wishes to stay with me will be a free Cossack.

I have come to fight only the boyars and rich lords, but with the poor ^ and simple folk I am ready to share everything as a brother."

Razin ’s Cossacks sailed down to the Caspian, slipping past Astra khan; they went in thirty-five galleys, and headed for the River Yaik (the Ural), where they seized the fortified town of Yaitsk.

Razin spent the winter on the Yaik. The following spring he went down to the sea and sailed to the shores of Persia. By this time Razin ’s force numbered several thousand Cossacks. He ravaged the Caucasian shores of the Caspian. When the Cossack craft approached Persia, Razin sent several men to the shah to say that he and his Cossacks were ready to remain and live on his lands forever, since they did not want to suffer the persecutions of Muscovy’s boyars any longer. The shah, acting in accord with Muscovy, ordered Razin ’s envoys to be done to death. At that the Cossacks started to pillage and sack Persian towns. The shah sent fifty boats with soldiers against Razin’s detachment. A fierce sea engagement took place, during which most of the Persian ships were sunk.

Notwithstanding these successes, Razin could not remain any long er on the Caspian shores. The Cossacks had suffered heavy losses in killed and wounded in their battles with the Persians, and disease was rife among the survivors.

In the autumn of 1669 Razin reappeared at Astrakhan. During his absence the city had been strongly fortified and its garrison in creased. ' The Astrakhan waywodes, however, were reluctant to fight against Eazin, who had the avowed sympathy of the population. Anxious to get rid of this leader of the Cossack poor as quickly as possible, the waywodes agreed to let Bazin’s detachment pass up the Don, but de manded that he surrender the booty and weapons he was carrying.

The Astrakhan poor greeted Stepan Bazin enthusiastically, call ing him their batha (father). Bazin’s Cossacks, who had been in tatters when they had set off on their expedition, were now dressed in exqui site silk clothes embroidered with gold, Bazin generously distributed gold coins and valuables to the people.

He did not surrender his arms, as the wa3rwodes had demanded. In stead, he set off with a well-armed detachment for the Don, where the fame of his successes had already become widespread. Some of the Astrakhan inhabitants went off with him.

On the Don, just above the mouth of the Donets, B.azin’s Cossacks built a fortress on an island, which was named the Kagalnitahi Oorodok. Cossacks, peasants, serfs, as well as runaway Streltsi hastened to this town from all sides to join Bazin. Taking part of his detachment with him, Eazin set off for Cherkassk, where a Cossack assembly had gath ered for negotiations with the tsar’s envoy, Yevdokimov, who had been sent from Moscow to collect data on the movement of the poor Cossacks and to promise gifts to the rich Cossacks if they remained loyal to the tsar. Stepan Eazin arrived on the scene just when the rich Cossacks were about to elect a return mission to Moscow. With the appearance of Ea zin in Cherkassk the temper of the Cossacks changed sharply; the poor went over to his side, and the tsar’s envoy, Yevdokimov, was killed.

Erojn Cherkassk Stepan Eazin, with new detachments of poor, sailed up the Don and crossed over to the Volga. Cossacks and peas ants kept joining him in whole detachments, groups and singly. Among these was Vasili TJss. He became Bazin’s closest aide. By this time the rebels numbered over 7,000 men. Eazin, aided by the inhabitants, easily captured Tsaritsyn (now called Stalingrad) where he seized large supplies of arms.

Eazin ’s second appearance on the Volga in the spring of 1670 marked the beginning of a new period in the Cossack and peasant uprising. At first Eazin had appeared in the role of a Cossack free booting ataman, though even then his operations had differed from the usual Cossack raids undertaken with the object of obtaining war booty. He freed the slaves and always showed himself to be the enemy of the waywodes, the nobles and the rich merchants. The success of his cam paign contributed to the rapid rise of the Cossack movement on the Don. Talk of the glorious ataman of the Cossack poor spread far beyond the boundaries of the Cossack settlements. Eazin became the leader of a spontaneous popular uprising. After taking Tsaritsyn he decided to march into the interior of Russia. To do this he first had to take possession of Astrakhan and entrench himself on the Lower Volga. The Astrakhan waywode sent a force of Streltsi against Kazin; but these men killed their officers and went over to the insurgents. In June 1670 Razin approached Astrakhan, The city was surrounded by a high stone wall with towers and battlements bristling with cannon. The waywode prepared to repel the attack. But many Streltsi and towns folk within the city were only waiting for an opportunity to help the Cossacks seize the fortress.

When dusk fell the bells rang out, sounding the tocsin. This was the signal that the Cossacks had begun their attack. The armed nobles rushed to that part of the wall from where the shouts of the combatants could be heard. Meanwhile the Cossacks, under cover of darkness, approached the fortress unnoticed from the other side. They set upscal ing ladders against the high walls and climbed into the city.

The residents were waiting on the walls to help them. Five cannon shots were fired as a signal that the city had surrendered. The poor of Astrakhan joined Razin ’s Cossacks and killed the nobles and all others who offered any resistance. By morning Astrakhan was captured.

From Astrakhan Razin moved up the Volga. The uprising spread far and wide over both banks of the river. Razin ’s forces grew daily. Cossacks, Streltsi, serfs and peasants flocked to him from every side. Hatred against the landlords was so intense that the peasants brought with them the severed heads of their lords in bags, and threw them at Razin 's feet. Since Razin ’s campaign up the Volga the peasant popu lation became the chief force of the uprising.

The insurgents were poorly armed, many of them having mere ly axes, imives and lances. But the Streltsi of the royal garrisonf had no desire to fight against the people. They tied the nobles and officers hand and foot and opened the gates of the fortresses to Razin. Thus, with the help of the Streltsi and the population Razin quickly cap tured Saratov (old Saratov was situated on the left bank of the Volga, somewhat above the Saratov of today) and Samara (now the city of Kuibyshev), but he encountered stubborn resistance at Simbirsk (now Ulyanovsk).

Razin’s messengers went throughout the countryside and secretly circulated appeals in which Razin called upon "all the rabble,** that is, all the poor and oppressed, to rise in rebellion. He said he was acting for the "Great Sovereign" against the traitors — the boyars and nobles. Razin himself, like most of the people, naively believed that the tsar ist power would espouse their cause against the boyars. It was rumoured among the people that the Tsarevich Alexei Alexeyevich, the tsar*s son, and the brave Nechai, leader of Ukrainian peasant detachments, were with Razin. As a matter of fact, Nechai had long since been killed by the Polish gentry in the Ukraine, and Tsarevich Alexei Alexeyevich had died befoie the uprising began.

Razin’s appeals for an uprising were addressed not only to the Russians, but also to the Tatar, Chuvash, Mordvinian and other oppressed peoples. The population on both the right and the left banks of the Volga responded to his call.

Razin’s successes on the Volga and the rapid spread of the peasant re bellion seriously alarmed Moscow. The tsar mobil ized the Moscow and pro vincial nobles, the Streltsi, and regiments of "foreign formation." The whole of this huge army, led byPrin ce Yuri Dolgoruki,was sent to suppress the uprising.

For almost a month Razin besieged Simbirsk. In the beginning of Octo ber 1670 Razin ’s detach ment and the tsar’s troops, which had come up, met in battle near Siml3irsk, In the hand-to-hand mel6e that ensued there was such

a confusion of combatants that it was difficult to distinguish friend from foeRazin could be seen in the thick of the battle. He had a sabre

cut on his head and a bullet wound in the leg, yet he kept on fighting. In spite of its obdurate resistance, Razin ’s detachment was routed, Razin retreated to the Hon with a small group of Cossacl?s,

Although Razin was defeated at Simbirsk, the peasant rebellion continued to spread until it embraced a tremendous teiritoiy: up the Volga to Kazan and Kizhni Novgorod, and on the right bank of the Volga almost to the Oka River, The rebels seized Temnikov and Penza and besieged Tambov and other cities. The Kalmucks, Tatars, Mord vinians, Cheremissi (Mari ), Chuvashes and Bashkirs on the right and left banks of the Volga joined the insiuTection.

On the right bank of the Volga the serfs united with the poor urban population. The peasants destroyed the estates of the landlords and successfully waged a partisan war against the tsar’s troops. One big rebel force was commanded by a peasant woman named Alyona > a na tive of Arzamas. The rebellion on the Volga found a response in other places as well, near Kolomna outside of Moscow, and in the Northern Maritime region. Stepan Razin ’s brother, IVol, operated in Slobodskaya XJhraina, However, the isolated peasant detachments were unable to resist the well-armed troops for a long time. The tsar’s army con verged on the insurgent areas from diflFerent sides and wreaked savage vengeance on the population.

The captured peasants were taken to the city of Arzamas where they were tortured and executed. Gallows were put up all around the city* A foreign eyewitness testified that 11,000 people were executed in Arzamas in three months.

By means of inhuman cruelty the tsar’s waywodes hoped to instil fear into the peasants and force them into submission. But the leaders of the detachments held up bravely even under torture.

^VThat were you planning to do?" the hangmen asked them.

^We wanted to take Moscow and kill all of you boyars, nobles and clerks," was the reply.

Alyona, the woman leader of a peasant rebel force, was also seized. Condemned to be burnt at the stake, she calmly heard the death sen tence and, dying, said:

'Ti all had fought as I did, Prince Yuri would have fled from us for all he was worth."

By the beginning of 1671 the main hotbeds of the uprising on the right bank of the Volga had been suppressed by tsarist troops, iiter the poor Cossacks had left together with Razin for the Volga, only the wealthy Cossacks remained on the Don. In April, 1671, they seized Razin in Kagalnitski Gorodok and brought him to Moscow themselves. There Razin was subjected to excruciating tortures, but he did not utter a single groan. In June 1671, in Moscow, Razin was quartered (the executioners first cut off his hands and legs, then his head).

The Lower Volga region held out longest. After Razin had set out for Simbirsk, Ataman Vasili Uss remained in Astrakhan. Another companion-in-arms of Razin^s, Pyodor Sheludyak, undertook a new campaign up the Volga in July 1671 and got as far as Simbirsk, but he was defeated and forced to return to Astrakhan. The following month a large tsarist army went down to Astrakhan. Pyodor Sheludyak defended the city for about two months, but at the end of November the tsar’s troops took possession of Astrakhan, the last stronghold of the rebels. Sheludyak was hanged.

Por a long time the people refused to believe that Razin had per ished, The old folks said that Razin had merely gone into hiding and that the time would come when he would reappear on the Volga once more and send out a call to the Cossack and the peasant poor. The memory of the brave ataman, Stepan Timofeyevich Razin, lives in

numerous folk songs which became known all over Russia.

Eise thou, 0 sun, 0 thou rvMy om.

Over the mountains that tower so,

Over the speedwells that greenly grow,

Warm thou our bones: we are honest folk,

Poor though we are, yet we'll hear no yoke.

Thieves are we not, or your brigands dread,

Stepan Bazin---by him we're led.

The great Russian poet, Pushkin, has called Stepan Razin the

most poetic figure, in Russian history .

After the suppression of the peasant uprisings at the end of the 17th century, the peasantry once more relapsed into passive resist ance against their condition of serfdom, i.e., going off into the forest, the steppe, or the borderland. The movement among the Baskolniki (dissenters) increased. Many settlements of the Baskolniki sprang up in the almost inaccessible woody regions along the Medveditsa and Khoper riTers, left tributaries of the Don. Some of the BasTcolnihi leaders even preached non-resistance to violence, and suicideUnder the influence of their fanatical preachings, the dissenters at the end of the 17th century often resorted to mass suicide by burning them selves alive.

The uprising under Stepan Kazin was the largest movement against feudal oppression in the 17th century. The insurgent Cossacks, peasants, serfs and the non-Russian population of the Volga seized a vast territory and inflicted a number of defeats upon the tsarist troops.

All the peasant wars in Europe and Russia represented a struggle against feudal oppression on the part of a peasantry which was en slaved or in the process of enslavement.

While stressing the progressive aspect of the peasant wars, Marx and Engels and, later, Lenin and Stalin pointed out the weak sides of these mass movements. The peasant movements were imorganized and spontaneous. Their weakness lay in the fact that their revolu tionary forces acted isolatedly and were not united — a circumstance which permitted the government troops to crush each uprising as it occurred.

Lenin and Stalin, in pointing out the weakness of the peasant wars, showed that the peasants could not win without the help and leadership of the proletariat. They emphasized the fact that the lead ers of the peasant uprisings in Russia were supporters of the tsar; they opposed the landlords but were in favour of a *%ood tsar."

Stalin has called the peasant wars ^devolutions of the serf peasants" and has emphasized their revolutionary character inasmuch as the peasant wars were directed against feudalism and serfdom.

Life and Culture in the 17th Century Russia

Education

The war against foreign intervention (1604-1618), the country’s ruined economy (1618-1648) and the Baltic blockade impeded Russia’s ’cultural development. Even among the great feudal nobility there were many uneducated and illiterate people. There were no properly organized schools* Only in Moscow was there a higher theological school ('^Academy'*). Reading and writing were taught by scribes at the churches or in the homes of wealthy people. The whole business of education was a matter of memorizing several church books. The first printed textbooks appeared in the 17th century. The pupils repeated the lesson alter their teacher in a singsong. This gave rise to the folk saying: "Their ABC’s they sing — ^the very rafters ring." For the slightest mistake the pupils were whipped with birch rods. The rod was even praised in song and verse. Literacy among women was a rare thing.

Life of the Nobles and Merchants in the 17th Century

The women in the homes of the boyars, nobles and merchants lived in complete seclu sion until they married. They durst not show themselves to strangers, nor look at them. They spent the whole day either at embroidery work or at prayer. Their marriages were arranged for them by their parents. The bridegroom and bride generally did not see each other imtil the wed ding day, No better was the position of the married woman. After mar riage she became the obedient slave of her husband and could do nothing without his permission. The dress of the well-to-do was heavy and uncoflifortahle. The outer garment reached below the knees and the sleeves almost touched the ground, for which reason they were gathered up on the arms in numerous folds. It was diflGlcult to walk and work in such clothing. Sometimes the rich people, for the sake of ostentation, dressed themselves in e3i)en sive fur coats when receiving guests.

Clothes worn on festive occasions were made of costly woolen cloth or Eastern silks, resplendent with precious stones, pearls and huge gold and silver buttons. The aristocracy wore very tall fur hats, slightly widening at the top. They were so heavy that it was diflBicult to turn one ’s head in them. On ceremonious occasions a boyar would even wear three headgear— a fiat skull-cap, a hood, and his tall fur hat.

The hair was cut short. Beards were an object of special care. A man who could not grow a good beard was considered capable of doing evil deeds. The shaving of beards was punished as a sinful act.

Cultural Influence of Western Europe

A factor that largely contributed to the cultural development of the Eussian state in the 17th century was the growing contact with the more cultured countries of the West. Greeks, Englishmen, Germans, Dutchmen, Frenchmen, and Poles appeared in Moscow as well as in other large cities. Some came for a short time for pin poses of trade; others remained to live in the Russian cities. The govern ment of Muscovy stimulated the migration of educated peo ple, inviting military specialists, doctors, painters, and various artificers into its service. These foreigners were by no means all useiul people. Many of them proved to be impostors who had come toRnssia merely for person al profit or espionage. Others served conscientiously and gave the Russian people the benefit of their knowledge.

A settlement inhabited by foreigners sprang up in Moscow as tar back as the end of the 16th century. Later it came to be called the "German Settlement," In the middle of the 17th century it was trans ferred to the \auza River, not far from the village of Preobrazhenskoye. Russians who visited the German Settlement were to a certain extent able to familiarize themselves with Emopean culture. Russians also began to make more frequent trips abioad during the 17th century. The nobles of Muscovy often went to England, Germany, France, Tuikey and other Euiopean and Eastern countnes as members of the Russian embassies. Attempts were also made by Russian tradesmen to take their merchandise to European cities, but these attempts met with failure since foreign merchants, fearing competition, did not permit Russian trade in their lands.

This acquaintance with foreign culture, especially with that of Western Europe, resulted in the gradual penetration of elements of that culture into the life of the well-to-do classes of the Russian popu lation — ^th© boyars and the merchants. Articles of foreign origin, such as "amusing" (f.e., illustrated) books, paintings, maps, musical instruments, utensils, ornaments, etc., appeared in the homes of the rich.

Western European influence also affected the intellectual interests of the educated people of Russian society The boyar Ordin-Nashchokin, influential in the reign of Alexei Mikhailovich, ardently advocated the reorganization of the state administration of Russia according to the best European models. The Ukraine also exerted considerable cultural influence, which became especially great after its incorpo ration into the Russian state. Kiev icon-painters, engravers, and other masters came to Moscow to work. The boyars invited Ukrainian teachers and tutors to their homes. Simeon Polotski, an educated Byelorussian monk, was a teacher in the family of Tsar Alexei Mi khailovich. He furthermore composed comedies, wrote verse and taught the Muscovites rhetorical art. His rhymed psalter is well known.

A large number of foreign works on history, the science of warfare, medicine, astronomy, mathematics, geography, natural science and other sciences were translated into Russian in the 17th century. The Russian reading public became acquainted with secular literature through the translations of novels dealing with chivalry and knight errantry, and other stories. Russian imitations appeared, followed by original works descriptive of life among the nobles and the mer chants. A considerable number of short satirical tales were written in the second half of the 17th century lampooning ecclesiastical drunk ards, covetous judges, corrupt under-clerks, knavish nobles, etc. This literature strove to portray the truth of life, and was mundane and realistic.

An approach to realism was also noticeable in the development of Russian painting. Artists tried to depict life with greater exaotn'ess and truth. In portrait painting there was a striving to obtain a lifelike effect. The gifted Moscow artist, Simon Ushakov, compared art to a mirror, which reflects the real world as it sees it. This is what Ushakov wanted to see in painting too.

In the 17th century the Moscow court aristocracy was first intro duced to the world of drama. Qotfried Gregory, a pastor from the German Settlement, who lived during the reign of Tsar Alexei Mi khailovich, formed a "comedy troupe" of Russian students and German actors, which presented plays on historical themes. Later a special building was put up for the theatre which also presented plays written by Russians. During the performance the tsar sat on a special bench in front of the stage, while the invited boyars stood up. The tsaritsa watched the performance from a screened loge.

Cultural development in the 17th century affected only the upper sections of the ruling class. The people remained in complete ignorance and darkness. The peasants lived in dirty huts which had no chimneys. The hearth was laid in the middle of the hut and the only outlet for the smoke was a small window, the only one in the house. The walls and ceiling were covered with soot. The priests and quack doctors played on the popular ignorance and treated the people for their ailments by means of exorcisms, "holy water" and various herbs. Mortality was therefore very high, especially among children. During an epidemic entire cities and districts would be wiped out.

But in spite of the people’s dire poverty and state of serfdom^ folk art did not die out. Pilgrims and other people chanted hyliny (folk song-poems) and historical songs which told of outstanding events, of the struggle to throw off the Tatar yoke, and of the popular uprisings. The keen observation and native wit of the Russians were expressed in numerous proverbs and adages. Jugglers and buffoons presented short satirical skits in the public squares, in which they frequently ridiculed the priests and the boyars.

The church did its utmost at that time to suppress the art of the people. It forbade music and street performances. The patriarch Nikon even ordered all national musical instruments to be collected and burnt.

Moscow, the Capital

In the 17th century Moscow was a big and populous city. For eigners compared it with the largest cities of Western Europe.

The Kremlin, the administrative centre of the capital, occupied the centre of Moscow. The tsar’s palace, consisting of numerous build ings, as well as outhouses such as granaries, cellars, barns, stables, etc., was situated within the Kremlin. A large stone building housing the government offices faced Ivanovskaya Square, not far from the palace. The various decrees of the tsar and the boyars were announced to the assembled people from the steps of this building. Near the offices the clerks shouted out the royal ukases; here, too, convicted persons were publicly punished by whipping or scourging. This it was that gave rise to the popular saying: "To shout all over Ivanov skaya." The residences of the boyars, the prelates and some of the rich merchants were also situated in the Kremlin.

Moscow spread on all sides of the Kremlin. As the city grew, the estates of the princes and boyars surrounding it, their villages and settlements inhabited by craftsmen and serfs became part of the city. Many of Moscow’s streets and squares still bear the names of the meadows and villages that had once been within the city’s precincts. The site occupied by Kudrin&kaya Square (now called Square of the Uprising) was once the village of Kudrino. Polyanka (Field) Street , as its name implies, was once open country. The square facing the Kremlin came into existence at the end of the 15th century, taking the place of some buildings that had been destroyed by fire. IVIarket trade was carried on in the square which was also a place of public executions. In the middle of the 17th century the square came to be called Bed Square —probably because at that time it was the largest and most beautiful square in Moscow.

New fortress walls were built around Moscow several times. In the thirties of the 16th century the walls of Kitai Gorod were built to adjoin the Kjemlin walls. At the end of the 16th century a Russian craftsman by the name of Fyodor Kon, built the walls of Bely Qorod (White Town). During the reign of Boris Godunov the buildings outside Bely Gorod were surrounded by a wooden wall with high towers. The wooden wall was burnt down during the uprising against the Poles in the spring of 1611. A laige earthen rampart was then erected in its place.

Kitai Gored was the trading centre of Moscow. Most of it was occupied by rows of small booths huddled closely together. Each row traded in one particular article, such as meat, fish, ironwares, cloth, silk, lace, etc. The biggest trading took place in the goatiniye dvory (merchant inns) where visiting foreign merchants put up,

Bely Gorod was the residential quaiter of the rich nobles and merchants. The large boyars* residences resembled country manors. Their spacious granaries and storerooms contained supplies of food brought from the coimtryside. Hundreds of seifs, the household ser vants of the boyar, lived in crowded outhouses.

Craftsmen and tradespeople resided in special suburbs or settle ments called slohody. There were settlements that belonged to the tsar, to individual boyars and to monasteries. Kadashevskaya Sloboda was inhabited by weavers who made linen for the palace; Kuznetsfcaya Sloboda (Smiths" Subujb) by smiths; Bronnaya (Armour Suburb) by craftsmen who made head-pieces and coats of mail, and so on. The homes of the poor in no way differed from the huts in the rural districts. In some places the houses stood in dense clusters; in others there were intervening commons or grassland enclosures used for pasturage. The streets v.ore so narrow and crooked that two carts fre quently were unable to x^ass each other. On some streets houses often jutted forward in such a way that they blocked the thoroughfare.

Moscow, like other European capitals, was a muddy city. Only a few streets were paved with round logs laid down iu a row. The crowded state of the wooden buildings facilitated the rapid spread of fires, and Moscow was frequently burnt to the ground in a matter of hours.

Side by side with this, however, there were masterpieces of ancient Russian architecture which charmed Russians and still more foreigners, such as the magnificent Kremlin walls and towers, the belfry of Ivan the Great, numerous churches with tent -roof belfries, palaces, etc. Such was the capital of the Russian state in the 17th century.

The Peoples of Siberia in the 17th Century

Eastern Siberia in the 17th Century

The Peoples of Eastern Siberia

In the 17th century the Russian state absorbed almost all of Eastern Siberia, from the Yenisei to the Sea of Okhotsk. This vast territory was inhabited by heterogeneous peoples in various stages of social and economic development. The land east of the Yenisei to the coast of the Sea of Okhotsk was occupied by tribes of the Paleo -Asiatic Evenki or Tmiguses, as the Russians called them. They lived in large clans which often came into bloody conflict with each other. In the winter the Evenki hunted in the Si berian taiga; during the summer they went to the rivers for the fishing season. Portable tents covered with birch-bark in the summer and hides in the winter served as their homes. Domesticated deer were used for transportation purposes. The Evenki procured iron wares froin their neighbours, but they had few such objects. Some tribes wore defensive armour made of bone plates. They liked colourful clothing and bright, spai'kling ornaments, and tattooed their faces. The Evenki were a very warlike tribe. T'heir shamans, or wi 2 iard priests, exercised great influence over them. The people believed that the shamans were able to invoke the spirits of the dead; on such occasions these sorcerers would dress theinselyes in special garments and execute savage dances to the heating of a "sacred" tambourine.

At the mouth of the Amur lived the Paleo-Asiatics, the Nivkhi or Gilyaks. Their chief occupation was fishing.

The peoples inhabiting Northeastern Siberia— the Oduly ('ruka girs), Nymylans (Koryaks), Luoravetlans (Chukches), Itelmens (Kam chadales) —still lived the life of barbarians. They were not familiar with iron and employed flint and bone instead. They used arrows with flint tips, and stone knives. Their first acquaintance with iron was made through the Russians, whom they called in their folklore "the iron men."

The Upper Yenisei was inhabited since ancient times by the Turkic Yenisei Kirghiz whom the Chinese called Khakasses. They have retained this name to the present day. The Kirghiz were a pastoral people who led a nomadic life in the steppes of the Yenisei. Their chieftains collected tribute in the form of furs from their forest-dwelling neighbours. Various hill tribes dwelt in the inaccessible gorges of the Altai Mountains. Some of these tribes were familiar with iron smelting and made weapons and other objects from iron. Their neighbours bought these objects or took them away by force as tribute. The Altai peoples were absorbed by the Oirots (a Mongol tribe), and their country came to be called Oirotia (now the Oirot Autonomous Region).

In the centre of the territory occupied by the Evenki, along the middle reaches of the Lena River, lived the Turkic-Yakuts. According to a Yakut legend, this people came from the south, from the Trans baikal region, and settled on the Lena River after a long and strenuous struggle against the Evenki. Yakut civilization in the 17th century was superior to that of its neighbours. The Yakuts engaged in cattle and horse breeding, which was facilitated by a profusion of excellent meadowlands along the middle reaches of the Lena, The Yakuts lived in timber huts warmed by fireplaces. They were familiar with the working of metals in a primitive way; their weapons (knives set in wooden handles), and especially their armour, were highly valued even by the Russians. In the 17th century the clan system among the Yakuts had begun to decline. Chieftains possessing large herds of cattle began to stand out from the mass of the tribe. They were served both by slaves and free Yakuts— poor people who had very litth, if any, cattle of their own.

The territory of the Angara River, a tributary of the Yenisei, of Lake Baikal and the Upper Lena, was inhabited by Buryat-Mongol tribes. The chief pursuit of the Buryats was herding, but they also practised agriculture in a small way, even bartering barley and millet for furs and other wares. Hunting was a subsidiary occupation with them. The Buryat tribes were also ruled by chieftains.

The Laurs and their kindred Manchiiiia tiibes lived along the Amur River, In the 17th century the Daurs were already a highly civilized people. They lived on the land in villages and engaged in agriculture, somng all kinds of cereals and growing different sorts of vegetables and fruit trees. They had a large number of cattle, and imported poultry from China. In addition to husbandry and livestock breeding the Daurs engaged to some extent in hunting fur-bearing animals, especially the sable, in which their land abounded. The rich Amur region attracted neighbouring Chinese feudal lords, who forced the inhabitants of this area to pay tribute to them in the form of sable skins. The Chinese taxgatherers, accompanied by Chinese merchants with their wares, came to the Amur every year. The Daurs obtained silk fabrics and metals from the Chinese, under whose influence they began to build houses with windows covered with thin sheets of paper (instead of glass) and dress themselves in the Chinese fashion. The Daurs had well-fortified cities.

Conquest and Colonization of Eastern Siberia

Russian Penetration Eastward

Eastern Siberia was conquered by the Siberian military servitors, viz.^ the Cossacks and other military who served in Siberian towns and who set off on their own initiative, in small detachments, to conquer the "'troublesome lands.^*’ Besides collecting the royal tribute, they confiscated considerable amounts of fur for themselves and derived large profits from the sale of captives into slavery. They took the elders and chieftains of the conquered tribes as hostages, and built small wooden fortresses on the subjugated lands. The Siberian military servitors were abetted by the traders who came in increasing numbers year after year in quest of sable skins. In their pursuit of the sable, the hunters sometimes penetrated into the most distant corners of Siberia before the military people arrived there. Groups of Cossacks and hunters kept pushing further east, to unexplored lands. In this manner all of Eastern Siberia from the Yenisei to the Sea of Okhotsk was acquired within several decades.

On the eastern shores of the Gulf of Ob was a land which the Russians called Mangazeya. From here, by going along the rivers and by portage, the traders made their way to the lower reaches of the Yenisei River (where now stands the city of Turukhansk). Despite the dangers of this long journey, the quest of rich fur prize drew large numbers of traders to Mangazeya every year. Under Tsar Boris Godunov a large military expedition was sent to Mangazeya, and after a determined struggle against the nomad Nentsi (Samoyedes), the Russians built a wooden fort here. Thus was seized the route to the Lower Yenisei. Somewhat later, the Russians penetrated from the middle region of the Ob to the middle of the Yenisei, where in 1619 they built the city of Yeniseisk, From here they began to subjugate the Evenki, Buryats, and other peoples of the Yenisei region. About ten years later the city of Krasnoyarsk was founded on the Yenisei Biver. Here the Kussian military servitors encountered serious resistance on the part of the Kirghiz.

Moving along the Angara Biver, a right tributary of the Yenisei, the Russians from Yeniseisk reached the great Lake Baikal. In the middle of the 17th century, not far from the spot where the Angara flows out of the lake, the fortified wintering station of Irkutsk (the future city of Irkutsk) was established. The indigenous Buryat tribes of the Angara basin and Lake Baikal desperately resisted the invaders. The Buryats of Baikal trekked to Mongolia, There they fell into op pressive bondage under the yoke of the Mongol feudal lords, and many of them preferred to go back and live under the rule of Muscovy.

A very important stage in the history of the conquest of Eastern Siberia by the Russians was the opening of a route from the Yenisei to the Lena, Bumours of the immense wealth to be found in furs along the "great river" east of the Yenisei began to attract traders and military people at an early date. Crowds of fortune-hunters made a rush almost simultaneously from two directions, from Yeniseisk and from Mangazeya. They attacked the Yakuts living on the Lena, robbed them of their furs and cattle, and took their women and children into captivity. In 1632 the Yeniseisk military servitors created a fort on the Lena — ^Yakutsk. Shortly afterwards waywodes were sent to Ya kutsk from Moscow. Groups of military men and traders then set out from Yakutsk to discover and conquer "distant," "unknown" lands. They made their way to the northeast, as far as the Arctic Ocean, reaching the land of the Oduly (Yukagirs), from whom they exacted tribute.

The Dezhnyov Expedition

In 1648 a group of Russian mer chants and traders conceived the idea of exploring the Arctic coast east of the mouth of the Kolyma, in quest of walrus breeding grounds, walrus tusks being a valuable article of trade. The expedition was headed by the Cossack Semyon Dezhnyov, from Yakutsk. It sailed from the mouth of the Kolyma on seven vessels, moving close to the shore. The craft used by the daring navigators were a makeshift affair of roughly assembled boards and most of them were wrecked. However, the vessel in which Dezhnyov sailed was carried out far to the east by a storm, into the strait dividing Asia from America (Bering Strait). No one in Europe at the time knew that Asia was separated from America by a strait. Dezhnyov’s voyage solved this question. Today the extreme northeastern cape of Asia is called Cape Dezhnyov.

While these discoveries were being made in the northeast exploration was in progress along the shores of the Sea of Okhotsk and the Amur. BVom the Aldan River, a tributaiy of the Lena, the military went as far as the shore of the Sea of Okhotsk, where they erected the fort of Okhotsk. The Okhotsk Evenki resisted for a long time but were finally compelled to submit to the force of firearms.

The Struggle for the Amur

Traders from the Amur brought news of the wealth of the land of the Daurs (the Amur region), and of the large number of sables to be found there. In 1643 the Yakutsk wajnvode fitted out a military expedition to the Amur under the command of Vasili Poyarkov. The latter succeeded in reaching the Zeya River, a tributary of the Amur, where he established a small settlement. However, before long his detachment ran short of food. At first they ate pine bark and roots, then when the snow melted, grass, and finally reached such an extremity that they were forced to eat dead bodies. Poyarkov barely managed to repel the attacks of the Daurs against his settlement. In the spring he built some vessels and sailed along the Zeya and down the Amur, with the survivors of his crew. Poyarkov wintered at the mouth of the Amur and col lected tribute from the Nivkhi (Gilyaks). Early the following summer the detachment under Poyarkov sailed into the open sea and coasted northwards. Only in July 1646, exactly three years after the expe dition had started out, and after enduring the greatest privations, the survivors reached Yakutsk.

In spite of all the hardships that attended expeditions to the Amur, the wealth of this region continued to attract enterprising men. In 1649 a trader by the name of Yerofei Khabarov assembled volun teers at his own expense, supplied them with weapons and food, and set out with them to conquer the "Amur peoples." For three years Khabarov and his troops fought to get possession of the Amur provinces. He forced the population into submission, collected tribute and seized captives. The Chinese, who imtil then had collected tribute from the people of the Amur region, were reluctant to yield their booty to the Russians. A large Chinese army unexpectedly attacked the Kha barov settlement on the Amur. In spite of their inferior numbers, the Russians repulsed the attack and compelled the Chinese to retreat. But the position of Khabarov ’s detachment became increasingly difficult; it was impossible to obtain food anywhere, and Khabarov himself had been recalled to Moscow. Those of his detachment that remained were annihilated by the Chinese.

Muscovy did not relinquish the idea of annexing the Amur lands, but decided to act more cautiously. The Nerchinsk fort was founded on one of the northern tributaries of the Amur. Fifteen years after Khabarov ’s expedition the Cossacks established the small outpost of Albazin on the Amur itself. The Chinese emperor, desirous of dom inating the Amur himself, demanded that this outpost be destroyed.

His demand not being acceded to, a large Chinese army equipped with guns besieged the stronghold and compelled the small garrison to evacuate it,* the outpost of Albazin was razed. A year later the Russians rebuilt Albazin and strongly fortified it. The Chinese be sieged the fort again, but this time the garrison, in spite of the great disparity in numbers, successfully withstood the furious bombardment for almost a year. Peace negotiations put an end to the siege. In 1689 peace was concluded in Nerchinsk. According to the terms of the treaty the boundaries established between Russian and Chinese pos sessions followed the Argun River and the Stanovoi and Yablonovoi mountain ranges; in this way the Amur and its adjoining lands were seized by China. Albazin was destroyed again.

Revolt of the Indigenous Population of Siberia

Within a very brief space of time the Russian state took possession of a vast territory stretching from the Urals to the Sea of Okhotsk. The indi genes were forced to pay hea-vy tribute. Revolts against the tsarist rule therefore frequently broke out in Siberia. The Yakuts rebelled on several occasions; once they almost succeeded in destroying Yakutsk. The Buryats and the Okhotsk Evenki fought long and persistently against the tsarist conquerors. A big uprising took place in Western Siberia during the reign of Alexei Mikhailovich. These rebellions were suppressed. The disunited Siberian peoples were powerless in their struggle against the centralized Russian state.

Colonization of Siberia

Despite its remoteness, Russians began to settle in Siberia in the 17th century. The government sent parties of people to Siberia for military service and other purposes. Very soon the government started the practice of sending convicts to Siberia, as well as the poor who rebelled against the boyars and the nobles. On the other hand, peasants who found life hard to endure under the landlord oppression and tsarist rule migrated of their own accord in order to escape from hunger and persecution in their native land, and went to the Urals in the hope of finding a better life there.

The government had to maintain a large number of Cossacks and other military people in the Siberian towns and settlements. To provide them with food it was necessary to introduce agriculture into Siberia. The peasants were given land in Siberia and loans in the form of money and seed. In return for this they tilled a definite area "for the sovereign" and delivered about half of their crop to the state every year. The only difference between the position of the peasants in Siberia and the serfs of European Russia was that the former worked for a feudal state instead of private landlords. Many Russians came to Siberia to follow trade and various other pursuits. A large number of them remained in Siberia, established their own farms or entered the mili tary service. By the end of the 17th century Western Siberia was studded with Russian settlements and villages.

Russian colonization stimulated the development of Siberia’s productive forces. In some places agriculture made great strides. By the end of the 17th century the southern districts of Western Siberia were devoted entirely to agriculture and, according to the descriptions of travellers, they represented a densely populated terri tory with good ploughland. Russian colonists contributed greatly to the discovery and exploration of Northern Asia. Siberia’s natural resources, its iron ore and salt mines, began to be exploited. At the end of the 17th century Semyon Remezov of the Siberian military even compiled a geographical atlas of Siberia. The accounts of Russian travellers and their maps were frequently cited by Western European geographers in their scientific works on Asia.

The Russian population of Siberia as well as the natives suffered keenly from the persecution and extortions of the tsarist waywodes and from the heavy burdens imposed on them by the state. The Russians frequently rebelled against the administration, the natives often joining them in their struggle against the common enemy.

The conquest of Siberia was of tremendous significance to the Russian state. Eurs were obtained from Siberia for trade with Western Europe, China and Persia. Purs were also a source of revenue for nation al defence and for the payment of the nobles’ salaries.

Transcaucasia and Central Asia in the 16th and 17th Centuries

Transcaucasia in the 16th and 17th Centuries

It took Transcaucasia a long time to recover from the devastation wrought by the Tatar invasion. Agriculture and trade had fallen into decay. The economic ties among the separate regions had been severed. The feudal disunity of the country became greater.

At the end of the 15th century Georgia was broken up into the king doms of Karthlia (the capital of which was Tiflis), Kakhetia and Imeretia, and the principalities of Mingrelia, Meshkhetia, Guria, Svanetia and Abkhazia. Each of these small states consisted, in its turn, of a large number of still smaller feudal domains. Split up and ren dered impotent by intestine warfare, Georgia was nnable to offer effective resistance to outside enemies. Trancaucasia had two power ful empires on its borders—Turkey and Persia. In the 16th century a fierce struggle broke out between them for possession of Transcauca sia, which was ravaged by both countries. The Turko-Persian yoke lay heavily upon Transcaucasia and the Black Sea region. Azerbaijan was seized by the Persians in the beginning of the 16th century. It then alternately became the prey of the Turks and of the Persians, which had a disastrous effect upon the population. In 1655 Turkey and Persia concluded an agreement for the mutual division of Georgia. Western Georgia (Imeretia) went to Turkey, and Eastern Georgia (Karthlia and Kakhetia) to Persia. The Georgian kingdom and principalities thus became vassals of their neighbour states.

In an endeavour to re-establish their independence, the Kakhetian kings appealed for help to the Muscovy tsars. In 1586 an agreement was concluded between Muscovy and Kakhetia, by which the Kakhetian rulers agreed to become the vassals of Muscovy. However, the Russian state was too far away to render military aid to its allies. The struggle between Turkey and Persia in Transcaucasia continued. In 1614 Kakhetia fell a prey to Persian invasion. The land was ravaged with unprecedented savagery. Over 160,000 Georgians were transport ed to Persia. The ruler of Kakhetia, Teimuraz, was again compelled to appeal to Moscow, where Mikhail Fyodorovich reigned at the time. But Russia did not help Georgia. During the reign of Alexei Mikhailo vich, Teimuraz himself went to Moscow to try to secure aid. He was received with great honour, but Georgia did not receive any assistance this time either, as Russia was waging a difficult war against Turkey and Poland for the Ukraine. Thus as far back as the 17th century Geor gia chose the right road of union with Russia.

Turkish and Persian invasions reduced Transcaucasia to utter ruin. The once flourishing cities of Transcaucasia, Tbilisi and Kutaisi, were desolate. The peasantry particularly were grievously affected. In order to retain their possessions, Georgian and Armenian land owners embraced the Mohammedan faith, thereby ensuring for themselves the support of the Turkish and Persian feudal lords. The peasants were utterly landless and were converted into so-called "purchased serfs." The Elarthlian King Rostom, a henchman of the Persian shah, in the middle of the 17th century confirmed that the peas ants had no right to leave the lands of their lords. Only the dauntless mountaineers, the Khevssury and certain communities of free Svanetia were able to defend their independence.

The feudal lords strove to subjugate the mountain communities which still retained their liberty. Thus the Georgian, Armenian and Azerbaijan peasants suffered from a double yoke— that of local and of foreign feudal lords.

Central Asia in the 16th and 17th Centuries

Two large Uzbek states were formed in Central Asia in the beginning of the 16th century: Bokhara and Khiva. Their population consisted of Uzbeks, Tajiks and Turkomans. The Uzbeks for the most part were a nomadic pastoral race, but some of them settled on the land. The Turkomans were nomads and roamed with their herds of cattle between the Caspian Sea and the Amu Darya River. The chief occupation of the Tajiks was agriculture, which thrived particularly in the fertile, irrigated districts. In the towns the Tajiks engaged in trading and the crafts. At the end of the 16th century the Karakalpaki (Turki), who had formerly roamed north of the Aral Sea, made their appearance on the lower reaches of the Syr Darya River.

The descendants of the Uzbek conqueror Sheibtoi established them selves in the Bokhara khanate. An independent dynasty of Uzbek khans ruled separately in Khiva. Both states were divided into a large number of small principalities ruled by the relatives of the khan.The ruling group was the tribal nobility, the begs (landlords), who gradually appropriated vast demesnes.

The Bokhara state grew very strong at the end of the 16th century during the reign of Abdula Khan, who exterminated nearly all his rela tives and annexed their lands to his domains. In his fight for suprem acy, Abdula Khan enjoyed the support of the Mohammedan clergy. At the end of the 16th century the dynasty of the Sheibanids came to an end. Under the new dynasty the power passed into the hands of the feudal lords, the Uzbek begs who had formerly represented the tribal nobility and had been the khan^s satraps but who had now become independent feudal rulers. The territory of Bokhara, as that of Klhiva, broke up into small, independent domains.

The increasing feudal oppression led to frequent popular revolts.

The big Central Asiatic cities (Bokhara, Samarkand, Khiva and others) had a large population of craftsmen and tradespeople in the 17th century. Caravan trade connected these cities with the markets of Russia, China, India and Persia, The cities, especially Samarkand, acquired a number of beautiful structures. In the 16th and 17th centu ries an Uzbek nationality was formed and an Uzbek culture, art and literature were created. Persian and Tajik literature exercised a great influence on Uzbek literature. Poets at the court of the Bokhara khan sang of successful campaigns and military prowess.

Economic ties between Central Asia and the Russian state grew stronger in the 17th century. Cotton and silk fabrics, raw silk and jewelry were exported from Central Aisia to Russia via Astrakhan. Central Asia imported from Russia furs, walrus tusks, and articles of wood and metal.

Important Dates in the History of the U.S.S.R. (From Ancient Times until the End of the 17th Century)

• 8th century B.C.
  • The Urartu kingdom at its zenith
• 8th—3rd century B.C.
  • Domination of the Scythians in the Black Sea steppes
• 7th century B.C.
  • Rise of Greek colonies on the Black Sea
• 2nd century B.C.
  • Revolt of slaves in the kingdom of Bosporus
• End of 4th century of our era
  • Invasion of Huns
• 6th—8th century of our era
  • Turkic khanate
• 7th century of our era
  • Conquest of Central Asia and Transcaucasia by the Arabs
• 8th century of our era
  • Formation of the Khazar state
• End of 8th century of our era
  • Mokanna revolt against Arabs in Central Asia
• 9th century of our era
  • Break-up of the Arab caliphate
• Second half of 9th century
  • Formation of the Samanid kingdom
• 860
  • Campaign of Rūs against Constantinople
• 911
  • Treaty of Oleg with the Greeks
• 941
  • Campaign of Igor against Byzantium
• 945
  • Igor’s agreement with the Greeks
• 967—971
  • War between Svyatoslav and the Byzantine emperor
• 988
  • Agreement between Vladimir Svyatoslavich and Byzantium, providing for adoption of Christianity by Kiev Rūs
• 1015
  • Death of Vladimir Svyatoslavich
• 1019—1054
  • Reign of Yaroslav the Wise
• 1068
  • Uprising in Kiev
• 1089—1125
  • Reign of David the Builder in Georgia
• 1113
  • Uprising in Kiev
• 1113—1125
  • Reign of Vladimir Monomachus
• 1122
  • Liberation of Tiflis from the power of the Seljuks
• 1136
  • Uprising in Novgorod
• 1147
  • First mention of Moscow
• 1157—1174
  • Reign of Andrei Bogolyubski
• 1169
  • Taking of Kiev by Andrei Bogolyubski's troops
• 1176-1212
  • Reign of Vsevolod (the "Large Nest")
• 1184-1213
  • Reign of Tamara in Georgia
• 1185
  • Battle between Igor Svyatoslavich and the Polovtsi
• 1202
  • Founding of Livonian Order of Knights of the Sword
• 1206
  • Temuchin proclaimed Genghis Khan
• 1216
  • The Battle of Lipitsa
• 1223
  • Battle on the Kalka River
• 1227
  • Death of Genghis Khan
• 1237
  • Invasion of Northeastern Rūs by Batu
• 1237
  • Merging of the Livonian Order and the Teutonic Order
• 1238
  • Uprising of Tarab in Samarkand
• 1240
  • Victory of Alexander Yaroslavich over the Swedes on the Neva River
• 1242
  • Defeat of the German knights on Lake Chudskoye (Lake Peipus) by Prince Alexander Yaroslavich (Nevsky). (The Battle on the Ice.)
• 1255
  • Daniel of Galich proclaimed king
• 1316—1341
  • Reign of Gedymin in Lithuania
• 1325—1341
  • Reign of Ivan Danilovich Kalita in Moscow
• 1328
  • Ivan Kalita—Grand Prince of Vladimir
• 1359—1389
  • Reign of Dimitry Ivanovich (Donskoi)
• 1370—1405
  • Rule of Timur
• 1377—1392
  • Reign of Jagiello in Lithuania
• 1380
  • The Battle of Kulikovo
• 1385
  • Union of Lithuania and Poland
• 1389—1425
  • Reign of Grand Prince Vasili Dimitrievich
• 1392—1430
  • Reign of Grand Duke Witowt in Lithuania
• 1410
  • The Battle of Grünewald
• 1425—1462
  • Reign of Grand Prince Vasili Vasilievich the Blind
• 1437
  • Founding of the Kazan khanate
• Middle of the 15th century
  • Formation of the Kazakh Horde
• 1462—1505
  • Reign of Grand Prince Ivan III
• 1475
  • Conquest of the Crimea by the Turks
• 1478
  • Novgorod annexed to the Russian state
• 1479—1515
  • Rule of Mengli Girai
• 1480
  • Liberation of the Russian people from the Tatar yoke.
• 1485
  • Tver annexed to the Russian state
• 1497
  • Ivan III’s "Code of Laws"
• 1502
  • Remnants of the Golden Horde destroyed by the Crimean Tatars
• 1503
  • Chernigov-Seversk annexed to the Russian state
• 1505—1533
  • Reign of Grand Prince Vasili III
• 1510
  • Pskov annexed to Russian state
• 1514
  • Smolensk annexed to Russian state
• 1533—1584
  • Reign of Ivan IV (Grozny), Took the title of tsar in 1547
• 1547
  • Uprising in Moscow
• 1550
  • "Code of Laws" of Ivan IV
• 1552
  • Taking of Kazan
• 1553
  • Discovery of the northern sea passage to Russia by the English
• 1556
  • Annexation of Astrakhan
• 1558—1583
  • Livonian war
• 1564
  • Publication of first Russian book, printed by Ivan Fyodorov in Moscow
• 1565—1572
  • Oprichnina
• 1569
  • Union of Poland and Lithuania. Lublin Union
• 1581
  • Beginning of Yermak's expedition to Siberia
• 1581
  • Peasants’ right to leave on St. George’s Day repealed
• 1584—1598
  • Reign of Fyodor Ivanovich
• 1586
  • Vassal dependence of Kakhetia on Moscow
• 1598—1605
  • Reign of Boris Fyodorovich Godunov
• 1605—1606
  • Reign of False Dimitry I
• 1606—1610
  • Reign of Vasili Ivanovich Shuiski
• 1606—1607
  • Peasant uprising led by Ivan Bolotnikov
• 1612
  • Liberation of Moscow by popular levy of Minin and Pozharski
• 1613—1645
  • Reign of Mikhail Fyodorovich Romanov
• 1614
  • Devastation of Georgia by Persian Shah Abbas
• 1645—1676
  • Reign of Alexei Mikhailovich
• 1648—1650
  • City insurrections in Russia
• 1648
  • Expedition of Semyon Dezhnyov
• 1648
  • Beginning of popular uprising in the Ukraine (under leadership of Bogdan Khmelnitski) against Polish domination
• 1649
  • Sobornoye Ulozheniye (Code of Laws)
• 1649
  • Peace of Zborov
• 1654
  • Decree of Pereyaslavl Rada on the union of Ukraine with Russia
• 1662
  • Uprising in Moscow
• 1662
  • Uprising in Bashkiria and Western Siberia
• 1667
  • Andrusovo Truce between Russia and Poland
• 1667—1671
  • Popular uprising under leadership of Stepan Razin

Part Two (1700–1900)

The Empire of the Russian Nobility in the 18th Century

Founding of the Russian Empire

The Russian State at the End of the 17th Century

The Backwardness of the Russian State

The backwardness of tsarist Bnssia became particularly noticeable at the beginning of the 17th century, and was chiefly the result of the unfavourable exter nal political conditions under which the country developed. Russia was frequently attacked by foreign enemies who plundered and devas tated the country and sometimes ruled it for long periods. Thus, the Tatar-Mongolian yoke lasted over 240 years (1237–1480); Turkey dominated the Black Sea and Azov coast for almost 340 years (1476–1812), barring Russia's access to the southern seas; Rusna was block aded and cutoff from the Baltic Sea for over 140 years (1561–1703). Intervention by Poland, Sweden and Rome (1604–1618) also retarded the country's development.

The wars .with Poland and Sweden in the 17th century clearly demonstrated the economic, military and cultural backwardness of the Russian state as compared with the countries of Western Europe. Rassia had no large industries and was obliged to import extensively from Holland and England, a circumstance which was extremely embarrassing in times of war. The Thirty Years' War in Germany and the wars of Louis XIV had greatly stimulated the development of European military technique, artillery and military engineering, as well as army organization, training and combat methods. The Russian troops, which still consisted largely of levies drawn from the nobility, were poorly armed, employed outworn tactics, and were deficient in manoeuvring on the field. The Streltsi and even the regiments modelled on foreign lines were inefficient. Therefore, in spite of the inherent bravery of the Russian fighting man, military victo* ries were achieved at the price of heavy losses.

Though certain modifications had been introduced the state system remained essentially what it had been since the 16th century. The prikazi (government offices) system of administration headed by the boyar duma was a slowworking machine; the waywodes in the towns ruined the population by their extortions; chaos reigned in the fisc; taxation arrears piled up year by year; there were no schools, and few literate people in the country.

The low state of industrial development, state administration, army organization and the level of culture represented a serious menace to the country's security. This state of affairs served as a bait to Euro pean neighbours seeking aggrandizement at the expense of Russian lands.

Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich had endeavoured to strengthen Russia's western borders and overcome the Baltic blockade, but he died before he was able to bring his plans to fruition. Nor were the administrative reforms inaugurated by him fully implemented.

After his d«ath the feuds and quarrels among the factious boyars and nobles over possession of the power, land and peasants, broke out with even greater force. The throne was especially furiously contest ed by the boyar families of Miloslavsbi and Naryshkin.

Tsar Fyodor Alexeyevich

Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich had mar ried twice. By his first wife, a Miloslavski, he had several daughters, the eldest of whom was Sophia, and two sons, named Fyodor and Ivan. Shortly before his death Tsar Alexei married Natalia Kirillovna, daugh ter of the nobleman Naryshkin. She had been brought up in the family of the boyar Artamon Matveyev, a favourite of the tsar and an advo cate of closer ties with western culture. Matveyev had furnished his home in the European style, and he even maintained a troupe of foreign actors. In 1672 Tsaritsa Natalia gave birth to a son, Peter. After the death of Alexei Mikhailovich, his eldest son, Fyodor (1676–1682), a sickly, weak-willed boy of fourteen, ascended the throne. The Na ryshkins, who had become influential during Alexei Mikhailovich's last years thanks to their kinship with the tsaritsa, were dismissed after Fyodor's accession, and replaced by the Miloslavskis, relatives of Tsar Fyodor. The tsar was surrounded by an intimate circle of boyars and noblemen who realized the need for changes in the organic zation of the state,

A commission of elected nobles was set up in Moscow to improve the organization of the army on the basis of military experience. The commission proposed the abolition of the ancient system of pre o^ence, which, owing to the advancement of a large number of people of inferior lineage to posts of importance, had practically lost its erstwhile significance. In 1682 this system was formally abolished at a grand convocation of the Ecnmenical Council consisting of the church prelates and the boyars. The records of disputes over precedence were burned outside the palace. The Commission on Military Service re modelled the army of the nobility along lines more closely resembling the organization of regular regiments.

A new cultural influence made itself felt at the court of Fyodor chiefly through the Ukrainians and Greeks. Some of the boyars adopted Polish costume, and introduced foreign books and paintings into their homes. In 1687 the first permanent educational institution, the Sla vonic-Greek-Latin Academy, was opened in Moscow. These were the first signs of reformation aimed at overcoming the backwardness of the Russian state.

The Regency of Sophia

The Uprising in Moscow in 1682

Tsar Fyodor Alexeyevich died in the spring of 1682 without male issue, and the crown was to pass to one of his brothers: either to Ivan, who though the older was feeble-minded, or to Peter. Tsar Fyodor's ruling boyars disliked the overweening and grasping Miloslavskis, and even during the tsar's lifetime had established friendly relations with the Naryshkins. As soon as Tsar Fyodor died, the patriarch and the boyars proclaimed Peter tsar. The crowd that gathered around the palace greeted the de cision with cries of approval.

The numerous Miloslavski family refused to accept the transference of power to the Naryshkins, and took advantage of the unrest among the Streltsi as a means of combating their rivals. The condition of the rank-and-file Streltsi, artisans and petty tradesmen at the time grew visibly worse on account of heavy taxation and the general impoverish ment of the petty townsfolk. The Streltsi had not received their pay for a long time. The nobles in command of the Streltsi oppressed their men whom they compelled to work on their estates as serfs. Those who com plained of their treatment were cruelly punished. Partisans of the Miloslavskis encouraged the Streltsi to regard the Naryshkins as the cause of their troubles. On May 16, 1682, the Streltsi seized several guns, and with banners unfurled and beating drums broke into the Kremlin. Cries were raised in the crowd accusing the Naryshkins of having strangled Ivan, whereupon Peter's mother, Tsaritsa Natalia, led both brothers — Ivan and Peter — out onto the porch. But the in iuriated Streltsi, provoked by oppression and their hatred of the Na ryshkins, rushed into the palace. One of the first to fall at the hands of the mutinous soldiery was their chief, Prince Dolgoruki. The mas sacre of the boyars continued until late in the evening. The men dragged the corpses to £o6aoye Mesta with mocking cries such as "Here is Boyar Komodanovsky. Make way for the Member of the Duma! Among the slain were Boyar Artamon Matveyev and two of the tsaritsa's elder brothers.

The Streltsi mutiny was followed by a wider popular outbreak. The city poor raided the kkolopi prikaz where serf records were kept, and destroyed almost all the bondage documents.

The Streltsi routed the government of the Naryshkins. The govern ment offices became deserted. The boyars and the clerks fled. Sophia took advantage of the tumult and adroitly made use of the Streltsi as an instrument of achieving her own ends. She conciliated the Streltsi by meeting all their demands and paid them arrears of pay for the past 35 years. On the insistence of the Streltsi both brothers— Ivan and Peter — were jointly proclaimed tsars, the feeble-minded Ivan be ing considered as the "first" tsar. Sophia was proclaimed regent during the minority of her brothers.

Princess Sophia

The Moscow princesses led a secluded life in the privacy of their palace chambers. They were poorly educated and never appeared in public. Sophia was a striking contrast to the other prin cesses. She studied Polish and read Polish books under the tuition of Simt on Polotski, and began to make her appearance in public, even in the presence of foreigners.

Sophia's closest friend and "first minister" was Prince Vasili Vasilyevich Golitsyn, one of the best-educated boyars of the late 17th century. Prince Golitsyn was keenly alive to the necessity of radical reforms which he frequently discussed in his conversations with foreign ers. But not a single of the reforms he cherished was destined to see* the light of day. Throughout her regency Sophia was absorbed by her struggle for personal sway and feared that reforips would arouse the discontent of the influential but conservative boyars. Golitsyn, whe had many enemies among the boyars, also had his misgivings on this score.

For a long time the Polish gentry could not reconcile itself to the loss of Ukrainian territory east of the Dnieper, and particularly ta the loss of Kiev. After the Truce of Andrusovo in 1667, the envoys of Muscovy and Poland met several times to conclude a final treaty of peace, but the disputed question of Kiev invariably resulted in the break-off of negotiations. The Turkish issue, however, eventually in* duced Poland to compromise and come to an agreement with Russia. Austria had formed an alliance with Poland and Venice against Turkey with whom she was then at war. Commerce in the Mediterranean was seriously affected by a hostile Turkish fleet. The allies defeated the Turkish troops at Vienna and compelled the sultan to raise bis siege of the Austrian capital. Unable to inflict a decisive defeat upon the Turks, however, the allies solicited Russia's help. In 16S6 the Polish king sent a "grand embassy" to Moscow, which, after protracted negotiations, concluded a treaty of "eternal" peace. Poland agreed to the cession of Kiev and a small adjacent territory to Russia, while Russia undertook to begin ^ar immediately against the Crimean khan, a vassal of the Turkish sultan. Turkey blockaded Russia on the Black Sea. The Crimean Tatars continued to make inroads on southern Rus sian lands.

The first Crimean campaign by a Russian army in 1687 under Prince V. V. Golitsyn ended in complete failure. The army could not cross the southern steppe, which the Tatars had set on fire, and was forced to turn back. In the early spring of 1689 Prince Golitsyn returned with a stronger army, which this time overcame the difficulties of the march across the steppes and reached the Tatar fortress of Perekop, erected at the narrowest point of the isthmus. Golitsyn, however, hesitated to take this fortress by storm and after a brief siege he ordered a retreat.. The Tatars harassed the retiring Russian troops.

The failure of the Crimean campaigns greatly weakened the po sition of Sophia's government. The nobles openly murmured against the difficulties caused by the war and the senseless losses. Meanwhile Peter's adherents were growing in number.

Peter's Youth

During Sophia's regency Peter lived with his mother and their retinue in the suburban palaces, for the most part in the vil lage of Preobrazhenskoye. Although Peter still retained his title of tsar, he had no power whatever. In the shady groves surrounding the village of Preobrazhenskoye, Peter spent the days playing soldiers with his playmates. They built small earthen fortifications and prac tised taking them by assault. Several years later Peter formed his com panions into two "sham" regiments, which came to be called the Preo brazhensky and Semyonovsky regiments, after the names of the two villages.

Once Peter found a foreign sailboat among some of his grand father's old possessions in the village of Izmailovo. A resident of the foreign settlement in Moscow named Brant, who had once served in the navy, taught Peter to sail this boat, first on the narrow Yauza River (near Moscow) and then on the Izmailovo pond. The pond not providing sufficient cruising room Peter obtained his mother's consent to sail his boat on the big lake at Pereyaslavl.

At first Sophia was delighted that Peter occupied himself with military games, for they kept his attention from palace affairs. But the years passed; Peter and his "sham" soldiers were growing up; Peter had already reached the age of seventeen. The two regiments of his childish games trained along European lines became the best in Moscow* Sophia realized the danger that was brewing and prej^red for a palace coup. She officially called herself "absolute ruler" and secretly received and feasted the Streltsi in her palace with the object oi winning their support. Relations between Sophia and Peter grew inimical to a point when rupture became unavoidable.

One night in August 1689 Peter received word that Sophia had as sembled the Streltsi and was preparing to attack. Peter galloped to the Well-fortified Troitsk-Sergiyev Monastery, where he was liortly joined by his "sham" regiments and a regiment of the Streltsi, in addi tion to some nobles and a few of the boyars. Sophia's attempt to incite the Streltsi ended in failure. Meanwhile the number of Peter's support ers grew from day to day. A month later Peter took over power. Sophia, deserted by everyone, was interned in a convent, and her closest aide, Prince V. V. Golitsyn, was banished to the north.

The Azov Expeditions and Peter's Foreign Travels

The Azov Expeditions

In the early years following the fall of Sophia's government, Peter did not meddle in his mother's ad ministration of affairs. He continued to indulge in his military games, which, however, grew more and more earnest as time went on. With a small group of assistants he built and launched a man-of-war on Lake Pereyaslavl. Shortly after, he set off for Archangi^l, where he had his first sight of big ships sailing the open sea. In Moscow Peter frequently visited the foreign settlement, where he made useful ac quaintances with foreigners. Patrick Gordon, an old Scottish general, entertained him with descriptions of the battles he had taken part in. Francois Lefort, a jovial Swiss, arranged for him various amusements. Peter however did not neglect his education. The Dutchman, Tim merman, gave him lessons in arithmetic, geometry and gunnery. Peter made such rapid progress that he soon began to correct the mistakes of his teacher, who was not too well versed in the sciences himself*

Peter's military exercises and manoeuvres were preliminaries for a new expedition against the Crimea. After Golitsyn's unsuccessful campaigns, the Moscow government had confined itself to fortifying the southern borders against Tatar raids. The war against Turkey which Austria and Poland had begun and to which Bussia had become a party was being waged half-heartedly. Austria and Poland, disregarding Russia's interests, began negotiations with Turkey for concluding a separate peace, whereupon the Moscow government opened negotia tions with the Crimean khan. The latter, however, categorically re fused to cede to Russia the fortress of Azov, which was held by a Turk ish garrison.

The ancient Russian territory in the region of the Sea pf Azoy. was essential to Russia, as a gateway to the sea via the With ^^sov in her possession Russia would constitute a threat to the Crimean khan in the event of the Tatars attacking the southern borderlands.

Peter decided to capture Azov. In the spring of 1695 a Bussian army of 30,000 sailed down the Oka to the Volga on river boats and then crossed over to the Don. Peter wrote back to Moscow: "We amused ourselves at Kozhukhov (Moscow suburb where the manoeuvres were held), and now We are off to Azov to play." Having no fleet Peter could not blockade the fortress from the sea, whence the Turks were steadily receiving reinforcements, arms and provisions.

However, lack of coordination and mutual support among the different regiments of the Bussian army permitted the Turks to concen *trate their forces at the most vulnerable points. The onset of autumn compelled the Bussians to lift ^ their siege of Azov.

The unsuccessful Azov campaign demonstrated to Peter how badly Bussia needed a navy.* Besolved upon renewing the campaign the fol lowing summer, Peter ordered the construction in a single winter of a flotilla of galleys and other light craft. Shipyards were set up on the bank of the Voronezh River not far from its confluence with the Don, in the vicinity of a forest which provided excellent oak, linden and pine timber for shipbuilding. Peter himself took part in the work, sometimes as an engineer, sometimes as an ordinary carpenter*

In the spring of 1696, to the amazement of the Turks, a Russian fleet of 30 galleys and numerous small craft and rowboats appeared off Azov, The Turkish fleet withdrew without giving battle. Peter laid siege to Azov from the sea and from land. Despairing of assistance from Constantinople, the Turks surrendered at the close of the summer.

Peter's Trip Abroad

The taking of Azov did not end the war. The Turks had a strong navy and still dominated the Black Sea. Hence Peter decided to send out a "grand embassy" to establish closer contact with the countries of Western Europe. He commissioned the embassy not only to strengthen and broaden the alliance of European states against Turkey but also to hire a requisite number of foreign special ists, engineers and artillerymen for the Russian army.

The embassy left Moscow in 1697. Peter attached himself to the embassy, travelling incognito in the capacity of a sailorman under the name of Peter Mikhailov. Peter wished to make a close study of the life, culture and technical achievements of Europe. His letters to Moscow bore a seal with the following Slavonic inscription: "I am a student seeking teachers,"

Arriving ahead of the "grand embassy," Peter studied the rules of gunnery in the town of Koenigsberg. Prom here he hast( ntd to the town of Saardam in HolJand, noted for its excellent shipyard, where he rented lodgings in the humble home of a blacksmith and started to work at the shipyard as an ordinary carpenter. He was soon recognized, however, for many Dutch merchants had been to Russia and identified this stalwart six-and-a-half foot workman of powerful physique as the tsar of Russia. To escape the curious crowds Peter moved to Amsterdam, where he became an apprentice at one of the largest shipyards. He worked here for over four months, until a big ship he had started to build was launched. In his free time he visited the manufactories, workshops and museums, and talked with scientists, artists, etc.

Prom Holland Peter went to England, In London he studied the country *s system of government and attended a session of parliament. At Deptford on the Thames he devoted more than two months to the study of shipbuilding.

Peter left England for Vienna to negotiate an alliance against Tur key with the Austrian emperor. But during the "grand embassy's" so|ourn abroad it had become clear that the plan for a big alliance of European states against Turkey could not be realized. Most of the European powers were occupied with the fate of the Spanish dominions, since the hing of Spain, a descendant of the Hapsburg dynasty of Austria, had died leaving no issue.

The War of the Spanish Succession broke out soon after and lasted for almost 13 years (1701–1714). Austria not only had no desire to help Peter in the war against Turkey but hastened instead to conclude peace with her. Poland also suspended hostilities with Turkey.

During his foreign travels Peter became better acquainted with the political situation in the Baltic countries. Sweden, who had great ly enhanced her power in the 17th century, had seized the Baltic sea coast and threatened Denmark, Poland and Russia . Sweden deprived Russia of an outlet to the sea, which was essential for the country's economic and cultural development. Already at the beginning of the 17th century she had seized ancient Russian lands along the coast of the Gulf of Finland. Sweden's opponents considered the time ripe for recovering the Baltic seaboard. Peter, who fully realized the importance of the Baltic Sea for Russia, decided to end the war with Turkey and the Crimean khanate and to join the alliance against Sweden.

The Streltsi Mutiny

Peter's return to Russia was hastened by news of a mutiny among the Streltsi. The Streltsi had been accus tomed to performing light guard duties in Moscow and to engaging in petty trade or in the handicrafts the rest of the time. Peter demanded of them full-time military service. After the capture* of Azov he had left some of the Streltsi regiments in the south and transferred others closer to the western border. This aroused keen resentment among the Streltsi who had their families and trades in Moscow. Sophia and her followers, who cherished dreams of a revival of ancient Moscow customs, tried to turn the discontent among the Streltsi to their own ends. Sophia began secret negotiations with the Streltsi, who decided to seize the capital and proclaim her tsaritsa. The Streltsi movement was thus of a reactionary nature. In the summer of 1698 four regiments of the Streltsi stationed in the town of Toropets staged a mutiny and set out for Moscow. General Gordon easily crushed the rebels in an engagement fought near the capital.

News of the mutiny reaching Peter in Vienna, he set out post haste for Moscow. On the way he met King Augustus II of Poland and came to an understanding with him regarding a joint war against Sweden,

Desiring to avoid an elaborate reception, Peter returned to the capital when nobody expected him. Instead of proceeding to the pal ace he put up in his modest home iii the village of Preobrazhenskoye. News of the tsar's return from his foreign tour quickly spread through* out the city. The next morning the boyars, nobles, and merchants and other townspeople came to Preobrazhenskoye to greet him. Peter met them all cordially but would not permit the old ceremony of kneeling before him. During the reception Peter with his own hand clipped off the long beards of the boyars. Later he issued an ukase prohibiting th© wearing of the long, inconvenient, ancient Russian costume.

Peter was dissatisfied with the results of the investigations into the Streltsi mutiny. He reopened the enquiry, establishing the fact of Sophia ^s participation in the conspiracy. Peter dealt with the Streltsi who had taken part in the revolt with exemplary severity; gallows were set up in many parts of the city, and on the appointed day 195 Streltsi were hanged before Sbphia's windows in the Novodevichy Nunnery. In all, 1 ,200 Streltsi were executed. Peter disbanded the Moscow Streltsi regiments. Princess Sophia, convicted of participating in the conspir acy, was compelled to take the veil.

The Beginning of the War with Sweden

The Defeat at Narva

Peter entered into an alliance with Denmark and Poland against Sweden. In preparation for the war for the Baltic he formed new army units by recruiting peasant and house hold serfs, and freemen. The new soldiers, dressed in dark green uni form and cocked hats after the fashion of the infantry of Western Europe, Were drilled from morning to late at night in the suburbs of Moscow, In three months a contingent of 32,000 was trained. Meanwhile Peter had sent an embassy to Constantinople to negotiate with Turkey, with whom peace was concluded in August 1700. Under the peace terms Russia retained Azov.

King Charles XII of Sweden quickly mustered a small but efl&cient army. The Swedish troops had acquired a good training in the wars of the 17th century and were considered the best in Europe. Charles unexpectedly invaded Denmark and compelled the Danish king to conclude peace. His next plan was to attack his second opponent, King Augustus II of Poland. Sweden did not yet know of Russia's war prep arations.

After the conclusion of peace with Turkey, Peter immediately orderedthe army to attack the Swedish fortress of Narva, which guard ed the approaches to the Baltic Sea.

The siege of Narva at once exposed the shortcomings in the organ ization and supply system of the Russian troops. In the difficult march over muddy roads the baggage train fell behind the army. There were not enough shells for the artillery, and the gunpowder was of inferior quality. Gun carriages broke down after the first few shots. The soldiers suffered from hunger, cold and exposure in the trenches. Disease broke out.

When Charles learned that Narva was besieged by Russian troops he hastened to the rescue. The Swedish forces appeared before the Kussfan camp the day after Peter departed to prepare the Russian borders for defence. Under cover of a blizzard blowing against the Rus sians, the Swedes attacked and broke through the first line of the Rus sian defences. The mounted nobles' levy fled. The foreign officers in command of Russian units turned traitor and went over to the Swedes. The Russian soldiers, left leaderless, broke up into small groups and continued to beat off the Swedes in hand-to-hand encounters. The Preobrazhensky and Semyonovsky regiments staunchly warded off all attacks and withdrew in full order. Nonetheless the Swedes scored a complete victory. They took many prisoners and captured all the artillery. After defeating the Russian army at Narva, Charles directed his arms against Augustus II. But he erred in thinking that the Russian army would not be able to continue the w^ar.

The Reorganization of the Army

Petei set about re^^toring and reorganizing his army with feverish haste and tremendous energy.

To make good the loss of his artillery he ordert d the bells removed from some of the churches and cast into guns (they were made of bronze in those days). Within a year he had 300 new guns, approximately twice as many as be had Jost at Narva. In place of the noblemen's mounted levy and the Streltsi he built up a large army of dragoon and infantry regiments -after the Western European model. The comple ment was maintained by recruitment, a fixed number of peasant house holds being obliged to furnish one recruit. Each enlistment provided from 30,000 to 40,000 recruits, who were first trained in special camps and then assigned to various regiments. This system of army replace ments was several decades ahead of the system used in Western Europe, which was based chiefly on the employment of mercenaries. The Rus sian army had closer ties with the people. The nobles were also made to begin their service in the army from the ranks; only afterwards were they commissioned as officers in the guards or line regiments. Only the old and the disabled were allowed to retire from the army.

The first military reforms were accomplished with such speed that in 1701 the Russian army was ready to take the field. A corps under the command of Sheremetev twice defeated Swedish forces and occupied almost all of Liflandia. In 1703 Russian troops stormed and captured the fortress of Marienburg and the following year took Dorpat and Narva, Meanwhile Peter was conducting successful operations in Ingria (on the left bank of the Neva). In the autumn of 1702 he cap tured the Swedish fortress of Noteborg, which had been built on the site of the old Novgorod town of Oreshek at the source of the Neva at Lake Ladoga. In a letter to Moscow announcing the capture of Noteborg Oreshek, Peter, punning the word Oreshek, which in Russian is syn onymous with "nut," wrote: "Truly this was a hard nut, but it has happily been cracked, thank God." Peter renamed this fortress Schlus selburg, i.e., key city, for it provided an exit from Lake Ladoga. Ad vancing down the Neva, Peter captured another Swedish fortress, Nyenskans, in the spring of 1703; this fortress was situated on the right bank of the Neva not far from the sea. In May of the same year he laid the cornerstone of the Fortress of Peter and Paul near this spot. Some wooden houses built nearby were the beginnings of the city of St. Petersburg.

Peter hastened to fortify himself on the Neva River, which provid ed an outlet into the Baltic. Construction of the fortress of Kronslott (later known as Kronstadt) was begun on Kotlin Island near the mouth of the Neva. A shipyard (the Svirskaya) was built on Lake Ladoga, and its first ship slid down the ways in the selfsame year of 1703. Peter was making intensive preparations for a naval war against Sweden.

Peter thus took excellent advantage of Charles ' mistake in under estimating the fighting qualities of the Russian army and in trans ferring his main forces to Poland for several years. During this time the reorganized Russian army, having received a school of training in victories over the Swedes, was growing strong.

The Condition of the Peasants under Peter the Great. Popular Uprisings

Hard Plight of the Peasantry

The big successes in consoli dating the nobles' state were achieved at the cost of tremendous sac rifices on the part of the masses of the people, particularly the peas ants. State expenditures had increased several times over within a short period. Money was needed for the construction of a navy, the purchase of weapons abroad, and the maintenance of a large new army. "Money is the sinews of war," Peter said. Within a few years taxes were raised fivefold. Taxes were levied on bees, bathhouses, salt, the sale of cucumbers, oak coffins and the like. Special revenue officers called ^^pribylshchikV were instituted with the express function of discovering new sources of taxation. Peter prohibited the wearing of beards and moustaches in the towns, but made an exception for those who purchased exemption at the price of a tax; the latter were given copper tokens as tax receipts. The peasants were allowed to wear beards in the villages, but upon entering or leaving town they also had to pay a special fee.

No less burdensome were the miscellaneous services imposed upon the peasants and the craftsmen. Almost every year recruitment ab sorbed tens of thousands of men who never returned home, except for a small number of disabled soldiers. The peasants were compelled to furnish horses for the transportation of military supplies, to repair bridges, build roads, dig canals, etc.

The lot of the serf peasants was a wretched one, for in addition to paying state taxes they were obliged to render service to their landlords. The expenses of the nobles were growing rapidly at that period. The nobles spent practically all their lives in military or civil service. Those residing in the capital built houses, furnished them luxuriously and spent a good deal on entertainment. The nobles tried to cover their increased expenditures at the expense of their peasants. Through their overseers and bailiffs they kept a watchful eye on the lives of their peasants. If a peasant's living conditions showed signs of improvement new exactions were immediately imposed on him. There was even a saying among the landlords: "Don't let the peasant grow shaggy but shear him naked like a sheep."

The difficult conditions under which the peasants, the lower strata of the Cossacks and the town population lived, led to a series of new uprisings.

The Uprising In Astrakhan

The first large uprising took place in Astrakhan, Every year the opening of the navigation season attracted a large number of people to Astrakhan seeking work in the salt and fishing industries. The heavy taxes particularly affected the poor people, and were a cause of discontent and unrest among the population. On the night of July 30, 1705, a re^volt broke out among the Streltsi and the lower strata of the townsfolk. The waywodes and most of the people in authority were killed. But the more prosperous merchants quickly seized power in the town and a "council of elders" was elected from among their number. With the help of the local gar risons and residents the rebels captured several towns on the Yaik (Ural), Terek and Volga rivers. Attempts were made to stir up the Cossacks of the Don, but these attempts ended in failure. In Cheikassk the well-to-do Cossacks arrested the delegates who had come from As trakhan. Troops under Field Marshal Sheremetev were sent out against .the rebellious population of Astrakhan. Discord arose among the reb els. The well-to-do merchants and the Metropolitan sent a delegation to the tsar to plead for mercy, but the poor gathered at a meeting which resolved not to give up the town. Astrakhan was taken after a bombard ment in March 1706. The Astrakhan uprising thus lasted almost eight months.

The Uprising of 1707–1708

The Astrakhan outbreak had bare ly come to an end when a more formidable rising broke out on the Don under the leadership of Ataman Kondrati Bulavin. After the capture of Azov, various services and duties, including military serv ice, had been imposed on the Don Cossacks. The government laid ever-growing restraints on Cossack autonomy, the existence of an in dependent Cossack force being regarded as a political menace. This aroused discontent among well-to-do Cossackdom of the Lower Don. Since the end of the 17th century a vast number of fugitive peasants from the southern districts had been drifting toward the Upper Don area. The Raskolniks (dissenters) fleeing religious persecution also sought refuge here. The landlords of the southern districts constantly complained to the government that their peasants were running away. At the close of the 17th and the beginning of Ihe 18th centuries the government sent several punitive expeditions to the Don, which hunted down fugitive peasants and sacked the Cossack tovms where they had settled. Exceptional brutality was displayed by a punitive force under Prince Yuri Dolgoruki. One autumn night in 1707, when Dolgoruki's detachment had pitched camp for the night in a Cossack village on the Aidar River, the poor, led by Ataman Kondrati Bulavin, wiped it out.

The uprising spread quickly among the Cossacks of the Upper Don and then to the workers of the Voronezh shipyards. In the Tambov and Kozlov districts the serf peasants attacked the estates of their landlords and then left to join the Cossacks. The uprising thus became a peasant as well as a Cossack movement. After a reverse in battle Bula vin left for Zaporozhye to rouse the Ultrainian Cossacks. There, how ever, he met with opposition from the wealthy Cossacks. But despite the prohibition of their hetman, the Zaporozhye rank-and-file poor Cossacks made their way to the Don in groups and joined the uprising.

In the spring of 1708 Bulavin returned to the upper reaches of the Don. The spontaneous uprising had by this time spread over a large area. Hastily mustering the rebel detachments, Bulavin led them to the town of Cherkassk, the administrative centre of the Don Cossacks. The well-to-do Cossacks of the Lower Don were also discontented with the actions of the tsarist government, but they were afraid of the poor. When the Cossack ataman tried to check the advance of the rebels, the majority of the Cossacks of his detachment deserted to Bulavin's side without giving battle. The rank-and-file Cossacks had agreed among themselves to fire blank cartridges at Bulavin's men. The inhabitants* of the Cossack villages met him with bread and salt, to show that he was welcome. Bulavin encountered no strong resistance and easily captured Cherkassk.

Although the wealthy Cossacks acknowledged Bulavin as their ataman, they secretly conspired against him. Bulavin was not suffi ciently resolute in fighting the enemy. He tarried in Cherkassk while the tsarist government was making urgent preparations to crush the uprising. The government held the fortress of Azov, situated not far from Cherkassk. Bulavin let the time for a sudden attack on Azov slip by, and when he finally attempted to capture it after having spent two months in Cherkassk, he failed. The wealthy Cossacks promptly took advantage of this and rose against him in Cherkassk. They surrounded Bulavin's house, but he fought them off for a long time. Then, rather than fall into the enemy's hands alive, he shot himself.

After Bulavin's death, rebel detachments under the command of atamans Khokhlach, Drany, Goly and others continued to operate in many places along the Lower Volga and the upper reaches of tho Don and the Donets rivers. Proclamations issued by Bulavin and his ata mans were secretly circulated among the people. *'We are not after the common people, we are after the boyars who do wrong wrote Ataman Goly. In response to these appeals, new revolts broke out among the masses. On the Volga Bulavin's adherents took Tsaritsyn (now Stalingrad) and a])proached Saratov. The tsarist government was alarmed at the prospect of Bulavin's detachments penetrating to the Middle Volga area, where revolt was fomenting among the Bashkirs. Sporadic outbreaks among the peasantry had occurred in various parts of the country: near Smolensk, at Nizhni Novgorod, along the upper reaches of the Volga, in Karelia, in the northern regions and elsewhere.

The government sent a large punitive army under Prince Vasili Dolgoruki to the Don and the Lower Volga. The scattered rebel detach ments could not hold out for long against the tsarist regulars. Prince Dolgoruki slaughtered almost all the adult males in the area of the uprising. By the end of 1708 the main insurgent districts were sup pressed and occupied by the royal troops.

The Uprising of the Bashkirs

Outbreaks among the Bashkirs had occurred as early as in 1704, three years before the Don uprising. The chief cause was the seizure of Bashkirian lands by Russian land lords and the imposition of new burdensome taxes. The Bashkirs tes tified that they were even taxed for having black or grey eyes. They refused to pay the taxes and did not permit the revenue officers to come on their lands to take a census. In the following year sporadic unrest broke out into open rebellion, and the Bashkirs crossed to the right bank of the Kama and stirred up the Tatar, Cheremissi (Mari), Votyak (Ud murt) and Chuvash peoples. The rich hatyrs (feudal nobles), promi nent among them Aldar and Kusyum, took over the leadership of the uprising. They hoped to set up a separate Bashkir state as a vassal of the Crimea or Turkey, In the spring of 1708 the Bashkirs were se verely defeated by tsarist troops . Many of the hatyrs^ including Kusyum, then deserted the uprising. Isolated operations by insurgent Bashkirs continued for several more years.

By 1711 the tsarist government had suppressed the popular move ments everywhere.

The End of the War with Sweden; the Wars of Peter the Great in the East

The Campaign of Charles XII Against Russia

Charles XII did not defeat Augustus II until 1706, when he compelled him to conclude peace. The Swedes now had only one opponent: Russia. At the end of 1707 the Swedish army marched towards the Russian fron tier. The following summer Charles reached the Dnieper at Mogilev. Peter expected the Swedish king to march on Moscow, but the latter, who had learned that the Russian army was of a different mettle to the one he had engaged at Narva, did not risk such an undertaking. From Mogilev he turned south, to the Ukraine. There he planned to give bis army a rest, replenish his food supplies and await reinforce ments from Sweden. Besides, the hetman of the Ukraine, Ivan Mazepa, was carrying on a secret correspondence with Charles and planning treason. He assured Charles that as soon as the Swedish forces appeared in the Ulcraine an uprising against Peter would flare up. Mazepa's plans, however, fell through. In the autumn of 1708 Peter annihilated the Swedish relief army under Lewenhaupt. The encounter took place near the village of Lesnaya on the Sozh River (east of the Dnieper) while Lewenhaupt was on his way to join Charles with a large baggage train. Hetman Mazepa went over to Charles with a small detachment of Cossack elders. The Ukrainian population, however, far from sup porting the traitor Mazepa, began a guerilla war against the Swedes. This placed the Swedes in still greater difficulties— they were faced with the menace of starvation, since they could not receive food sup plies from a hostile population.

In April 1709 Charles reached the small fortress of Poltava and laid siege to it. Once this fortress was taken the Swedes would have before them an open road to Moscow and Voronezh, where food sup plies for the Russian army had been concentrated. Peter also feared that the Turks would violate the peace terms and render the Swedes assist ance by way of Azov.

The Victory at Poltava

Peter hurried to the rescue of Poltava with the main forces of his army. The decisive engagement between the Russian and Swedish armies took plaee on June 27, 1709, on the bank of the Vorskla River in the vicinity of Poltava. On the eve of the battle Peter's order was read to the Russian troops:

"Men I The hour is at hand that will decide the fate of our country. And so, do not imagine that you are fighting for Peter, you are fight ing for the kingdom entrusted to Peter, for your family and your na tive country. Be not daunted by the enemy fame, who is alleged to be invincible, for it is a lie which you have repeatedly proven by your own victories. As for Peter, know ye that he does not hold his life dear, so long as Russia lives in joy and fame to your own well-being. . .

The Swedes opened the battle with a fierce attack on the Russian positions. The wounded King Charles spurred on his men with words of encouragement as he was carried aroimd his ranlcs on a stretcher. But all the efforts of the Swedes to break the resistance of the Russian regiments were in vain. Hand-to-hand fighting lasted two hours. Peter's life was constantly in danger; his hat and his saddle were riddled with bullets. The onslaught of the Russians was so fierce that the Swedes broke ranks and fled. Only a small body of Swedish cavalry headed by Charles and Mazepa escaped from their pursuers and fled to Turkey. The rest of the Swedish army surrendered. Altogether about 20,000 prisoners were taken, including all of Charles' generals.

The brilliant Russian victory at Poltava was of tremendous sig nificance. The Swedes were considered the best troops in Europe and Charles an invincible general. Swedish military glory had been dealt a severe blow. Poland and Denmark again entered into an alliance with Russia to continue the war against Sweden. Prussia also joined this alliance.

The War with Turkey

Charles, who had fled to Turkey after his defeat, incited her against Russia, upon whom she declared war in

1710. Peter immediately marched toward the Danube with an army of 40,000; he counted on the assistance of the Polish army and on an up rising among the Slav population under Turkish domination. However, a large Turkish army (about 200,000 men) advancing toward the Rus sian border surrounded the Russian troops under Peter at the Pruth in

1711. The Russian army lacked provisions and sufficient ammunition. But the Turkish commander-in-chief, not suspecting the difficult straits the Russian army was in, agreed to conclude peace.

Though under the peace terms Peter returned Azov to Turkey he had managed to save his army.

The End of the Swedish War

After the Turkish war, Peter again turned his attention to Sweden. In the years immediately follow, ing the Battle of Poltava the Russian army had completely ousted the Swedes from the coasts of the Gulf of Riga and the Gulf of Finland. In Pomerania (on the southern shore of the Baltic Sea), the Russians were operating against the Swedes jointly with the Prussians and the Danes.

Peter's main efforts were directed at permanently securing the Baltic seaboard for Russia. Under his command the young Russian navy won a brilliant victory over the Swedish fleet off Cape Hango udde (Finland) in 1714.

Peter's infantry, embarked on galleys, drew alongside the Swedish ships in the face of heavy cannon fire. The Russian soldiers boarded the enemy ships by means of ladders and captured them after a fierce hand to-hand melee.

This naval defeat forced Charles to enter into peace negotiations with Russia, but they were broken off after his death. The Swedish government decided to make peace with Prussia, Denmark and Po land and to concentrate all its forces against Russia. The Russians won another great victory over the Swedish fleet in 1720 off the Island of Gidnhamn. After having in the course of the 13th to the 17th centu ries been cut off from the Black and Baltic seas, Russia within a few years became a great naval power. Supremacy of the Russian fleet on the Baltic Sea enabled the Russian army to invade Sweden and even to appear in the neighbourhood of Stockholm.

A peace treaty was finally signed in Nystad, Finland, in 1721. Russia received the coasts of the Gulf of Finland and the Gulf of Riga: jDart of Karelia (including Vyborg), Tngria, Esthland (including Narva and Revel) and Liflandia (including Riga).

The victory over Sweden was of tremendous significance for Russia. The lack of convenient seaboards had retarded the country's economic development. Livonia, and then Sweden, had deliberately deprived Russia of every opportimity not only of trading but also of maintain ing cultural relations with Western Europe. Peter secured a footing on the Baltic Sea and thus brought to a conclusion the struggle of the Russian people for the seacoast, a struggle which they had been waging since the end of the l.'ith century. Peter took only what was absolutely essential for Russia's normal development.

After the conclusion of the Treaty of Nystad, the Senate bestowed on Peter the title of emperor, and Russia became officially known as the Russian empire. This new name testified to the growth of the power and strength of the Rupsian state.

Relations with the East

Despite the prolonged war with Sweden which entailed heavy expenditure and effort, Peter did not lose sight of Russia's eastern frontiers. In southwestern Siberia the Russians between 1715 and 1720 occupied the entire upper reaches of the Irtysh. A considerable number of small fortresses, including Omsk and Semipalatinsk, was built on the banks of this river. The Upper Irtysh was the starting point of an ancient caravan route to Bokhara and Khiva. The Russian government simultaneously made prepara tions to invade Central Asia from the Caspian Sea. In 1716 a detach ment under Prince Bekovich-Cherkassky was sent to Khiva ostensibly to congratulate the khan on his accession to the throne but actually to obtain economic and military-political information about Khiva and Bokhara. The detachment \vas surrounded in the steppes and al most totally annihilated. This failure temporarily checked the advance of the Russians beyond the Caspian Sea.

Peter also endeavoured to entrench himself on the western shore of the Caspian. This was highly important for the strengthening of Russian influence in Transcaucasia and Persia, with whom trade was developing rapidly at the beginning of the 18th century. Russia used the pillaging of Russian merchants during an uprising in Shemakha (in Azerbaijan) against the rule of Persia as a pretext to send a mili tary expedition to the western shore of the Caspian.

Peter himself took part in the campaign, which began in 1722, soon after the conclusion of peace with Sweden. Russia found support in Transcaucasia among the feudal lords of Azerbaijan, Eastern Georgia and Armenia as well as among the local tradesmen and the clergy. Their friendliness toward the Russian troops was due to their fear of Turkey, who strove to seize Ihe entire Caucasus. The peace treaty with Persia signed in 1723 gave Russia the western shore of the Caspian including Derbeut and Baku, and the southern shore, includ. ing Astrabad. Russia, however, was unable to retain these lands and soon abandoned them to Persia

Social and Economic Conditions in Russia and Peter's Economy Policy

The Development of Manufacturing

Russia \s poorly-developed industry made her dependent upon Western Europe. 'When Peter the Great , having to deal with the more advanced countries of the West, began feverishly to build factories and workshops in order to supply his armies and to strengthen the defences of the country, it was a pecul iar attempt on his part to escape from the grip of backwardness." *

At the beginning of the 18th century the petty craftsmen were no longer able to satisfy the steadily increasing demands of the home mar ket. Many articles that Russia did not produce had to be imported from Holland, England, Sweden and other countries. The war with Sweden severely hampered this trade. Meanwhile the army needed woollens and boots, as well as muskets, guns, gunpowder and other military equipment.

Peter promoted the development of manufacturing and granted the owners of manufactories extensive privileges. Since it was partic ularly important to introduce the manufacture of goods that were supplied by import, he permitted foreigners to set up manufactories, and invited foreign technical experts to Russia, with whose assistance he established government manufactories which were subsequently turned over to commercial companies.

Serious difficulties were encoimtered in acquiring labour-power. Only an insignificant number of freemen came to work in the manu factories, and the merchants who owned the majority of the establish ments did not possess any serfs. Hence a decree was issued in 1721 per mitting the purchase of entire villages of peasants on condition that they be permanently attached to the manufactories and not sold apart from them. These peasants came to be called "possessional" peasants. In addition to their work in the manufactories they had to till the land.

Manufacturing made great advances under Peter. The production of woollens, linens and leather increased many times over. There was an especially large iucreairic in the jiroduction of pig iron. A number of new industries was established, notably copper smelting, shipbuild* ing and silk weaving,

A large number of state-owned metallurgical works was built in the Urals, Factories were also founded there by Nikita Demidov, a former grmsmith from Tula. Ekaterinburg (now Sverdlovsk), the ad ministrative centre of the Urals, subsequently became a major iron and steel to^vn.

By the end of Peter's reign there were about 240 manufactories in Russia. The majority were small and did not survive long; only a few developed, and these formed a cornerstone for the further rise of manufacturing in the country.

The conditions of the manufactory workers were extremely bad. The proprietors treated them as serfs, paid them a miserable wage and subjected them to brutal and degrading punishments. The first disor ders and the first strike broke out as early as in the twenties of the 18th century at the Moscow Cloth Manufactory.

The Mercantile System

Practically the whole output of the Russian factories was consumed within the coimtry. Raw materials and agricultural products continued to be exported. Following the con quest of the Baltic seaboard, commerce with Western Europe passed chiefly through the Baltic ports, instead of through Archangel. In No vember 1703 the first foreign merchant ship carrying a cargo for Rus sia sailed up to the mouth of the Neva. In 1724, St. Petersburg was visited by about 200 foreign ships.

To facilitate the transportation of goods to St. Petersburg from Central Russia, Peter built the Vyshne-Volochok Canal linking the Tvertsa, a tributary of the Volga, with the Msta, which empties into Lake Ilmen. This created a direct water route between the Volga and the Baltic Sea. Work was started on the Ladoga Canal, to bypass the stormy Lake Ladoga, but it was not completed until after Peter death,

Peter's government attached great importance to the accumula tion of money in the country through foreign trade, and was interested in creating a favourable trade balance. The difference between the value of exports and imports remained in the country in the form of foreign coinage which was reminted into Russian currency. High tariffs were introduced to restrict imports. The government did its utmost to cur tail or even completely prohibit the import of articles which were being produced by the Russian manufactories, in this way protecting the young Russian industry from competition against the more devel oped industries of Western Europe. This government policy of reckon ing the coimtry's wealth by its monetary accumulations was known as the mercantile system. This economic policy was prosecuted by European countries in the 17th and 18th centuries.

The Poll Tax

The trade excises and the numerous petty imposts were not sufficient to cover the steadily increasing expendi tures of the state. Huge funds were required for the maintenance of the large army. People quitted their homes to escape the burden of taxa tion, arrears of whi^ grew from year to year. In view of this Peter decided to substitute the multitude of petty taxes collected from the peasants and the townsfolk by a single heavy poll tax, to be levied on the basis of capitation and not on the assessment of acreage, as in the 16th century, or per peasant household.

The introduction of the poll tax necessitated the taking of a new census. First the population itself supplied the required information, which was then verified by the authorities. This came to be known as the "first revision." Periodical revisions (approximately every fifteen years) were carried out by generals and officers attended by army de tachments, who dealt harshly with people who tried to evade the cen sus or who gave false information. The poll tax for a landlord's peas ant was fixed at 74 kopeks a year (in addition the peasant had to pay the landlord about 60 kopeks); for state-owned peasants and for the tradesmen and artisans the tax was 1 ruble and 20 kopeks (the equivalent of ten gold rubles in late 19th century cunency).

The Peasants

The poll tax had an important effect on the status of the i)easants. The rural population now formed two main categories. All the peasants, kholopi (house serfs) and freemen who lived on the estates of private landowners became the latters* serfs. The separate category of kholopi went out of existence. The rural population living on crown lands came to be called state peasants. The poll tax further increased the power of the landlords over the peasants. The landlords and bailiffs were made responsible for punOiUal payment of the tax by their serfs. It was in Peter's reign that the sale of serfs apart from the land began to be widely practised.

The Situation in the Towns; the Merchantry

Formerlj the urban population had suffered greatly from the arbitrary rule of the wasTwodes. Peter wished to provide better conditions for the develop ment of trade and to bolster up the urban economy. To this end he car ried out a complete reform of municipal administration. The residents of every town were divided into the categories of "regular" citizens (merchants, artists, doctors, craftsmen) and the "base born" (t.e., the "lower" people, or common labourers and craftsmen who were not guild members). The "regular" citizens comprised two guilds; the first was made up of the wealthy merchants, the intelligentsia (doctors, apothecaries, artists) and some of the master craftsmen; the second guild consisted of petty tradesmen, craftsmen and apprentices. The "regular" citizens discussed municipal affairs at meetings and from their midst elected burgomasters to administer the town. All the benefits of municipal reform were reaped by the upper stratum of the merchantry.

Peter attached great importance to the big merchants, who con trolled foreign and domestic trade. He conferred various privileges on them and granted them loans. The merchants received government contracts and frequently gave the tsar advice on various economic matters. Peter did his utmost to interest the merchants in investing capital in industry.

The Nobles

Important changes took place in the status of the nobles during Peter's reign. In the 17th century the nobles had been awarded fiefs in temporary tenure as payment for their services. Peter substituted these fiefs by money payments. All the land held in tenure by the nobles — including patrimonies and fiefs — ^became their absolute property and now came to be called "estates." The differences that had existed between the patrimonies and the fiefs in the 16th and 17th centuries were completely effaced. To keep the estates intact when they were passed on by inheritance — ^for their division usually led to the impoverishment of the nobles — Peter in 1714 issued an edict establish ing the principle of primogeniture for the inheritance of realty. The children who remained without an inheritance were to live on the sala ry they received for their service. Many nobles were opposed to this law, however, and in 1730 they had it repealed.

Under Peter the difference between the ancient peerage and the newer nobility was further mitigated. Both became known as the gentry or the nobility. The nobles' state now was in need of a large number Of officers and officials. In the 17th century nobles had evaded military service under various pretexts. Many spent all their lives on their patri monies and estates. When summoned they either contrived to bribe the summoner or fled to the woods; many pretended to be infirm and sick. Peter insisted that no less than two-thirds of the nobility enter military service and one-third the civil service.

Reforms in State Administration

Central Administration

The old administrative system was utterly dislocated during the war with Sweden. The inherent weakness of the state machinery was revealed both by the war and by the struggle against the uprisings in Astrakhan, on the Don and in Bashkiria. Peter had no confidence in the boyar duma ruled by members of the ancient princely and boyar families who viewed the tsar's activities with dis favour and looked askance at the "new" men, such as Alexander Men shikov, who was of humble origin, or Shafirov, Yaguzhinsky , Shereme tev and others. At the very outset of his reign Peter had begun to settle important problems by consultation with his intima^ assist ants, without recourse to the boyar duma. The duma was not even able to convene all its members, for Peter made no exception for the boyars in the matter of government service and gave them commis sions to various tovYns and sent them to the wars. Instead of the ukases with their customary preamble "The tsar has decreed and the boyars have confirmed," Peter issued fiats in his name alone.

Tile old Moscow prikazi could not handle the immensely increased volume of business demanding prompt decisions and action . Confusion ri igned in these offices, which frequently overlapped each other. Peter and his assistants fully realized the shortcomings of the Russian insti tutions, and strove to utilize the experience of the advanced countries of Europe. During his sojourn abroad Peter had acquainted himself with the organization of European institutions . He sent his officials to various countries to study them and invited foreign officials to Russia. Before adopting western models of government organization, Peter had his officials ascertain to what extent they were applicable under Russian conditions.

In this manner the Russian state system under Peter was brought closer to that of the advanced countries of Europe.

When Peter set out to wage war against Turkey in 1711 he left behind in the capital a special commission consisting of nine members appointed by him which he named the Governing Senate. The Senate, which was to attend to affairs during the tsar's absence from the capital, made the boyar duma superfluous . The rest of the time the Senate acted as the supreme organ of government, exercising a supervision over all government institutions. It drafted new laws and submitted them to the tsar for approval. The office of Procurator-General under the Senate was instituted. Peter called the Procurator-General "the royal eye." In 1718 nine "colleges" were formed in place of the old prikazi^ Their number was subsequently increased to twelve. The functions of the colleges were clearly defined, each having charge of a particular branch of the administration. The College of Foreign Affairs handled rela tions with other countries. The War and Admiralty Colleges had charge respectively^ of the army and the navy. Others were in charge of state finances, trade, the factories and mining. All juridical affairs in the realm were under the jurisdiction of the College of Justice. Admin istration of the towns was concentrated in the chief magistracy.

Many of the prelates of the church disapproved of Peter's reforms, Peter decided to subordinate the church completely to the state. He regarded the church as a part of the state apparatus and the clergy as a species of officialdom. To deprive the church of its independence Peter abolished the patriarchate and placed the Synod, or Spiritual College at the head of church administration. The church was thereby subor* dinated to the sovereign temporal power.

By means of these reforms Peter built up a strong state apparatus to serve the needs of the ruling classes. Strict centralization was established, and a body of ofRciak obedient to the tsar created.

The same aim was pursued in the reforms introduced into the regional institutions.

Regional Institutions

Big changes were effected in the system of regional administra tion. In 1708 Peter divided the country into eight gubernias, or governments. Each gubernia was administered by a gover nor directly subordinate to the supreme authority, which made for greater centralization. Orig inally the gubernias were very large. In 1719, fifty provinces of approximately the same size Were formed. The provinces in turn VYere subdivided into smaller administrative units. A completely uniform administra tive system was thus established throughout the vast territory of the realm. Certain branches of administration (the courts, col lection of taxes) were set up as separate institutions under the control of the waywodes and the governors.

The Army and the Navy

The protracted war with Sweden, who possessed the best army in Europe, was a stern but splendid school for the Russian army. All the deficiencies in the system of army replace ment, supply and training were revealed early in the war. Peter with amazing expedition, persistence and skill made use of the lessons of the war to effect a complete reorganization of the army. Peter closely studied military organization in the western countries and that of his enemy, the Swedes, from whom he borrowed the best that fighting experience had vindicated. In reorganizing the Russian army, however, he did not blindly copy the foreign models, but used independent judgment, choosing what had been tried out and verified by his own experience. In distinction to foreign armies, which were in most cases maintained at fighting strength by means of mercenary units, Peter introduced a system of military service by the popu lation by . means of recruitments. The Russian army became a regular force, uniformly equipped and armed, well trained and hardened in battle.

In the 17th century the troops cf Muscovy had gone into battle in large, unwieldy masses. Peter adopted the system used in the French army as the basis for the battle formation of his troops. On the battle field the soldiers were arrayed in ranks, the front ranks firing while those behind them reloaded. The bayonet fixed to the rifle made its first ap pearance, thereby increasing the importance of hand-to-hand fighting. The Russian battle array, however, had this distinguishing trait, that each regiment had its own battalion in the second line which always ensured support to the first line.

Peter, under the prevailing conditions of linear tactics, was able to create deep-line formations. The second line of Russian formation acquired an independent tactical designation. All this was a great step forward in the development of linear tactics.

Peter's strategic art is deserving of attention. Peter demanded that military operations should conform to circumstances. Battle he regarded as the main object which required thorough and careful preparation. He trained the Russian soldiers to display independence and initiative. In a letter to Sheremetev Peter wrote: ^'It seems you dare not take a step without our instruction. . . . And that is like the servant who will not save his drowning master until he finds out whether the contract says that he may."

The cavalry in Peter's army was the chief attacking force, and was therefore reinforced by a horse-drawn regimental artillery.

Appreciating the importance of material resources in the building up of a country's armed forces Peter created a sound economic foundation for the army and navy by developing the metallurgical and metal working industries. The development of industry enabled him to consid erably improve the Russian artillery. The ordnance under Peter ac quired greater mobility, the Russian horse-drawn artillery appearing fifty years in advance of the West .The Articles of War, published in 1716, clearly stipulate the place which the artillery occupies both on the march and in battle. Peter made a great step forward in developing the elements of coordination between infantry, cavalry, engineer corps and artillery. The army of Peter the Great possessed its Regulations and a system of military training. The commanding staff received a train ing in special schools and guards regiments. For this purpose Peter set up in, Moscow a nautical school and medical school. In St. Peters burg a naval academy and artillery school were opened. Techxucal and mathematical schools were also founded.

As a result of the military reforms, Russia by the end of Peter's reign possessed a larg^ standing army whose fighting qualities were in no way inferior to the best troops in Europe, Besides the Cossacks, it numbered up to 200,000 men formed into approximately 130 regiments. Before Peter 's day Russia had not had a single warship. At Peter death the Baltic fleet consisted of 48 large sailing vessels and a multitude of galleys. The Russian navy became one of the most powerful in Europe. Russian sailors covered themselves with imdying glory by their victories over the Swedish navy. "

In the 17th century boyars had simultaneously fulfilled the func tions of army commanders, tax collectors and judges. Peter drew a line between military service and the civil service. In 1722 a "table of. ranks" establishing a new system of promotion was issued. This table divided all military and civil officials into 14 ranks. Everyone had to begin military or civil service in the lowest rank. Whereas before Peter *s day the sons of the aristocracy had immediately received the highest titles, they were now obliged to enter the Preobrazhensky or Semyonovsky guards regiments as rank-and-file soldiers and only later were commis sioned as officers. No one was permitted to receive a higher rank without having first held the lower. The aim of the army reorganization was to create an armed force with which the noblesse empire could defend its borders and strengthen the power of the landlords within the country.

Opponents of Reformation

The changes in culture, social customs and political structure of Russia aroused opposition among the old aris tocracy and a section of the clergy. The large landowners of old noble stock were loath to relinquish the old life of indolent ease and plenty and were hostile toward the "base born" men whom Peter had brought into prominence for their ability and merit.

The malcontents hoped that Prince Alexei, Peter *8 son by his first wife, Yevdokia Lopukhina, would abolish the innovations of his father after his death. Prince Alexei had been brought up under the influence of the clergy and his mother's relatives, who hated Peter. Alexei impa tiently awaited his father's death and even hoped to incite a mutiny of the troops against hiim. Peter warned and urged his son several times to mend his ways. "You should love everything that advances the wel fare and honour of your country," he said to him. "If my advice goes unheeded I shall disown you." Prince Alexei not only ignored his father's advice but became a traitor to his country and fled to Austria. Peter arranged the extradition of his son and then had him tried for trea son by a special tribunal, which passed a sentence of death. The prince died in prison soon after. His death was a great blow to those who dreamed of a return to the old order.

Culture and Education

Cultural Advancement

Cultural backwardness had been one of the oai^s of Russia's weakness in the 17th century. The new institutions could not function without an educated and competent body of men. The army needed artillery specialists and engineers. Canal constructioiiy shipbuildings geological prospecting, mining and medicine all called for general education and specialized instruction. This demand could no lo%er be met by inviting foreign experts to Russia.

The shortage of printed books and absence of school education in the 17th century had greatly hampered the spread of literacy. Peter introduced a simplified and more readable type instead of the old church Slavonic type. Most of the books published after 1708 (with the excep tion of church service books) were printed in this type, which is in use to this day. In the absence of technical books in Russian, translations of foreign works were largely resorted to. Many books on a variety of technical and scientific subjects were translated, especially on mathe matics, shipbuilding, fortification, architecture, warfare, etc. Numer ous historical works were published.

The first Russian newspaper, the Vedomosti, was published in Moscow in 1703, and later in St. Petersburg. This newspaper consisted of several small sheets and contained news of important political events as well as reports on the progress of military operations. The calendar in use before Peter I had been the ecclesiastical calendar, which counted time from the supposed "day of creation" and began the new year on September 1. As of January 1, 1700, Peter I introduced the Julian Calen dar (established by Julius Caesar) which was then in use in many Euro pean countries, although the more correct Gregorian Calendar (new style) already existed.

School education was first introduced during Peter's reign. Several educational institutions were founded in Moscow and St. Petersburg which gave instruction in mathematics, navigation, gunnery and med icine. Only children of the nobility were admitted to the schools. General schools for children of nobles, officials and clerks were opened in the provincial towns. These schools accepted children between the ages of 10 and 16, and taught them reading and writing, arithmetic end elementary geometry. The system of tuition was very severe.

In 1702 a troupe of foreign actors headed by Johann Kunst was in vited to Moscow. A wooden "Palace of Comedies" was built, in which Kunst 's troupe gave performances for Moscow audiences. At Peter's request the theatre performed A Triumphant Comedy on the Taking of Oreshek.

The changes in life and customs were confined almost exclusively to the nobility, particularly the upper circles, Peter fully realized the importance of culture as a means of strengthening the noblesse realm. He insisted that all nobles between the ages of 10 and 16 take up studies and even prohibited the maiTiage of nobles who had not finished school. Adolescents of the nobility had to undergo "inspections," at which their progress was reviewed. In outward appearance too the nobles of Peter's day differed markedly from their fathers and grandfathers. The long-skirted Muscovite costume was superseded by the short European jacket, with its complement of powdered wig, cocked hat and high boots. Many of the nobles whom Peter had sent abroad borrowed the manners and tastes of the nobility of Western Europe. Social gather ings, then known as "assemblies," which were attended by the nobles ' families including the womenfolk, became the mode. On holidays the capital became the scene of elaborate masquerades and merry making that lasted several days.

Peter the Great's Assistants

Most of the nobles, who realized the necessity of reforms for the strength ening of the state, supported Peter. Many of Peter's most active assistants both in military affairs and civil administration came from the nobility. Yet in choosing tal ented and devoted assistants Peter did not limit himself to the nobil ity; he also advanced men "from among the very basest born." These men subsequently became nobles, acquired extensive estates and trampled upon the people in the old nobles' way.

Procurator-General Yaguzhinsky was said to have been a swineherd in his youth. Shafirov, a Jew, who was in charge of foreign affairs, had been a shop assistant. Peter '§ closest assistant was Alexander Danilovich Menshikov, who was said to have been a vendor of meat

pies in his childhood. Menshikov joined one of the "sham" regiments, went abroad with the tsar and worked with him in the shipyards. Peter liked Menshikov for his acumen, efficiency and courage, and put him in charge of military affairs. But Peter was aware of Menshikov's shortcomings and in private used his stick on him more than once to teach him not to dip into the treasury.

Public initiative found a supporter in Peter.

The tsar had public-spirited assistants among various strata of the population, many of whom at their own initiative submitted mem oranda suggesting reforms. An example is Ivan Pososhkov, a well to-do peasant of a palace village near Moscow. Pososhkov had travelled extensively about the country as a tradesman and was well acquainted with its life. He wrote a work entitled "On 'poverty and Wealth'* and dedicated it to Peter, In this book he expounded his views on various problems of economics and state organization, devoting particular attention to commerce. He was unable, however, to bring his work to Peter's notice. After the tsar's death Pososhkov was arrested for his sharp criticism of the nobility, and he died in prison.

St. Petersburg

In 1712 the city of St. Petersburg, founded by Peter, became the capital of the Russian realm. The capital was erected on the site of a dense forest where several little villages had stood. It was begun by Peter building himself a small wooden cottage on Zayaclii Island hard by the Fortress of Peter and Paul, after which his intimates, followed by some of the nobles and merchants built their own houses alongside it. After the victory at Poltava Peter de cided to make the new settlement the capital. Scores of thousands of peasants were driven here from all over the coimtry to build the city. They worked up to their knees in swamp water. There were not enough spades or wheelbarrows, and sometimes the peasants had to carry earth in their shirts. Under the difficult conditions thousands died, and new thousands were sent to take their place. St. Petersburg was laid out quite differently from Moscow. Broad, straight streets were built where the forest and swamps had been cleared. Peter wanted the new capital to be built of brick and stone. Since there were not enough masons in the country he prohibited the erection of stone build ings in other towns and transferred the expert masons to Petersburg. He invited leading foreign architects and artists to beautify the city. Large stone buildings were erected along the banks of the Neva. Parks with neat paths and fountains were laid out. Opposite the Fortress of Peter and Paul a large shipyard was built. From here led a broad avenue which came to be called the Nevsky Prospect.

Moscow gradually became deserted. The nobles and the wealthy merchants left; the government offices closed down. In pursuance of Peter's instruction? the northern capital quickly grew. In the space of 16 to 20 years St. Petersburg was transformed from a tiny village into a city with a population of 70,000.

The Personality of Peter

Peter the Great was unlike his pred ecessors— the Muscovite tsars — whom the people had seen only dur ing holidays in church, dressed in costly, clumsy garments of gold brocade. Peter was no lover of showy court ceremonies and ponipous speeches. Usually he dressed very simply.

Peter's predecessors had regarded it beneath their dignity to en gage in any kind of labour. Peter liked to work and knew how to work. He was a man of exceptionally strong physique: he could easily unbend a horseshoe with his bare hands and forge an iron strip weighing sev eral poods. Peter knew many trades and manual labour was a hobby of his. His thirst for knowledge was unbounded, and he was not ashamed to study all his life.

The Russian tsars used to spend much of their time in church or listening to long prayers in their chambers. Peter beiran his day at about five o'clock in the morning with a half-hour walk to stretch his legs. Then he sat down to listen to reports read to him by his secretary. After a light breakfast he left for the city by carriage or on horseback, and in fine weather, on foot. On such occasions his tall figure could be seen here and there in the capital. He visited the shipyard, factories, workshops and offices. After a simple dinner Peter usually again oc cupied himself with state affairs, and later busied himself with the lathe in his workshop. In the evening Peter frequently made calls. He visited not only his courtiers but paid informal calls on merchants, master craftsmen and sailors. All this was most unusual in the 17th and early 18th century.

Peter was a good organizer and an outstanding statesman. His predecessors did not even bother to sign the royal edicts, which were written by the scriveners and clerks. Peter drafted the texts of his laws himself.

Peter was aware of the historical tasks which faced the country. He strove to implant European culture in backward Russia. However, Peter himself suffered from many of the faults common to the society of his day. His amusements were coarse, his banquets were orgies, and his temper turbulent. Even for a trifle he would sometimes chastise the offender with a heavy cudgel.

Peter hated cowardice, falsehood, hypocrisy and dishonesty. Above all he hated attachment to old usage which interfered with the country's regeneration. He strove to eliminate all backwardness: in economy, in technique, in state organization, in culture and customs. Strong-willed, resolute and persistent, Peter swept aside all the ob stacles that stood in the way of his reforms. He was irreconcilable in his fight against backwardness and barbarity. . . Peter hastened the copying of western culture by barbarian Russia, and he did not hesitate to use barbarous methods in fighting against barbarism." Russia — An Empire of Landlords and Merchants. Russia, after Peter's reformation, became a powerful European state.

A large domestic industry came into being. The Russian army and navy won fame by their victories over the Swedish forces, which had been considered the best in Europe. The administrative institutions introduced by Peter brought order and system into the realm. Notable progress was achieved in culture. Despite all his talents and his energy Peter could not, however, completely overcome the backwardness of feudal Russia.

The landholding nobility had been and remained the ruling class in Russia. Hence all the benefits of Peter's reforms were reaped primarily by the nobles, and to some extent by the nascent merchant class.

All the successes in strengthening the empire of the nobility were achieved through the ruthless exploitation of the peasants. Under Peter Bussia became a powerful realm of the landlords and the merchants.

. . Peter the Great did a great deal to elevate the landlord class and to develop the rising merchant class. Peter did a great deal to create and strengthen the national State of the landlords and merchants. It should be added that the elevation of the landlord class, the encourage ment of the rising merchant class, and the strengthening of the na,tional State of these classes, was effected at the cost of the peasant serf who was bled white."

Peter's Successors (1725–1762)

The Struggle of the Nobles for Power

The Palace Coups

During Peter's reign the nobles had grown still more powerful. The government of the country was in their hands. They possessed big estates and large numbers of serfs. They controlled an armed force — the guards regiments— in which both officers and the majority of the men were of noble origin.

After the death of Peter the nobles resident in the capital inter fered in matters of succession to the throne and organized palace coups. Peter's successors, in an endeavour to secure the support of the nobles, increased their privileges still more.

During the thirty-seven years (1725–1762) following Peter's death there were five palace coups. Such successors of Peter as Anna Ivanovna and Peter III were insignificant, poorly-educated, narrow-minded people, addicted to frivolous amusements and indolence. Favourites played a tremendous role in the 18th century and eternally wrangled with each other over power and influence. Vast sums were squandered on the extravagances of court life. Such of Peter's successors as Peter II and Ivan Antonovich were emperors in name only. Chance persons ruled in their name.

Catherine I (1725–1727)

According to a law issued by Peter I in 1722 the emperor could exercise his own judgment in his choice of a successor and annul any previous instructions for the designation of an heir. This law was occasioned by Prince Alexei's treason. To the very last Peter could not make up his mind about the succession. He did not wish the throne to pass to his grandson. Prince Alexei's son, and hesitated to designate his wife, Catherine, or one of his daugh ters, Elizabeth or Anna. He died without having left any instructions regarding his heir.

After his death the court aristocracy assembled at the palace to de cide the question of succession. A group of high dignitaries of humble origin who had been influential during Peter's reign were in favour of crowning Catherine, Peter's second wife. The guards officers present at the discussion declared that they would break the heads of the "boyars" (as they called the dignitaries of ancient lineage) if they opposed Catherine. The threat was backed by the convenient arrival at the palace of the guards regiments. Catherine became empress.

To consolidate the power of the aristocracy, the intimates of the empress set up in February 1726 a Supreme Privy Council consisting of Prince D. M. Golitsyn as a representative of an old ducal family and men who had advanced to eminence under Peter (Menshikov, Golovkin and others). Thus a compromise was arrived at between members of the old nobility and the men who had come to the fore under Peter. The empress promised not to issue any edicts without the con sent of the Supreme Privy Council, to which the Senate and admin istrative colleges were subordinated. However, Menshikov, the favourite of the empress, who actually handled all state affairs, carried more weight than the Council itself. Desirous of ensuring the continued influence of his family in the affairs of the realm Menshikov persuaded Catherine to designate as her successor Peter Alexeyevich, Peter I's grandson, whom he planned to marry to his daughter.

Peter II (1727–1730)

After Catherine's death Menshikov set up the twelve-year-old emperor, Peter II, at his own palace and began to rule in his name.

Menshikov's rise to power was resented by the rest of the aristoc racy. He was accused of abuses and banished to his own estate and subsequently exiled to Beryozov, in Siberia. His place was taken by the Dolgoruki princes, who in turn decided to marry one of the prin cesses of their own family to the emperor. During the preparations for the Wedding Peter II fell ill and died. With his death the male line of the Bomanov dynasty came to an end.

During the reigns of Catherine I and Peter II the state system estab lished by Peter I began to deteriorate. With the formation of the Su preme Privy Council the Senate lost its former significance. The imperial court and the higher aristocracy left St. Petersburg for Moscow during the reign of Peter* II, and this doomed the new capital to gradual decline. The strong navy built under Peter I, lying idle in the harbours, fell into decay through disrepair and neglect.

The Privy Councillors

After the death of Peter II supreme power was temporarily assumed by the Privy Council, which was now controlled by the old nobility (of the eight Council members six belonged to two princely families, the Golitsyns and the Dolgorukis). Prince D, M. Golitsyn, a big landowner, played an outstanding role in the Council. He was in favour of a type of state system which pre vailed in European countries where power was wielded by the landed aristocracy (England, Sweden). Golitsyn wanted to introduce this system into Russia. At his suggestion the Privy Councillors offered the imperial throne to Peter I"s niece, Anna Ivanovna (daughter of Tsar Ivan Alexeyevich, Peter I's brother). Anna had been married by Peter I to the Duke of Courland and had continued to live in Mittau after the duke's death. The Councillors drew up the conditions of accession, under which Anna was to make no decision on important state matters without the consent of the Supreme Privy Council. Actually all power was to be transferred to the Supreme Privy Council, f.e., to a small group of large landowners. The empress was not to declare war, conclude peace, or expend state funds without the con sent of the Sup.eme Privy Council. The Council also was to have direct control over the guards. Anna, desiring to become empress of Russia, accepted the conditions and wrote: *T promise to adhere unreservedly to everything.^'

The Councillors* plan to limit the power of the empress in their own favour aroused great indignation among the nobility, many of whom believed that an autocracy would be tc their greater advantage. When Anna arrived in Moscow the nobles came to the palace and pre sented a complaint against the Councillors. The oflScers of the guards promised Anna their support, upon which she ordered the conditions she had signed brought to her and tore them up on the spot. The attempt of the Councillors to transfer power to the hands of the big landed aristocracy ended in complete failure. With the support of the Guards Anna became autocratic ruler of Russia.

Afina Ivanovna (1730–1740)

The new empress wa& not lacking in gratitude to the nobles for their part in the cov*p d^itat of 1730. Military service was made easier for them. A Cadet Corps for Nobles was founded. Upon graduation from the corps the sons of the nobles were at once commissioned as officers. The term of obligatory service for noblemen was reduced to twenty-five years. Once she had become an autocratic empress Anna Ivanovna quickly abolished the hostile Privy Council whose former members were severely dealt with.

Empress Anna occupied herself but little with state affairs. She was much addicted to amusements and pleasure, on which she spent huge sums. The Winter Palace in Petersburg was to her a large feudal manor, and from the people aroimd her she demanded the most abject Wor* ship.

Under Anna* Ivanovna the actual power and the administration of the state were wielded by Biren, her favourite, a stupid and unedu cated German nobleman whom she had brought with her from Mittau. While he was in power German nobles occupied a very influential posi tion. They directed the foreign policy and Were in command of the Russian army. The officers of two new guards regiments, the Izmailovo and the Horse regiments, were chosen mainly from among German Baltic nobles. The German nobles regarded Russians a country where they could easily enrich themselves. Biren despised Russia and delib erately refused to study Russian. The money he extorted from the population he spent in purchasing lands for himself in Courland and clothes and jewels for his wife.

Anna's reign marked the beginning of an intensive penetration of Germans into Russia, which continued throughout the 18th and 19tb centuries. This was an attempt to conquer Russia "by peaceful means," to Germanize the government apparatus, to seize control of vital state institutions, the sciences and the education of the rising generation. A mob of adventurers and impostors poured into Russia from Germany upon the heels of the statesmen and tradesmen. Many succeeded in insinuating themselves into 1 he good graces of the wealthy nobles. As teachers and tutors in landlords' homes they strove to fill their pupils with admiration for everything German and contempt for everything Rmssian. The Germans tried to establish themselves firmly in Russia: they bought up fertile lands, settled them and organ ized large scale farming. German capital was invested extensively in Russian industry.

The foreigners surrounding Anna Ivanovna completely disrupted the system built up by Peter I. The population groaned under the in creasingly intolerable burden of taxes. Biren maintained his power by a system of brutal terror. All suspected malcontents were interro gated and tortured in the cells of the Secret Chancellery^ instituted in 1731. The predominance of Germans in the central and local govern ments aroused the indignation of the Russian nobles who felt that they Were being wronged and deprived of their right to participate in the administration of the country. Among the discontented was Minister Artyemi Petrovich Volynsky, who dreamed of putting an end to Ger man influence over the empress and of strengthening the position of the Russian nobility. Under pressure from Biren the empress ordered Volynsky and his friends brought to the Secret Chancellery, where they were examined and tortuied and then publicly executed. The sinister period of Biren 's vicious rule was known among the i)eople as the Birmahchina.

The chief political event of Anna Ivanovna's reign was the war with Turkey and the Crimea (1735–1739) for possession of the Black Sea coast. Russia acted in league with Austria, who suffered one defeat after another. The Russian army invaded the Crimea and later captured the strong Turkish fortress of Ochakov, which barred the outlet to the sea from the Dnieper. Continuing the offensive toward the Pruth, the Russian troops defeated the Turks at the village of Stavu chany (near the town of Khotin). Under the peace treaty concluded in 1739 at Belgrade Russia received territory on both banks of the Dnieper but no outlet to the sea. This war, the aim of which had been to reject the Turkish yoke on the Black Sea coast, entailed large expend itures and extremely heavy losses in man power. These expenditures were an additional heavy burden on the disorganized national economy.

Elizabeth Petrovna (1741–1761)

Movement of Russian Nobles Against German Control

Anna Ivanovna, who died childless, appointed as heir Ivan VI, the infant son of her niece Anna Leopoldovna, who was married to a German duke (Anton of Brunswick). In 1740, after the death of Anna Ivanovna, the three-months-old infant was declared emperor, with Biren as regent. The rise of Biren to such eminence evoked great discon tent even among the court aristocrats who were close to him, and a conspiracy was formed against him. Field Marshal Miinnich marched into the palace with a group of guardsmen and arrested Biren.

Anna Leopoldovna, the mother of the infant emperor, was pro claimed regent.

Her rule, however, lasted only about a year. While a struggle for power was in progress among the small faction of Germans who had fallen foul of each other after the death of Anna Ivanovna, a movement in defence of Russian honour and dignity was growing among the officers and soldiers of the guards. The guards favoured Elizabeth Petrovna, a daughter of Peter I. The conspiracy had the support of the French ambassador in St. Petersburg, France being anxious to see an end to German influence in Russia.

On the night of November 25, 1741, Elizabeth unexpectedly came to the palace with her adherents and a company of guards from the Preobrazhensky Regiment. The guardsmen arrested Anna Leopol dovna and her family. The enraged soldiers assaulted the notables, among them Field Marshal Munnich, when arresting them. Elizabeth was proclaimed empress. The guards openly demanded that the new empress rid them of "the German yoke.*' The infant emperor, Ivan VI, was imprisoned in the Schlusselburg Fortress, where he was subse quently put to death during the reign of Catherine II. The Russian nobility won new privileges during the reign of Elizabeth Petrovna. Only nobles were given the right to own lands inhab ited by peasants. They received immunity from such a degrading form of punishment as flogging. In St ..Petersburg a Nobles' Bank was estab lished in which they could obtain loans at low rates of interest. The landlords were given the right to exile their serfs to Siberia without trial, every such exile being set off as an army recruit. The landlords made extensive use of this power to rid themselves of undesirables as well as of old and sick peasants. Most of the exiles died on the way from disease, exposure and hmiger; barely one out of four actually reached the Siberian towns.

Like her predecessors, Elizabeth gave but little attention to state affairs. Life at the palace with its continuous round of masquerades, balls and other entertainments came to resemble an endless fete. The empress spent lavish sums on her wardrobe.

Matters were complicated when Elizabeth Petrovna sent for her nephew, Karl Peter Ulrich (son of Peter I's daughter, Anna Petrovna, who had married the Duke of Holstein). In Russia he was called Peter Fyodorovich and proclaimed heir to the throne. Peter Fyodorovich was an ignorant, frivolous young man who drove his tutors to despair. At eighteen and twenty he was still playing with toy soldiers, which he addressed as though they were human beings. Brought up at a German feudal court, Peter Fyodorovich was a passionate admirer of the Prus sian system of Frederick II. He hated Russia and called it "an accursed country Empress Elizabeth Petrovna married him to the daughter of a petty German prince, Sophia of Anhalt-Zerbst, who was called Catherine Alexeyevna in Russia. Unlike her husband, Catherine was capable and industrious; she read books, diligently studied the Russian language and Russian customs, and endeavoured in every way to win the favour of the Russian nobles.

The Seven Years' War (1756–1763)

The aggressive policy of King Frederick II of Prussia (1740–1786) began to cause his neigh bours serious anxiety. Russia joined an alliance formed against Prussia by France, Austria and Saxony. England sided with Prussia. When Frederick II precipitated war by suddenly attacking Saxony, the Russian troops in 1757 marched into Prussia.

The arrogant Prussian king considered his army "invincible" and looked upon the war with Russia as something in the nature of a mili tary picnic. The very first encounters with the Russians made him change his opinion. He sent a large force under the command of one of his most able generals to meet the Russian army that was advancing on the fortress of Koenigsberg. In August 1767 the Germans suddenly attacked the Russian regiments near the village of Gross-Jagerndorf while most of the units were moving along a nairow defile in the woods. The Russian vanguard on the fringe of the woods manfully accepted battle despite the enemy's overwhelming numerical superiority. On their staunchness depended the fate of the whole army, which had to be given time to get out of the woods and deploy for action. The men and officers displayed wonderful heroism. Men with gaping wounds carried on until they lost consciousness. The ranks of the Russians began to dwindle. The Germans were flushed with elation. Victory seemed to be in their grasp.

At this juncture the regiments in the forest rushed into the fray on their own initiative. The supply carts obstructing their palh, the men burst through the thickets and took the enemy by surprise.

Giving the Germans no chance to collect themselves, the Russians, with shouts of "Hurrah!" charged the enemy with fixed bayonets. The Germans wavered before the shock of the impact and fled in disorder, abandoning their guns and wounded. The Russian army won a com plete victory. Soon after, the big fortress of Koenigsberg surrendered to the Russian troops without offering resistance.

The defeats at the hands of the Russian troops brought Frederick to an impasse. Only the sluggishness of Russia's allies saved him from disaster. France and Austria feared Russia more than they did Prussia. In 1759, after having rallied all his forces, Frederick led them against the Russian army, which was threatening Frankfort -on -Oder. The Russian troops under the veteran General Saltykov took up posi tions near the village of Kimersdorf . At first the Germans succeeded in bearing down the left flank of the Russians despite their stubborn resistance. Frederick was so confident of victory that without waiting for the battle to end he sent a communique to Berlin annoimcing the complete rout of the Russian army. In the meantime the Russian regiments had regrouped and were warding off one fierce Prussian attack after another with unequalled bravery. Then the Russian cav alry and infantry swooped down upon the enemy, striking a mortal blow. The Germans fled, abandoning their weapons and banners. Freder ick himself barely escaped capture.

With almost his entire army lost in the battle at Kunersdorf, the Prussian king gave way to utter despair, and even contemplated sui cide. "I am unfortunate to be alive, " he wrote. "As I write this, everyone is fleeing and I no longer have any power over these men." Berlin wae seized with panic.

Once more disagreement among the allies saved Frederick and gave him a respite and an opportunity to collect a new army. But a year later Russian troops occupied Berlin. In the autumn of 1760 a small Russian force marched up to the German capital. Apart from the armed inhabitants, the. garrison of Berlin consisted of 26 battalions of infantry and 46 squadrons of cavalry, with 120 heavy guns. However,, the victories of the Russian army had made such a powerful impres sion that the German generals deeided not to defend the city, despite their numerical superiority, and quietly led their troops out of the city during the night. In the morning the municipal authorities of Ber lin tendered the Russian command the key to the fortress gates of the city on a velvet cushion.

Frederick's position was hopeless. He was snatched from destruc tion by the death in December 1761 of Empress Elizabeth. The new emperor, Peter III, a Prussophile and an admirer of Frederick, im mediately signed an armistice with Prussia.

The Seven ^'ea^s* War covered the battle standards of the Russian regiments with new glory. Foreigners began to say that no other sol dier in the world could be compared to the Russian soldier. Even Fred erick admitted that it was easier to kill the Russians than force them to retreat.

The well-known Russian general P. A. Rumyantsev (1725–1796) achieved some outstanding victories in this war. During the Seven Years' War Rumyantsev had had occasion to convince himself of the superiority of the Russian school of war initiated by Peter the Great over the Prussian military system of Frederick II. Rumyantsev devel oped Peter's military art and was the first to employ extended order for securing effective rifle fire and attack in columns for massed bayonet charges.

Russian Science in the Middle of the 18th Century

The Russian Academy of Sciences conceived by Peter was founded at the end of 1725, after his death. Since there were no Russian scien tists Peter had to invite foreigners to Russia to organize higher educa tion and research . Some of the men who came to Russia were outstand ing scientists whose names have gone down in the history of science. These include, for example, the mathematicians Bernoulli and Leonliard Euler* But a large number of adventurers who styled themselves scientists also came to Russia, The high state dignitaries appointed to membership of the academy foreigners who could do nothing more than write verses for court festivals.

The first Russian scientist was Mikhail Vasilyevich Lomonosov (1711–1765).

Mikhail l^monosov was born into the family of a well-to-do fisher man in the northern coastal village «of Denisovka (near Kholmogory, not far from Archangel), When the boy was ten years old his father began to take him sea fishing. The dangerous life of a fisherman taught the precocious youngster to observe the phenomena of nature closely* During the long winter nights young Lomonosov diligently studied his letters, grammar and arithmetic. Reading further stimulated hia desire to study. He was refused admission to the school in Kholmogory since he was the son of a peasant. Then he set out for Moscow, travelling 'with a transport of fish. By concealing his peasant origin he was able to gain admission to the Slavonic Greek-Latin Academy. For live years Mikhail Lomonosov lived from hand to mouth on three kopeks a day. The no blemen's sons who studied at the academy made fun of Lomonosov, a twenty-year old giant, but despite his poverty and their mockery he made rapid progress. After five years at the Slavonic Greek-Latin Academy, Lomo nosov received an opportunity to enter the Academy of Sci ences, since the gymnasium attached to it could not sup ply enough noble-born stu dents to fill the quota. There also Lomonosov's ability and diligence attracted the atten tion of the professors. As one of the three best students he was sent abroad to complete his education. During the four years Lomo nosov spent abroad he delved into the works of the leading scientists of Europe, studying chemistry, metallurgy, mining and mathemat ics. After his return to Kussia in 1745 he was made a professor, and was the first Russian scientist to become a member of the academy.

Lomonosov made numerous important discoveries in various fields of science. For versatility he has no equal in the history of Rus sian, science. Many of his ideas and discoveries won recognition only in the 19th century, when they were brilliantly confirmed by the in vestigations of Western European and Russian scientists of later gener ations.

In the field of physics Lomonosov is the author of a theory of the structure of matter which enabled him to give a true explanation of many physical phenomena. He was the first to formulate the mechan ical theory of heat, which in the 17th century had been ascribed to a subtle imponderable fluid called *'caloric." Lomonosov was the first to arrive at a conception of the chemical elements and gave a scientific substantiation for the law of the conservation of mass during chemical changes. Forty years later this law was rediscovered by the French chemist Lavoisier, to whom it is cr^ited. In the field of geology Lomonosov made a sftidy of the origin of minerals and ores which was of great practical significance for geological prospecting. He was the first to demonstrate the vegetable origin of coal. His works laid the foundation for research in physics, chemistry, astronomy, geology and geography in Russia. He was the first man in Europe to deliver a course of lectures on physical chemistry. He devoted much time to astronomy and navigation, and worked out a method for accurately determining a ship's coordinates. He was almost sixty years ahead of Young in es tablishing the type of undulatory vibrations of the earth's surface. He was thirty years ahead pf Herschel in discovering the presence of an atmosphere on Venus. He was 135 years ahead of Nansen in indi eating the direction of the drift in the Arctic Ocean.

Lomonosov always strove to apply scientific information and discoveries for the benefit of his country. For instance, after more than 3.000 experiments he worked out a melhod of making coloured glass. This enabled him and his pupils to make several mosaic paintings, including. a huge one of the Bittle of Poltava (see drawing on p. 29), Lomonosov drew up a remaikable plan for an expedition which was to open a route from Europe to Asia through the Arctic Ocean. In one of his poems Lomonosov expressed his confidence that Russian seamen

would solve this problem:

Grim Nature does in vain assay

To conceal from us the way

Twixt our shores and East.

Into the future I gaze

And Russia's Columbus I see

Amidst the ice^ scoring destiny

Lomonosov played a great role in the formation of the Russian

literary language. He eliminated distortions, obsolete ecclesiastical expressions and unnecessary foreign words, making it conform more closely to the language of the people. In his poetry he was the first to utilize the musical qualities of the Russian language. He was the author of a scientific Russian grammar; several generations used his textbook. Even this brief list of Lomonosov's main works shows how extensive and varied was the activity of this Russian scientist. Of him the famous Russian poet Alexander Pushkin wrote:

"Combining extraordinary strength of will with extraordinary strength of reason Lomonosov embraced all the branches of educa^ tion. The thirst for knowledge was an overpowering passion of a soul filled with passions. Historian, rhetorician, mechanic, chemist, mineralogist, artist and poet — he experienced everything and fath* omed all.'^ Lomonosov contributed greatly to the spread of science and the education of young scientists, writers and artists.

The Moscow University was founded in 1755 on Lomonosovas initiative. During the second half of the 18th century the university produced a number of outstanding scientists and writers.

The Colonial Policy of Russian Tsarism under Peter I's Successors

The Discovery of Kamchatka

The Russians continued to develop the Arctic, Siberia, the Amur region, and the coast and islands of the Pacific. The tsarist government tried to make good its acute deficit, brought on by the heavy war expenditures, the impoverishment of the population and the exhaustion of the coimtry, by new colonial conquests.

In 1697 and 1698 Vladimir Atlasov, an officer of the Streltsi, setting out from the Anadyr outpost (on the Anadyr River) at the head of a small detachment on deer sleds, reached the coast of Kamchatka and imposed tribute, primarily in furs, on the Kamchadales (Itelmens). This Russian explorer was the first to discover and describe the Kam chatka Peninsula.

The Kamchadales lived in clan communities, each clan com prising several hundred tent-homes. Pishing was the main occupation. The clan^ were embroiled in constant feuds. The Kamchadales ' weapons Were bows with fiint and bone-tipped arrows. After Atlasov's expedition the first Russian outposts were set up on Kamchatka, which were used by Cossacks. and soldiers as a base for freebooting expeditions or quests for tribute. The Kamchadales often attacked the collectors of tribute and sometimes came right up to the outposts, but were not able to capture them.

A big Kamchadale uprising, involving a large number of clans, flared up in 1731 and 1732. It was led by Kamchadales who had lived among the Russians and had learned the use of firearms. After the uprising had been quelled the Russians became firmly entrenched in Kamchatka. At the same time the large clan communities of the Kam chadales began to disintegrate.

Less successful was the struggle of the tsarist government against the Koryaks (Nymylans). The Koryaks roamed with their deer herds in the tundra between the seacoast and the Kolyma River. At the approach of military detachments they would break camp and move on. The absence of roads and the scarcity of game rendered pursuit difficult. With their superior knowledge of locality the Koryaks would make sudden raids on groups of Russian Cossacks and soldiers and wipe them out. The Chukches (Luoravetlans), who inhabited the northeastern extremity of Asia, waged a similar struggle against the tsarist government.

Bering's Expedition

In the middle of the 17th century an expedi* tion led by Simon Dezhnyov rounded the Chukotsk Peninsula and proved the existence of a strait lying between Asia and America. By the beginning of the 18th century, however, this discovery had been forgotten. Shortly before his death Peter I wrote out instructions for a Kamchatlia expedition which was to re-explore the noi'theastern coast of Asia and determine whether it was connected with America. Vitus Bering, a Dane serving in the Russian navy, was put in charge of the expedition. During the first expedition (1728-30) Bering reached the strait which bears his name, but he did not risk sailing on to the coast of America. Two years after Bering's return a Russian seaman named Fyodorov and a geodesist named Gvozdev not only reached the American coast in a small boat but drew the first map of the oppo site-lying coasts of Asia and America. This was a brilliant achievement of Russian geographical science.

A second expedition was fitted out at the beginning of the forties of the 18th century. After sailing for a month and a half Bering and his companions sighted the snow-capped ranges of Alaska. The first description of Alaska was also made by Russians.

On the return voyage the Bering expedition ran into great diflEicul ties. The shortage of drinking water and food led to an outbreak of scurvy, which carried off one or two sailors every day. The expedition stopped to winter on one of the Komandorski Islands, which was named after Bering. It was on this island that Bering died and was buried. The following summer the surviving sailors built a new boat, in which they reached the coast of Kamchatka.

The expeditions of Russian navigators to the shore of America Were of great scientific importance. They conclusively established* the configuration of the northern coasts of Asia and America and at the same time collected abundant data on the inhabitants and flora and fauna of the regions.

The expeditions of scientists and explorers were followed by expedi tions of big traders to the Kurile and Aleutian islands as well as to the American continent. From these areas traders and merchants shipped out a tremendous quantity of seal, beaver, silver fox, blue polar fox and other furs. The Russian-American Company was estab* lished at the end of the 18th century to protect big commercial interests and to fight English competition. This company received rights to exploit Alaska, which became a Russian colony in 1797 and remained one until 1867.

The Oppression of Bashkiria

After the suppression of the Aldar Kusyum uprising of 1705–1711 the tsarist government continued to seize Bashkirian lands. The Bashkirs willingly gave refuge to Russian fugitive peasants and refused to hand them over to the tsarist government. With the idea of combating the Bashkirs and cutting them off from the rest of the Volga peoples the government began to build a new line of fortifications. First it built a chain of forts beyond the Kama River, called the Trans-Kama Line, which prevented the Bashkirs from crossing to the right bank of the Kama and to the left bank of the Middle Volga. Then the governntent began to fortify the line along the Yaik River (the Ural). The Bashkirs were forced to perform the hardest earth aiid timber work on the construction of the forts. The intensive exploitation of the Bashkirs by the tsarist government led to fresh popular uprisings in Bashkiria.

In the summer of 1735 insurgent Bashkirs tried to hinder the construction of Orenburg and other forts. Two years later another revolt broke out, headed by feudal lords who aimed at creating an independent Bashkir state. A few years later leadership of the Bashkirs was assumed by a gifted soldier nanited Karasakal (Blackboard) who claimed to be a descendant of Kuchum, the Siberian khan. He was Well acquainted with Central Asia and could speak all the local dialects. Karasakal was distinguished for his fearlessness. His memory lives to the present day in folk songs, which call him swift ^'as the wind,*' and say that "the world has seen few men of his giant stature.'" Only in June 1740 did the tsarist troops succeed in routing the main forces of the insurgents near the Tobol River. Karasakal managed to escape to Kazakh territory.

After the suppression of this uprising oppression of the Bashkir population became still stronger. The Bashkirs were prohibited from using the forests which had been turned over to the factories. The tsarist government established a monopoly on salt, compelling the Bashkirs to pay a high price for it. The Orthodox church forcibly con verted the Moslem Bashkirs to Christianity. Those who refused to accept Christianity were persecuted and moved to new areas. The church was used as a weapon to enslave and oppress the Bashkir people.

The year 1755 saw a Bashkir uprising, chiefly of a religious character, led by a mullah named Batyrsha. He circulated appeals throughout the countryside describing the persecution of the Ba-shkir population and calling upon the people to rise in defence of Islam. He urged them to cease their struggle against the Kazakhs and to act jointly for their common emancipation. Actually the religious nature of the movement cloaked a struggle of the Bashkir people for independence. The uprising assumed the form of guerilla warfare which went on for nearly two years. Batyrsha was arrested and brought in chains to St. Petersburg^ where he spent several years in a dimgeon of the Schlusselburg Portress. He perished in an attempt to escape after he had cut down several of the prison guards.

After the suppression of the upjising headed by Batyrsha over 60,000 Bashkirs tied to the Kazakh sleppes to escape persecution. Instigated by the tsarist government, the Kazakhs attacked the Bash kirs. They killed some of the men and turned the rest over to the tsarist authorities. This is an example of how the tsarist government incited one people against another in order to strengthen its hold over them.

Central Asia in the 18th Century

With the increase in the power of the Uzbek feudal lords, who acquired vast domains, the Bokhara and Khiva khanates fell into utter political decline. The feudal lords waged interminable wars among themselves, ravaging each other's estates and massacring or leading the people olF into captivity. Even such large cities as Samar kand, Bokhai a and others became almost depopulated. The crafts and trade were in a state of total decline, the fields were overrun by weeds and the surviving population starved and scattered in all directions.

In 1740 Shah Nadir of Persia subjugated the Central Asian khanate. The devai?:tated country was in no condition to offer resistance. The shah led off to Persia a large number of young men whom he compelled to serve in his army.

After the departure of the Persian troops the feudal lords of Khiva renewed their struggle with redoubled energy. Nomad Tuikmen tribes took advantage of the anarchy to raid the settled areas and plunder the population. The struggle for the restoration of the Khiva khanate was begun by Mohammed-Emmin, an Uzbek nobleman, who suc ceeded in drivingoff the Tuikmen tribes and ermhing the opposition of separate feudal lords. Peace was restored to the country and the people began to return to their former homes. The immediate descendants of Mohammed-Emmin founded a new Khiva dynasty.

The Bokhara khanate was restored by Mohammed-Rakhim, who was also of Uzbek noble origin. Taken prisoner during the campaign of the Persian shah, he served in his array and was sent by him to Bokhara as chief satrap. Mohammed-Rakhim ruthlessly crushed all opposition on the part of the feudal lords. In 1756 he became so power ful that he assumed the title of klian and founded a new dynasty of Bokhara khans.

In the second half of the 18th century the Ferghana Valley became the centre of an independent Kokand khanate.

The consolidation in Central Asia of the Uzbek states, which defended their national independence against Persia and suppressed the local feudal lords, played an important role in the restoration of the economic life of these countries. The towns again grew populous and became centres of the crafts and trade. The increase in trade with Russia played an important part in the development of the towns.

The Kazakhs

At the end of the 17th century the Kazakhs were <iivided into three zhuza, or states: the Great Horde, occupying the Lake Balkhash area; the Medium Horde, in the steppes north of the middle reaches of the Syr Darya, and the Small Horde, north of the Aral Sea.

The Kazakh ruling caste, consisting of khans and sultans who traced their ancestry to Genghis KLhan, regarded themselves as "blue* bloods." The power of the khans was hereditary. The various tribes were ruled by sultans who were vassals of the khans. Both khans and sultans extracted tribute from the population, impositions being made on pasturage, trading caravans, on husbandmen (along the Syr Darya) and on city dwellers.

In some of the tribes the hereditary clan elders became rulers, independent of the khans and the sultans. They owned tremendous herds of cattle and cruelly exploited the population, which still lived under the patriarchal clan-community system. While the land belonged to the community the cattle had long since become private property. The elders of many communities were directly subordinate to the sultans and the khans.

The Kazakh people had to wage a constant struggle against foreign enemies who strove to deprive them of their independence. Brave warriors known as batyri often led the struggle against the invaders.

In the twenties of the 18th century for example, the Kazakhs Were attacked in the east by the Jungars (Kalmucks). This period has been immortalized in Kazakh folklore as the time of the "Great Disaster." The Great Horde was conquered and lost its political in dependence. The towns on the Syr Darya were made subject to the Jungars. The Medium Horde migrated to the Tobol River. The Small Horde migrated to the Yaik River, closer to the Russian border, where the Kazakhs came into conflict with the Volga Kalmucks.

In 1731 the Kazakh khan of the Small Horde, Abulkhaiyr, took Russian citizenship in the hope of obtaining aid from the Russians against the Kalmucks.

In 1758 the Kazakh people under the leadership of the famous warrior Khan Ablai of the Medium Horde utterly routed the Jungars with the help of Chinese troops and thereby threw off the Jungar yoke.

The grievous condition of the Kazakh masses, oppressed both by their own feudal lords and the Russian government, led to a big uprising (1783–1797) in the Small Horde. The uprising* was headed by a batyr named Srym.

The tsarist detachments could not cope with the movement, which had assumed a sweeping character and was at the same time directed against the sultans and the rich elders. Thereupon the sultans of the Small Horde united and secured aid from, the sultans of the Medium Horde. Many rich elders went over to the side of the new khan appointed by the tsarist government.

Srym and his followers killed the khan, who was hated by the people, and moving deeper into the steppes continued the struggle against the tsarist forces. Pursued by Kazakh feudal lords^and Russian detachments, Srym fled to Khiva, where he perished in 1802,

On the Upper Yaik the Kazakhs came into conflict with the Bash kirs. The tsarist government adroitly played off the Bashkirs, Kazakhs and Kalmucks against each other in order to strengthen its own in fluence beyond the Volga. Tsarism regarded the Bashkirs as the most dangerous of these peoples.

The Noblesse Empire of Catherine II (1762–1796)

Beginning of the Reign of Catherine II

The Coup d'Etat of 1762

After Elizabeth's death her nephew Peter Fyodorovich, the former Duke of Holstein, became the Rus sian emperor as Peter III (1761–1762). He proclaimed himself an adherent of the king of Prussia and immediately suspended the operations of the Russian army against Frederick II. Peter III surrounded himself with generals and officers from Holstein and energetically set about introducing the Prussian system into the Russian army, which justifi ably regarded itself as the victor over Frederick's army. After conclud ing peace with Frederick, Peter began to prepare for a war against Denmark in the interests of the Holstein dynasty, interests which were alien to the Russian state. The fact that he was emperor of Russia did not prevent Peter from espousing the cause of Prussia and Holstein.

Despite his contempt for the Russian nobles, Peter was obliged to pass a law on "liberties for the nobility" (1762), a law which had great importance for the landlords. It abolished the obligatory service of nobles in the "army and civil institutions. Many of the nobles immediately retired and busied themselves with their estates. However, even this important concession to the nobles only temporar ily checked the outburst against Peter's policy. A conspiracy was formed among the officers of the guards in favour of his consort, Catherine Alexeyevna, who had always been ambitious of becoming empress of Russia. The Orlov brothers, officers of the guards, headed the conspirators and maintained secret contact with Catherine. Early in the morning of June 28, 1762, they brought Catherine to St. Petersburg from a suburban palace and proclaimed her empress. The guards regiments willingly swore allegiance to her. The following day, after an unsuccess ful attempt to flee to Kronstadt, Peter formally abdicated the throne. He was murdered shortly afterwards. Catherine Alexeyevna became Empress Catherine II.

Catherine II

At the time Catherine II ascended the throne, Russia 's administrative system and economy was in a slate of utter disorganiza tion and decline. There was no money in the treasury. The army had not received its pay for more than seven monihs. The ships were in disrepair and the fortresses were crumbling. Everywhere the people complained of oppression, bribery and extortions by the tsarist judges and officials. Unrest was rife among the masses, affecting about 49,000 peasants attached to factories and 150,000 serfs on landlords* estates. The jails were filled with prisoners and convicts.

Catherine realized the danger that threatened the feudal empire of the nobility. She understood that to consolidate the state, the adminis trative system had to be put in order, the army strengthened and the economy restored. She considered that only a strong government would be able to check the spread of peasant uprisings. I^ile giving the landlords still more power over their peasants, Catherine in the early years of her reign nevertheless attempted to alleviate the burden of serfdom for fear of new peasant uprisings.

At the beginning of her reign Catherine studied the works of the enlightened philosophers, with some of whom she kept up a correspond ence. Representatives of French philosophic school, such as Voltaire, Montesquieu, Diderot and others, attacked the feudal system and ridiculed medieval prejudices. They proclaimed the triumph of reason, which was to point the way to the reconstruction of the social system on the basis of equality of men before law. The philosophers placed their hopes for such a reformation on the activity of enlightened mon archs. They proclaimed the "union of philosophers and monarchs.'* This system was called "enlightened absolutism," i,e., a system under which the monarch was to do everything for the people, without, however, admitting them to the government of the state. The ideas of enlightened philosophy were widespread in thje countries where old feudal institutions were preventing the rise of the bourgeois social system, though conditions were ripe for it. However, it was inevitable that progressive bourgeois thinkers should lose faith in the possibility of reiaping the social system with the help of monarchs. In Russia, where the feudal-serf system reigned supreme, these enlightened ideas influenced only a small group of advanced intellectuals among the nobility. Catherine wanted to utilize the ideas of the philosophers and their criticism of feudalism not in order to destroy this system but to strengthen the absolutist-feudal state by introducing certain im provements in administration.

Through her correspondence with Voltaire, Diderot and others, Catherine wished to create the impression in Europe that she was a wise and enlightened monarch. She deceived these writers. Poverty, hunger and ignorance reigned in the Russian serf village, yet Catherine informed Voltaire that there was not a peasant in Russia who did not eat chicken when he felt like it, and that lately (this was a hint at her own reign) the peasants had been showing a preference for turkey. Catherine was extremely hypocritical. While assuring the philosophers that she was prepared to make their doctrines her political precept, she at the same time ridiculed these doctrines. Catherine loved flattery and adoration. She surrounded herself with adulators and strove to have herself glorified in European literature.

Unlike her immediate predecessors, Catherine personally took part in the decision of all important questions of policy. She drafted laws and edicts, was interested in literature, and even published a magazine (A Bit of Everything).

During her reign the nobility received additional important privi leges. "The Age of Catherine" was the golden age in the history of the noblesse empire.

A few days after her accession Catherine issued a special ukase demanding absolute obedience on the part of the peasants to the land lords. To bring order into the government system she decided to convene a commission which was to draw up a new code of laws, she herself writing the Instructions for the guidance of the commission in which she drew extensively upon the works of Montesquieu and several other writers of Western Europe. In the Instructions she strove to prove the necessity of an autocracy for Russia.

The commission for drafting new laws began its sessions in the summer of 1767 in Moscow. The majority of the deputies were nobles and Wealthy townspeople. The serf peasants had not taken part in the election of the commission and were not represented on it. The deputies appeared with instructions from their electors in which the latter voiced their needs and desires. The nobles asked not only that their rights and privileges be preserved but that they be extended.

Most of the meetings of the commission were devoted to a reading of the Instructions from'the empress and a discussion of those submitted by the deputies. No practical results followed from Catherine *s'Instruc tions or from the commission she initiated for the drafting of new laws. At the end of 1768 the commission ceased functioning.

Foreign Policy of Catherine II prior to the Peasant War

The First Partition of Poland (Rzecz Pospolita)

The sudoesses of the Russian army in the Seven Years* War made a tremendous* impression in Western Europe both on Russia's allies in this war, Austria and France, and on her opponent, Prussia. Despite Russia's unexpected withdrawal from the war, her role in international affairs grew considerably. Austria and France regarded her growing power and influence with displeasure and alarm. France particularly feared Russian influence in the East. French merchants and statesmen hoped to monopolize trade with the East. Consequently France strove to surround Russia with a ring of hostile states, and to unite Turkey, -Poland, Sweden and Austria against her. The leaders of Russian foreign ^ policy tried to counter the Franco-Austrian alliance by an alliance of northern countries — Russia, Prussia, England, and others. But their attempts failed owing to irreconcilable antagonisms among these states.

Austria wished to conquer the fertile lands of Western Ukraine. Prussia wanted to annex Polish territory on the Lower Vistula. Russia strove to recover Byelorussian and Ukrainian lands which had been seized by Poland. Finally, every one of these countries — Russia, Austria and Prussia — feared each other's increase.

Poland was in a state of utter decline. The central government had little power. The king's authority was limited by the Diet. A single vote cast against a proposal in the Diet was sufficient to reject it. This was called liberum veto, a practice. which led to great abuses, for the deputies to the Diet openly traded their votes. Even a unanimous decision of the Diet was not always certain to be enforced, since the dissatisfied gentry formed armed confederations which could be made to yield only by force of arms.

The Polish state system benefited the big magnates for it enabled them to direct foreign and home policy in their own interests and to rule their vast possessions with a free hand! The lot of the Polish peasants was particularly hard. Even worse was the position of the other nationalities, especially the Ukrainians and the Byelorussians. The Orthodox population and the Protestants were subjected to all manner of persecutions.

After the death of King Augustus III of Poland (in 1763) the Russian government succeeded in having Count Stanislaus Poniatowski, Cather ine's candidate, elected king, Russia and Prussia jointly demanded that ther Diet give equal rights to the Orthodox Believers, the Protes tants and the Catholics. V^en the Diet refused to accede to this de«  mand, the Russian ambassador to Poland, Prince Repnin, organized three confederations of representatives of the Protestants, Orthodox Believers and of Catholics who were dissatisfied with the king. The confederates received large financial assistance from the Russian government, and Russian troops were sent into Polish territory. Voices continued to be raised in the Diet against any concessions, but Repnin arrested several senators in Warsaw itself and sent them to Russia under a strong guard. The Diet was compelled to agree to equalize the rights of the non-Catholic and the Catholic gentry. In 1768 a special agreement was concluded between Poland and Russia under which no changes were to be made in the Polish state system in the future^ Russia undertook to guarantee its inviolability,

A section of the gentry that was dissatisfied with the concessions made to the Russian government formed an armed confederation ia the town of Bar. The confederates obtained the support of France^ who was interested in checking Russian influence, and began to make^ raids on the Ukrainian population. This led to a Cossack and peasant uprising in the Ukraine against Polish rule. The tsarist government helped the Polish authorities to suppress the uprising, since it waa afraid of the peasant movement spreading to Russia.

Russia's growing influence in Poland exceedingly alarmed both Austria and Prussia. Frederick II, fearing that Russia would annex Poland, drew up a plan for the partition of Polish territory among Austria, Prussia and Russia. Under an agreement concluded by these governments, Prussia took over the Polish possessions on the Baltie seacoast and part of Great Poland. The eastern part of Prussia was thus united with the western part (Brandenburg) in one whole, Prussia's claims to Danzig and Thorn, however, were rejected by Catherine* Austria seized Ukrainian Galicia, and Russia took over part of Byelo russia. This was the first partition of Poland, carried out in 1773* The First War With Turkey (1768–1774). The events in Poland accelerated the outbreak of war between Russia and Turkey. The French ambassador persuaded the Turkish government that the in crease of Russian influence in Pi>laiid was to the disadvantage of Turkey and constituted a danger to her. Moreover, the events in Poland had tied down part of the Russian army. The Tuiks thought this an oppor tune moment to check Russian advance to the Black Sea. In 1768 the sultan demanded of the Russian ambassador in Constantinople that Russia withdraw her troops from Poland. Upon receiving a refusal he ordered the Russian embassy arrested and imprisoned.

Europe was certain that Ru.<^sia would not be equal to a double' war with^Turkey and Poland and would be defeated. Hostilities were opened by the Crimean khan. In the spring of 1769 Tatar hordes invaded and ravaged the south Russian bordeilands. This was the last large* incursion of the Crimean Tatars into Russian or Ukrainian territory.

General Rumyantsev, an outstanding military leader, well known^ for his viotorieo over the Germans in the Seven Years' War, was placed at the head of the Russian army. His method of warfare was distinguished for daring and novel tactics. Rumyantsev himself sought out the enemy. Above all he tried to destroy the enemy's man power. He chose his commanders ably. Among them was Alexander Vasilyevich Suvorov, whose military genius brought him rapid advancement.

In 1770 Rumyantsev learned that a Turkish arrny of 80,000 stood encamped not far from the Larga River. Rumyantsev had only about ^0,000 men at his disposal. "Our glory and dignity do not allow us to suffer the presence of the enemy," he said. The Russian army secretly crossed the river and dealt the enemy a swift Hanking blow. The battle -ended in complete victory for the Russian array.

Two weeks later Rumyantsev with about 80,000 Tatars in his rear was confronted bj^ the main forces of the Turks, 150,000 strong, 'Commanded by the vizier. The commander-in-chief of the Turkish army was certain that t he Russian army had fallen into a trap. Despite the enemy's overwhelming superiority Rumyantsev decided to open the attack first. "To beat big forces with small ones," he said, "is an art and glory, but to be defeated by a superior foe requires no skill." Humyantsev did not wait to be attacked but launched an offensive against the vizier, who had camped on the banks of the Kagul River (a tributary of the Danube). The Turkish artillery opened withering fire on the attacking forces, and large masses of cavalry rushed between the columns in an attempt to scatter them. It was a critical moment. Some of the units began to waver. Just then Rumyantsev appeared. "Stick it, lads I" he cried to his men, and inspiring them by his own example led them forward. The picked Turkish troops fell back before the Russian bayonet charge and tied from the battlefield. This victory cleared the Turks from the entire territory between the Dniester and the Danube. Military operations lifted to the right bank of the Danube.

For his victories won during the First Turkish War Rumyantsev, among other awards, received the rank and title of General Field Marshal and the honorific epithet of Zaduaaishy (of the Danube) for his passage of the Danube.

Rumyantsev set forth his ideas on warfare in his "Rites of Military Service" which were later adopted with slight modification as the official regulations for the army. These instructions are permeated throughout by the idea of offensive strategy and tactics. Rumyantsev demanded consideration for the men and the cultivation in officers and men of a sense of military duty and resourcefulness. One of Ru myantsev's pupils was the great Russian genera] Suvorov.

Major successes were attained at sea as well. The Russian fleet, which up to the out break of war had been stationed in the Baltic Sea, rounded Europe and sailed up to the Greek coast in the Mediterranean. In June 1770 a Russian sqiiadron under Admiral Sviridov attacked the Turkish fleet near the Bay of Chesme (in Asia Minor, opposite the Island of Chios). The Turks had more than twice as many ships and guns as the Russians. The Russian fleet had its orders to destroy the enemy or perish in the attempt. After several hours of furious battle the Turkish fleet raised sail and hurried to take refuge in the Bay of Chesme. On the following day the entire Turkish fleet was destroyed.

In 1771 another Russian army conquered all the Crimea in a short space of time. The Russian army crossed the Danube repeatedly in the following years. Alexander Suvorov won renown in these campaigns.

Peace was concluded in 1774 in the village of Kuchuk Kainarji. Catherine II hastened to conclude peace because of a formidable upris* ing of peasants under the leadership of Pugachev that had flared up in the country. Under the peace terms Russia received the lands between the Dnieper and the Bug as well as Kerch in the Crimea, which furnished an outlet to the Black Sea through the Kerch Strait, Russian ships now enjoyed the same freedom of the Black Sea as the English and the French. Turkey also had to open the straits of the Dardanelles and the Bosporus to Russian ships. The Crimean khanate was proclaimed independent of Turkey, and Russian influence in the Crimea increased.

Serf Economy in the Second Half of the 18th Century

The Condition of the Peasants

In the second half of the 18th century Russia's economy continued to be based on serfdom. Cather ine made extensive grants of land, together with the peasants living on them, as presents and rewards to nobles. For example, the Orlov brothers, who had taken part in the palace coup of 1762, received an award of over 50,000 peasants; Field Marshal Potemkin was given more than 40,000. Altogether Catherine awarded her nobles 800,000 peasants. During her reign privately-owned serfs constituted slightly more than half of the entire peasant population. Of the remaining number the largest group were the "state" peasants. As in the 17th century, the peasants whose taxes went to maintain the court of the tsar were called "court" peasants. Under Paul I, Catherine's son, peasants privately owned by the royal family began to be called appa nage peasants. In 1764 Catherine dispossessed the monasteries of their demesnes and placed the peasants living on them under a special body, the College of Economy. These peasants were known as "eco nomic."

With the development of commodity circulation market relations became more stable and diversified. In the 18th century Russian exports of agricultural produce to Western Europe rapidly increased. The main items were flax and hemp, which constituted about one third of the total value of the exports. Russian hemp was in great demand for European sailing ships. Com exports increased noticeably at the end of the century^ when Bussia had completely gained pos session of the coast of the Black Sea. The demand for corn increased rapidly on the home market as well, owing to the growth of the non agricultural urban population: in 1724 the urban population of Bussia was 328,000; in 1782 it was 802,000, and in 1796 it reached 1,301,000. The landlords, in need of ready money, marketed hemp, flax, fats^ corn and other produce. They strove to extract maximum profits from their serf economy.

The productivity of serf labour on the barren lands of the north ern forest zone was so low that the landlords found it more profit able to accept obrok (quit-rent) from the peasant than to compel him to till their land. On the other hand, in the southern black earth regions the harshchina (corvee) became the main form of service ren dered by the peasants. Thus there arose the division of the serfs into a category which paid ohrok and another which rendered harshchina, services. During Catherine's reign ohroJcs were more than doubled on the average. To raise money for ohrok payments peasants left their villages to find employment as carpenters, blacksmiths, factory work ers, cab drivers in the towns, vendors, etc. The peasants who rendered harshchina had an even harder time. They had to work on the land lord's estate three days out of the week. Many landlords demanded even more days of work, and some left the peasants only the holidays on which to cultivate their own land.

Work hours were not fixed by law, and were left entirely to the discretion of the landlord. Usually the peasant started work before sunrise and finished only at dusk. To compel obedience the landlord had to possess great power over the peasants. An ukase issued by Catherine in 1765 gave a landlord the right to exile his peasants to penal servitude for being "insolent." Two years later the peasants were prohibited from lodging any complaints against their landlords.

In the second half of the 18th century the purchase and sale of peasants became very common. Landlords often sold their peasants apart from the land, "for shipment." Villages and families were sold wholesale, and frequently peasants were separated from their fami lies, and children sold separately from their parents. The price of a peasant varied according to his sex, age, physique, and calling. Land lords were known to have sold girls at 10 rubles apiece. At the same time they paid hundreds and even thousands of rubles for pedigree borzoi puppies. Advertisements for the sale of serfs were openly print ed in the official newspapers side by side^ with announcements of the sale of cattle, dogs and misoellaneous chattels.

The landlords* power over the lives and property of the peasants led to monstrous crimes. The case of a woman landholder named Saltykova is an example of the savage tyranny that was rife among the landed proprietors. Over a period of 10 years Saltykova (whom the people called derisively Saltychikha) tortured to death about 140 persons, mostly women and girls, on trifling pretexts. She invent ed the most refined tortures for her victims: she tore off their ears with red-hot pincers, compelled them to stand barefooted in the freez ing cold, etc. Saltykova was brought to trial only five years after complaints had been lodged against her , Since she enjoyed immunity from corporal punishment as a member of the nobility, other people were tortured in her presence during the trial in order to instill fear in her. The court condemned Saltykova to hard labour, but Catherine com muted the sentence to confinement in a cloister.

The Growth of Manufacturing

As in the 17th century, most of the goods which appeared on the market were supplied by the peas ants and the petty urban craftsmen, since manufactory production, despite its considerable development, could not satisfy the demands of the market. The number of manufactories increased approximately threefold duriiig Catherine's reign. Serf labour was widely employed in the manufactories, and serf factories remained the prevailing type up to the second half of the 18th century. Due to the shortage of free labom, the nobles who owned estates and peasants found themselves in a better position than the merchants, for they could put their serfs to work in the manufactories, obtaining the necessary raw materials such as iron ore, wool, flax, hemp, etc., from their farms and mines. These conditions stimulated the development of manufactories on the estates of the nobles, which competed effectively with those of the merchants. Some of the better off serf peasants grew rich by trad ing and money-lending and established manufactories of their own, employing the labour of freemen and of peasants who tried to earn their obrok.

The labour of the manufactory workers was very hard and differed little from that of serfs on the land. The work premises were usually dark, damp and dirty. The workday lasted as a rule 14 and sometimes 16 hours. The wages were miserably low, and not paid regularly. The workers went hungry and were frequently ill. The lot of the ^'posses sional" peasants in the metallurgical factories was particularly hard. They had to work in factories located scores and even hundreds of miles away from their villages.

Outbreaks Among the Peasants and Manufactory Workers

Ruthless exploitation at the manufactories resulted in a mass move ment of strikes and open uprisings of the working people in the middle of the 18th century. The largest uprisings were those among the peasants attached to the factories of the merchants Goncharov and Demidov in 1752. The factory peasants of the Goncharov sail making establishment near the town of Maloyaroslavets defeated the military detachment sent to suppress the rising and even seized three of its guns. The same year an entire district attached to the Demidov iron foundries rebelled. A local retired soldier taught the peasants how to handle arms. The peasants routed a detachment of 600 soldiers sent out against them.

The uprisings at the Goncharov and Demidov factories were crushed only after a large detachment of tsarist troops consisting of three regiments of infantry and artillery was sent out against them. Iso* lated uprisings likewise broke out in the metallurgical works of the Urals in the 'sixties.

Disorders among the serf peasants showed a marked increase beginning with the 'forties. Peasants killed their landlords and bail iffs, set fire to estates, and sometimeo rose in whole villages against the government detachments. The movement grew particularly strong after 1762, when the landlords, upon returning to their estates fol lowing the edict of "liberties of the nobility," began to oppress the peasants still more.

The Peasant War Led by Pugachev

The Beginning of the Uprisings

In the sixties of the 18th cen tury outbreaks among the serfs became more frequent. There were close upon 40 uprisings in the central regions of Kussia alone.

The Volga peoples who were most outrageously exploited by both the landlords and the tsarist officials, found themselves in a partic ularly grievous position. After the suppression of the Batyrsha uprising in Bashkiria, the seizure of Bashkirian lands was intensified. Russian merchants and manufacturers laid waste to the Bashkirian farms, cut down forests and built new factories. Fearing raids, they turned the factories into regular fortresses and supplied them with arms and gunpowder

The Kalmucks, who until the seventies of the 18th century lived on either side of the Lower Volga, were in no better a position. In 1771, unable to bear the persecutions of the tsarist government any longer, a considerable section of the Kalmucks who had pitched their nomad camps on the left banks of the Volga migrated eastward towards tha Chinese border. The majority of the Kalmucks died on the way from hunger and in battle with the Kazakhs. The survivors settled in Chinese Eastern Turkestan. The only Kalmucks remaining in Russia were those who lived on the right bank of the Volga.

The unrest also spread among the Russian Cossacks living on the Vaik (Ural) River. By the middle of the 18th century the same social differentiation had taken place among the Yaik Cossacks as among the Zaporozhye and Don Cossacks before them. There were constant conflicts between the wealthy Cossacks and the mass of the rank-and file. As a rule the government took the side of the wealthy Cossacks and their atamans and regarded all opposition to them as "mutiny." During an uprising in the town of Yaitsk in 1772 the Cossacks killed General Traubenberg, and several Cossack atamans. Government troops sent out against the Yaik Cossacks quelled the uprising and occupied Yaitsk. Cossack self-government was abolished and a com mandaut at the head of a military detachment was put in charge of the to^vn. Many of the Cossacks who had taken part in the uprising managed to escape persecution.

Attempts to send the Cossacks to the war against Turkey provoked outbreaks also among the Don Cossacks. At that time a rumour spread among the Don and Yaik Cossacks that Peter III was alive and hiding in their midst. Impostors claiming to be the tsar appeared on the scene. The people had but a vague idea of the life of Peter III. His violent death was ascribed to the revenge of the nobles for his alleged desire to ease the lot of the peasants.

Emelyan Pugachev

In the autumn of 1773 Emelyan Pugachev assumed leadership of the Cossack uprising. Pugachev was born and raised in the Don Cossack village of Zimoveisk, which also happened to be the birth place of Stepan JRazin. He had participated in the Seven Years' War, had been in Poland and seen active serv ice during the war with Turkey. Sent home on sick leave, he did not return to the army but became a fugi tive Cossack. He wandered about the Don, Volga and Yaik areas, where he met fugitive peasants and workers of the Ural factories, the Cossack poor and Old Be .lievers. During these travels he became well acquainted with the temper and needs of the people.

In September 1773 Pu gachev appeared on the Yaik with a small group of Cos sacks. He passed himself 6fF as Em^ror Peter HI. Cos sacks ^gan to rally around him, including many who had taken part in the uprising of 1772. Pugachev with a Cossack detachment went up the Yaik to wards Orenburg. At Pugachev's approach the garrison soldiers and Cossacks of the small, poorly fortified outposts situated along the river banks killed or bound their officers and went over to his side. At the beginning of October 1773 Pugachev appeared before the walls of Orenburg, a strong fortress with a large garrison. Unable to take it by storm Pugachev began a siege which lasted about six months.

The Uprising of the Peasants and the Volga Peoples

The Pugachev uprising stirred up all the peoples of the Volga steppes. Kazakh nomad camps came up to 1 he Yaik and some of their detachments joined Pugachev's army.

Kalmucks from the steppes between the Lower Volga and the Black Sea also began to join Pugachev's army. Detachments of Tatars, Bashkirs and Cheremissi (Mari) marched to the upper reaches of the Yaik to meet Pugachev. The uprising also spread rapidly among the metallurgical workers and the Russian serf peasants of the mining and metallurgical areas. Every day new groups of peasants from the adjacent estates and workers from the metallurgical works joined Pugachev,

The Cossack uprising grew into a peasant war which roused both the Russian and non-Russian population of the Volga area; During the siege of Orenburg Pugachev and his lieutenants, who were men with military experience gained during service in the tsarist army, devoted their attention to forming peasant and Cossack detachments. The peasants and Cossacks were divided into regiments and com panies. There were special regiments of Kalmucks, Bashkirs, Tatars, factory workers and others, every regiment having its own place in the camp. The men were very poorly and diversely armed. Only a few had muskets or pistols. Many were armed only with knives or merely clubs. An artillery was formed of captured cannon and put under the command of an ex-soldier. Additional guns were sent from the Urals works by the workers who made an attempt to restart the manufacture of guns and other weapons for the insurgents.

Discipline in the people's army, despite Pugachev's severity, was lax. Every regiment or detachment tried to operate independently in battle. The peasants fought bravely as long as they were near their own villages, but deserted the army when it moved elsewhere.

Pugachev issued ^'manifestos" in the name of Emperor Peter III in which he promised the people ploughlands, woods, pasturage, waters, fisheries, salt deposits, etc. He promised to free the peasants from the "yoke of slavery" and give them back their freedom. He promised to relieve the entire population of the burdensome poll tax. He called the nobles villains and ordered them put to death. In rebel ling against the landlords the peasants believed that a "good tsar" would rid them of serfdom, and in Pugachev they saw precisely such a "good tsar."

Pugachev's Successes

At the end of 1773 Pugachev defeated a government detachment sent under General Kar to relieve besieged Orenburg. This victory over the regular troops created a tremendous impression both in the rebel areas and in the rest of the country. The nobles were seized with panic. Even in localities hundreds of miles from the Volga landlords awaited with trepidation the appearance of the dreaded Pugachev. Large forces of the regular army under the command of General Bibikov were sent out against the insurgents.

The peasant war brought forth many gifted and valiant com manders of people's detachments. The gallant Salavat Yulayev led the Bashkir cavalry. Salavat Yulayev was a poet whose songs breathed boundless love for his native land, for its fields and forests and nomad camps. Another gifted commander, Ivan Beloborodov, came from the ranks of the Urals workers. Ataman Ivan Zarubin, a simple Yaik Cossack popularly called Chika, on more than one occasion de feated tsarist troops. When Pugachev approached Orenburg he was met by a serf named Afanasi I^lopusha who had been sent by the governor of Orenburg to set fire to the powder stores of the insurgents and persuade the Cossacks to desert the uprising. But Khlopusha went over to the side of Pugachev and became one of. his closest asso ciates. He was put in command of a detachment and his swift and sudden attacks spread terror among the nobles.

In March 1774 Pugachev was defeated near Orenburg and com pelled to raise his siege of the city. Retreating from his pursuers, he moved to Bashkiria, where his ranks were once more reinforced by local metallurgical workers, Russian peasants and Bashkirs. This enabled Pugachev to turn toward the Kama and make for Elazan, the administrative centre of the entire Volga area, whose capture would have had an important influence on the further trend of the uprising.

Pugachev came up to Kazan in July 1774, Guns were brought up to the city under cover of a supply train with hay and straw. At the same time a body of unarmed factory peasants stealthily made its way through the gullies and suddenly attacked the town fortifications, driving off the tsarist soldiers practically with their bare hands. Then they turned a captured gun on the town and opened fire down the streets. The Bashkirs burst into the town from the other side. The tsarist garrison took refuge in an ancient fortress. Meanwhile a relief force of tsarist troops under Colonel Michelson had come up. Pugachev's forces were routed in a pitched battle near Kazan and he himself with a small detachment fled to the right bank of the Volga.

Pursuit of Pugachev

His severe defeat, the approach of au tumn, and difficulties in obtaining provision and fodder compelled Pugachev to make for the southern steppes. On the right bank of the Volga all that remained of his army was a small detachment . But when be arrived in the densely-populated districts where there were many landlords' estates his ranks were swelled by a new influx of serfs. Soon the entire Volga area south of Nizhni Novgorod was up in arms. Towns surrendered without practically offering any resistance. Peasants rallied to Pugachev of their own accord, bringing along with them their landlords tied hand and foot. But these peasant reinforcements scattered as quickly as they rallied. The untrained peasants could not stand up against the regular troops, who pursued Pugachev relent lessly, giving him no respite. After passing through Penza, Saratov and Kamyshin, Pugachev at the end of August drew near to Tsaritsyn (now Stalingrad). Michelson overtook him not far from this town and routed him completely. Pugachev and a few score Cossacks managed to cross the Volga and flee to the steppes, where surrounded on all sides by his pursuers, he sought in vain for a means of escape to the Yaik.

Demoralization set in among his following, the less staunch of his Cossacks complaining that their ataman was leading them to destruction. Pugachev was seized and bound by a group of Cossack elders who handed him over to the tsarist authorities. Chained hand and foot, Pugachev was conveyed in a wooden cage to Moscow, where he was executed in January 1775. A large number of Moscow noblemen gathered to witness his execution, which was regarded as a "genuine festival for the nobility." However, the people have never forgotten Emelyan Pugachev, whose memory still lives in folk songs and legends.

The tsarist government took savage reprisals against the people who had taken part in the uprising.

The peasant uprising under Pugachev failed, as had those led by Bolotnikov, Stepan Razin and Bulavin, as well as the other, smaller, peasant uprisings. Pugachev's peasant detachments fought stubbornly only near their own villages. They were poorly armed and lacked military training. The peasants nourished the belief that a "good tsar" would improve their lot. That is why Pugachev passed himself off as the tsar. The peasants could win only with the help of the workers; but there was no working class in Russia in the 18th century. "Peasant revolts can be successful only if they are combined with revolts of the workers and if the peasant revolts are led by the workers. Only a combined revolt led by the working class has any chance of achieving its aim."*

Though unsuccessful the peasant war of 1773–1775 played a progressive role in that it dealt a severe blow to serfdom.

The Strengthening of the Dictatorship of the Nobles

The peasant war revealed to the nobility that the machine of feudal government was not strong enough to secure the landlords' power over the masses of serf peasantry. Consequently, in 1775, after her victory in the peasant war, Catherine made an important reform in the local administration. The whole country was divided into 50 gubernias or governments, each with a population of about 300,000. The gubernias were subdivided into uyezds (counties) with about 30,000 inhabitants each. Governors subordinate to the supreme author ity Were placed at the head of the gubernias. In some cases two or three gubernias were combined imder a single lord lieutenant. Administration was thus made more centralized. The uyezds were administered by chief constables and by councilmen elected from among the nobles. In addition to the power they wielded as landlords the nobles now received administrative power over the entire population of their districts. Local self-government by the nobles necessitated the establishment of gubernia and uyezd associations of the nobility.

In 1785 the nobles were granted a charter confirming their right to own land and serfs. It also confirmed all the privileges previously grant edthem: such as immunity from corporal punishment and exemption from personal taxes. The nobles of every administrative district com prised the respective gub Tnia and uyezd "associations of the nobility" which enjoyed self-rule. The nobles of each uyezd met once every three years to elect an uyezd marshal of the nobility. The nobles of each gubernia met to elect the gubernia marshal of the nobility from among the uye zd marshals, as well as to elect candidates for administrative offices. The nobles received the right to make their needs known to the governor-general and, through special deputies, to the Senate and the empress.

Municipal administration was also reorganized in 1785. Every town resident became a member of a general town association which was divided into six categories. The citizens elected a mayor and deputies to the city duma which had charge of municipal affairs. The municipal administration was controlled by the upper stratum of the merchants. Administrative power in the towns was wielded by the ^orodnichi (town bailiff) appointed by the government.

The government took special pains to increase the administrative power in the outlying provinces. Cbssack self'-government in the Don area was further restricted; what was left of the Zaporozhskaya Seek on the Lower Dnieper was done away with in 1775. The government paid particular attention to the Yaik Cossacks, who had taken an active part in the Pugachev uprising. Their name w'^as changed to Ural Cossacks.

The reforms of 1775–1785 further strengthened the dictatorship of the nobility. The nobles received an even more centralized and stronger administrative apparatus by which they were better able to keep in touch with the popular temper and take swift measures in suppressing peasant disturbances. Catherine II was glorified in verse as the "tsaritsa of the nobility."

Russia's Foreign Policy after the Peasant War

Annexation of the Crimea

The terms of the Kuchuk Kainarji Treaty concluded with Turkey in 1774 considerably simplified the incorporation into Bussia of the steppes adjoining the Black Sea and the annexation of the Crimea. Both were essential to Bussia 's vital interests in the Black Sea. Although the Crimea had been recognized as an independent khanate it was not strong enough to maintain its own independence. Weakened by the war, Turkey was in no condition to give it timely assistance. The tsarist government astutely took advantage of the rivalry between the members of the ruling house of Girai. One of them, Shagin Girai, was proclaimed khan with the assistance of Russian troops brought into the Crimea. In 1783 Shagin Girai was deposed by the Russian government and the Crimea was annexed to Russia under the name of Taurida.

Following the incorporation of the Crimea, Russia recovered the fertile steppes adjoining the Black Sea, which area became known as Novorossia. Russian landlords pounced on the new regions and seized the best lands in the Crimea, particularly along the coast and in the fertile valleys. The population of the Tatar coastal villages were forced to the mountains. Many Tatars emigrated to Turkey. Within a short space of time large estates owned by high dignitaries and generals of the empress arose in the steppes adjoining the Black Sea. The steppes were settled quickly. Among the settlers were Russian peasants who had been forcibly transferred from the central districts, as well as Greeks, Armenians and local Tatars. General Potemkin, a favourite of the empress, was appointed governor-general to the newly-annexed territory, where he amassed great wealth. He diverted recruits from the army and settled them on his lands. New towns and fortresses arose in Novorossia and the Crimea. The city of Ekaterino slav (now Dniepropetrovsk) was founded on the Lower Dnieper and was made the administrative centre of the territory. A naval base was built at Sevastopol in the Crimea. The fortress of Kherson was erected near the mouth of the Dnieper.

The Second Turkish War

Catherine realized that Turkey would not reconcile herself with the loss of the Crimea. In preparation for a new war with Turkey, the empress concluded an alliance with Austria.

Intensive fortification of the Crimea and the coast of the Black Sea, as wejl as the construction of a fleet, and of fortresses, hastened the outbreak of war with Turkey. Incited by France, who wished to Weaken Russia, Turkey declared war in 1787.

The war ojiened with an attempt by the Turks to seize the small Russian fort of Kinburn guarding the Dnieper estuary. In a bold at tack Russian troops under the outstanding commander Suvorov drove a detachment of Turks which had landed in front of the fortress back into the sea. The following year Austria entered the war on the side of Riissia. At this time the Russian troops began their siege of the strong Turkish fortress of Ochakov. The Russian army operating against Turkey was under the command of Potemkin, an able but ambitious and irresolute man who even while at war permitted himself extrava gant entertainments. Meanwhile the soldiers in their light coats were suffering keenly in the trenches before Ochakov from the severe frosts and shortage of food. Disease and death was taking heavy toll. After wasting several months in inactivity, Potemkin finally gave permission for the assault of Ochakov. The Russian troops stormed and captured the strong Turkish fortress during a heavy blizzard and a bitter frost.

The Siege and Assault of Ismail

In 1789 Suvorov inflicted two more defeats upon the Turks; first at Foc§ani, then at the Rym nik. For his victory at Rymnik River he was granted the title of Count of Rymuik. Meanwhile, Austria, after a jjeriod of desultory action, concluded a separate peace with Turkey. Russia continued the war alone. In 1790 Russian troops besieged the very strong Turkish for cress of Ismail at the mouth of the Danube. The Russian army found itself in serious difficulties, particularly with the onset of winter. The troops had no siege artillery or reserves of food and fuel. Disease be came rife among the soldiers. At this stage Suvorov was sent to take over command of the troops besieging Ismail. Notwithstanding the numerical superiority of the Turkishgarrison, he immediately began to prepare for an assault of the fortress. On the eve of the assault Su vorov sent the commandant of the Turkish fortress a brief note demand ing surrender: 'T have arrived here with my troops. You are free to reflect for twenty-four hours; my first shot means you are no longer free: assault will mean death. The Turkish commander-in-chief an swered: "Sooner will the Danube stop in its pourse and the heavens fall to earth than I surrender Ismail." At dawn, under a terrific fire from the. fortress, the Russian soldiers set up ladders and scaled the walls, in places 10 to 15 metres high. A fierce hand-to-hand fight raged all day. By evening Ismail was taken. The Turks lost about 26,000 in ki iled.

Victory of the Black Sea Fleet

Wliile the armed forces under Suvorov were achieving conspicuous successes on land the young Rus sian Black Sea fleet under the command of Admiral Fyodor F. Usha kov won several signal victories over the Turkish fleet. In his fight with the powerful enemy Ushakov followed Suvorov's rule: to keep the initiative in his own hands, always and everywhere to seek out the enemy, attack him suddenly, with firm determination to finish the battle with the enemy's defeat and utter destruction. Ushakov discarded the outworn tactics of naval warfare current at the time, and boldly employed new methods of warfare based on the wide use of manoeuvre tactics.

Ushakov rendered great assistance to the array on land during the siege of Ismail, \Yhen the Turkish fleet was concentrated at the mouth of the Danube Ushakov, who was closely following the enemy's move ments, decided to suddenly foil the Turks, who possessed consid erable superiority in number and size of battleships. The Turks were caught unawares and bad no time even to deploy for battle. Seized with panic they began to hack away the anchor ropes and retreated in full sail to the Danube delta. Ushakov, however, compelled the Turkish fleet to accept battle and, after a hot engagement, the enemy took to his heels.

On the following day Ushakov continued his pursuit. The Turkish flagship, sef on fire by the Russian broadsides, sank, and another 66-gun battleship Lord of the Sea stirrendered with all its crew. The Turks* casualties were about 2,000 men killed and drowned, whil> Ushakov*s squadron had lost 21 men killed and 25 wounded. After this engagement the Turkish fleet no longer represented an obstacle to the land operations of the Russian army at Ismail.

By the spring of 1797 the Turks, having made good their losses in ships, still had numerical superiority over the Russian Black Sea fleet. The new Turkish naval commander gave his oath to the sultan that he would deliver "Ushak-pasha" (as the Turks called the Russian admi ral) to him in a cage. By means of an excellent reconnaissance service Ushakov kept the enemy under constant observation. Upon receiv ing information that the Tmkish fleet was concentrating off cape Ka liakria under the protection of the shore batteries Ushakov decided to attack on the Mussulman holiday. Most of the Turkish crew, unaware of the Russians* approach, were enjoying themselves ashore. Ushakov suddenly appeared before the amazed Turks, sailed past under battery fire, and cut off the Turkish fleet from the shore. A panic broke out among the Turks some of whose ships began filing on each other and collided. Ushakov on board the flagship plunged into the thick of the fray and setting an example by his own personal valour poured volleys of grapeshot from his guns at close range. The Turkish fleet was once more routed.

Conclusion of Jassy Treaty

The capture of Ismail by Suvorov and Ushakov's victory on the sea decided the issue of the war.

In 1791 a peace treaty was signed at Jassy, by which Turkey ceded to Russia the coast between the Southern Bug and the Dniester and agreed to recognize the incorporation of the Crimea into Russia. The Second Turkish War gave Russia complete supremacy on the northern coast of the Black Sea. Thus ended the century-old struggle for access to the ice-free waters of the Black Sea, essential to Russia's economic development.. But Turkey still retained possession of the territory of present-day Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic, which like the Ismail region had been part of the Kiev state in ancient times.

The War with Sweden

Simultaneously with the Turkish war Russia waged a war against Sweden (1788–1790), Sweden had taken advantage of the Russo-Turkish war to attempt to deprive Russia of the Baltic coast. However, all the attempts of the Swedes to break through to St, Petersburg ended in complete failure. The war was terminated in 1790 with the conclusion of a peace under which both coun tries retained their former borders.

The Ukraine in the 18th Century

Eastern Ukraine

Before the partition of Poland the Ukraine had consisted of Eastern Ukraine (including Kiev) belonging to Russia, and Western Ukraine (west of the Dnieper), which was under Polish rule.

When Eastern Ukraine joined Russia, the land was confiscated from the Polish landlords, thereby accelerating the rise of a claso of Ukrainian landlords. The Cossack elders began to increase their hold ings by occupying free lands and by purchasing and seizing lands of corporate Cossackdom, in addition to which they received crown grants.

The Cossack elders elected from their own midst a hetman, his assistants and all the other representatives of Cossack authority, who also acted as the general administrative authority over the people of. the Ukraine, However, the independence and power enjoyed by the Cossack elders was viewed with apprehension by the tsarist govern ment, which strove to bring the administrative system of the Ukraine in line with that of the rest of Russia. In the course of the 18th century the tsarist government had several times abolished the office of Ukrainian hetman, which was superseded by the so-called Malorossia (Little Russia) College, i.e,, a commission of generals and officers sent from St. Petersburg. The office of hetman was finally abolished in 1764.

The system of military service of the Ukrainian Cossacks was also completely reshaped. At the beginning of the 18th century most of the Zaporozhye Cossacks had migrated from the Zaporozhskaya Seek to the lands of the Crimean khan around the estuary of the Dnieper. In 1733, before the outbreak of the war between Russia and the Crimea, the Zaporozhye Cossacks, not wishing to fight against Russia, had moved back to a district near the Old^ecAand formed a New 8ech, Throughout the war they helped the Russian army by conducting reconnaissance in the steppes and attacking Tatar cavalry detachments.

After Russia had obtained -a footing on the northern coast of the Black Sea the Zaporozhye Cossacks were no longer essential for the defence of the Lower Dniejier, The Crimean Tatars no longer ventured to attack the Russian borders, and, moreover, the Russian landlords who settled in the southern steppes feared having the unruly Zapo rozhye freemen as their neighbours. Hence the tsarist government began more and more to restrict the rights of the Zaporozhye Cossacks^ depriving them of their lands and pursuits. In 1775 a body of tsarist troops suddenly occupied the Sech^ whereupon more than half of the Zaporozhye Cossacks took to their boats at night and sailed down the Dnieper to Tuikish territory. A few years after the breaking up of the Seek some of the Zaporozhye Cossacks were settled on the shores of the Azov Sea and along the lower reaches of the Kuban River. At the same time some of the Don Cossacks were also moved to the Kuban area. Thus was laid the foundation of the Kuban Cossackdorn, In 1780 Eastern Ulcraine received the same administrative divisions as the rest of Russia. With the introduction in the Ukraine of the poll tax in 1783 an ukase was issued which virtually enserfed the Ukrain ian peasants. The ukase stipulated that "every peasant is to remain in the same village and in the same status as at the last registration." The Ukrainian nobles received similar rights to those granted the Russian nobles under the charter of 1785.

The Haidamak Uprising Against Poland

At the beginning of the 18th century the Polish manorial estates in Western Ukraine, which remained under Polish rule, were restored. The substantial increase in Polish grain exports in the middle of the 18th century led the landlords to extend manorial tillage and increase the barskcMna services by the peasants. On some estates the peasants were deprived of all their arable land and livestock. Popular uprisings, however, continued to interfere with the complete consolidation of Polish rule over the Ukrainian lands. The peasants and Cossacks who participated in these uprisings were called Haidamaks.

The first big outbreak among the Haidamaks occurred in 1734 with vhe appearance in Western (Polish) Ukraine of Russian troops sent by the tsarist government to support King Augustus III, who had been elected by the Polish gentry. Rumours circulated among the peasants that the Russian troops had come to overthrow the rule of the Polish landlords. The tsarist government, fearing the spread of the peasant uprising, which had swept swiftly throughout the Pol ish part of the Ukraine, ordered its troops in Poland to take a hand in its suppression.

Another large Haidamak uprising, provoked by the brutal and arbitrary treatment of the Ukrainian population by a predacious Polish gentry, broke out in 1768. The Polish gentry plundered the Ukrainian population and tortured the captive rebels. The Haidamak movement brought to the fore several brave commanders, including Maxim Zheleznyak of Zaporozhye and the Cossack officer Ivan Gonta. The Haidamaks, enraged by the bloodthirsty atrocities and outrages committed by the gentry, wreaked their vengeance on them by seiz ing and devastating their hamlets and estates. Rebel detachments under Zheleznyak and Ivan Gonta captured even the well-fortified town of Uman, to which the gentry had fled in panic.

Poland was unable to cope with the Haidamaks and again solicited the aid of the tsarist go Yernmeni , whose troops crush ed the uprising. Zheleznyak and Gout a were seized by a strata gem. Zheleznyak y^s sent to^

Siberia and Qonta handed overto the Polish gentry, who tortured him to death. The savage repri sals taken by the Polish pans and thegentry against the Ukrainian population exceeded all previ ous atrocities. The Polish pans, as they themselves admitted, set out "to quench the Ukrain ian flame in the blood of the peasants.*' They addressed a proclamation to the peasants claiming that God had created the peasant to obey the pan

^questiomngly. Many peasants From a drawing of the 18 th century fled to Russian territory to

escape persecution. Polish rule in the Ukraine was completely done away with after the second partition of Poland in 1793.

Ukrainian Culture

Ukrainian culture was fiercely persecuted in the 18th century. The Ukrainians were prohibited from printing •books in their native language. This persecution, however, could not check the progress of Ukrainian culture. Stories of the struggle of the Cossacks against the Poles were woven into ballads simg in villages and towns to the accompaniment of the folk instruments. Short plays and comedies on historical themes were performed at public fairs and ixv the schools. In the absence of secular education an important role was played by the Kiev Ecclesiastical Academy, Many Ukrainian writers, including Grigori Skovoroda, the national poet, philosopher and outstanding scholar of ancient classical literature, graduated from the academy. Skovoroda was born of a poor Cossack family, and wan dered all his life about the Ukraine with a walking stick and a bag slung over his shoulder, in which he carried several treasured books and manuscripts. Skovoroda had a first-hand knowledge of the life and sorrows of the poor Ukrainian peasant, and his poetry, which won swift 'popularity among the masses, Fas cited in proverbs, sayingsand songs.

Economic and oultuml rappro^ement between t^ Ukraine aid ; Busma Oontinued-thiougbout the 18 th century. U^ corn an well as th^ produOts of lUminiau industry were shipp^ in large quantity to the towns o{ Russia. J'rom Russia the Ukraine received cotton fabrics, ironware and other manufactures. The Russian language began to gain popularity in the towns of the Ukraine.

Education and Culture in the Second Half of the 18th Century

Education

A very negligible part of the population, primarily the children of the nobles, received school tuition in the 18th century. In the middle of the century there were only three gymnasia: one in St. Petersburg, belonging to the Academy of Sciences, and two attached to the university in Moscow. In the late 'fifties a gymnasimn was o;gened in Kazan. Noblemen's children could also receive instruction, pri* marily on general subjects, at the Cadet Corps for Nobles. The Smolny Institute for girls was opened in St. Petersburg, with separate depart ments for noblemen's daughters and the daughters of burghers. The Academy of Artj> had been founded in St. Petersburg in Elizabeth's reign. Under Catherine big plans were drawn up for establishing educar tional institutions in the provinces. Only a small part of these plana was realized. "Major public schools" were established in the gubernia cities, and "Minor public schools" in some of the uyezd towns.

, Enterprising people took advantage of the lack of educational institutions and organized private boarding schools in their homes. Wealthy nobles hired the services of foreign teachers and preceptors for their children. The increased demand for private teachers attracted^ to Russia a large number of uneducated foreigners, many of whom could barely read and write. They could pass on to their pupils only the spoken foreign language. In the middle of the 18th century French even began to replace Russian as the language of the nobility. Young noblemen spoke French fluently but had difficulty in making them selves understood in their native tongue. Home education in the fam ilies of noblemen was supplemented by the reading of foreign, pri marily French, books. French literature consequently helped to spread French culture among the educated nobility.

The prevailing trend in the literatui^e and art of Western Europe in the late 17th and early 18th centuries was classicism, a trend which expressed itself in the imitation of the art and poetry of ancient Greece aiad Rome. The influence of French classicism penetrated into Russia as Well.

Literature

French influence was particularly strong in litera^ ture. Russian writers strove to imitate Ri^ine, Moli^re, Voltaire and the other outstanding Frendi writers of tlie 17th and 18th eehtitries^. Rosbian translations from the Greek and Latin began to appear. The study of olassieal and Western European literature served to broaden intblleciwl iirterests and gave Russian writers new ihenmst Lnitation of elassioal and French writers not infrequently took ea»g|^rated forms. An exponent of classicism in Russian literature in the middle of the 18th century was Alexander Petrovich Sumarokov (1718–1777).

Sumarokov was an advocate of the political enhancement of the middle nobility, whom he regarded as the bulwark of the Russian states He was hostile to t}ie higher court dignitaries, whose ignorance and arrogance he ridiculed in his works. Sumarokov wrote numerous work^ in the French style. Most notable were his historical tragedies; love lyrics, comedies and satires. Even in his tragedies on Russian histor ical topics, the characters spoke and acted like Greek or Roman he roes. Yet with all their defects, Sumarokov^s tragedies played a posi tive role in that they furnished material for the ^st Russian theatre. Even more important were his comedies and satires, which paved the way for the development of satirical literature. Sumarokov had a high opinion of the social significance of literature. He said that Moscow, where "all the streets are jiaved seven feet high with igno rance" needed **a hundred Moliferes" to combat ignorance.

After Sumarokov *8 day the influence of French literature began to wane. Comedies had to be on themes from Russian life if they were to be intelligible and entertaining. In the works of Denis Ivanovich Fonvizin (1745–1792) we find a closer approach to Russian actuality, to realism. He ridiculed the vices of the contemporary nobility. Fon vizin 's excellent comedies The Brigadier and The Minor present ed such characters as the brigadier's shrewish and greedy wife, the stupid and malicious Prostakova, the coarse Skotinin, and the lazy and ignorant Mitrofanushka, in all of whom the contemporary reader was able to recognize types from real life.

To Gavriil Romanovich Derzhavin (1743–1816), outstanding Russian poet of the late 18th century, goes great credit for simplify ing the language of poetry. Derzhavin employed in his poems the native Russian idiom and showed how musical and forceful it was. Derzhavin was the poet of the nobles' empire, the laureate of its glo ries and military victories. At the same time he endeavoured to ex pose the evils of strong rulers whose "wickedness shakes the earth, and whose inequity startles the heavens." Derzhavin hoped, by de nouncing these evils, to strengthen the feudal state.

• In the second half of the 18th century Western European senti mentalism began to exercise its inSuenoe on Bu$«ian literature. The writers of this trend paid chief attention to the portrayal of the human emotions.

The foremost representative of Russian sentimentalism was Nik blai Mikhailovich I&mmzin ^765–1826). Letters of a Bueebm Trov^ elfar, In which Karamzin d^iHbed his foreign ttatels and gare Riuisian society a pi^u^ of lifeUnd culture in Westei^ Europe, met ^th fresh sudcess. His Poor a ototf eoucerniug the uU^ppy lore 0 f a peasaat girl for a nobleman, ms espeoially popular. Later Karamzin gave up belles-lettres and devoted himself entirely to Rus sian hietory.

Some Russian writers of the sentimental school were guilty of casting a false gloss and romantic air over the realities of the Russian countryside, where peasants and landlords were depicted amid idyllic surroundings of peace and goodwill. Two years after the suppression of the Pugachev uprising Vasili Maikov wrote a comic opera entitle^ Village Festival cmd Virtue Bewarded, in which a chorus of peasants sang "After pa3dng ohrok to the landlord, we lead a blissful life shel tered by our master."

The Theatre and Music

The rise of the Russian dramatic theatre was linked with the revival in literature. Until the middle of the 18th century performances had been staged almost exclusively by Italian, French and Oerman visiting actors. Under Elizabeth Petrovna the students of the Cadet Corps for Nobles, including the future writer Sumarokov, had given amateur performances at the palace. The found er of the Russian professional dramatic theatre was Fyodor Volkov, the son of a Yaroslavl merchant.

Volkpv bepame acquainted with the theatre in St. Petersburg, where he attended performances of the Cadet Corps. When he returned to Yaroslavl, Volkov formed an amateur troupe and began to present French plays, Volkov's acting won such renown that he and his troupe were summoned to St. Petersburg by Empress Elizabeth. In 1756 the Russian Theatre for the Performance of Tragedies and Comedies was opened in St. Petersburg. Sumarokov was appointed director; Volkov and his companions comprised the first troupe.

Volkov died in 1763, but the Russian dramatic theatre which had come into being during his lifetime continued to develop. Volkov ha^ been called the Father of the Russian Theatre; under him it became a permanent theatre with a professional Russian oast staging perform ances for the public at large.

The rich landlords, imitating the nobility of the capital, organized ' on their estates small theatres with serf actori^. The serf actors, who were wholly at the mercy of their masters' whims, led a difficult life. There were many gifted persons among them who had no opportunity to develop th^ir talents.

^ular music became very popular iu the 18th century. Italian operae were presented at the courts of Anna Ivanovna and Elizabeth Petrovna on festive occasions. Opera in those days was regarded as ap "art of the court." The growing interest in music stimulated the ool ieotion ez^d i^ptation of folk melpdies, which subsequently had a great influence on Russian musical culture. Russian composers je:aecatants began to make their appearance. Ma^ celeli^ted inusioianB frqm the common people, from the sprfs and the poor olaesss qf the townspeople* A hopse serf of Prince Potemkin named Ehandoshkin V7UQ a Gomposer aiid a violinist of amazing accomplishments, equal to any V<'8trTn virtuoso of his time. He wrote a number of fine compositions. Vevstignei Fomin, a soldier's son, and Mikhail Mat** insky, a serf owned by <Jouht Yagpzhinsky , were outstanding composers.

The late ^seventies saw the staging of the first Russian operas of any significanee: Matim^lcy's St. Petersburg Hos'd and Fomin's The C^j'urim JfiWsr. Both composers introduced into their operas scenes from town and country life and made exi ensive use of folk melo* dies. Prominent composer of piano music was Bortnyansky, who drew widely from the world's best compositions and laid the foundation for Russian instrumental music.

Painting and Architecture

The development of Russian paint* Ing brought forth several celebrated artists. Among them was Ivan Ar gunov, a serf of Count Sheremetev, who had started his artistic career by painting the walls and ceilings of his master's palace. Levitsky and his pupil Borovikovsky achieved great mastery in portraiture, their principal subjects being rich courtiers and the higher nobility.

Important progress was also made by Russian architecture. Vasili Bazhenov, the son of a humble deacon in one of Moscow's churches, displayed unusuaj gifts and was educated in the g3mfinasium of Moscow University and in the Academy of Arts in St. Petersburg. He completed his artistic education in Prance and Italy, where he worked undeY the leading painters and architects of the time and studied lbs monuments of antiquity and outstanding works of art. Already during this period Bazhenov became known abroad as a great artist. He received lucrative offers to remain abroad, including one front the king of Prance. But Bazhenov returned to Russia and placed all his energies and his prodi* gioua gifts at the service of his homeland. One of the finest of the struc* tures erected according to his plans is the old building of the Lenin Li% brary (formerly the PaAkov mansion) in Moscow.

Another great Rus^n arohiteot of the 18th century and a contem* porary of Bazhenov wifcis Matvei Kazakov, the son of a poor Moscow un# der-cierk, Kazakov drew up the plans for many monumental buildup ings in Moscow which are noted for their perfection, simplicity an4 plasti<^y of line. Vasili Bazhenov and Matvei Kazakov were the found* ere of Russilin i n^chltotlitne.

Inventors

The ownere of serf manufactories were little concerned with lmpre;[Hi% the technique of production, since most of the work was performed not by machines but by hand. Consequently most Of the inventions made in the second half of the 18th century were not utilized,

IvanlvanovichPolzunovtthe inventor of the **fire-working enginet? was the son of a Ural garrison soldier (1728–1766). One could ha^ expected that the invention of the steam engine would have ccmpletely revolutionized industry. Mechanical energy was then obtained by utilizing water power, and hence factories were built near lakes or rivers. It would have lowered the cost of transporting raw material and Jighteped manual labour.

Basing himself upon the inveatigatiotis of his great contemporary Mikhail Lomonosov, Ivan Polzttnov designed and built an engine oper ating on steam to supply driving power to factory machines. The in ventor^s health had been undermined by his hard life, however, over work led to a breakdown and Polzunov died just before the "fire working engine" which he had built at Barnaul (in the Altai Mountains) was to be put into service. Tests had confirmed all of Polzunov 's calcu lations. Polzunov wao almost twenty-one years ahead of James Watt in inventing the world's first steam engine for the direct operation of fac tory machines. But his brilliant invention was forgotten. It remained for Soviet science to grant Ivan Polzunov his due as one of the world's great thinkers and innovators in t|je field of engineering.

Another Russian inventor of the 18th century, Ivan Petrovich Kulibin (1735–1818), the son of a Nizhni Novgorod merchant, met ,the same sad fate. TVTiile still a boy Ivan Kulibin saw a clock on the wall of a friend's house, and a few days later he made a similar clock out of wood. After the death of his father he ran the shop and made clocks in his spare time. Kulibin and his apprentice spent five years making a curio clock, which was then fashionable. The clock was the size of a goose egg, and every hour "gates of paradise" opened to reveal s,toall, moving figures of angels. Kulibin presented this watch to Empress Catherine 11, who by way of reward appointed him mechanic to the Academy of Sciences where he spent all his leisure and all his earnings on new inventions. His most outstanding work was an extraordinarily bold design for a single-span wooden bridge across the Neva. Kulibin built a large complete model of the bridge which wholly confirmed his plans. No practical results followed, however. The model was set up in the grounds of the Taurida Palace, where it gradually rotted away. Kulibin had many other inventions, but not one of them was applied. He died in poverty in his home town of Nizhni Novgorod (now (3orky).

Although serfdom acted as a drag on the progress of science and art, the 18th century, particularly the latter half, was a period of cultural advancement in Russia. The Russian people manifested their remark able creative geniUs in literature, mu§io, painting, architecture an4 eufineerix^.

The Decline of Serfdom and the Birth of Capitalism

The Bourgeois Revolution in Europe and Tsarism at the End of the 18th Century

Catherine's Struggle against the Revolution

The French Bourgeois Revolution and Its Significance in World History

The victory of the bourgeois revolution in France at the end of the 18th century ushered in a period of the triumph and consolidation of capitalism in the advanced countries of Europe and America. After a thousand years of domination feudalism gave way to a new system , the cap! talist (bourgeois) syst em .

"The basis of the relations of production under the capitalist system is that the capitalist owns the means of production, but not the workers in production— the wage labourers, whom the capitalist can neither kill nor sell because they are personally free, but who are deprived of means of production and, in order not to dfe of hunger, are obliged to sell their labour power to the capitaliet and to bear the yoke of e:^loi«  tation.^'*

The bourgeois revolution of 1789 , made possible a more rapid de* velopment of firoductive forces than under leudaLabsolutism. In France the last vestiges of feudal service by the peasimts were being abolished. Conditions favourable to the development Of large-scale industry and the growth of the working class were ereated. ^he basis was laid for a new political regime— bourgeois democracy. The bourgeois system facilitated the organizatios and class education of the proletariat. The new social and economic order repiiesented significani progress as compared with feudalism andusliiit^ in a neto-epoch iU human history. The French revolution of 1789 was the mos# decisive of the bourgeois revolutions, but it did no more than substitute one form of exploitation, the feudal, by aether form of exploitation, the bourgeois.

It was not until the Great October Socialist Bevolution in October 1917 that exploitation of man by man was done away with and the way opened for mankind to a classless Communist society. Herein lies its fundamental difference from the French bourgeois revolution.

Tsarist Russia in the Bloc of Counter-Revolutionary Powers

While earlier bourgeois revolutions (in the Netherlands and in England) had not constituted a serious threat to feudalism in Europeas a whole, the French bourgeois revolution dealt a blow to absolutism and feu dalism both in France and the rest of Europe. That is why the whole of feudal Europe came out against the French revolution. Tsarist Russia was an active participant in the European counter-revolution.

Catherine considered it to be the duty of all European monarchsl to intervene, in the revolutionary events in Prance. She entered into negotiations with the kings of Prussia, Austria and Sweden for a joint crusade against revolutionary France and energetically set about pre paring for intervention under the slogan '*the cause of the French king is the cause of all kings." She declared that she could not permit shoemakers anywhere to govern the state. After the execution of Louis XVI, Catherine was the first monarch in Europe to sever relations with the French republic. All Russian subjects living in Prance were recalled to Russia; Frenchmen — adherents of the revolution — were banished from Russia. French aristocrat 4migr6s were granted posts, pensions, palaces and estates. French teachers, governesses, cooks and craftsmen in the employ of Russian nobles were ma;de to take an oath renouncing the "rabid and villainous government of France."

The trade agreement between Russia and France was abrogated. French ships were forbidden to enter Russian ports* Admiral Chicha gov's squadron was senMo the NcMh Sea "to curb the revolution" and to blockade France.

Radishchev

The French bourgeois revolution brought home to Catherine the connection that existed between the ideas of the philos ophers joi the enlightenment and the revolution. She embarked on res«^ blute measures to counteract the "French plague." Till then the works p{ the Frenck philosophers had enjoyed a wide circulation among the Russian nobility. Books by Voltaire, Dideroti*Rousseau and other phi losophers were to be found in practically every nobleman's library. They! wm read in the original, lor as a rule the young nobles knew foipob better than Rustian. more educated of sdhoolteaeiiers and private French tutors bed also helped to spread the ideas of the French enlightened school.

A representative of the pro gressive young nobles brought up in the spirit of the enlight enment was Alexander Nikola yevich Radishchev. He was born in 1749 and received a good education for those days, study ing at the Leipzig University. During his stay abi oad Radi shchev became acquainted with the works of the French philos ophers of the enlightenment which, on his return to Russia, he set about translating into his native tongue. He was especially attracted to the ideas of equal* ity and liberty as expressed in the works of Rousseau. In trans lating the word 'despotism,": Radishchev wrote: "Autocracy is most odious to human nature*" In 1790 Radishchev. published his famous hook Voyage from 8t* Perersburg io Moscow, The book, which was published in a private edition of 650 copies, fell into the hands of the empress and roused her to great anger. She perceived in the author a "greater villain than Pugachev" and ordered him arrested, declaring that even "ten gallows would not be enough for him." Radishchev's book, which had so horrified Catherine, depicted with unprecedented power and passion the curse of serfdom and the infamy of the autocracy whidh supported it.

"1 looked about toe and my heart was seared by the sufferings of mankind," wrote the author in the preface. He exposed the serfs* mal treatment by their landlords: "Avaricious brutes, insatiable leeches^ what do we leave the peasant— only what we cannot take from him— the air he breathes. Yes, only air." Further he drew a vivid picture of peasant poverty and subjection and the unlimited power wielded over them by the landlords. "In relation to the peasant the landlord is iawmal^r, judge and executor of his judgn^ent, and, at will, a claimant against whom the defendant dare not say a wdiid. " Radishchev saw the direct connection between the autoomcy and serfdom and called for the dvarthrow of the tsars. In his ode lAber^y^ idiich he fnsei^d into tile FcycVCf he wrote that the people would rise as terrible avengm and destroy the "iron'throne."

He demanded the abolition of serfdom^ the development of industry and agriculture, pop ular education, and the wag ing of a war against extor tionate judges and the tyran ny of officials. In his book I^dishchev came forth as the first revolutionary, republi can and enlightener from among the nobility. He was an ardent exponent of Russia following the European path of bourgeois progress and education.

Catherine declared that the **author is steeped in and infected with French delu sions," and ordered him to be prosecuted for "spreading the French plague." The court passed a sentence of death, which was commuted to ten years^ exile toSiberia. At the order of the empress Radishcbev^s book was burned.

In 1796, after Catherine's death, Radishchev was allowed to return from Siberia by Emperor Paul I, who granted an amnesty to everyone his mother had persecuted. Radishchev, however, was, prohibited from coming to the capital, and he lived on his estate. Only under Alexander I did he receive permission to live in the capital. Despite everything, Radishchev continued to defend the ideals of freedom, equality and enlightenment. In the first year of Alexander's Teign he drew iip a plan for state reforms based on freedom and the equality of.all before the law, regardless of status. The plan was rejected and Radishchev was once more threatened with exile. Ruined in health and broken in spirit, he could not bear up imder the new trials and took poison in 1802.

Novikov

atherine It peraecuted other *Tree thinkers" as well. In April 1792 she signed an ukase for the arrest of Nikolai Ivanovich Novii* kov, a prominent figure in the Moscow circle of Free-Masons.

Free-Bfasonry in Western Europe was essentially an eitpression of protest by the rising bourgeoisie against the oppression of the feudal church and the state. Free-Masonry was introduced into Russia in the middle of the l8th centmryand sinead among tlm higher nobility. The Moscow masonic circle carried on extensive edno^ic^l activitiFl R founded sdlMxolSt prlntsbi^ and a pubUshii^ JBm^4 Nikolai Novikov was an active member of the Moscow Free-Masona in the 'eighties. Bishop Platon, who investigated Novikov's publica tions on the instructions of Catherine, found that these were "most per nicious books which corrupt good morals and contrive to undermine the pillars of the holy faith," meaning the works of the Encyclopaedists. Novikov published eight books by ^usseau, fourteen by Voltaire, two by Diderot, and others.

Novikov opened a large number of bookshops, at one of which he organized a public library, the first in Moscow. He published a satirical magazine entitled Tra*en (The Drone) and later the magazines Zhu vopiaete (T^e Painter) and Koahelyok (The Purse). His satire had great social significance, exposing as it did the social ulcers on the body of Bussia. Novikov laid bare the reactionary conservatism, ignorance and arroganbe of the nobility, which considered the sciences to be "mere trifles unworthy of the attention of noblemen." He ridiculed the fashion* able craze for everything foreign. He exposed the faults in administra tion-^the bribery, peculation and red tape. Novikov gave a particular, ly trenchant and faithful description of the serfs, crushed by want and despotism.

In The Correa'pondence of a Master WVh the Peasants of His ViU lagSy and particularly in The Painter^ Novikov depicted the wretch ed lot of the serfs.

Novikov's pointed satire roused Catherine's displeasure. And she considered the Masonic organization which he had activized to be even more dangerous than his magazines. Novikov was arrested and im prisoned in the Schlusselburg Portress, the bookshops and press of the Moscow circle were closed, and his companions arrest^. Without benefit oftrial, simply at the fiat of the empress, Novikov was sentenced to 16 years' imprisonment in the fortress. His property was confiscated by the state. The empress ordered "all the books published by Novikov to be handed over to the court one and all." Novikov was released by Paul I. Ruined, ill and lonely, he died in 1818 at the age of 74.

The Second Partition of Rzecz Pospolita

Under the influence of the French bourgeois revolution the progressive elements of Polish society grew increasingly dissatisfied with the domestic and intemation. al position of their country, which was in the throes of a grave politi cal crisis. With the development of caliitalism in Europe and in Poland itself, the Polish state could be saved from political extinction only by the abolition of serfdom and by a democratic reorganization of the state .

With the support of the rising bourgeoisie the progressive strita of the gentry formed a bloc of the gentry and the bourgeois^. Its lead^ convened the "great" or four-year Diet (1788–1791) which adopted a constitution on May 3, 1791. The constitution, drawn up undbt the in. tf uenie of the Preh^ bourgeois constitution of 1791, abolished the elec tion of the king, rofiiealed the lib^m ism and eaiabMsh^ a ne# votii^ procedure under which questions were decided iu the Diet by a simple majority. However, the constitution did not afifect either the gentry privileges or serfdom, which remained intact. The constitution was op* posed by the Polish magnates who did not want to lose their old feudal privileges. They formed a Confederation in Targowica which appealed to Catherine for help *'in the name of the protection and preservation of Bzecz Pospolita against those who have forgotten that they were born free gentry." Catherine, fearing the influence of the French revo lution in Poland, sent in an army of 100,000. The Diet called upon the Polish people to rise up in battle "for the altar, for freedom and for property." But the weak Polish army of 30,000 men was no match for the Bussian army. State power was transferred to the magnates. Adher ents of the May 3 constitution, including General Kosciuszko of the Polish army, emigrated.

Prussia, alarmed by the successes of the French revolution, which had gained sympathy in democratic circles in Poland and Prussia, sought an alliance with Russia against Poland. Prussian troops crossed the Polish border, and in January 1793 Prussia and Russia effected a second partition of Poland, by which Russia received part of Byelorus sia, including Minsk, Volhynia and Podolia, a territory with a popula tion of three million Byelorussians and tJkrainians. Prussia occupied Poznan, Kalisz, Czestochowa, Thorn and Danzig, localities with a predominantly Polish population.

The Third Partition of Rzecz Pospolita

The party of the bour geoisie and the gentry, resenting the partition of Poland, formed a conspiracy against Russian tsarism. The conspiracy was headed by General Kosciuszko, who had secretly returned to Poland. Kosciuszko, who was a member of the Polish gentry, strove to create a strong and independent bourgeois Poland, He sympathized with the ideas of the French bourgeois enlighteners and had fought in the war waged by the English colonies in North America for their independence.

XJ})on his return to Poland Kosciuszko organized a rebellion in Cracow. The successful operations of the Polish rebel troops forced the tsarist army to retreat. A provisional government headed by Koscimzko was set up at Warsaw. But the uprising in Poland was not widely supported by the masses. The Polish peasants who had Joined the uprising in the hope of receiving land from the new revolutionary government, began to desert Kosoiuszko's army, disappointed at the government 's failure to provide them with land or even do away with landlordism.

The peasants who lived in the Byelorussian and Ukrainian parts o) Poland did not want to support their oppressors, the Polish squires, and did not join the uprising. In Lithuania the uprising assumed largejr propiortipns. A Lithuanian provisioi^l gpvemincnt was set up at Vilno,

H acted independently of Th^ irresolute and luftioxiary titctios of the leaders prevented the attainment of unity between the insurgent forces of Poland and Lithuania.

The tide of rebellion in Poland beginning to ebb, the tsarist troops laiiinched an offensive against Poland. In June 1794 revolutionary Cracow surrendered to the Prussian troops. In August the tsarist troops captured Vilno.

The revolutionary masses of Warsaw rose in rebellion, accusing the government of treachery. Kosciuszko ordered the leaders of the Warsaw, rebellion hanged. Soon after, Kosciuszko 's army was defeated and he himself taken prisoner. On October 24, 1794, Russian troops under Su vorov took Warsaw by storm.

The Kosciuszko uprising was defeated. It might have been success ful only in conjunction with a peasant revolution, but the gentry were afi-^id of revolution and did not permit it to develop.

. After taking reprisals against the rebels, Russia, Prussia and Austria carried out a third partition of Poland (1795). Under the third partition the western paH of Volhynia, the western part of Byelorussia, Lithua nia including Zhmudia, and Courland went to Russia; the northwestern part'**^f Poland, including Warsaw, went to Prussia, and the southwest ern part, including Cracow, to Austria. Poland as an independent state ceased to exist.

The partitions of Poland were to have facilitated the united struggle of the feudal monarehs of Europe against revolutionary Prance. In 1796 tsarist Russia concluded an agreement with England against the French revolution. England promised a substantial subsidy. Cather ine to send an army of 60,000 under the command of Suvorov fgainst Prance. Her death, on November 6, 1796, prevented the realization of these plans.

Paul I (1796–1801)

Home Policy

Paul*!, Catherine's heir, Was brought up by his '^iMtnother Elizabeth, who bad taken him from his parents at birth.

The relations between Catherine and her son turned from cool to hostile. Paul regarded the coronation of bis mother as a violation of his ri^s tis heir. Catherine feared her rival son and kept him away from ailkirs. Paul sharply criticized Catherine's entire system of state administration; he particularly hated her favourites. Banned from participation in state affairs, Paul devoted himself wholly to military imrsuits at (latchina, an estate presented to him by his mother. He Oatuhlha into an army camp complete with gates, turnpikes and ban^ks, and' introduced the army reguiattons of Fredrick H, the Prussian army uniform and a rigorous stick discipline.

The first thing Paul did when he became emperor was to change all his mother^ arraugoments hB own way. Mrst of all he decided to take the guards and the artny in hand, and introduced strict Prussian unilitary drill. From early morning there were changes of the guards and military exercises in exact imitation of the Prussian style; the sol diers were dressed in Prussian uniforms and wore curled hair and queues exactly like the Prussians. The capital itself resembled an army camp. Fntrance into and exit from the city was under strict control. Turn pikes painted in black and white stripes were set up at the outposts.

Paul I wanted to introduce army barracks discipline into all phases of state activity. He regarded this as the best way of combating revolu tion, which he hated no less than Catherine had.

He restricted the number of foreigners entering Russia and prohib ited Russian nobles from going abroad to study in the universities. The importation into Russia of all books, "no matter in what language they be written, as well as music" was banned. Paul ordered all private print shops closed down and established an ecclesiastical and secular censor ship.

Paul's endeavours were directed towards a strict centralization of power in the interests of the feudal nobility. As autocrat, he considered himself the sole source of power. His executive assistant was the procu rator-general. "You and I, I and you— we alone will run things," Paul said to one of his procurator-generals. When a nobleman passed the royal turnout on the street he had to get out of his own carriage and pay due homage. Like his predecessors, Paul defended the class interests of the serf •owning landlords. He gave generous grants of land and state peasants to those of the nobles who were in his good graces. In the four years of his reign he handed out more than 300,000 peasants, turning them into privately-owned serfs.

Paul regarded the nobility as the first estate in the realm, from whom he expected military service. In violation of the ukam on "liberties of the nobility," which had abolished obligatory military service, he ordered the nobles to take up their duties in the regiments in which they had been registered and in whi<di they had received ranks without serving. Nobles who evaded state service were banished from the capital.

^ His policy in relation to the peasantry followed Catherine's serfage policy to the letter. At a parade in St. Petersburg the assembled .serfs handed the tsar a petition asking to be freed from the "tyranny of the landlords." ^^udi insolence," says Bolotov, a writer of the period, **wm mercilessly punished at the emperor 's order by public flogging to instill fear in the hearts of others and to kee{» them from annoying him with sudi absurd requests."

Peasant disturbances during Paul's reign spread to 32 gubernias out of a total of 52. The tsar demanded that the peasant uprisings be crushed without mercy.

At the beginning of March 1797 Paul sent a military force under Field Marshal Repnin to suppress a peasant uprising in the village of BrasOvo (Orel Region), Shortly afterwards the tsar received a report announcing complete victory over the peasants: "Thirty-three cannon shots and 600 small arms shots were fired during the operations; a fire broke out and 16 houses were burned. Twenty were killed and seventy wounded."

Fearing further outbreaks among the peasantry, Paul issued an order in April 1797 prohibiting the (corv6e) on Sundays and

recommending the landlords to confine themselves to three days of the barshchina a week. The landlords did not obey the order. They intensi fied their exploitation of the serfs and made regular slaves out of their household serfs.

The government newspaper continued to print daily announcements of the sale and exchange of serfs. Here is one of the numerous advertise ments; ^'For sale: two household serfs, one of whom is a whip and bootmaker, 30 years old, married; his wife is a laundress and can tend cattle, and is 25 years old; the other is a musician and singer, 17 years old; plays on the bassoon and sings bass. Also a grey gelding, 3 years old, tall, English breed, not broken in. For price apply 17–1 Arbat, Apt. 1,"

Foreign Policy

When Paul came to the throne Russia was in a state of war with France, in pursuance of the Russian-English treaty of alliance of 1795. Russia had been engaged in ruinous, uninter rupted warfare for almost forty years, in the course of which the Rus sian empire had greatly extended its territory and now occupied an area of 331 , GOD square miles, with a 17,009 mile-long frontier. The pop ulation of the empire had increased as a result of these conquests from 25,000,000 to 37,000,000 in a century. Almosthalf of the state budget was spent on the army, which by the end of Catherine 's reign numbered 500,000 men.

On ascending the throne Paul declared that it was his intention to give Russia "the rest she so badly needs and desires. " He revoked the new conscription announced by Catherine and informed the English ambass^or that the auxiliary corps she had promised against the French could not be sent. However, Paul promised his allies "to oppose in airways possible the rabid French republic, which threatens all Europe with complete destruction of law, rights and morality."

The English government replied that it had no choice but to con-, tent itself with the Russian auxiliary squadron operating in the North Sea. At the same time England, together with Austria, sought for ways and means of drawing Russia into more active paHicipation in the wat against France. The English suggested that Paul occupy the Island of Corsica, calculating that there Russia would have to bear the brunt of the main Frencli drive. The Island of Malta, which Napoleon had seized on his way to Eg5^pt, was the most important strategic point in the Mediterranean Sea, The Maltese Order to whom the island belonged was connected with the court of the tsar, and appealed to Paul for help, bestowing on him the title of Grand Master of the Order. Like Catherine before him , Paul was desirous of "obtaining a firm foothold in the Medi tenanean" while at the same time creating a fighting base against the French revolution, and so he promised to assist the Maltese Order. Fear ing that Turkey would league herself with France, he ordered the na val forces in the Black Sea to be reinforced and the fleet and coastal fortresses speedily prepared for war. ^Vhen Turkey saw that the objec tive of Napoleon's expedition was Eg3rpt, a part of the Turkish empire, she concluded a military alliance with Russia against France.

In August 1798 Admiral Ushakov, commander of the Russian Black Sea fleet, received orders to proceed with his squadron to the Bosporus and, if the occasion arose, "immediately to follow and assist the Turk ish fleet against the French regardless of consequences." Ushakov's squadron consisted of 16 ships carrying 792 guns with a crew of 8,000 sailors and soldiers.

In the course of six weeks Ushakov occupied four small islands of the Ionian Archipelago, after which he set about to capture the fortress on the island of Corfu, considered to be an impregnable naval citadel. The French ganison of the fortress was about 3,000 strong with 650 guns. The Russian sailors, on the other hand, were handicapped by a shortage of the most necessary supplies, food and shells. Indeed, they Were starving. Ushakov wrote: "I know of no example in all ancient history where a fleet has been so far out without any supplies and in such an extremity as we are now." The diflSculties, however, did not daunt Ushakov and his brave sailors. The men had the same implicit faith in their admiral as Suvorov's soldiers had in their general. On February 18, 1799, after a fierce assault of the forward fortifications the French garrison on Corfu surrendered.

The swift capture of Corfu by the Russians created a deep impression in Europe and delighted Suvorov who jestingly declared that he was sorry he was not serving as a midshipman under Ushakov. Having oust ed the French troops from the islands Ushakov introduced a republican form of government for the indigenous population.

Following the capture of Corfu a Russian naval descent was landed in Southern Italy, where the sailors supported the popular rising against Napoleon and occupied Naples and Rome. The Ionian expedition was Ushakov's last accomplishment. He spent the rest of his life in retirement in the Tambov gubernia where he had been born. Ushakov died in 1817.

Uslialcov, like Suvorov, had never throughout his long fighting ex perience lost a single battle. He was the founder of the Russian school of naval warfare which had i»iven Russia many brilliant admirals.

By the beginning of 1799 a new coalition consisting of Russia, Eng land, Austria, Turkey and the kingdom of Naples had been formed against republican France. In January 1799 the French defeated the Neapolitan army and proclaimed a republic in Naples. Paul sent a corps of 11,000 men to the aid of the king of Naples, with orders to march through Austrian territory and join a corps of 20,000 that had been sent out previously to help Austria. A third corps (under Rimsky Korsakov), which originally had been assigned to Prussia, was also or dered to "restore the thrones and altars.*'

The Austrian archduke (the heir to the throne of Austria), a yoimg man with no military experience, was oommander-in-chief of the allied forces in Northern Italy. The Austrian government asked the Russian emperor to appoint Suvorov, the great Russian general, to act as the archduke's "aide and guide."

General Suvorov

Alexander Vasilievich Suvorov, the famous Rus sian general, son of a former officer of the Preobrazhensky Regiment, was bom in Moscow in 1730. He was a weak, sickly child, and his father, contrary to the custom among the nobles of that time, did not enter him in a regiment at an early age and did not prepare him for military serv ice. However, the boy early displayed an interest in military matters. He read the military books in his father's library voraciously, and en thusiastically fouglit imaginary engagements. To harden himself he took cold showers, refused to wear warm clothes in winter and would go horseback riding in the pouring rain.

At twelve he was entered on the rolls of the Semyonovsky Regiment as a private, and at seventeen he began military service as a corporal. His exceptional military gifts brought him promotion to high rank, and after his brilliant feats in the Turkish and Polish campaigns he was made a field marshal.

Suvorov was a military genius with a remarkable intellect and an iron will; in addition, he was exceptionally Industrious, and profound ly interested in the history of wars. He constantly analysed his own campaigns and studied the operations of Caesar, Hannibal, Alexander the Great and other soldiers of world renown. Fighting continuously in the numerous wars of the 18th century — against the Germans, Turks, Poles and French — Suvorov independently worked out principles of the art of warfare which coincided on many points with the advanced military views of the period of the French bourgeois revolution.

Suvorov demanded that theory always be combined with practice. •TSo battle can be won in the study, and theory without practice is a dead letter," he wrote in his autobiography. He compiled an excellent work entitled Th€ Science of Victory. This was a manual for soldiers and oi&oers which he wrote in Tulchin, where he was sent at the close of Catherine's reign to command one of the soutTiern armies. The manu al was written in concise, simple and clear language, and gave exact and easily remembered definitions. Suvorov demanded that soldiers be given thorough physical and military training. A soldier needs more than military bearing, Suvorov said. He should be trained not for the parade ground but for the battlefield. "Do things at manoeuvres as you would on campaign." In 2^he Science of Victory he wrote: "Easy on the training ground, hard in battle; hard on the training ground, easy in battle."

Suvorov trained his soldiers to be cool, courageous, and staunch in battle. He demanded that every soldier understand the purpose behind his actions and the military task which confronts him. "Every soldier must understand his manoeuvre," he said. Suvorov's strategy and tac tics may be reduced to throe important rules of warfare: visual judg ment, swiftness, attack. The essence of visual judgment is the ability correctly to deteiTnine the main enemy, to take the terrain into account and use it to good advantage, and to ascertain the enemy's fighting qualities. When a correct plan of strategy has been drawn up, speed and attack are essential for its realization. Suvorov demanded that the enemy be attacked before he has a chance to collect his wits, rally his forces and prepare to resist. The soldier must be trained not for defence and retreat but to deal the enemy a bold and crushing blow. Suvorov had a high opinion of the bayonet charge and storming operations at the decisive moment in battle. "The bullet's a fool, the bayonet's the thing," he said.

At the same time Suvorov demanded efficient utilization of musket and artillery fire. "Shoot rarely, but squarely," Suvorov taught his men. "Look after your weapon and keep it clean, but do not burnish the iron — it is no good for the weapon and a waste of the soldier 's time and labour. . . . Train the soldier to load quickly but accurately, to take exact aim and to fire correctly and rapidly. Teach him to run quickly, to crawl without attracting notice, to take cover in holes and depres sions, to hide behind rocks, bushes and mounds, and to fire from cover, reloading on his back. . . With instructions like these Suvorov taught his soldiers proficiency and the art of practical warfare. He had a high opinion of the fighting qualities of the Russian soldiers and was ever solicitous of their welfare. "A soldier must be healthy, brave, firm, determined, truthful and pious," he declared.

Whereas the entire tsarist military system regarded tiie soldier as an automaton, Suvorov looked upon the Russian soldier as a man en-^ dowed with reason and acumen, and demanded of him initiative and resourcefulness .

Suvorov lived in close contact with the soldiers, ate the same soup and gruel, trpre a simple uniform, and rode a Cossack mount*. The soldiers were wholeheartedly devoted to their commander and never suffered defeat un der him.

Suvorov's views on the science of warfare and his treatment of the soldiers me with opposition from the officers who were for the most part members of the landed gentry brought up on the outmoded Prussian sys tem of Frederick II. Engels criticized this system se verely: "Frederick, besides laying the foundation for that pedantry and martinet ism which have since distin guished the Prussians , actual ly prepared them for the un paralleled disgrace of Jena ^ y guv^orov

and Auerstadt."

Emperor Paul was a particularly ardent admirer of the automa tism of the Prussian military system. "The soldier is simply a machine, stipulated by the regulations," he declared.

Under Paul I the old Prussian uniform was reintroduced into the army: the soldiers were obliged to wet their hair with kvass^ sprinkle it with flour and allow it to harden; 14-inch iron rods were fastened to the back of their heads to shape pigtails; false locks were worn over the tem ples. Petty punctuality and blind obedience were demanded. Suvorov ridiculed these Prussian practices as unsuitable for a real, fighting army. ^*Hair powder is not gunpowder, false locks are not guns, and pigtails are not sabres, and I am not a German but a born Russian," he said. Suvorov did not comply with the new regulations and continued to train his men according to his own system. Amidst the prevalent at mosphere of mute servility Suvorov's conduct was a bold challenge to the tsar. In 1797 Paul banished Field Marshal Suvorov to his impover ished estate of Konchanskoye and kept him under humiliating surveil lance.

The Alpine Campaign

On the insistence of his English and Austrian allies Paul recalled Suvorov from exile at the beginning of 1799 and appointed him commander-in-chief of the allied forces oper ating against the French who had occupied Italy and Switzerland.

In three and a half months the Russian troops under Suvorov defeat id the armies of the best French generals. All of Northei^ Ital7 was cleared of the French. Austria, PauPs ally, wanted undivided rule in Italy and decided to transfer Suvorov to Switzerland, ostensibly to relieve the Russian army under Rimsky. Korsakov. Suvorov left Italy for Switzerland, making for the town of Altdorf via the St. Gothard Pass, whence he was to go on to join Rimsky-Korsakov's troops. Scaling the almost perpendicular mountains* under a biting wind, Suvorov's men launched a frontal attack on St. Gothard. Bagration's column outflanked the French. St. Gothard was captured in September. Beyond St. Gofhard the road fell away to the Reuss, a mountain river, spanned at a height of 75 feet by a flimsy structure known as Devil's Bridge.

As they retreated before the onslaught of Suvorov's men the French destroyed part of the bridge. Russian soldiers crawled up to the broken bridge piles, bound some logs together with scarfs and belts and threw them over the gap. The soldiers ran across the logs to the other side un* der a hail of bullets. Meanwhile other dauntless men had waded across the turbulent river. The Russians went into a bayonet charge and drove back the French. Beyond Altdorf the St. Gothard road came to an end at the shore of Lake Lucerne, which was under the control of the French. Before the Russian army towered the sheer slopes of another almost im» passable mountain ridge, but there was no choice. Exhausted and hun gry, Suvorov's men began thediiBScult climb of an even steeper moun** tain. They reached the valley to learn that Rimsky. Korsakov 's army had been defeated and was retreating, and that the French held the valley. Suvorov's army was in a trap. The French had 60,000 men, while Su vorov had less than 20,000. Besides, the Russians had no provisions, no ammunition and no artillery. Suvorov realized that his army, sur rounded in the mountains by enemy forces, was in a critical position. But at the council of war he declared; "What shall we do? To go back would be a disgrace: I have never yet retreated. To proceed to Schwyz is impossible. Massena has over 60,000 men, while we have barely 20,000. Moreover, we have no provisions, ammunition or artillery. . . . Wft cannot expect assistance from anywhere. . . . We have only one hope . . . the courage and self-sacriflce of my troops. We are Russiansl" After beating off the French, Suvorov's army, on the night of October 4 began the final stage of its march across the Alps by way of the di®* cult snow-capped Panixer Pass.

The mountain was high and steep, cut frequently by deep preci pices. In places the soldiers crawled on all fours arlong the icy crust under the sleet and snow. Suvorov went among his men, encouraging them: "Never mind, never mind! A Russian fellow isn't yellow, we'll get through." On one of the slopes there was not a single tree or protrud ing rock to offer support. Thousands of men seated themselves on the icy edge of the slope and, hugging their rifles, slid down. No more then 16,000 meu reiRaiwed of Suvorov's army after the orossiug of the Panixer Pass* Engels subsequently described it as the most outstanding crossing of the Alps in modern times. As one old soldier aptly expressed it, "the Russian bayonet broke through the Alps.'*

Suvorov was going on 70 then. Left in the lurch by his Austrian allies, he stayed on in Switzerland until Paul broke off the alliance with Austria.

The Change In Paul's Foreign Policy and the Conspiracy of March 11, 1801

Suvorov's victories in Italy intensified the antagonisms within the Anglo-Austro-Russian coalition. The Austrians began secret peace negotiations with the French. Whenever the French approached, the Austrians betrayed the Russians by leading their own army off into the rear. After finally "ousting Suvorov" (as he expressed it himself) from Northern Italy which he had recaptured, the Austrians seized the territory of the king of Sardinia, to whom the Russian army had given military support, and made the Russian navy leave Italian waters. After a series of such perfidious acts on the part of his Austrian allies, Paul wrote the Austrian emperor a letter announcing his withdrawal from the alliance: "I shall in future cease to concern myself with j'-our interests and shall look after my own and those of my other allies." Paul ordered Suvorov to start on his return march to Russia: "You were to have saved kings," he wrote, "now you must save the Russia's warriors and the honour of your sovereign." Suvorov overcame great difficulties in leading the Russian troops out of Switzerland. The title of generalissimo of all the armed forces of Russia was bestowed on him as a reward. Later Suvorov again fell into the tsar's disfavour. He returned to Russia completely broken in health.

As he neared St. Petersburg Suvorov learned that all preparations that had been made for his triumphal reception had been cancelled. He was to arrive in the capital at night to avoid a demonstration of public welcome. The tsar prohibited Suvorov from appearing at court. His illness grew worse, and on May 18, 1800, the great Russian general died in solitary humiliation,

Suvorov was accompanied to his last resting place by his old com panions-in-arms and a vast cortege. After the funeral the famous poet Derzhavin wrote a poem on the death of Suvorov in which he said, "The lion's heart, the eagle's wings, are no longer with us. How are we to fight?"

Meanwhile relations between Paul and England grew more strained. When the English occupied Malta, the exasperated Paul announced the confiscation of all British ships and cargoes in Russian ports. Napoleon lost no time in turning the discord between the allies to his own advantage. He declared his readiness to cede Malta to Paul after it was captured from the English and to release all his Russian prisoners with full equipment and without demanding any prisoners in exchange. In December 1800 Paul and Napoleon began a personal correspondence concerning peace terms and a joint struggle against England. In a memorandum outlining the principles of Paul's new foreign policy, the rupture with England is explained by the fact that England "by her envy, cunning and wealth was, is, and will be, not the rival , but the villainous enemy of France. " The memorandum stated further, "By means of threats, intrigue and money England set all the powers against France" (here Paul I added, "and us sinners as well").

Through an alliance with Napoleon Paul also hoped to stifle the French revolution, for Napoleon had set up a military dictatorship in France after the coup d^4tat of November 9 (18 Brumaire) 1799. The overthrow of English rule in India was one of the joint measures to be undertaken by Russia and France. In January 1801 Paul ordered a detachment of Don Cossacks to proceed through Orenburg "via Boldiara and Khiva straight to the Indus River." This tovally unpre pared Indian campaign was called off by the new emperor, Alexander I, soon after the death of Paul.

During the last months of his life Paul began to display more interest in Transcaucasia, as a possible route to Persia and India. On January 18, 1801, he issued a manifesto announcing the voluntary union of Georgia with Russia.

Paul's belligerent measures caused no little anxiety in England. The British ambassador at St. Petersburg supported the organization of a conspiracy by the upper nobility who were discontented with Paul's policy and his cruelty and follies.

The Russian landlords, interested as they were in restoring economic relations with England, to whom they sold grain and other Russian produce, were particularly dissatisfied with the anti-English turn in Paul 's foreign policy. On the night of March 11 , 1801 , the conspira tors, with the connivance of Alexander, the crown prince, broke into the emperor's chamber and assassinated him.

Tsarism during the Napoleonic Wars

The Domestic and Foreign Policy of Alexander I (up to 1812)

Alexander I (1801–1825)

The accession of Alexander I was hailed with joy by the entire nobility, who hoped to find him a more consistent and more tractable medium for their policy than his highly imbalanced father. "Silenced is the roar of the North Wind, closed is the awful, fearsome glance," the poet Derzhavin wrote of the assassinated tsar in a panegyric on Alexander's accession. The new tsar had received a European education under the supervision of his grandmother, Catherine IT. She placed him under the tutelage of a Swiss moderate republican named Laharpe, who discussed liberal topics with Alexander. Alexander had also devoted much time to the parade ground and to the subtleties of Prussian military art. In his youth he had become friendly with General Arakcheyev, Paul's favourite, a brutal advocate of serfdom, who had exercised no less influence on the heir apparent than Laharpe. Contemporaries had good reason for saying that the new emperor was "half a citizen of Switzer land and half a Prussian corporal."

Under the dual influence of Catherine's court with its intrigues, subterfuge and favouritism, and of Paul's "little court" at Gatchina where Catherine was cordially detested, Alexander developed his characteristic traits of duplicity, hypocrisy, cowardice and cruelty, concealed beneath an outward air of affability and liberalism. Alexander was suave and amiable in his dealings with people. Contemporaries relate that the tsar prepared for his receptions and public appearances like a clever actor, rehearsing elegant bows and gracious smiles.

Pushkin called Alexander "a weak and sly ruler upon whom gloiy unexpectedly smiled."

The Decline of Serfdom

Alexander's reign commenced at a time when the industrial revolution was making further progress in Europe and serfdom was declining in Russia.

Since the last quarter ofthe 18th century the wholesale impoverish ment of the peasantry became particularly manifest. Peasants aban doned their run-down farms to follow other pursuits elsewhere. In the non-black-earth regions there was a rise in the peasant crafts, while in the black-earth regions the production of grain for the market increased. The landlords extended their cultivated area, as did the more well-to-do serfs and state peasants. The expansion of the domestic market was accompanied by a growth in the foreign market. The Russian landlords became suppliers of agricultural produce for export, chiefly to England.

The development of home and foreign trade necessitated improve ment of the means of communication, chiefly river and sea routes. In 1803 the North Catherine Canal joining the Kama and Northerii Dvina rivers was built. In 1804 the Oginsky Canal, which linked the Baltic and Black seas, was completed. The first decade of Alexander's reign saw the completion of the Mariinsk and Tikhvin canal systems, which facilitated the transportation of goods along the rivers linking inland Russia with the Baltic Sea. The decline of feudal economy, which was of a self-sufficient character, increased the demand for iqio]ie7 ci^atad a no^ for regulation of exchange operations. To this end the State Loan Bank was established in St. Petersburg in 1786 and the Commercial Bank in Moscow in 1807. At the ojjening of the 19ih century banking houses were established in Moscow, Arch angel, Taganrog and Feodosiya.

New industrial enterprises arose to meet the demands of the home market. In 1804 seven sugar refineries were in operation; in 1812 there were 30, In 1808 the first cotton spinning mill was established. By 1812 manufactories operated by merchants constituted 62% of all the enterprises, landlords owning only 16%. The workers at most of the manufactories, however, were serf-peasants paying obroh (quit* rent) to their landlords.

The productivity of forced peasant labour was low both in industry and in agriculture. Peasant cultivation of manorial lands was of a poor quality. Crop yields were low. To obtain more grain the landlords increased the harahchimi and other services by the peasants. Intensified exploitation of the serfs led to peasant uprisings, which assumed particularly large proportions in the Baltic regions, where capitalism had begun to develop earlier than in Central Russia. In the autumn of 1802 the peasants on a number of estates in the Liflandia Region refused to render manorial services, and engaged in regular skirmishes with the soldiers sent to subdue them.

Alexander's Domestic Policy

Fearing revolution, Alexander considered certain state reforms essential in order to avoid it. In a letter to Laharpe while still heir apparent he had stated that when he became tsar he would **grant the country freedom and thereby prevent it from becoming a toy in the hands of madmen."

Upon his accession Alexander declared that he would rule in accord ance "with the laws and the spirit" of his grandmother, Catherine IT. He immediately restored all the privileges of the nobles, reinstated all the nobles who had been exiled by his father, lifted the ban on the import of goods and boolcs from abroad, permitted foreign travel and issued an ukase abolishing torture and the secret police.

In the early years of Alexander's reign the circle of "young friends" of the emperor (Stroganov, Novosiltsev, Kochubey, Czartoryski) attained great influence and constituted the Private Committee for the Drafting of State Reforms. These drafts did not really aim at cardinal reforms, since they were motivated by a desire to preserve the system of serfdom and the autocracy and*to make only superficial changes in the feudal state in keeping with the spirit of the times. Thus, an ukase of December 12, 1801, allowed merchants, burghers and state peasants to purchase unsettled land, without in any way affecting the serf basis of land tenure by the nobility. Another ukase (February 20, 1803) "on free tillers" permitted landlords to release peasants with land singly or in entire villages on terms to be fixed by voluntary agreement with the peasants. But few peasants were able to benefit by this ukase: in all 47,153 persons, or less than one* half per cent of the serf population of the empire were freed. According to the ukase the serfs had to pay huge redemptions — sometimes as much as 6,000 rubles— for their emancipation. Thus, although the solutions found for the peasant question were called forth by the development of bourgeois relations, they in no way shook the foundations of serfdom.

The establishment in 1802 of eight ministjies to replace the Petrine colleges abolished by Catherine was the only effectual consequence of the extensive reformist plans of the Private Committee. Ministries of the army, the navy, foreign affairs, home affairs, justice, finance, commerce and public instruction were instituted. A Committee of Ministers was set up. As distinct from the practice under the colleges, the ministers had complete personal charge of affairs in the ministries, reporting on all important matters to the tsar. The establishment of ministries made for further centralization of tsarist Russia's state machine. The Senate was reorganized and made the supreme judicial body of the empire; it was to be the custodian of the laws and guardian of general "peace and order." All important state matters were sub mitted for consideration to the State Council, established in 1810. On the whole this system of administration remained in force through out the 10th century. ^

Amona tjie more significant of the reforms introduced in the early years of Alexander's reign was the establishment of a new educational system which provided for three types of schools: the gymnasium (with four grades), the district school (with two grades) and the parish school (with one grade). The same Regulations of 1804 granted self government to the universities: the rector and deans were elected by the general meeting of professors and the universities were allowed to confer degrees, etc.

Numerous deviations from the regulations soon took place, however. Since the nobles were reluctant to enroll their sons in the g 3 niinasia, the government founded for them the Tsarskoye Selo and Richelieu lyceums outside the general school system.

" At the beginning of the 19th century there were only two universi^ ties: in Moscow and Dorpat. In 1805 universities were founded in Kharkov and Kazan. The Central Pedagogical Institute in St. Peters^ burg was reorganized into a university in 1819.

The Ministry of Public lastruction, Education of Youth and Diffu sion of Science was instituted to supervise educational activities. The ministry, however, was more concerned with the political bona fides of the teachers and pupils, than with education as such.

In 1804 censorship of manuscripts before publication was introduced.

Thus, Alexander, in his domestic policy, did nothing whatsoever to break resolutely with the policy of serfdom which his predecessors had pursued.

The War Against Napoleon (1805–1807)

Alexander prosecuted his foreign policy at a time when the French revolutionary wars had been superseded by the Napoleonic wars of conquest.

Lenin stressed the fact that the wars waged by France during the period of the Napoleonic empire had changed in character, being no longer defensive revolutionary wars but predatory campaigns of conquest. "It was not in 1792 1793, but many years later, after the victory of reaction within the country, that the counter-revolutionary dictatorship of Napoleon transformed the wars on France's part from defensive wars into wars of conqueFt." ♦

Another important feature of the Napoleonic wars was the growing antagonism between bourgeois France and England over the division of markets. Russian tsarism was interested in trade with England and took her side. Upon ascending the throne Alexander immediately restored friendly relations with England, released the British ships which had been detained in Russian ports and permitted the import of British goods. In 1801 Russia and England signed a convention of amity, Alexander nevertheless did not break ofF relations with Na poleon. As Russia's ally England was compelled to make peace with Napoleon (in 1802, at Amien.^. The Treaty of Amiens was not long, lived, for Russia and Englana had concluded a military pact earlier, in March 1801. A new coalition headed by England and including Russia, Austria and Sweden was organized against France. England promised to subsidize her allies and demanded that they immediately begin hostilities. The object of this anti -French coalition was not only to check Napoleon's conquests but also to restore the Bourbons to the French throne.

In August 1805 a Russian army under Kutuzov was sent to aid Austria. The entry of the Russian troops into Europe frustrated Napo. Icon's plans for a forced crossing of the channel and saved England from invasion by a Napoleonic army of 150,000 standing ready for that purpose.

Kutuzov effected a forced march under diflScult conditions to the Bavarian town of Braunau, upon reaching which he learned that the main forces of the allied Austrian troops under General Mack had capitulated at the fortress of Ulm. Kutuzov had one-fifth of Napoleon's numerical strength, and he had no option but to retreat. Napoleon ordered his ablest generals to cut off Kutuzov's retreat. Bagration received orders from Kutuzov to hold up Murat •s corps which was pursuing the Russian army. The Austrian troops moving along in front betrayed their allies and entered into, negotiations with Murat, Bagration's little force of 6,000 was surrounded by the French troops numbering 30,000. A battle between the Russian and the French took place at Scbdngraben and lasted all day and half the night. During the night fighting Bagration succeeded in breaking through the enemy's circle. All the survivors of the Schongraben battle received arm-bands with the inscription: "One versus five," indicating the fivefold superi ority of the French over the Russians.

The retreat of the Russian troops, by tiring out the enemy, effected a change in the scales. By the middle of November Kutuzov had brought over 86,000 men into action at Olmiitz and Napoleon had concentrated 90,000 here. The Russian army was poorly supplied and worn out with fatigue. Alexander I, who had meanwhile arrived at the army inspired with dreams of military glory and of defeating Napoleon, would not hear of giving the men a rest. The Austrian Emperor Francis I and his generals also insisted on giving general battle immediately. The war council, despite Kutuzov's opposition, decided in favour of a pitched battle. The Russo-Austrian armies occupied positions on a large hilly plateau near the village of Austerlitz (Bohemia). On a misty autumn morning of December 2 (new style), 1805 three columns of Russian troops attempted to overcome the right flank of the French, but this ended in failure, since the allied troops were spread out. The French inflicted a heavy blow on the scattered allied forces at Auster litz. The Russian soldiers fought heroically but were unable to with stand the furious onslaughts of a numerically stronger foe. Napoleon paid tribute to the heroism of the Russian soldiers. "At Austerlitz," he said, "the Russians displayed greater valour than in any other battle against me."

The defeat at Austerlitz was due to the interference of the Austrian and Russian emperors in the command of military operations. The defeat induced Austria to conclude peace with France. Napoleon took Vienna and began preparations for continuing the war in Europe, first and foremost against Prussia,

In the autumn of 1806 Alexander sent troops to the aid of his ally Prussia. Napoleon surrounded the Prussians in a lightning attack at Jena and routed them. Berlin surrendered to the French without battle and remained in their hands for two years, from 1806 to 1808. Napoleon concentrated forces on the Vistula, from where he threatened to launch an oiFensive against Russia. In January 1807 he entered Warsaw, In the Battle of PreuSisch Eylau (in East Prussia) a month later, the Russian army displayed its prowess. Napoleon did not win a victory here and began to prepare for a decisive battle. The Battle of Friedland in the summer of 1807, during which the Russian army lost almost one-fomth of its men, decided the outcome of the entire campaign.

By the Treaty of Tilsit signed in June 1807 Russia had to recognize all Napoleon's conquests and Napoleon himself as emperor, and con clude a defensive and offensive alliance with him. Most important of all, however, she had to join the continental blockade, ».e.,the economic war against England.

By isolating England from the rest of Europe Napoleon hoped to destroy her commercial supremacy. In 1806 he proclaimed the continental system, under which all countries dependent on the Napo leonic empire were prohibited from trading with England. Rus-la also undertook to stop the export of corn to England and the import of British goods. The blockade, however, was a serious economic blow to Russia. It ruined many Russian landlords. The price of corn fell. Trade dropped. The blockade led to a financial crisis in the country.

The Russian nobility were opposed to the Treaty of Tilsit. Alexan der's closest friends — Kochubey, Czartoryski and Novosiltsev — re signed, Mikhail Speransky, who was regarded as a partisan of the pro-French faction, became the tsar's intimate adviser.

M. M. Speransky (1772–1839)

Besides their discontent with the continental blockade the landlords were strongly opposed to the plans for state reforms, whose most dangerous exponent was held to be Sj)eransky.

Speransky, the son of a village priest, was educated at the ecclesi astical seminary in St. Petersburg. He advanced rapidly from the posi tion of clerk in the olSfice of the procurator-general to that of State Secretary. After the Treaty of Tilsit he became Alexander's first ad viser. In 1809 Speransky completed a draft for reforms entitled Codifi ca io% of Sfa'e This was nn extensive project of reforms aiming

to adapt the feudal monarchy to the rising bourgeois relations, Speran sky advocated protection for "science, commerce and industry." He did not put forward an open demand for emancipation but he wanted the peasants to be granted "personal freedom." "There is not a single case in history of an enlightened and commercial nation long remaining in slavery," be declared in his draft.

Speransky proposed the convention of a State Duma consisting of property owners regardless of what estale they belonged to. In every volost the owners of real estate were to elect a volost duma. These in turn were to elect deputies to the okrug dumas, thence to the gubernia dumas, and the latter were to elect deputies to the State Duma. The elections were thus to pass through four stages. No law was to be passed without the approval of the State Duma and the State Council. Exec utive power was to be placed in the hands of ministers responsible to the Duma. Speransky 's draft was progressive for those days.

The majority of the landlords were incensed by Speransky's proj ects. They called him a "villain," a "revolutionary" and a "Crom well." The uproar among the nobility was so great that Alexander was forced into a resolute rejection of all plans for constitutional re form, All he did was to establish in 1810 a State Council of members appointed by the emperor. This was an advisory body to the tsar and such it remained until 1906. The number of ministers was increased to 11 by the establishment of ministries of the Police, Communica tions and State Control.

The nobility in opposition emphatically demanded withdrawal from the blockade and Speransky's resignation. The most forceful exponent of the temper of the serf-owning landlords was N, M. Ka ramzin, the well-known historian, whose Notes on Old and New aia formulated their chief demands. Instead of limiting the autocracy Karamzin proposed the selection of 50 *'good" governors who were to be entrusted with the administration of the state. The reactionary opposition from among the nobility wanted serfdom to remain invio lable, trade resumed with England, the Treaty of Tilsit repudiated, a war against Napoleon, and the dismissal of "the dangerous reformer** Speransky.

The Russo-Swedish War of 1808–1809 and the Annexation of Finland

The Treaty of Tilsit altered international relations in Europe. Napoleon strove to utilize Russia in the interests of his policy of conquest, primarily in his struggle against England. At his insist ence Russia broke off diplomatic relations with England. He also urged Russia into a war against Sweden, who had refused to join the continental system and had concluded an alliance with England. The war with Sweden was to give Alexander the right to annex Finland. Russia had important strategical reasons for contesting Finland: the Finnish border ran close to St. Petersburg, the Russian capital, which had to be safeguarded against attack from the north. In Feb ruary 1808 Russian troops crossed the frontier, occupying the Aland Islands in March and the Island of Hogland in April. By the end of 1808 the war shifted to Swedish territory when the Russian troops launched an offensive under difficult winter conditions. Barclay de Tolly's detachment made its famous march from Vaasa across the frozen Gulf of Bothnia to Sweden. The Russian troops heroically surmounted the difficulties of the march over hummocky ice and through knee-deep snow and reached the Swedish coast.

On March 16, 1809, during the height of the offensive against Swe den, Alexander convened the Finnish Diet in the town of Borga. The previous day Finnish autonomy had been recognized by official enact ment. The tsar promised the Diet that he would "preserve the Consti tution of Finland inviolable and unalterable/' Finland was proclaimed a Russian province.

While the Diet sat in session Russia and Sweden started peace negotiations which resulted in a treaty signed at Fredrikshamn on September 5, 1809. Sweden ceded to Russia the whole of Finland, which had been conquered by Russian troops. The king of Sweden joined the continental blooka^.

Napoleon's Preparations tor the Invasion of Russia

Napo*

leon's government, as Stalin said, was a "bourgeois government which stifled the French revolution and preserved only those results of the revolution which were of benefit to the big bourgeoisie."

Napoleon waged his wars of aggrandizement in Europe and beyond it in the interests of France's big bourgeoisie, who were competing with English capital. By force of arms he compelled all the European countries he had conquered to join the continental blockade against England. Notwithstanding the Tilsit peace treaty, Napoleon made intensive preparations for a war of conquest against Russia, to which he was provoked by several motives. In the first place he was dis pleased with Russia's frequent violations of the continental block ade; he was disturbed by the massing of tsarist troops on the western border, constituting a threat to Poland; finally, he was troubled by Russia's policy toward Prussia, a policy which hindered him from becoming master of the Rhine Confederation. The Rhine Confederation of 16 German states had been created by Napoleon in June 1806 and was a French protectorate.

In making his preparations for war Napoleon collected informa tion about Russia, studied her economy, sent spies into the country and even counterfeited Russian paper currency. At the same time h© established a springboard for his offensive against Russia in Poland. Under the terms of the Treaty of Tilsit, Napoleon in 1807 created a new Polish state called the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, out of the Polish provinces which Prussia had acquired as a result of the parti-^ tions. Subsequently Austrian Galicia was annexed to this new state. To make sure of the support of the Polish gentry Napoleon prom** ised to restore Poland's old borders, i.e., to give her Lithuania, Byelorussia and part of the Ukraine. Acting on Napoleon's advice Poland in 1807 abolished serfdom. The peasants received their person al freedom, but the land remained the property of the Polish landlords.

The tsarist government was extremely disturbed by the situation in Poland. Alexander demanded that Napoleon abstain frogi support ing and regenerating the Polish state, and that he agree to Russia's seizure of the Dardanelles and Constantinople. Napoleon rejected these demands. Relations between the allies became strained.

Meanwhile complications were setting in in Europe. In Spain the national war for liberation against the French usurpers was gathering momentum, and the Spaniards had defeated the French in a series of major engagements. Austria had begun to arm herself and sought an alliance with Russia. Prussia began to reorganize her army. Another meeting between Napoleon and Alexander took place at Erfurt in the autumn of 1808^ at which Napoleon, in order to keep Russia on his side, consented to her annexing Moldavia and Walachia. Napoleon continued to make conquests despite stiffening resistance in Europe. In 1810 he annexed to his empire Holland, the Hanse towns and the Duchy of Oldenburg, which was ruled by a relative of Alexander. The Russian emperor registered a strong protest* Napoleon demonstratively refused to accept the Russian note of protest.

Russians internal situation was another factor that caused Alex ander to break with Napoleon. The continental blockade threatened the country with economic ruin. Before he had broken with Napoleon, Alexander launched what was virtually a tariff war against him by raising the duties on French goods. British cargoes arrived in Russia under neutral flags.

Meanwhile the higher nobility had had its way with Speransky, whom everyone regarded as an advocate of the alliance with Napoleon. The State Secretary was removed from office, accused of treason and exiled, first to Nizhni Novgorod and later to Perm.

War with Turkey (1806–1812)

Russia's preparations for a war with France hastened the end of hostilities against Turkey, whicli had been in progress since 1806. The Turks tried to take advantage of the defeats of the Russian army on the battlefields of Europe to drive the Russian troops out of Western Transcaucasia and re-estab lish their domination on the Black Sea. Turkey was supported by France. Russia's efforts to achieve a peaceful settlement failed. Al though the main forces of the Russian army were engaged in Europe, Russian troops in November 1806 invaded the Danube principalities which were under Turkish rule and soon occupied all of Bessarabia, Moldavia and Walg-chia. Their advance was checked only at the Dan ube, where there were strong Turkish fortresses.

The Russian command decided to launch an offensive against ihe Turks from Transcaucasia. While both sides were preparing for large-scale offensive operations the news of the signing of the Treaty of Tilsit arrived. Napoleon acted as mediator between Russia and Turkey to put an end to hostilities. During the Erfurt meeting Alex ander had secured Napoleon's consent to the annexation of the Danube principalities by Russia, to the proclamation of Serbian independence and the recognition of a Russian protectorate over Georgia. Turkey refused to negotiate peace under those terms. In March 1809 hostil ities between Turkey and Russia were resumed* Russian troops laid siege to a number of Turkish fortresses, gained a firm hold on the right bank of the Danube and reached the foothills of the Balkans. In September 1810 they took Rustchuk, and at the end of 1811 Akhal kalaki, a large Turkish fortress in Transcaucasia* These defeats com pelled the Turks to enter into negotiations.

By the Treaty of Bucharest, concluded on May 8, 1812, Turkey ceded to Russia l^ssarabia including the fortresses of I^otin, Bender, Akkerman and Ismail. Russia returned Poti and Akhalkalaki to Turkey.

The Treaty of Bucharest was a great victory for Russia. She was now free to transfer her army from the Danube to fight Napoleon.

The Patriotic War of 1812

Napoleon's Invasion of Russia

Besides the main forces of his own army Napoleon hurled against Russia the armies of all the conquered countries of Europe.

In May 1812 Napoleon set out in state from Dresden to join the Orande Armee which was moving toward the Niemen River.

On the morning of June 12 (24), 1812, Napoleon invaded Russia without a declaration of war. Four columns of troops in an endless stream began the passage of the Niemen. Napoleon was among the first to cross the river, and together with the old guard he hastened to a nearby woods in expectation of the opening encounter with the Russian troops. But he found himself amidst deserted fields and vast, silent forests. There was not a single dwelling or human being in sight. The Russian troops had withdrawn.

The Russian army numbered 180,000 men in all. An army under Barclay de Tolly lay grouped about the border, on the Niemen; another, under Bagration, was in Southern Lithuania, and the third, a reserve force, under Tormasov, was stationed in Volbynia. Taking into account the movements of the scattered Russian armies Napoleon decided to attack and defeat them piecemeal. His army of over 600,000 was overwhelmingly superior to the Russian in numbers.

The defimencies of the Russian army, inherent in the general weaknesses of feudal Russia, were the incompetence of a considerable section of the military command, a brutal system of discipline, and pilfering and peculation on the part of army officials and commissariat officers at the expense of the soldiers.

But Napoleon's army no longer resembled the French army of twenty years before. It was no longer a French army but a huge all European army made up of forcibly recruited men of diflFerent nation alities speaking different languages and fighting for the alien objec tives of a French conqueror. The Germans, Italians, Swiss, Croatians and, above all, the Spaniards hated Napoleon as the enslaver of their countries, the soldiers were out for loot, and they started pillaging as soon as they set foot on Russian soil.

When Napoleon's army of half a million men invaded Russia Bar clay decided to retreat without accepting battle and to join Bagration's army, which had already set out to meet him. From Vilno Barclay retired to an entrenched camp at the hamlet of Drisa on the Dvina. This camp had been built by General Fulle, an incompetent foreigner with the approval of Emperor Alexander, who himself was poorly versed in military matters. It was situated between two highways, pre sumably to check Napoleon if he marched either on St. Petersburg or Moscow. Actually its location made it a trap for the Russian army, which could easily be encircled there. Barclay therefore abandoned Drisa and withdrew to Vitebsk via Polotsk, leaving the protection of the St. Petersburg road to a detached corps under Wittgenstein, who successfully warded off Marshal Oudinot^s onslaught.

Bagration, hotly followed by Marshal Davout with an army of 50,000 and Napoleon's brother Jerome with an army of 60,000, was in extremely difficult straits . Davout and Jerome tried to surround Bagration's little army and cut off his retreat, but he managed to elude the French pincers. His retreat was covered by a cavalry detachment under the command of Platov, Davout occupied Minsk and then proceed ed to the Berezina River, again hoping to cut off Bagration. Meanwhile Bagration was withdrawing his forces along defiles in the marshes. Cut off from the main forces and thrust far to the south, Bagration's army crossed the Berezina and the Dnieper and again evaded en circlement. After waiting in vain for Bagration at Vitebsk Barclay put out a rearguard and quietly withdrew from camp with lights extinguished.

Retreating imder extremely difficult conditions, harassed by the enemy, suffering from the torrid heat, lack of drinking water, hunger and disease which took heavy toll on account of the absence of any kind of medical aid, the two Russian armies finally succeeded in mak ing junction at Smolensk. Napoleon reached Smolensk in August and ordered it to be taken by storm. He bombarded Smolensk for thir teen hours; the whole town was in flames. Barclay ordered the powder magazines to be blown up and then abandoned the burning city. The residents set fire to their homes and property in order not to leave anything to the enemy, and evacuated the town together with the army. The Russian troops put up a spirited fight at Smolensk. However, Barclay realized that the numerical superiority of the French threat ened him with rout and refused to let himself be drawn into the pitched battle which Napoleon was so set on.

Barclay had the strength of will and firmness to carry out method, ioally his plan of retreat, which was the only means of saving the army from a smashing defeat. As Marx pointed out, the Russian plan of retreat was no longer a matter of free choice but of stern necessity.

The terror-stricken nobility, however, was strongly opposed to the retreat. Barclay de Tolly was accused of cowardice and even treachery. The relations between Barclay and Bagration, the two commanders, grew more and more strained. Bagration averred that "Barclay is leading the guests straight on to Moscow." A disciple of Suvorov and a man of reckless courage, Bagration was thirsting for battle. He claimed that the surrender of Smolensk had been too hasty, and demanded a change of command.

At the demand of the army and the nobility, Alexander appointed 67-year-old Field Marshal Kutuzov Commander-in-chief*

Mikhail Illarionovich Kutuzov, a man of great courage, was Su vorov's favourite pupil and one of Russia's most talented soldiers. He came from old noble stock. At 29 a Turkish bullet deprived him of an eye in a battle in the Crimea. He was twice seriously wounded, but both times returned to the ranks. He enjoyed the love and esteem of his men. Suvorov, who was a great admirer of Kutuzov's mind and talents, said of him: "He's astute 1 Clever, clever! Nobody can trick him!"

In all his battles Kutuzov displayed exceptionally able and resource ful leadership, personal bravery and remarkable stratagem. Like his teacher Suvorov, Kutuzov hated martinetism and Draconian disci pline. He loved the Russian soldier of whose valour and heroism he had a very high opinion.

Kutuzov was well-educated and knew many foreign languages. He kept abreast of Russian and foreign literature, particularly of a military nature. In 1795 he was appointed director of the Higher Army School, where he lectured on the history of warfare and on tactics.

Kutuzov cordially detested the spirit of servility, flattery and venality that reigned at the tsarist court. Nor was he himself liked at the court. Tsar Alexander also disliked Kutuzov, particularly after the Battle of Austerlitz, which he lost after disregarding Kutu zov's warning.

When he appointed Kutuzov Commander-in-chief in 1812 the tsar told his retinue: . "The public desired his appointment , so I have ap pointed him. But personally I wash my hands of him."

On learning of Kutuzov's appointment as Commander-in-chief Napoleon said, "The sly fox of the North!" WTien this was reported to Kutuzov, he replied, "I shall try to prove to the great soldier that he is right."

The People's War

The farther Napoleon's army advanced into the interior the worse its position became. The Oranie Amde grew manifestly weaker as it spread over the vast territory of Russia leaving garrisons behind it in the towns; communications became precarious; the supply trains lagged behind, and there were break downs in the supply of food and fodder. Everywhere they met a hostile population. The Lithuanian and Byelorussian peasants were the first to take up arms against the invaders. Napoleon occupied all of Lithua nia and Byelorussia and set up a government of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania composed of landloids. In a speech to the nobles in Mogilev Marshal Davout assured them that the "peasants will remain, as here tofore, in subjection to their landlords." Now the peasants had to bear not only persecution and oppression by their landlords but the additional affliction of national humiliation, robbery, pillage, requisi tions and endless imposts levied by the French invaders.

The war against Napoleon instantly assumed the character of a people's war. 'This is not an ordinary war but a people's war," wrote Bagration. The population hunted out French scouts and spies, they refused to furnish supplies for the invading army, and, when the French approached, set fire to their homes and corn and went into the forests to wage guerilla warfare. The regular troops displayed won derful feats of heroism. A Bashkir division, Kalmuck soldiers, Tatars and men of other nationalities fought bravely side by side with the Russians, Ukrainians and Byelorussians.

The people's war in Russia, which inflicted heavy losses on Napo leon's army, incensed the conqueror, who had never met that kind of opposition anywhere in Europe. On September 23, 1812, he sent a protest to the Russian command against the "barbaric and unusual" ;petho4s of warfare and proposjsd ••c^ssatipn" of the war by the people* On another occasion he presented the following demand through General Lauriston: ^'Military operations should conform to the established rules of warfare," to which Kutuzov replied: "The people liken this war to a Tatar invasion and, consequently, consider all means to rid themselves of the enemy to be not only not repreh^ensible but praise worthy and sacred*"

The Battle of Borodino

Kutuzov was well aware of the strength of the enemy, and though he approved of Barclay de Tolly's tactics, he shared Bagration's opinion regarding the need for substan tially strengthening the rearguard. Kutuzov appointed Konovitsyu to head the rearguard. Rearguard actions between August 27 and Sep tember 5 checked the French advance. Kutuzov declared that the enemy could be overcome only with the fi»id of time and space. He argued that Moscow was not the whole of Russia and that it might have to be sur rendered to save Russia.

Napoleon wanted at all costs to force Kutuzov into fighting a de cisive battle. He followed hot upon the heels of the Russians, waging incessant action against the rearguard. On the night of August 23 Na poleon drew up to the Russian redoubt at the village of Shevardino. A small number of men defended the Shevardino redoubt with supreme heroism. They beat off the violent attacks of the French infantry and cavalry from four in the afternoon until dark, and only then did they retreat to the main positions. After the Battle of Shevardino a pitched battle became both possible and inevitable. At dawn on August 26 (September 8) the Russian and French armies finally met near the village of Borodino, 90 kilometres from Moscow.

Barclay de Tolly, with 76,000 men including reserves, held the right flank and the centre of the Russian army.

Bagration, Suvorov's favourite and Kutuzov's friend, was on the left flank. Peter Ivanovich Bagration, a Georgian by extraction, began military service at 17 as sergeant in a rifle regiment in the Caucasus. One of Suvorov's most able pupils, he possessed boundless courage, and under his leadership the Russian soldiers worked wonders in the most dangerous operations. Napoleon, who held the opinion that "Ba gration is the best general in the Russian array," sent his most experi enced marshals against him.

Napoleon planned to deal his main blow at the "Bagration flfeches," a group of Russian field works in front of the village of Semyonovskaya. The "Bagration flfeches" being rather poorly constructed, Napoleon counted on an easy capture, particularly since Bagration had a small army of little more than 36,000. In all there were about 112,000 Rus sian regular troops at Borodino, besides 7,000 Cossacks and a 10,000 popular levy from Moscow and Smolensk.

When Napoleon reached Borodino he had an army of only 130,000 men and 687 guns.

The battle opened with an attack on the village of Borodino, which was captured by the French. A fierce battle raged around the "Bagration filches," which were furiously defended. The flfeches changed hands several times and were strewn with dead men and horses. A French general who took part in this engagement relates that the French charged the "Bagration flfeches" eight times and were thrown back each time, leaving piles of corpses at the approaches. "Bagra tion's troops, reinforced constantly by new arrivals, advanced with wonderful valour over the bodies of the fallen to regain the lost posi tions. Before our eyes the Eussian columns moved at the command of their leaders in serried ranks of glittering steel and fire. On open terrain they suffered terrible losses from our case shot and our cavalry and infantry charges. But these brave warriors, making a supreme exer tion, still went on attacking."

At a critical moment, while over 400 French guns were pounding away at the left wing of the Russian front, Kutuzov sent reinforcements to Bagration. The Russians had about 300 guns, which made a total of some 700 thundering away within an area of a single square kilo metre. The bravery of the Russian artillerymen amazed the French. One of the participants in the battle states in his memoirs: "The Rus sian gunners were faithful to their duty. They took redoubts, they pro tected the guns With their bodies and did not surrender them. Often a gunner wounded in one hand would continue firing with the other." The sky was hidden by a dark pall of powder smoke lightened up by red flashes of grenades. The village of Semyonovskaya had been set on fire from all sides and was blazing. Napoleon threw fresh reserves into battle. Bagration counter attacked. A participant in the fighting relates: "The charge was horrible. • • . A frightful carnage ensued in which superhuman bravery was displayed on both sides. . . . Although the enemy had superior numbers the Russians showed up well until an accident changed the entire situation."

During this engagement Bagration was mortally wounded. He made an effort to get up but dropped down and the soldiers carried their heroic commander off the battlefield. He fought back excruciating pain as he gave his last orders. His last words before losing consciousness were: "How are my men?" The answer was, "Sticking fast."

The brave Dokhturov took over command. He succeeded in check ing the confusion that had broken out among the troops when they heard that Bagration had been mortally wounded. "Dm if we must, but not one step back!" he commanded. Nonetheless the left flank of the Russian front was borne down, and the French took the "Bagra tion flfeches."

Napoleon then turned his guns on Rayevsky battery in the centre, Almost M the defenders of the h^tt^ry perished in the fierce fighting which ensued. Rayevsky's battery was taken. Still the Russian army continued to stand its groimd.

In his Borodino the great Russian poet Lermontov described

the tenseness of the battle and the heroism of the Russian soldiers:

That day the foeman learned aright

The way we Russian soldiers flght-^

Fierce hand to hand,

Horses and men together laid,

And still the thundering cannonade;

Our breasts were tremblhig, as it made Tremble the land.

Then darhness fell in hill and plain;

Yet we were game to fight again, . . .

In the evening Napoleon ordered his troops to withdraw from

the field of battle. The Russian army, though it sustained heavy casu alties, withdrew from Borodino to Moscow in perfect order. In the Battle of Borodino the Russian nation once more demonstrated to the world the heroism and self-sacrifice of which it was capable when the defence of its country and national independence were at stake. In an appraisal of this great battle Napoleon admitted just before his d 'iath: "'Of all the battles I eVer fought the most terrible was that of Moscow. The French showed themselves worthy of victory; the Rus sians won the right to be invincible."

The Fire of Moscow

Kutuzov retreated from Borodino to Mozhaisk and thence to Moscow. On September 1, 1812, he called a council of war in the village of Fili, near Moscow, at which the question was discussed as to whether the Russian army should accept battle again or retreat from Moscow. The generals were in favour of giving battle again. Kutuzov cut the conference short and announced his command for a retreat. "The loss of Moscow does not mean the loss of Russia," said Kutuzov.

Early in the morning of September 2 (14) the Russian army marched through Moscow in a continuous stream. Muscovites left the city together with the army; they departed with their possessions, carrying bundles and sacks, on foot and in carriages, jamming all the roads. When Murat's cavalry entered Moscow by way of the long and narrow Arbat Street the city was silent and deserted. There remained only the foreigners and the inhabitants who had not had time to leave.

That night fires broke out in Moscow. The wind scattered the sparks over the wooden buildings, which flared up one after another. Dwell ings, warehouses, shops and the stalls on Red Square burned down. The French soldiers and marauders rushed into the buildings and pillaged whatever the flames had not consumed. The fire lasted six days, during which night could not be distinguished from day. The people themselves made no effort to fight the fires. "Let everything perish so long as it does not go to the enemy," they said , as they deserted the city.

The Defeat of Napoleon

Napoleon's army, worn out by its long and arduous march, hungry, badly clothed and demoralized, remained in burning Moscow. Napoleon made peace overtures. He wanted the peace treaty to be signed in Moscow in order to save his prestige in Europe.

He made several peace proposals to Alexander. In a personal letter tothetsar sent through Yakovlev (the father of Herzen), he asked Alex ander to restore their friendship. Alexander did not reply to any of the peace offers. Meanwhile winter was approaching. There were no provisions in Moscow, but there was still plenty of wine in the cellars, and the French soldiers indulged in drunken orgies. They turned into drunken marauders. Robbery and murder were rife.

Kutuzov retreated from Moscow along the Ryazan road and then swerved sharply toward Tarutino. This remarkable flanking movement w^s |;he beginning pf an offensive against Napoleon's army and its encirclement from the south. Only now did Napoleon fathom Kutuzov's tactics. He decided to abandon Moscow at once.,

Napoleon began his retreat from Moscow at 7 o 'clock in the morn ing of October 6 (18). At his orders an attempt was made to blow up the Kremlin. One of the towers and a section of the Kremlin wall were destroyed. The destruction was not as great as Napoleon had in tended because rain wet the fuses of the mines that had been planted.

Napoleon decided to break through to the Ukraine via Kaluga, where the Russian army had food stores. But Kutuzov outflanked him and blocked his path.

A decisive action was fought at Maloyaroslavets, which changed hands many times and where the French were thoroughly worsted. Napoleon turned off on the Smolensk road. The French army passed through devastated towns and villages, burning everything that still remained intact. Famine assumed catastrophic proportions in the army. There was nothing to eat but horse flesh. The Smolensk highroad all along its length was strewn with the bodies of men and horses.

The peasants waged guerilla warfare and hampered the retreat of the French by numerous sudden attacks.

One of the organizers of the guerilla detachments was LieUtetiaUt Colonel Denis Davydov. A Hussar and poet, Denis Davydov Was the son of a cavalry officer. Since early childhood he had dreamed of military glory. As a boy of nine he had attracted the attention of Su vorov, who foretold a brilliant military future for him. After that the great Suvorov was Davydov's cherished ideal. At the beginning of the war of 1812, when the Russian army was retreating to Moscow, Davydov, then a lieutenant colonel in the Akhter Hussar Regiment, told Bagration of his plan for guerilla warfare behind the enemy's lines with the active support of the mass of the people. Kutuzov imme diately saw the advantages of Davydov's plan and approved it. He suggested that Davydov organize a small detachment of 60 Hussars and 150 Cossacks as an experiment. Soon after, this detachment went into action south of Gzhatsk. Davydov established contact with the peasant volunteer detachments, with whose support he began effective operations in the French rear. His detachment grew quickly. Kutuzov summoned Davydov to him and thanked him for his excellent serv ice. Embracing Davydov, Kutuzov said, "Your successful experi ments have shown me the value of guerilla warfare, which has inflicted, is inflicting and will continue to inflict much damage on the enemy."

Subsequently Davydov summed up his rich experiences in a book entitled Experience in the Theory of Ouerilla Action, Describing "real guerilla warfare," Davydov said that it "covers and cuts off the entire area of the opposing army from its rear to its natural base; by striking at the most vulnerable points, it tears up the roots of the enemy's existence, exposes him to the blows of our own army, de prives him of food supplies and ammunition, and bars the enemy's retreat. This is guerilla warfare in the full sense of the word." Davydov prophesied a big role for guerilla action in future wars of liberation waged by the Russian people.

The guerillas attacked and made sudden raids on warehouses and food trains all along the French line, as well as on messengers carrying documents. Soldiers and peasants were frequently the organ izers of guerilla detachments. Yermolai Chetvertakov, a soldier in a dragoon detachment, who escaped from French captivity, mustered a guerilla detachment in the villages around Gzhatsk. A guerilla officer named Figner more than once made his way into Napoleon's camp disguised as a French army man. A guerilla named Seslavin once cap tured a French reconnaissance officer and brought him back across his saddle.

Gerasim Kurin formed a detachment of peasants and armed it with weapons captured from the French. Vasilisa Kozhina, the wife of a village elder of Smolensk Region, killed many merratiding sol^ diers of Napoleon's army with pitchfork and scythe.

The Berezina and the Destruction of the "Grande Armée"

After tremendous hardships the Grande Armie finally reached Smo lensk where it hoped to find food and rest. But like Moscow Smolensk had been burned down. Horses perished for lack of fodder. The last provisions were stolen by hungry soldiers who broke into the stores. The French army was by now completely out of hand. To crown all, severe frosts had set in. The soldiers used carriages, carts, and furni ture left in the houses to build bonfires on the squares. No fewer than 30,000 soldiers were ill. But it was not the "Russian frosts" that caused the defeat of the Grande Armde, In a work entitled Did the Frosts Destroy the French Army in 1812% Denis Davydov says the weather was mild during Napoleon's retreat. His army was already at Yelnya when the first snow fell. The temperature did not drop below minus twelve degrees, and the frost lasted no more than three or five days. "Is it possible," wrote Davydov, "that an army of 150,000 could lose 65,000 men because of frosts that lasted from three to five days? The far more severe cold of 1795 in Holland, in 1807 during the Eylau campaign, which held about two months in succession, and in 1808 in Spain, which held throughout the winter campaign in the mountains of Castile, touched the surface, so to speak, of the French army, but did not penetrate it . " It was the spirit of the Russian nation , the magni ficent heroism and staunchness of the Russian army, supported by the whole nation, which encompassed Napoleon's defeat in the Great Patriotic War.

With great difficulty Napoleon reached the Berezina River, which he had to cross. Warding off the attacks of the Russian troops, Napo leon began the passage with the wreck of his '"grand" army. The crossing proceeded under a hail of cannon balls and bullets. Bridges crashed into the river together with the men. Many were crushed by horses; others were struck down by the bullets and balls or drowned during the crossing. No less than 10,000 Frenchmen lost their lives at the Be rezina. About 60,000 crossed the river, but their ranks continued to thin. At the end of December there were barely 30,000 survivors of the "grand" array. Napoleon abandoned his defeated army and left for Paris.

The War of 1812 was a righteous war, a patriotic war, and, as such, occupies a place of great importance in Russian history. It was a war that asserted the national independence of Russia and of the Russian people. The heroism of the soldiers, the operations of the guerillas and the peasants, and the unity of the entire Russian people in fighting the foreign invaders, all helped Russia to defeat Napoleon, one of the most powerful conquerors in histor}^

Tsarism at the Helm of European Reaction

The European Campaign of Alexander I

In January 1813 the Russian army, pursuing Napoleon's army, entered Poland and Prus sia. The peoples of Europe rose up against Napoleon the conqueror in a struggle for national liberation. The national-liberation movement of the European peoples subjugated by Napoleon contributed to the mili tary successes of the coalition fighting him. But the feudal monarchs utilized the War of the peoples for national liberation not to emancipate them but to restore the feudal regime in Europe.

In the autumn of 1813 Napoleon was defeated in the "Battle of the Nations" at Leipzig. The allied armies with Alexander I at their head entered Paris in March 1814. The Bourbon monarchy which the revolution had overthrown was restored in Prance. Napoleon was dethroned and exiled to the Island of Elba. A congress of the European monarchs was called in Vienna to divide the territories taken from Prance. In May 1816 the general act of the Congress of Vienna was signed, which gave Russia the greater part of the Duchy of Warsaw in "perpetuity."

While the Congress was sitting at Vienna Napoleon escaped from Elba and returned to Paris. He fought to recover the power about one hundred days before he was conclusively defeated by English and German troops at Waterloo. The allied army again occupied Paris. Napoleon was exiled to the Island of St. Helena, where he died in 1821 . Louis XVIII, brother of Louis XVI who was guillotined during the revolution, ascended the throne of Prance.

To combat revolution in Europe three reactionary monarchs — the Austrian, Prussian and Russian — entered into what they called the Holy * Alliance in 1815. The leader and inspirer of the Holy Alli ance was Alexander I. After the victory over Napoleon and the Con gress of Vienna tsarist Russia's influence in European affairs increased tremendously. Marx called the Holy Alliance "only a mask for the hegemony of the tsar over all the governments of Europe."

At the congresses of the Holy Alliance measures to combat the revolutionary movements in Italy. Spain and other countries of Europe were drafted under the direction of the Russian tsar. Russian tsarism became an international gendarme.

The Arakcheyev System

Alexander made the counter-revolu tionary program of the Holy Alliance the basis of his domestic policy as well. The foremost exponent of this policy was Arakcheyev, friend and adviser to the tsar. A poorly-educated artillery ojfficer, Arakcheyev rose to the post of Minister of War and wielded exceptional influence and power. He made and unmade governors and the highest officials. The police force was in his hands. His name was a byword for a system ot administration that was utterly depraved and permeated with bribery and corruption, sycophancy, despotism and brutality. Arakcheyev was called "half-emperor." He had blanks signed by the emperor which he used as he saw fit. His treatment of the serfs was particularly sav age. A permanent feature of his estate at Gruzino were casks contain ing pickle in which he kept switches for flogging the serfs. Women and children were made to wear spiked collars for weeks on end for the slightest misdemeanor . Even intimates of the tsar called Arakcheyev such names as "damned viper" and "savage fiend." When Paul I had made Arakcheyev a count he inscribed on his coat of arms the device: "i^es le$ti predan^* (faithful without flattery). In society these words were changed to read "J5e5, lesti predan^* (the devil, faithful to flattery). The universal hatred for Arakcheyev was excellently expressed by ]^shkin

in his epigram On Arakcheyev.

He grinds all Russia with his heel,

At the rack he knows how to turn the wheel.

Governor, and Lord of the Privy Seal.

To the Tsar — a friend, a very twin.

Full of vengeance, full of spite.

Brainless, heartless, honourless quite,

Who is this ""true unflattering knighV^%

A soldier he, not worth a pin.

Arakcheyev was especially hated for the army settlements which he

organized at Alexander's initiative. This was a name given to the vil lages and volosts of state peasants which had been turned over to the Ministry of War for the purpose of establishing a standing army. The peasants in the army settlements were converted into permanent and hereditary soldiers. At the same time they continued to till the. land. The army was thus self-supporting. The soldiers were formed into companies and battalions, lived in barrack huts, and did everything according to a strict schedule; besides reveille there were bugle and drum signals for going to the fields to work, for sitting down to meals, and going to sleep. Every day they received an assignment from their commander. If they did not do it or did it badly they were beaten with sticks and even made to run the gauntlet. Running the gauntlet was a brutal punishment: the offender was stripped to the waist, and with his hands tied to rifle butts, he was led between two rows of soldiers who beat him with ramrods. The army settlers were ruthlessly exploit ed. They received meagre rations of bad food. But when the tsar visit ed the settlements he invariably saw a platter with a fried goose and roast pig in every hut. This platter was rushed from hut to hut by the back door while the tsar made his rounds down the main street.

The lot of the soldiers' children, who were called cantonists, was a miserable one. They were enrolled in the army at the age of eight and given uniforms to wear. They were trained and drilled in special com pany schools by non-commissioned officers who brutally punished them for the slightest misdemeanor.

At the beginning of the 'twenties there were as many as 376,000 state peasants in army settlements, which were located along Rus sia's western border: in Novgorod gubernia and in the Ukrainian gu bernias (in Chuguyev and other places).

The peasants stubbornly resisted transfer to the army settlements. Particularly large disturbances broke out among the Novgorod and Ukrainian settlers.

In 1819 a big uprising of army settlers occurred in Chuguyev, in the Ukraine, which was supported by the local peasants. The uprising spread to Taganrog and assumed large proportions. Two battalions of infantry and artillery were sent out against the rebellious Chuguyev settlers. The "mutineers" were court-martialled, Arakcheyev himself attending the trial. He ordered forty of the "ringleaders" to be given 10,000 strokes each with ramrods in the presence of their families. The condemned men and their families bore up manfully. The majority died during the flogging. Arakcheyev also condemned 29 women who had participated in the uprising to be publicly flogged. Hundreds of army settlers were exiled to penal servitude in Siberia.

When it was once suggested to Alexander I that the army settle ments were unnecessary, he answered sharply: "Army settlements will continue to exist imder all circumstances, even if I have to cover the entire road from St. Petersburg to CShudovo with corpses." (Chu dovo, 73 kilometres from St. Petersburg, was where the zone of army settlements began.)

The Peoples of Tsarist Russia and the Colonial Policy of Tsarism in the First Quarter of the 19th Century

Tsarist Policy in Poland, the Ukraine, Byelorussia and the Baltic Provinces

The Kingdom of Poland

By the decision of the Vienna Congress (1815) the major part of the Polish lands of the Duchy of War saw was ceded to Russia as the kingdom of Poland. Alexander I pro claimed himself hereditary king of Poland, and appointed a viceroy to rule in his absence. Taking into account the decisions of the Vienna Congress and anxious to consolidate his influence among the Polish gentry, Alexander granted Poland a ^'constitutional charter." Under the constitution of 1815 the Polish Diet could convene to discuss bills submitted by the tsar, but could not introduce bills itself. The Diet, and indeed all political activity in the country, was directed by the gentry, who enjoyed the support of the rising Polish bourgeoisie.

Capitalism was developing faster in Poland than in Russia, and the tsar had to create the requisite conditions there for the growth of capitalist industry. Thus, free trade was established between Russia and Poland in 1819, Prohibitive tariffs were imposed to protect Polish and Russian manufacturers from Prussian goods which were penetrat ing into Russia by way of Poland. Polish manufacturers, particu larly those in the woollen and cotton goods industries, were granted various privileges. Foreign entei'prises were also encouraged in Po land. A Polish bank was established in 1829. To consolidate the country's finances special commissions were instituted in Poland to collect tax arrears and new taxes were introduced. With the Russian market at their disposal, the Polish gentry and the bourgeoisie grew rich. At the same time the Polish peasants, overburdened by taxes and deprived of land, were being impoverished and ruined. They deserted the villages and became an abimdant source of cheap labour. Since prices on agricultural produce were rising, the landlords strove to extend their cultivated area. They drove the peasants from their old plots and either cultivated their fields with the help of hired hands or turned them into pasture land for sheep, from which they obtained wool for sale to the mills. The landless peasants worked for the landlords as hired labourers under slave conditions. Under the double burden of national oppression by tsarism and exploitation by their own landlords the Polish peasants were in a continuous state of unrest.

As their economic position strengthened the Polish gentry and the rising bourgeoisie strove for complete political independence. They demanded that Poland's borders of 1772 be restored; i, e., they sought the return of Byelorussian and Ukrainian lands. The Polish gentry also strove to rid themselves of the viceroy. The movement in Poland against Russian tsarism had the secret suppoi*t of English diplomats. The sessions of the Diet revealed a growing opposition from among a considerable part of the gentry. Bills submitted by the tsarist gov ernment were rejected by the Diet. This irritated Alexander, who demanded that the Diet be made to realize that the Constitution of 1815 did not give it the right to criticize the actions of the tsarist government. The repressions and restrictions which followed merely had the effect of stirring up the movement for national liberation within the country. Secret societies having as their aim the restoration of Po land's political independence sprang up within the country.

Lithuania and Byelorussia

Lithuania and Byelorussia which had become a colony of Russian tsarism after the partition of Po land, were subject to the same administrative regulations as those enforced in Russia. The new gubernias and uyezds were placed under the jurisdiction of tsarist officials. The Lithuanian and Byelorussian nobility had at first hoped to preserve their independence. They had demanded that neither Russian troops nor Russian administration be allowed on the territory of Lithuania and Byelorussia. These demands were rejected. On the contrary, the tsarist government began to grant land in the new colonies to Russian nobles in order to create a bul wark there for the tsarist autocracy.

The war of 1812 seriously affected the economic position of Lith uania and Byelorussia. The population became impoverished and its number was reduced by one-third. The cultivated area was reduced by half. The peasants lost almost all their livestock.

After the war of 1812 the landlords restored their estates by means of still greater exploitation of the peasantry. In 1820 and 1821 Byelo russia experienced a terrible famine. The starving Byelorussian peas ants abandoned the land and migrated to the central regions of Russia to seek employment on canal construction jobs and in the new fac tories.

About 70 per cent of the urban population of Byelorussia and Lithuania were Jews. The Jewish agricultural population was insignificant. In the towns the Jews engaged in trade and in the crafts.

In 1796 a law was passed in the interests of the Russian landlords and merchants, establishing a Jewish pale of settlement, by which the domicile of Jews was confined to Byelorussia and the Kiev, Po dolsk, Volhynia, Ekaterinoslav and Taurida gubernias. Even here they were not admitted to all the gubernia centres. In 1823 an order was issued to evict all Jews from the villages of Byelorussia.

Impoverished and persecuted Jewry formed national-religious organizations. The Jewish poor were totally dependent upon the Jewish bourgeoisie.

The Baltic Provinces

The Baltic provinces of Liflandia and Esthland contiguous with Lithuania and Byelorussia had been annexed to Russia during the Northern War. The Courland province had been incorporated into Russia under the third partition of Poland in 1795. The Baltic regions were administered by Russian governors, and economically dominated by large landlords — German barons — who were supported by tsarism.

The Baltic landlords became staunch supporters of the tsarist throne. They furnished courtiers and high officials for tsarist Russia right up to the Revolution of 1917.

Capitalism in the Baltic regions developed earlier than in the other parts of the Russian empire. The Baltic landlords readily abandoned unproductive and unprofitable serf labour for the free hire of landless labourers who became entirely dependent upon them economically. At the insistence of these landlords Alexander I issued an ukase freeing the Baltic peasants from personal serf dependence.

The peasants of Esthland were emancipated in 1816, of Courland in 1817, and of Liflandia in 1819; but all the land remained in the hands of the German barons. The Estonian and Lettish peasants Were not even granted complete personal freedom, howeveri They were not free to seek a livelihood in the towns without the consent of the landlords. The landlords retained the right to administer justice and punishment. The Baltic peasants fell under a double yoke: that of the German landlords and of Russian tsarism.

Finland

After incorporation into 'Russia, Finland was trans formed into the Grand Principality of Finland and Tsar Alexander I added to his title of Emperor of all Russia and King of Poland the title of Grand Prince of Finland.

A Committee of Central Administration consisting of 12 local inhabitants headed by a governor-general appointed by the tsar was set lip to administer Finland. The governor-general wielded full admin istrative power. He supervised the enforcement of the laws and dispensation of justice. Knland received autonomy: she had her own court of law and her own army, and draft laws were discussed in the Diet. But the tsarist government systematically violated the consti tution of Finland and restricted the economic and cultural develop ment of the Finnish people. Industry did not begin to develop until the first quarter of the 19th century. The bulb of the population con dsted of peasants who had practically no land of their own. The land remained in the hands of the Finnish and Swedish landlords. Peasants who rented laud on loiig-teim leaaes were known as toryari and were obliged to work off their rent by tilling the landlords " fields a certain number of days. Particularly hard was the lot of the Karelian peasants, who carried on a primitive agriculture on stony plots wrested from forest clearings. They also engaged in hunting and fishing. The dual yoke imposed by tsarism and by the Finnish and Swedish landlords not in frequently led to peasant uprisings, which were put down by the joint efforts of the tsarist government and the landlords.

The Ukraine

The colonization of the Ukrainian steppes which had begun in the 18th century was continued in the first half of the 19th century. The Ukraine was rapidly becoming the granary of Eui'ope as well as of Russia. From five to six times more grain and agricultural raw materials were now being exported to England from the Ukraine than in the middle of the 18th century. The growing urban population in Russia and the Ukraine likewise increased the demand for Ukrainian corn. The price of land was high and the landlords strove to secure for themselves gratuitous labour. They increased the bar shchina to five and six days per week. The peasants, men, women and children, worked on manorial lands from sunrise to sunset. At the end of the first quarter of the 19th century the peasants were sometimes completely employed on the landlord's estate in the capacity of labour ers, receiving monthly payment in kind. This form of exploitation was called mesyachina (from the Russian word meayataj meaning month).

The state peasants in the Ukraine had to pay high taxes which absorbed as much as 40% of their annual income. Frequently they were unable to meet the taxes and state dues and abandoned their plots to work as wage labourers for the landlords or to seek seasonal employment elsewhere. Most of them became carters transporting salt from the Crimea, fish from the Don, and grain and goods to the ports and fairs. Other occupations, such as carpentry, pottery making, coal mining, tar distillation, lumbering and other trades also devel oped.

The first capitalist manufactories in the Ukraine arose in the first quarter of the 19th century. They were small enterprises making hats, leather, soap, rope and fats, which employed freely hired labour and Were owned, as anile, by merchants. The cloth manufactories as well as the distilleries and sugar factories remained in the hands of the land lords. The distilling industry made rapid progress. Fairs were becom ing ever more popular and widespread. At the Kiev commercial fairs contracts were concluded for the sale of corn, the leasing of estates, the marketing of handicraft wares, etc.

The Ukraine was becoming a growing market for the sale of Russian goods. In the first quarter of the 19th century almost a third of the entire output of the Russian textile industry was sold in the Ukraine.

The Black Sea ports of Odessa, Nikolayev and Kherson became centres of Russian trade with Western Europe and the countries of the East.

The second half of the 18th century witnessed a further increase in the Ukraine's colonial dependence on Russia, attended at the same time by a development of economic and cultural ties between the two countries.

Western Ukraine, which had been relinquished to Austria under the partition of Rzecz Pospolita, received the name of Galicia. The Austrian government strove to Germanize the population of Galicia for which purpose a German university was opened in Lwow at the end of the 18th century. Under Austrian rule Galicia remained an agrarian, economically backward country, vnih the land practically monopolized by the Polish landlords. The Polish gentry strove to preserve serfdom, and as a result peasant uprisings were frequent in Galicia.

Transcaucasia in the First Quarter of the 19th Century

Eastern Georgia Under Russia

In the 18th century Trans caucasia was split up into a number of small feudal states. Eastern Georgia was subject chiefly to Persia, while Western Georgia was under the domination of Tuikey. Sanguinary wars between Persia and Turkey led to the even greater dismemberment of Caucasian and Transcaucasian territory.

In the 18th century the peasants of Georgia suffered from frequent attacks by foreign enemies as well as from feudal internecine strife and feudal exploitation. The interminable conflicts between the Geor gian feudal lords contributed to the debasement and ruin of the coun try. The Turkish conquerors forcibly converted thousands of Georgi ans to MohamrAedanism. Every year thousands of inhabitants of Trans caucasia were sold into slavery by the Turks and the Persians. Espe cially did the slave trade flourish in Circassia. Both Turkey and Persia plundered and devastated the lands they had seized in Transcaucasia.

The wars waged in the second quarter of the 18th century by Shah Nadir of Persia against the Turks and Daghestanians for possession of Transcaucasia and Daghestan bled the country white. The "extraordi nary tax" levied on the population of Georgia by Shah Nadir in connec tion with his Indian campaign led to a number of peasant uprisings which were brutally suppressed. Only after the death of the Persian conqueror did Georgia begin to revive.

An Eastern Georgian kingdom independent of both Persia and Turkey was founded under King Heraclius 11.

Heraclius II was an indefatigable ruler and a brave warrior. In his determination to create a strong Georgian state, he waged effective war both against the feudal lords and the raiding Daghestan tribes.

The king also promoted education, establishing seminaries in Telav and Tiflis (Tbilisi), and endeavoured to develop the handicrafts, trade and industry in Georgia. He invited miners from Greece to de velop the copper deposits. In these activities he was supported by the Armenian bourgeoisie. The peasants, ruined by the preceding wars, Were not able to pay their taxes, and Heraclius had to use armed force to collect them. The Georgian feudal lords robbed and ruined the peas ants, who rose up in arms against their exploiters. In 1770 mass upris ings broke out among the monastery peasants against the Bodbiisk Monastery in Kaklietra, Eastern Georgia. Particularly serious were the peasant uprisings in Kartalinia in 1719, 1743 and 1744. In 1773 there were also big uprisings against the feudal lords in the hill-country of Pshavia. In 1775 there was an outbreak among the peasants of the Portant Monastery followed the next year by the peasants of Bishop Justine of Arbin. In the eighties of the 18th century peasant uprisings spread throughout Kakhetia.

At the beginning of the 18th century the so-called "Laws of King Vakhtang" were issued to combat the peasant movement. King Heracli us II was also compelled to take up the peasant question. He tried to ease the burden of serfdom by issuing a law which allowed serfs return ing from foreign captivity to choose their lords at their own free will, and another law which prohibited the sale of peasants apart from the land or singly. He limited to thirty years the period during which fugi tive serfs could be sought and returned; if they remained at large after this period they were to receive their freedom.

With three big countries — Persia, ^Turkey and Russia — vying for supremacy in Transcaucasia , the kingdom of Georgia found itself in a difficult position. This led Heraclius II to seek outside help, primarily from Russia. Fearing a new invasion by the Persians and Turks, he signed a treaty in 1783 accepting a Russian protectorate over Georgia. Tsarist Russia availed herself of this treaty to entrench herself in Trans caucasia, The Russian army built a fortress at the starting point of the mountain road leading to Georgia and gave it the significant name of Vladikavkaz (Rule the Caucasus). At the cost of great effort and many lives Russian soldiers built the Georgian Military Highway through the Daryal Gorge.

Persia and Turkey, Georgia's ancient enemies, were infuriated by the treaty which made Georgia a protectorate of Russia, In 1796 the hordes of Khan Aga Mahommed, the Persian shah, invaded Azer baijan, but met here with strong resistance. In September of the same year they attacked Georgia. Such a terrible invasion of the country had not been witnessed since the days of Genghis Khan and Tamerlane. Tiflis was razed to the ground and over 10,000 Georgian captives were led off to Persia.

At the beginning of 1798 Heracluis II died at a venerable age, leaving his kingdom despoiled and helpless. His son, the feeble-minded George XII, became king of Georgia. Bitter intestine strife flared up again. All the members of George XII large family owned appanages and mercilessly plundered the peasants.

George XII took an oath of allegiance to Russia as her vassal and sent an embassy to St. Petersburg with a petition that Georgia be an nexed to Russia. He died at the end of 1800, before Paul I issued his manifesto on the incorporation of Georgia. Paul issued the manifesto on January 18, 1801, but owing to his death it was not put into force. In September 1801 the new Russian emperor, Alexander I, issued a manifesto on the incorporation of Georgia "in order to rid the Georgian people of their sorrows." Eastern peorgia became a Russian region, subsequently called the Tiflis gubernia. That Georgia became a colony of tsarist Russia, was the least of all evils. Weakened and devastated by endless wars and rebellions, Georgia was experiencing a grave so cial and economic crisis and was unable to defend herself against her enemies. Georgia's annexation to such a powerful country as was the Russian Empire saved the Georgian people from being complete ly absorbed by Persia or Turkey. Between Russia and Georgia there existed a religious and cultural kinship, and under those historical conditions Russia was the only progressive power capable of ensuring the further development of Georgia's productive forces.

The Conquest of Transcaucasia

After Eastern Georgia was annexed to Russia in 1801 the tsarist government embarked upon the conquest of all Transcaucasia. The most energetic exponent of the tsar ist policy of conquest was Prince Tsitsianov, the*son of an ancient Georgian noble family who had received his education in Russia. He was a crafty, subtle and cruel tsarist satrap. In a letter to Joseph Stalin

the working people of Georgia described this enslaver as follows:

And the satrap of the despot tsar,

Tsitsianov, a Georgian prince,

Marched with armies against the Caucasus

To burn and hang us.

At the end of 1802 Tsitsianov was appointed Commander-in-chief

and began to carry out a ruthless policy of conquest in Transcaucasia. He annexed to Russia Mingrelia, Guria and Imeretia. This "rounding off" of Russia's Transcaucasian possessions was effected not only by force of arms but also by subtle diplomacy and bribery.. Tsitsianov adroitly made use of the incessant conflicts among the feudal lords and the peasant uprisings against them to consolidate tsarist Russia 's power in Transcaucasia.

Some of the Georgian feudal lords strove to recover their feudal privileges and restore the Georgian kingdom under the protectorate of Persia. Prince Alexander, a son of Heraclius II and the most irreconcilable of the feudal lords, left for Persia together with other discontented princes to muster forces for a struggle against Russia,

In 1804 Tsitsianov began the conquest of the Erivan khanate. After besieging the fortress of Erivan for two months he was com pelled to withdraw. At the end of 1805 he started a campaign against the Baku khanate. Possession of the Baku khanate was important because it offered an outlet to the Caspian and also because it could be used as a stepping stone for subsequent action against Persia. Tsits ianov invested the fortress of Baku and demanded that the keys of the fortress gates be surrendered to him. The khan of Baku pretended to give in, but half a mile from the town Tsitsianov was billed by a shot from behind. His head was sent to Persia as a present to the heir of the shah.

The Baku khanate was subjugated in the autumn of 1806, after the death of Tsitsianov. The adjacent khanate of Kuba was conquered at the same time.

All the conquered khanates of Azerbaijan were formed into two gubernias — the Elizavetpol and the Baku.

Persia and Turkey, supported by England and France, refused to cede the Caucasian and Transcaucasian territories to the Russian tsar. The English and French governments gave them assistance with money and instructors and incited them to make war on Russia.

Persia declared war on Russia in 1805, and Turkey at the end of 1806. Both wars dragged on for many years. Persia received help from Napole on, who sent army instructors and engineers. England likewise pursued a policy of inciting Persia and Turkey against Russia. But not withstand ing their overwhelming numerical superiority and the assistance ren dered by the French and English instructors, the Persian and Turkish armies suffered a series of severe defeats. In a treaty concluded with Russia, Persia renounced all claim to Daghestan and Georgia and prom ised not to maintain warships in the Caspian. Russian merchants were granted privileges for trade with Persia. The war against Turkey was fought on two fronts: in Transcaucasia and in the Balkans. It ended with the signing of the Treaty of Bucharest in May 1812, under which Turkey returned the ancient Russian lands of Ismail and Bessarabia to Russia.

In Asia the former frontiers between Russia and Turkey were re stored. Turkey renounced her claims to Western Georgia, which sub sequently became the Kutais gubernia.

The war between Russia and Persia lasted until 1813. England act ed as mediator in bringing the war to a close, her aim being to achieve, in alliance with tsarist Russia, a speedy termination of the war against Napoleon.

The victories of the Russian army in Transcaucasia compelled Persia to conclude the Treaty of Gulistan (1813) by which the khan ates located on the territory of present-day Azerbaijan were incor porated into Russia "in perpetuity."

Transcaucasia After Incorporation Into Russia

The security from foreign invasion that Georgia received as a result of her union with Russia saved the Georgian people not only from extermination but from the forcible inculcation of the Moslem faith and customs. The inclusion of Transcaucasia into the Russian empire gave it a new impetus towards capitalist development.

On the eve of the 19th century natural economy predominated in Georgia. The peasant family produced not only corn but all its cloth, footwear and household articles. The towns of Georgia had not yet become centres of industry. Only Tiflis had any industry at all, and that in an embryonic stage: ordnance, gunpowder and glass works, print shops and a mint.

In the years immediately following incorporation into Russia, Georgian trade developed very slowly owing to the lack of roads, con stant internal uprisings and the wars that were waged on her borders. Trade was chiefly carried on by Armenian merchants, who shipped raw silk and wool to Moscow and to the fair at Makaryev. To stimu late local trade the Russian authorities abolished the inland toll gates.

Favourable tariffs on foreign goods made Tiflis a medium for French and German trade with Persia. The tariffs in force in Transcaucasia, however, were detrimental to the Russian merchants and manufactur ers, who in 1831 succeeded in having them abolished.

"Commandant's administration" was introduced in the conquered khanates of Azerbaijan. The name khanate was changed to province and Russian officers were placed at their head as commandants. A syhitem of feudal oppression of the popuktion, paiticularly of the peas antry , was established in all the subjugated khanates.

The tsarist government strove to gain the support of the Georgian landlords and required absolute submission to them on the part of the peasants. Peasant uprisings were quelled by armed force. The peas ants had to bear not only intensified feudal oppression but a colonial yoke as well. Like the princes of old who had travelled about with their retinues robbing the countryside, Russian and Georgian officials and officers now lived off the Georgian peasantry for weeks on end while on hunting trips. The courts and administration were conducted in Russian, a language which the peasants did not understand, and they had nowhere to turn for protection. The extortionate demands for de liveries of supplies and means of transport, and the forced labour on road building led to incessant peasant disturbances and revolts.  

In the spring of 1804 an uprising broke out among the peasants rendering road services in the mountains, on the Georgian Military Highway, The rebels seized the entire highway. The uprising lasted several months and was crushed only after troops had been called in from the Caucasian foitifications.

The methods used to quell the uprising can be judged from the instructions given to the army commanders, who were told '%o be ruth less, to hack with sword and bayonet, burn down the villages, abandon all thought of mercy to the villains and barbarians."

A peasant uprising which broke out in 1809 in South Ossetia last ed a whole year. But the most formidable uprising was that which took place inKakhetia in 1812–1813. Here the peasants were compelled to supply cattle, carts and men for the army transport system. This completely disorganized their farming. A terrible famine and the plague filled the cup of the peasants' misery.

The uprising broke out in January 1812 in the village of Akhmeti, Telav district. The peasants rose up to a man in response to the tocsin which served as a signal. Within a few days the uprising had spread to three districts. "Better death than such a life" was the slogan of the rebels.

Two weeks later the uprising was crushed, but in the autumn of 1812 it flared up again and was put down with difficulty only in 1813.

The Peoples of the Volga, Bashkiria and Siberia in the First Quarter of the 19th Century

The Peoples of the Volga

The Russian landlords who had firmly entrenched themselves on the Middle Volga as well as the native landlords from among the Christianized murzi (Tatar nobles) and princes continued to seize the black-earth lands of the local peasants in the forest and steppe districts. The Chuvashes and the Mari were trans ferred to the woodland districts. The Tatars and the Mordvinians were driven into the steppe, where land was still being settled. The peasants were dispossessed of the best lands lying on the banks of the rivers. Under the "general demarcation act" of 1765 the land of the local -peas ants was allocated to Russian landlord-colonizers. In numerous peti tions to the governor of Kazan the Tatar, Chuvash and Mari peasants complained of encroachments on their pastures, meadows and plough land.

Forcible conversion of the Volga peoples to Christianity had be gun in the second half of the 18th century. Sometimes the tsarist author ities would drive entire villages of Chuvashes and Mordvinians down to the river and baptize them en masse. Sometimes they would be tempt ed with presents, each convert receiving a cross, a ruble and a white shirt. The unchristened Tatar murzi and sultans were deprived of their serfs by a special order of the government.

The government colonized the Lower Volga with Tatar, Mord» vinian and Chuvash settlers forcibly removed from the Middle and Upper Volga. Together with the Russians these peoples laid the founda tion for the economic and cultural development of the Lower Volga. In the second half of the 18th century villages of German colonists sprang up along both banks of the Volga, around Saratov and farther south. To develop the vast steppes more rapidly the government of Catherine II had issued a manifesto in 1763 inviting foreigners to settle in Russia. In response to this invitation more than 20,000 settlers came from France, Sweden and particularly from Germany, where the peasantry had been ruined by the Seven Years ^ War, and settled on the Volga. The foreign settlers received 30 dessiatins (about 80 acres) of land per family and loans to set themselves up.

Settlements of Ukrainian carters brought over from the Ukraine to break aud transport salt from Lake Elton sprang up on the Lower Volga. Beyond Tsaritsyn lay the lands of corporate Cossackdom who protected the Volga area against inroads by the nomad Kalmucks and Kazakhs.

The growth of the home market and corn exports increased the demand upon the landlords for corn. The landlords, in quest of new tillage, were particularly vigorous in colonizing the steppes adjoining the Volga. In the last quarter of the 18th century and the first quarter of the 19th century all the vacant government-owned land in the Volga area was distributed among the nobles and various servitors, A partic ularly large amount of laud was distributed during the reign of Pauli, who granted one of his favourites, Naryshkin, more than half a million dessiatins. Scores of thousands of dessiatins were distributed among other landlords right up to 1820, when an ukase was issued prohibiting the grant of lands along the hilly west bank of the Volga.

The landlords who colonized the Lower Volga also seized land that had been previously allotted to the peasant settlers of various nationalities.

The colonial oppression and ruthless exploitation of the peoples of the Volga led to peasant uprisings. The biggest uprisings in this period were those of the Moiivinians in Nizhni Novgorod Region (1808–1810).

The Mordvinian peasants of Tyureshev district raided the land lord's office, killed the manager and seized the harvest on the landlord's fields. They routed the tsarist detachment that had been sent out to suppress them. At secret gatherings held in the woods the Mordvin ians discussed ways of freeing themselves from the oppression of the Russian landlords. Kuzma Alexeyev, a Mordvinian serf, headed the movement.

The government arrested all the leaders of the uprising. The accu sation brought against Alexeyev was that he had demanded that the Mordvinians bo allowed to wear their national costume and live in accordance with their own native customs. The tsarist court sentenced him to the whipping post and to exile to Siberia.

The Bashkirs

In the first half of the 19th century most of the Baslikiis (a Turkic people) lived in the Orenburg region. Their chief occupation was cattle breeding, but they had already begun to engage in agriculture as well. By the beginning of the 19lh century they had gone over from a nomadic to a semi -nomadic life; they roamed in summer and lived in permanent dwellings in winter. A law issued in 1798 converted the Bashkirs into a military estate. Together with the Orenburg Cossacks they had to carry out sentry duty along the Orenburg border fortifications, from Tobol to the Caspian Sea. The men sent off to serve on this line had to possess four army horses and their own arms and ammunition. For unsatisfactory fulfilment of their duties Bashkirs were forced to work at state-owned factories and mines in the Urals. A law was passed in 1832 providing for the demarca tion of land between the Bashkirs and tenants who had been allowed to settle Bashkirian lands under various conditions. The purpose of the law was to restrict Bashkir land tenure. Demarcation served as a pretext for new seizures of Bashkirian lands. The Bashkirs rose re peatedly against their oppressors; throughout the first half of the 191h century they waged a constant struggle for liberation; many Bashkirs, it will be remembered, had fought in Pugachev's detachments in the 18th century.

The Peoples of Siberia

Siberia knew neither landlord ten ure nor serfdom, but patriarchal slavery prevailed here up to the first quarter of the 19th century. Slavery was prohibited in Siberia only in 1826. The forms of colonial oppression were very similar to slavery. The numerous peoples inhabiting this vast territory were under the power of an absolute and uncontrolled oflScialdom,

In 1819 M. M. Speransky, who had been in disfavour since 1812, was appointed governor-general of Siberia, where he introduced a num ber of administrative and economic ^'reforms."

Speransky drew up the so-called "Aliens Regulation," which out lined a new system of administrating the subjugated peoples of Siberia, The Siberian tribes, which up to then had been called "the heterodox" and yaanchniye (payers of yasak, or tribute in pelts) were now called "aliens." They were divided into settled, nomad and vagrant tribes. The "Aliens Regulation" consolidated the dominant position of the upper stratum of feudal lords and upheld the most backward customs. Speransky took measures to assure uninterrupted receipt of the yasak. The extent and quality of the land consigned to the "aliens" depended on the amount of yasak they paid.

The taxes and dues imposed upon the people at large became more and more intolerable. At the beginning of the 19th century the "aliens" were assessed according to the census of 1763, i.c., they paid taxes both for themselves and their deceased clansmen. There were cases when a group which had decreased to one-fourth of what it had been in 1763 paid taxes according to the old census. The land of native in habitants was frequently seized by the Russian kulaks, or rich peas ants, who settled in Siberia. The local population was crowded back to less favourably situated lands. The. Evenki, for example, were driven away from the river banks, and their best hunting grounds were turned into ploughlands and meadows by Russian settlers.

Brutal colonial exploitation led to impoverishment, famine, dis ease and to the extinction of the masses of the working people. During a famine in the Turukhan territory at the beginning of the 19th century there were many instances of cannibalism. Between the middle of the 18th and middle of the 19th century the number of Itelmens (Kamcha dales) dwindled from 20,000 to 2,000.

The late twenties of the 19th century saw the beginning of a forcible conversion of the peoples of Siberia to Christianity. Missionaries re sorted to both threats and promises in order to convert the Siberian peoples.

Nobody was concerned with spreading literacy among the local population. Schools existed only in the towns, and the "aliens" had virtually no access to them. When the governor asked permission to send several especially capable Yakut boys to the St. Petersburg Tech nological Institute, the Ministry of Education suggested that they be sent instead to some local workshop. Only the well-to-do were able to acquire an education, and not in all cases.

Expeditions and Voyages In the First Quarter of the 19th Century. At the beginning of the 19th century large expeditions were fitted out to the northeastern and northern shores of Siberia, most of them on business connected with the Russian-American Company founded in the reign of Paul I. This company, which enjoyed "the royal patronage," had a monopoly on fur hunting and exploitation of all the resources of North America, Asia, Southern Sakhalin and the mouth of the Amur River.

The first and most significant expedition was Adam Ivan von Kruirenstern's voyage around the world in 1803–1806. At that time the Russian fur trade with China was carried on overland via Kyakhta. Krusenstern came to the conclusion that it could be conducted more profitably by sea. An expedition was fitted out in the summer of 1803 to carry out his plan. Krusenstern crossed the Atlantic Ocean, rounded South America and entered the Pacific Ocean. After reaching the shores of Kamchatka and Japan he rounded Asia and Africa from the south and came back to the Atlantic. This expedition explored the east ern shores of Sakhalin, Kamchatka, the Kurile and Aleutian Islands, and the northwestern coast of North America. Krusenstern described his journey in detail in his book Voyage Round the World of the Ships *"Nadezhdd^ and "^Neva^ in 1803–1806 Under the Command of Krusenstern.

In 1809–1811 an expedition under Hedenstrom explored the New Siberian Islands in the Arctic Ocean. In 1810 a member of the expedi tion named Sannikov reached the northernmost island of the New Si berian group and reported land north of this island. The existence of "Sannikov Land," however, has been refuted by later expeditions un dertaken by the Soviet government. Between 1815 and 1818 an expe dition on the ship Rurik explored Kamchatka, Chukotsk and Bering Strait. The first map of Kamchatka and Chukotsk was compiled by the well-known navigator Litke, who explored the northeastern coast of Siberia in 1821–1824. The expedition under Wrangel in 1820–1824, which investigated the northern coast of Siberia from the Lena estuary to Bering Strait, had great significance.

The Decembrists

The Revolutionary Movement in the First Quarter of the 19th Century

The Birth of Industrial Capitalism

Capitalist development started in tsarist Russia later than in other countries. By the middle of the 18th century serf labour had gone out of existence in England, where the industrial revolution was replacing hand labour by steam driven machinery. Serfdom in France was swept away by the bour geois revolution of 1789–1794. At the beginning of the 19th century Prussia, then a more backward country than England or Prance, had also started to abolish serfdom. Russian economics were still governed by the system of serfdom. Nevertheless, in the first quarter of the 19th century, Russia too entered upon the path of industrial capitalism. The increase in the number of factories, and particularly the em-* ployment of hired labour, were undeniable signs of progress in capi talist industry. In 1804 Russia had 2,423 factories employing 96,000 workers, of whom 46,000 were freely hired. By 1826 the number of •factories had grown to 6,261 and the number of workers to 211,000, of whom 114,000 were freely hired.

Thus already half of all the workers engaged in the factories were freely hired. Some enterprises, the cotton mills for example, were based primarily on freely hired labour. True, the majority of the freely hired workers were serf peasants who worked in the factories frequently at their landlords' orders so as to be able to pay them dbroh (money rents). The spread of the o5roA; system on the landlords' estates at the begin ning of the 19th century was a concomitant of industrial development. The tens of thousands of o6roifc-paying peasants who had gone to work in the factories and mills constituted the bulk of the industrial workers.

Peasant domestic industry developed side by side with the capital ist manufactories employing hired workers. At the beginning of the 19th century the centre of capitalist manufacturing which developed out of peasant domestic industry was the village of Ivanovo. Factors and distributors supplied yarn to the peasant domestic workshops and bought up their cloth, which was finished at the factories. By exploit ing their fellowvillagers some of the serf peasants grew rich and were able to set up manufactories of their own.

But industry could not develop properly under serfdom. Serfdom hampered the rise of an industrial proletariat and retarded the proletar iiuiization of the village. The oftroi-paying peasants employed in industry could be recalled to the village by their landlord at will. The workers had to turn over practically all their earnings to their land lords, and were consequently not interested in their work and performed it badly. Their labour was of conspicuously low productivity*

The development of capitalist industry required an adequate home market, but with the self-sufficient peasant economy satisfying all local demands, tlie home market was restricted. Hence the demand for goods grew slowly, although steadily. Finally, serfdom prevented the free accumulation of capital available for investment in industry. And without a constant influx of capital, industry could not develop.

Mass Movement in the First Quarter of the 19th Century

The demand for corn on the home and foreign markets stimulated an in crease in the cultivation of marketable corn, which the landlords en deavoured to accomplish by intensifying the exploitation of their serfs. They increased the barshchina to 5 and 6 days per week and raised the obrok to 75 rubles per household. The peasants rebelled at the intensi fied exploitation. The landlords brutally quelled the rebels with armed force. The biggest uprising took place on the Don in 1820 and spread throughout the Don region and the adjoining districts of the Ekaterinoslav gubernia. This uprising was an expression of protest against the attempt of landlord-officials to enthrall the peasants who had migrated to the Don area from other parts of Russia and settled on the vacant lands, and regarded themselves as freemen. The uprising was crushed by armed force.

The mass movement was particularly wide in the Urals indus trial regions, notably at Kyshtym, where the workers and peasants re volted against deferred wage payments and the high price of bread in the factory stores. The workers of the adjacent area of Ufalei joined the Kyshtym workers. The rebels chose Klimenti Kosolapov, a Kysh tym worker, as their leader. Troops were sent to put down the Kyshtym and Ufalei workers. Kosolapov and his 12 associates were seized and brought to Ekaterinburg. The workers were flogged.

Unrest was rife in the army as well. Military service lasted for a term of twentyfive years. The soldiers were subjected to brutal corpor al punishment for the slightest offence. "I'm the country's defender, but my back is always tender," ran the words of a popular soldier's song of the time.

Upon their return home after victory over Napoleon the members of the popular levy hoped to receive freedom, but the old oppression by the landlords awaited them instead. "We have shed our blood," they complained, "and we are again compelled to sweat on the ftarsA ckina. We have rid our country of a tyrant, and again our master tyran nizes us."

The biggest revolt in the army broke out in the Semyonovsky Guards Regiment at St. Petersbuig in October 18^0. It was provoked by the brutal treatment of the soldiers by Regimental Commander Schwarz, who had established a system of terror intolerable even in Arakcheyev's times. A company mutinied and was supported by the whole battalion. The soldiers behaved peaceably, although they had arms. The rebels of the Semyonovsky Regiment had the sympathies of the entire garrison. The men, however, lacked leaders and the rebellion was savagely suppressed. Six hundred men were beaten, some of them to death, with ramrods.

At the end of October 1820 copies of a proclamation dealing with the events in the Semyonovsky Begiment were found in the barracks of the Preobrazhensky Begiment. The leaflet said: "There is nothing to be expected from the tsar; he himself is just a powerful robber." This was the first political leaflet against the tsar distributed among the soldiers.

The Revolutionary Nobles

The beginnings of capitalism in Russia brought progressive men to a realization of what an obstacle serfdom constituted to the development of the country's productive forces. They were also becoming convinced of the need for changing the autocratic political system, under which millions of people were turned into slaves. The people's war of 1812 also spurred many progres sive minds to the realization that a struggle against serfdom was inev itable. It caused them to ponder over the grievous plight of an enslaved people, who had so heroically defended their homeland, and to seek for a way out. The progressive ideas of the French bourgeois revo lution also served as a powerful impetus in awakening the political con sciousness of the finest section of the educated Russian nobility.

The patriotic young officers who had fought in the war of 1812 and in the campaigns abroad studied the ideas of the Encyclopaedists; they eagerly read the political essays of Montesquieu, Rousseau and other progressive writers.

Paris, which was then the centre of political activity,* exercised a great influence on these officers. In Paris Russia's educated youth became acquainted with various political trends, read pamphlets and newspapers of diverse tendencies; they began to think politically and were fired with a desire to act. The young revolutionary nobles studied the bourgeois constitutions of various countries, discussing their advantages and their applicability to Russia.

The movement for national liberation and the revolutionary events in Europe — in the Balkans, Italy and Spain — made an even greater impression on the minds of the progressive officers. "From one end of Europe to another," wrote Pestel, "one and the same thing is happening. From Portugal to Russia, in every country without exception, not even England or Turkey — those two opposites — the spirit of reformation, the spirit of the times, is compelling, so to speak, minds to seethe everywhere."

Riego, the leader of the Spanish "zealots of freedom^" was to the revolutionary nobles of Russia a symbol of heroic struggle for freedom. His execution in 1823 aroused among them a storm of indigna tion and protest.

The young officers were particularly struck by the sharp contrast between bourgeois Europe and serf Russia when they returned home from their foreign campaigns. In bourgeois Europe industry was growing, trade was developing, the sciences were flourishing, and the population enjoyed a certain measure of freedom. In feudal Russia they saw appalling conditions of economic backwardness, serf slavery, universal ignorance, despotic rule. They were especially disgusted over the wretched lot of the peasants and the urban population. The progressive nobles drew the conclusion that "the attachment of the peasant to the land is the cause of all our internal troubles."

They described the insufferable life of the soldier, a doomed slave condemned to serve twenty-five years with no hope of ever returning to his family, subjected to harsh drill and ill-usage and living a himgry life. Yet while they had been abroad "both the officers and the lower ranks had seen their fill of foreign ways, had seen that there the troops enjoyed big privileges and great respect" (from the testimony of the Decembrist Zavalishin).

The Uprising of December 14, 1825

Secret Societies of the Revolutionary Nobles

The revolu tionary nobles organized secret political societies with the aim of changing the order of things in Russia. Many Russian revolu tionary nobles were at first members of religious-ethical associations, the Masonic lodges, which they used to advance their political purpose.

The first secret political society of revolutionary nobles was founded in 1816. It was called the Society of the True and Loyal Sons of the Fatherland, or the League of Salvation. Colonel Alexander Muravyov was the founder of the society, which had 20 members. Its aim was to emancipate the peasants from serfdom and to establish a constitu tional monarchy in Russia. Two trends, on© moderate and the other militant, took shape within the society. The militants were headed by Colonel Pavel Ivanovich Pestel (1793–1826).

Two years later the League of Prosperity (1818–1821) was founded. This was not such a narrow conspirative society and had 200 members with local branches. The most revolutionary was the Southern Branch, organized by Colonel Pestel in the Ukraine (in Tulchin). Under the influence of Pestel the League of Prosperity declared itself in favour of a republic.

At a congress of the League held in Moscow in January 1821 sharp differences of opinion were revealed. The moderate members announced the League disbanded,

Pestel did not agree with the decision of the congress and in 1821 foimded a new organization, the Southern Association (1821–1825), among whose prominent meml3ers were Pestel, the leader of the associa tion, Bestuzhev-Ryumin, Sergei Muravyov* Apostol and Davydov. Pestel was a well-educated man of broad intellect and masterful character. Pushkin wrote of him: "Pestel is a clever man in every sense of the word. He is one of the most original minds I know,"

Pestel had fought gallantly against Napoleon in 1812 and was wounded in the Battle of Borodino.

He had also fought in the Russian army's foreign campaigns of 1813 1815. Ever since his youth Pestel had been interested in the social sciences and had studied the works of Voltaire, Diderot, Rousseau and many other European philosophers.

The revolution in the West, his indignation at the system of serf dom and despotism that reigned in Russia, and his reading of political literature made Pestel an ardent champion of revolution and a re public.

Pestel drew up a program for

the constitutional reformation of Russia which he named Busshaya Pravda (Russian Truth).

According to Pestel's plan Russia, as the result of a coup d*dtat, was to become an "indivisible republic" with a strong centralized government. He proposed to kill ofF all the members of the royal family. After the overthrow of the monarchy the dictatorship of a Provisional Supreme Administration was to be proclaimed. There were to be three supreme bodies of authority: a legislative body called the Narodnoye Veche (Popular Assembly); an executive body called Derzhavnaya Duma (State Duma); and a supervising body, the Verkhovny Sohor (Supreme Assembly), which was to control proper execution of the laws. Pestel proposed that the republic be organized along democratic lines: the abolition of the division of society into estates, and the gra/nting of equal rights and equal liberties to all citizens. The right to vote was not to be restricted by property or educational qualifications.

The Russkaya Pravda proclaimed the emancipation of the peas ants with land, without any compensation to the landlords. All the arable land was to be divided into two sections. Half of the land was to constitute a public fund made up of estates confiscated from the landlords, from which every citizen could receive a plot. This fund was to be under communal ownership and could neither be bought nor sold. The other half was to consist of state land and such privately-owned lands as had not been confiscated by the state. These were designated for '"abundance" and could be bought and sold. Thus, Pesters agrarian project seriously undermined landlord ownership without entirely abolishing it.

In 1822 the Nothern Association was founded in St. Petersburg. It existed up to 1825 and among its members were the poet Ryleyev, Pushchin and Yakushkin. The head of the association was Nikita Muravyov (1795–1826), an officer of the guards. In 1812 young Muravyov ran way from home to join the army, and had fought in the foreign campaign. ^Vhile in Paris he witnessed an election campaign. There he also collected a good library of revolutionary books. After his return to Russia he became one of the organizers of the secret Northern Association.

Muravyov studied all the European constitutions and even the constitutions of the 23 states of North America. He laid many of their features at the basis of a constitution which he drafted. According to his draft Russia was to remain a monarchy. The emperor's power w^as to be limited by a Narodnoye Veche (Popular Assembly) consist ing of two chambers: an upper chamber called the Supreme Duma, and a lower, the Chamber of People's Representatives. Only property owners were to have the right to elect and be elected to the Popular Assembly, particularly to the Supreme Duma. Serfdom was to be abolished but the land left in the hands of the landlords. The jjeasants were to receive only a cottage, a plot of land around it, livestock and implements. Muravyov's final draft granted every serf peasant a plot of two dessiatins upon emancipation.

The draft was criticized by the radical members of the Northern Association.

"The main thing is to settle the question of land ownership;" said Pestel. "It is essential to turn over the land to the peasants: only then will the aim of the revolution be achieved."

The poet Kondrati Fyodorovich Ryleyev (1795–1826) played an important part in the Northern Association. He too had fought in the war against Napoleon and in the campaign abroad. Army life did not satisfy him, however, and he retired. In 1823 Ryleyev began to publish the magazine North Star in collaboration with Bestuzhev. This magazine and Ryleyev 's poetry had a great influence on the young nobles. In 1820 Ryleyev won popularity as the .first man who dared to expose Arakcheyev, the tsar's favourite. Ryleyev joined the Northern Association in 1823 and took an active part in the prepara tions for the uprising of December 14, 1826. Ryleyev said of himself: "I am not a poet but a citizen." His poetry was permeated with humani tarian ideas, with love of freedom apd hatred for slavery. Ryleyev Tms one of the most ardent ohamjHons of a struggle against tsarism. He knew that this might entail defeat, but he was imbued with a passionate faith in the ultimate victory of a righteous cause. These sentiments have been excellently expressed in his poem Confession of Nalivaiko,

Simultaneous with the found ing of the Northern and South ern associations there arose in Volhynia (Ukraine) another secret society, called the Association of United Slavs, founded by the Bor isov brothers, who were army offi cers, Gorbachevsky and other men.

Its membership consisted of petty officers of humble origin and no bles who were not in army service.

The Association of United Slavs had no outlined program but was very emphatic about the need of abolishing tsarist rule and serfdom, and stood for the organization of a federal democratic republic of all the Slav countries. T^ereas the members of the Northern and

Southern associations advocated a military revolution organized by a close circle of conspirators, the members of the Association of United Slavs endeavoured also to carry on propaganda among the masses of soldiers. In the summer of 1825 the Association of United Slavs accepted PestePs program and united with the Southern Association.

The Decembrist Uprising

In November 1825 Alexander I died suddenly in Taganrog. Being without issue, his brother, Konstantin, was to have succeeded him. But Konstantin had renounced the throne during Alexander's lifetime. The throne was to have been ascended by Alexander's third brother, Nicholas, but he renounced it in favour of Konstantin. In the end it was Nicholas and not Konstantin who became emperor. During the interregnum, while the brothers were engaged in a correspondence, and messengers plied between St. Peters burg and Warsaw (where Koi^stantin was living at the time) the mem bers of the Northern Association took advantage of the confusion reigning in ruling military circles and decided to bring troops out onto the street on December 14 (26) — ^the day appointed for taking the oath of allegiance to Nicholas — ^with the object of refusing to take the oath and demanding a constitution.

On the morning of December 14, 1825, the regiments commanded by Decembrists marched to Senate Square. Over three thousand rebel soldiers and sailors formed a square around the monument to Peter I, but they remained inactive. Proper preparations had not been made for the uprising and the leaders were irresplute. At the last minute 8ergei Trubetskoi, who had been appointed dictator, had qualms as to whether the rebels would be able to cope with the situation, and did not come out onto the square. Left without leadership, the revolt lost its organized character. By 12 o'clock Nicholas I had brought up reliable troops and artillery to the square. A crowd of serfs, artisans and poor town-dwellers streamed to Senate Square. The workmen engaged in building the St. Isaac Cathedral threw blocks of wood at the tsarist troops. At the tsar's orders the cavalry made several charges but the rebel soldiers repulsed them with a hail of bullets. Neither the persuasions of the commanders nor the exhortations of the Metro ]>olitan could break the revolutionary will of the rebel soldiers. When Miloradovich, the governor-general of St. Petersburg, tried to persuade the rebels to disperse he was mortally wounded by Kakhovsky, one of the more resolute officers. The rebels opened up miming rifle fire at the approaching tsar. But the actions of the Decembrists were not in the nature of an offensive. The tsar was extremely scared and feared that the unrest would spread to the "rabble." He gave the order to open fire with grapeshot. The artillery fire dispersed the rebel columns. Senate Square, the Neva embankment and the streets were strewn with bodies. In the night holes were made in the ice of the frozen Neva and both the dead and the wounded were let down into them. The leaders of the uprising were aixcsted.

A rising of the Chernigov Regiment in the Ukraine, which began on December 29, 1825 (January 10, 1826) was also defeated. On the eve of the events in St. Petersburg, Pestel was betrayed by an ag^enf provocatei^r and arrested. Sergei MuravyovApostol he^ed the uprising. Like the St. Petersburg rebels, those in Chernigov did not dare to take up the offensive.

The more resolute members of the Association of United Slavs proposed sending a rebel regiment to capture Kiev, where sjunpa thetic army units were stationed. But the moderate leaders of the Decem brists, headed by Sergei MuravyovApostol, adopted a policy of mark ing time. Instead of attacking Kiev, Sergei MuravyovApostol led the troops from Vasilkov to Belaya Tserkov and then to Zhitomir in the expectation that units headed by members of the Southern Association would join them. But his hopes did not materialize. The rebel regiment encountered government troops at the village of Kovalyovka on January 3 (16), 1826, and was fired upon with grapeshot.

The uprising was crushed and Nicholas I took ruthless reprisals against the rebels. On July 13 (25), 1826, five Decembrists— Pestel, Ryleyev, Kakhovsky, Muravyov-Apostol and Bestuzhev-Ryumin — were hanged. Owing to the inexperience of the hangmen the rope broke during the execution and three of the condemned men, Ryleyev, Kakhovsky and Muravyov-Apostol, had to be hanged a second time.

Many of the participants in the uprising were sentenced to penal servi tude in Siberia. The soldiers who had taken part in the rising were made to run the gauntlet and exiled to the Caucasus. A soldier by the name of Anoichenko, whom the court sentenced to 12,000 strokes of the ramrod, died.

The rising of the Decembrists ended in failure. The revolution. • ary nobles had no contact with the masses and had not counted on a mass rising. They had put their faith in an army conspiracy and feared a movement of the masses. That was the reason why they were defeat ed. The Decembrist revolt, however, which was the first open armed uprising against tsarism cannot be underestimated. Hitherto Russia had only known sporadic peasant rebellions. The slogans of the Decem brists inspired Russianrevolutionariesfor decades to come. "The circle of these revolutionaries was a narrow one," Lenin wi*ote of the Decem brists. "They were frightfully removed from the people. But their work was not in vain." *

In appraising this period in the history of the struggle for liber ation in the 19th century, and the role of the Decembrist uprising in it, Lenin wrote: "This was the epoch from the Decembrists to Herzen. Serf Russia was downtrodden and passive. An insignificant minority of the nobles, impotent, without the support of the people, voiced a protest. But the best men among the nobles helped to awak en the people."

The Crisis of Serfdom

The Monarchy of Nicholas I

The Autocracy of Nicholas I (1825–1855)

Emperor Nicholas I, whose ascension to the throne was marked by the brutal suppression of the Decembrist uprising, made the chief task of his reign the con solidation of the autocracy and serfdom.

"A conceited mediocrity, whose horizon never exceeded that of a company oflRcer, a man who mistook brutality for energy, and obstina cy in caprice for strength of will, who prized beyond everything the mere show of power, and who, therefore, by the mere show of it, could be got to do anything," was how Engels described the new Russian emperor. Nicholas* tutor had been a native of Courland named M. von LambsdorfF, who filled him with admiration for Prussian military dis cipline and a military-police organization of the state. Frederick William III of Prussia, the father of his wife, Charlotte, was another of the tsar's friends and advisors. Partiality for Prussian militarism was deeply ingrained in the tsarist family, and Nicholas showed the greatest predilection for it. Even as a youth he had been ruthless in drilling the soldiers under his command. Nicholas himself declared that he was happy only in the barracks. He said: "Here the rules are strict, there is complete order, and no conceit or contradictions. Every thing is in its proper place. No one gives orders until he has first learned to obey them."

A cruel, slow-witted and conceited man who had never read a book, Nicholas I adhered closely to the system introduced by Arakche yev. When one of the governors proposed to sentence two smugglers to death, Nicholas wrote the following order: "The guilty are to run the gauntlet of 1,000 men twelve times. Thank God, we have no capital punishment in Hussia, and it is not for me to introduce it." The guilty men were beaten to death. The people aptly dubbed the tsar Nicholas Palkin (from the word palka, meaniug stick).

Nicholas I continued the struggle his predecessors had waged against revolution. After crushing the Decembrist uprising, the emperor described his political program as follows : "The war against conspirators and the leaders of a conspiracy will be most pitiless and ruthless. I shall be inexorable: it is my duty to teach this lesson to Russia and Euiope."

He resorted to a system of brutal terror and reinforced the po lice bureaucratic machine as a means of upholding the autocratic power.

He established the so-called special "Third Section" at the Imperial Chancery for political investigation. At the head of the "Third Section" stood General Benkendorf, chief of the gendarmes, who organized a corps of gendarmes and a secret political police. All Russia was divided into seven gendarme areas, each headed by a general of the gendarmes. The gendarmes, by means of their numerous secret agents, were required to "penetrate" into the state of people's minds, take notice of those who expressed themselves too freely or disparagingly on religion and authority, and to ferret out new secret societies.

A purge was carried out in the army to "stifle the designs of the enemies of the existing order," All officers suspected of being connected with the Decembrists were discharged from the army.

Nicholas I strove to make the bureaucratic machinery of gov ernment still more centralized. He meddled in every trifle and detail of state administration. Russia resembled a vast army barracks, where all independence of initiative was crushed and all criticism silenced by fear. A foreign observer wrote: "Everything here is run like in a military school, except that the pupils do not graduate until their very death." Under Nicholas I the role of government officials assumed greater importance in all branches of the administration. Half of all the state revenue was spent on the army and the police, and no more than one per cent on education. Bribery, corruption, extortion and red tape, and the bureaucratism of the judges and officials of the times of Nicholas I have become a byword.

At first Nicholas had intended to "bring order" into the system of state institutions. To this end he set up a "Special Secret Committee" on December 6, 1826, with V. P. Kochubey, president of the State Council, at its head.

M. . M. Speransky , who had been recalled from exile by Alexander I, was put in charge of organizing this work. The committee existed for several years and used up a vast quantity of paper, but it accomplished no changes whatsoever.

The Reactionary Policy of Nicholas I In the Field of Education

The fact that many young nobles had been involved in the Decem brist uprising induced Nicholas to pay particular care to the educational system. School regulations were introduced in 1828 which strictly enforced the principle of social status. The parish elementary schools were designated for the "lowest orders," the district schools for the children of merchants and craftsmen, and the gymnasia and universities for the nobility. All the activities of the educational institutions were to conform "to the spirit of Orthodoxy, Autocracy and Nationality." This formula was an ideological expression of the struggle against the progressive and revolutionary ideas of the times. Tuition fees and corporal punishment were restored. The main subjects taught in the gymnasia were religion and Greek and Latin. So-called 'Wealniye classes" were organized at some of the gymnasia and district schools in which more attention was devoted to mathematics and physics.

After the Decembrist uprising university self-government was reduced to nil. In 1835 a new university statute was published plac ing the universities under the jurisdiction of the local educational superintendents. A uniform was introduced for students. Theology was made a compulsory subject in all the departments. The best pro fessors and instructors were dismissed and the number of students decreased. The tuition fee was raised "in order to check the influx of young people born into the lower social orders for whom a higher education is useless, being a needless luxury that displaces them from their sphere without profit to themselves or to the state," That is how Uvarov, the minister of education, motivated this measure.

The Further Decline of Serfdom

Development of the Home Market and Foreign Trade

In the second quarter of the 19th centuiy feudal economy in Russia continued to decline at a rapid rate. The buying and selling of products nn the market became an essential factor in the life of the country. Lenin pointed out that "the production of grain for sale by the landlord, which developed particularly in the latter stages of the existence of serfdom, was the harbinger of the collapse of the old regime." *

After the repeal of the corn laws, Le., the import duty on grain in England in 1846, Russian corn exports mounted sharply. By the end of the 'fifties corn constituted 35% of Russia's total exports, ris ing in some years to 50%. Russia also exported hemp, flax, rope, bristles, fats, hides, etc. She imported luxury articles as well as commod ities which she did not produce herself, such as raw cotton, cotton yarn, cotton and leather manufactures, chemical products, tools and machines.

The domestic market being limited by the prevailing serf system Russian manufacturers sought a market for their goods in foreign countries, such as Turkey, Persia and Central Asia.

England who was the leading industrial country in the middle of the 19th century, being called the "workshop of the world," claimed a monopoly on these markets. In the 'thirties and 'forties Russia and England contended for the markets of the Near East and Central Asia.

In the second half of the 'forties Russia concluded trade agreements with almost all the countries of Europe. The volume of Russia's for eign trade increased 275 per cent. But compared to the trade turnover of other countries it was still insignificant, constituting only 3.6% of the total volume of international trade.

Capitalism in Russia developed on the basis of a slow but steady growth of the internal market. The demand for corn, agricultural raw materials and manufactured goods increased. The rise in demand stimulated an increase in domestic trade. This was particularly notice able in the growth of the local and all-Russian fairs in the first half of the 19th century. The Nizhni Novgorod fair, which had been transferred to that town from the village of Makaryev, played a very important role in the national economy of Russia. A large volume of trade was also done at the Ukrainian fairs.

[pages 156–7 missing]

among them a reform in the administration of state-owned estates waa introduced by Count Kiselyov, a prominent statesman. A special Ministry of State Realties was established as a sort of guardianship over the state peasants; it delved into all aspects of their economic and social life. The peasants elected to office in the villages and the districts were subordinated to a huge staff of officials. Measures were carried out to demarcate land boundaries, to grant allotments to peas ants with little land and resettle them, to set up mutual aid funds, etc. The tsarist officials continued to oppress and plunder the peasants, whose condition was but little improved by Kiselyov/s reforms.

The Economic Policy of Nicholas I

The development of trade and industry was also fostered by the economic policy of Nicholas I. While striving to preserve the dictatorship of the feudal landlords inviolate, he was compelled at the same time to support and conciliate the merchants and the manufacturers. This policy was dictated by the need to improve the country's economic and financial position. The government supported commerce and industry by protective and prohibitive tariffs. A tariff law was introduced in 1822 prohibiting the import of 3,110 and the export of 21 items. With slight changes this law remained in force during the reign of Nicholas I as well.

Special educational institutions^ among them an Institute of Tech nology and a Timber Institute, were founded to meet the demands of industry for trained personnel. From time to time industrial exposi tions were organized. In 1851 Bussian manufactures were sent for the first time to a world exhibition, held in London.

To stabilize the exchange value of the Russian ruble Finance Minister Kanlcrin carried through a reform restoring the circulation of metal currency in the country. In the first half of the 19lh century a tremendous quantity of paper assignats had been issued, and the paper ruble was barely equal to a quarter of the value of the silver ruble. The government redeemed the depreciated assignats and after withdrawing them from circulation established a new monetary unit, the silver ruble. Now treasury notes wore issued which were exchanged for the silver rubles at face value.

In the interests of industry and trade the government began to develop transport and improve the roads. The first railroad, running from St. Petersburg to Tsarskoye Selo (now the town of Pushkin), was built in 1837. The rails, locomotives and all the equipment were imported from England. The first railroad of economic significance was the line between St. Petersburg and Moscow (now the October Line). It took nine years to build and was opened in 1851. By 1855 the total length of the Russian railroads was 980 versts, which was one-fifth of the French and one-sixth of the German mileage. The government also made an attempt to utilize waterways. In the ^forties freight shipping began to develop on the Volga, and in the following decade a passenger service. By the middle of the century 20 steamships were plying the Volga. The first shipyard for building steam vessels was established in this period.

The Technical and Economic Backwardness of Tsarist Russia

Tsarist Russia increasingly lagged behind the advanced countries of Western Europe in technical and economic development. This backwardness becomes particularly manifest when Russia's economic development is compared with that of England. The policy pursued by tsarism tended to increase the country's technical-economic backwardness and retarded its crdtural and sociopolitical develop ment.

At the end of the 18th century Russia and England were produc ing an equal amount of pig iron — 8,000,000 poods a year. During the first half of the 19th century Russia doubled output to 16,000,000 poods, while England increased her pig iron production by almost 30 times, turning out 234,000,000 poods in 1859. By the middle 'fifties England was producing 15 times as much pig iron as Russia, and France three times as much. Other branches of Russian industry, as well as commerce and rail and water transport lagged similarly behind Western Europe. The basic Russian industries did not use machinery and employed serf labour. Production technique was extremely backward at the iron works in the Urals.

This constantly increasing backwardness paved the way to the inevitable catastrophe of feudal Russia and primarily to a military catastrophe.

The Mass Movement for National Liberation in the 'Thirties

The Polish Rising of 1830–1831

Throughout the first half of the 19th century a relentless struggle was being waged in Russia {igainst serfdom and tsarist autocracy. Nicholas I strove throughout his reign to suppress the two forces which constituted the greatest danger to him: the peasant uprisings within the country and the bour geois revolution in Europe.

A new upsurge of the bourgeois revolution in Europe was called forth by the victory of the July revolution of 1830 in France. When Nicholas learned of the July revolution he ordered an army of 250,000 to be prepared for a campaign against France. France was saved from tsarist intervention by an uprising which broke out in Poland.

In the late twenties of the 19th century students of a school for en signs had organized a secret society in Warsaw. Inspired by the ideas of the French revolution of 1830 and hoping to receive help from it, they rose in rebellion in November 1830. Warsaw was in the hands of the reb els who had seized the arsenal and armed the population of the city.

General Chlopicki, a man of very moderate views, became dictator. He belonged to a section of the gentry which held high offices of govern ment in Poland and was opposed to the separation of Poland from Russia. Soon General Chlopicki renounced the title of dictator. Anew national government was formed in which were incorporated represent atives of the democratic strata of the petty gentry.

A new Diet was convened in December 1830. Its most resolute act was to proclaim the deposition of Nicholas I, who, besides being the emperor of Russia, was, according to the constitution of 1816, king of Poland.

Nicholas sent a large army under General Diebitsch to quell the uprising in Poland, For seven months the Polish army, recruited to a total strength of 100,000 men, successfully beat back the tsarist army. Diebitsch died of the cholera before long, and General Paskevich was sent to Poland with another army.

On August 26, 1831 , Paskevich took Warsaw by storm and brutally punished the rebels. Five thousand families of the gentry were exiled to the Caucasus and their lands confiscated, 260 sti]^nt8 were forcibly enrolled in the army, and 30 Wom^ who had taken j^art in the uprising were put into a nunnery.

At the beginning of 1833 General Paskevich, who had been appoint ed lord lieutenant in Poland, reported to the tsar: "Fear has already been instilled in the country."

The Polish rising of 1830–1831 ended in utter defeat. One of the main reasons for this defeat was that the national movement was not combined with a peasant movement. Since the gentry had not wanted to give the peasants land, they failed to win their support .Writing of the Polish uprising of 1830 Engels said: 'Tn plain language, the uprising of 1830 was neither a national revolution (it excluded three-quarters of Poland) nor a social or political revolution; it changed nothing in the internal position of the people; it was a conservative revolution."*

The uprising found no support among the masses and was routed. The constitution of 1815 was repealed, the Polish army disbanded, and the University of Warsaw closed down. A strict censorship was intro duced and all the works of Polish writers were banned. The leaders of the uprising emigrated abroad to escape persecution.

The tfprisings In Byelorussia and the Ukraine* From Poland the uprising spread to Lithuania, Byelorussia and the Ukraine, but nowhere did it assume a mass character.

The oommander of the Bussian armies promulgated an ukase prom^ • ising freedom from serfdom to all who helped the tsarist army fight the insurgents. Peasants believed this promise and began to go over to* the side of the tsarist government. The uprisings were crushed here too. The lands of all the nobles who had taken an active part in*the upris ings Were confiscated, and the order promising Emancipation to the peasants was declared illegal.

In the Ukraine the uprising affected only the border area of Kiev and Podolsk gubernias, west of the Dnieper, and only a small number of the Polishized gentry took part in it. The Ukrainian peasants regarded t he uprising as the concern of the Ukrainian-Polish gentry and did not support it. Neither did the big Ukrainian and Russian landlords, whose* economic interests tsarism fully satisfied.

The Peasant Movement in the Ukraine

In the thirties of the 19th century a wide peasant movement developed in the Ukraine, called forth by the growing burden of feudal and colonial oppression. The peasants refused to perform barahchina services and other compulsory duties. The peasants 'struggle against the landlords and the tsarist au thorities was of a particularly stubborn character in Podolia, where it fvssumed the form of guerilla warfare. An outstanding leader of the peasant movement against the Polish, Ukrainian and Russian land Jords was XJstim Karmelyuk.

Karmelyuk was the son of a poor serf. He had worked as a house hold servant in a manor. Given away into the arniy for some minor offence, he deserted, and organized a small peasant detachment, which attacked the landlords and rich homesteaders. In 1814 Karmelyuk waa caught, received 600 strokes of the ramrod and sent to a disciplinary battalion in the Crimea. Together with four soldiers he again ran away and continued the struggle against the landlords. Arrested again, he* was sentenced to death by the tsarist court , the sentence being commut ed to ten years' penal servitude. Karmelyuk escaped once more and r esumed the struggle in Podolia, where he headed a peasant detachment a nd destroyed the estates of the landlords.

In the summer of 1827 the landlords again seized Karmelyuk. ^Vhen the peasants, at the order of the landlords, began to bind him,, Karmelyuk turned on them with an impassioned speech: '*Why do* you not tie them up (the squires)? It is they who oppress you I" He urged the peasants not to bear the yoke of slavery submissively. Seven hun^ dred and fifty peasants were put on trial together with KarmeljTik. Three hundred of them were flogged and sent to Siberia; 180 were given» to the army.

In 1830 Karmelyuk escaped from penal servitude in Siberia for th^ seventh time and again headed the struggle against the landlords. Kar melyuk 's amazing popularity among the peasantry helped him to baffli^ his pursuet^. He could find protection and shelter In any hui. In Sepiember 1835, during a round.up organized by the landlords to catch Karmelyuk, he was shot down by one of the gentry.

However, the wave of peasant rebellions against the landlords raised by Karmelyuk, did not abate for a long time.

The Cholera Riots and Mutinies in the Army

The peasant masses rose against the yoke of serfdom all over Bussia, In 1830–1831 a widespread epidemic of cholera broke out in the country. Starting in the Caucasus, it spread to Moscow and Petersburg. Bumours to the effect that the landlords were poisoning the peasants with a deadly poison led to an outbreak of riots. Crowds of people in the villages and the cities attacked the hospitals and not infrequently killed the doctors.

In the summer of 1831 a rebellion broke out among the military settlers of the Novgorod gubernia. As a consequence of this uprising the military settlements were gradually liquidated.

A widespread rebellion of sailors, soldiers, handicraftsmen and "'other lowly i)eople" took place in Sevastopol in the summer of 1830. The cause of the uprising was the intolerably oppressive conditions of life in the tsarist army and navy. When the plague broke out in the army in the Caucasus and Bessarabia a strict quarantine was established in the city of Sevastopol and in the navy. No person was allowed to leave his house. A famine broke out in the city. In June 1830 the people, driven to despair, sounded the tocsin and rose in iiebellion under the command of a sailor named Timofei Ivanov. The workmen and sailors of the naval crews joined the uprising. The city fell into the hands of the rebels.

Nicholas I put down the Sevastopol '"mutineers" with a brutal hand. As many as 1,680 soldiers, sailors and workmen were court-martialled. Every tenth man was sentenced to death; some were sentenced to 3,000 strokes each of the ramrod, which was tantamount to a death sentence j 375 women— the wives and daughters of the sailors and soldiers — were sentenced to penal servitude and exiled.

The peasant movement in the 'thirties spread to 26 gubernias, and was exacerbated by the crop failure, famine and fires which broke out in a number of cities and villages on the Volga. The peasants regarded the landlords and officials as the incendiaries and wreaked their venge ance on them.

The spread of the mass movement was a sign of ever-growing discon tent of the masses with serfdom. The chief of the gendarmes, Benken dorf, reported in alarm to the tsar: "'The people are bent on one thing — emancipation." He advised the tsar to make concessions to the peasants. In 1842 an ukase was promulgated which gave the landlords the right to grant their peasants personal freedom but obliged the peasants to ren der harshchina services or pay the landlord ohrok^ The new law changed nothing in the position of the peasantry, who continued to manifest their discontent and to demand emancipation from seif bondage. The number of outbreaks steadily increased: in 1826–1834 there were 145, while in 1845-54 they rose to 348. The peasants fled in increas ing numbers, sometimes in whole villages, to the outlying districts.

Conquest of the Caucasus and the Struggle of the Mountaineers for Independence

The Conquest of the Caucasus

After the victorious outcome of the war with Napoleon in 1812 tsarist Russia entered upon the uonquest of the Noi iiiern Caucasus. In 1816 A. P. Yermolov was ap pointed as chief in command of the Caucasus, where he applied mili tary and administrative measures of a very drastic nature.

Military fortifications were set up during 1817–1821 throughout the Eastern and Western Caucasus with such awe-inspiring names as "The Dread," "The Wicked Trench," etc.

These served as a base for Yermolov's incessant military expe ditions against the mountain population who were forced into sub mission by means of arms and hunger. Yermolov ordered forests to be cut down, and clearings made, avowing that the axe would play no less an important role than the rifle and bayonet in pacifying the region.

Tsairist Russia's venture at the systematic conquest of the Cauoa 8US was fraught with the most serious foreign political complications.

Wars with Persia (1826–1828) and Turkey (1827–1829)

Eng. land and France had repeatedly tried to incite Persia and Turkey to hostilities against Russia.

In the summer of 1826 a war broke out between Russia and Per sia. Persian troops occupied Azerbaijan and marched on Daghestan and Chechen. Paskevich, appointed commander of the Caucasian army in the spring of 1827, defeated the Persians. The war with Per sia ended in the winter of 1828 with the signing of the Turkmanchai Treaty by which Persia ceded Nakhichevan and Erivan, i.e., a con siderable part of Armenia, to Russia.

Russia waged a simultaneous war for Caucasian lands against Turkey (1827–1829), Nicholas I strove not only to consolidate Russia's hold over Transcaucasia but also to seize Constantinople and the straits. In 1827 the Russian fleet defeated the Turkish squadron at Navarino Bay (off the Morea Peninsula). In 1828 tsarist troops^ with Constantinople as their objective, occupied Moldavia and Walachia, crossed the Balkans and seized Adrianople. Here, in 1829 was signed a peace treaty which gave Russia the entire Caucasian seaboard, with the exception of Batum. Turkey was forced to recognize all tsarist conquests in Transcaucasia.

Having thus won a free hand, Russian tsarism decided to com* plete the subjugation of the Caucasus. Paskevich, the commander-in-chief in the Caucasus, received orders from Nicholas I to 'Opacify the mountaineer peoples for all time or exterminate those who would not submit."

The Mountaineers of the Caucasus in Their Struggle for Independence

Eussian tsarism in the Northern Caucasus found itself confronted with a small and scattered population.

The mass of the Chechen pop ulation consisted of independ ent, free villagers— the uzdena, besides whom there were also slaves. The landless and impover ished uzdens (peasants) and slaves were exploited by the tri bal aristocracy and the clergy who had seized the communal lands and acquired large herds of sheep. Conflicts frequently arose among the population over land lots and pasturages. All disputes

and litigation were settled by ^ ,

common law-the adat. „ ^ Imeretia.

Daghestan, l 3 dng adjacent to by K. p: Begrov

North Caucasus, was also divided

into* petty semi-feudal and feudal domains, the largest of which were located on the seaboard. The dominant element were the khans and

begs (princes), upon whom the uzdens were dependent. The begs also owned slaves. With the conquest of the Caucasus by tsarism the khans and begs entered the Eussian service, and under the protection of the tsarist army, usurped the lands of the tribal communities and reduced the uzdens to bondage. The latter were compelled to render feudal services to their lords and supply them with various products. The tsarist generals, supported by the begs and the khans, ruthlessly exploited and exterminated the mountain people,

EoUsed by these persecutions, the mountaineers in the late twenties of the 19th century, rose in a struggle for their independ^ euce against Eussian tsarism and its myrmidons— the khans and begs.

Colonial oppression by tsarism led to a number of spontaneous, uprisings among the mountaineers*

In 1818 most of the villages of Daghestan rose in rebellion. Numerous guerilla detachments in Chechen were led by Bey-Bulat who succeeded in mustering a large force and proclaimed a holy war against Russian tsarism. In 1826 the rebel detachments of Bey-Bulat were defeated, and he himself was killed by Russian agents.

At the end of the 'twenties the freedom-loving mountaineers began to unite for a struggle for their independence. This movement Was led until 1832 by an imam (a Mohammedan priest) Kazi-Mullah, who preached a religious doctrine known as muridism. Until the con quest of the Caucasus by the Russians, muridism had been a kind of religious order or fraternity in Islam, which widely preached the doctrine of "moral perfection and renunciation of earthly blessings." At the end of the 'twenties muridism assumed a political character, its chief tenet now being proclaimed the holy war. Under this banner Kazi-Mullah mustered thousands of murids whom he led against the detachments of the tsarist army and the local khans and begs in the service of the Russian generals. His disciple and follower was Shamyl.

The Struggle of the Mountaineers tor Independence under the Leadership of Shamyl (1834–1859)

After Bey-Bulat was killed Shamyl became leader of the mountaineers in their struggle for in dependence. Shamyl was born in the family of a well-to-do hillman. While still a boy, Shamyl made a serious study of the works of Moham medan writers. His teacher and friend— fmaw Kazi-Mullah exercised a great influence over him. After the latter's death the Daghestan murids chose Shamyl in 1834 as their secular and spiritual ruler— the irtvam and leader of the holy war.

Shamyl was an outstanding political leader and brave captain. His secretary describes him in the following words: "Shamyl was a learned, pious, and shrewd man, courageous, resolute and at the same time unrivalled as a horseman, marksman, swimmer and runner. He Well knew his people and his native Daghestan when still under the tutelage of Kazi-Mullah, There was not a design which he was not capable of putting into execution."

Shamyl was a fine orator. It was said that his speeches always produced the effect he meant them to have. But above all Shamyl revealed himself as a talented organizer of the moimtaineers' state and military leader in the struggle against tsarist colonizers.

Shamyl intrenched himself in his military residence of Akhulgo, in Daghestan, where Russian and Polish fugitive soldiers had built him a house in the European style. A large military force was sent out against him and after a siege of three months Shamyl lost almost all his best men, while he himself made good his escape by a miracle of fortitude and perilous adventures.

In August 1839 Shamyl withdrew into the mountain fastnesses of Chechen. In the beginning of the •forties, Shamyl, supported by the mass movement of the mountaineers of Chechen and Daghestan, won a number of important victories over the Russian troops. Shamyl*& fame resounded throughout the Caucasus. Nicholas I appointed a new commander of the troops in the Caucasus,* M. S. Vorontsov, of whom he demanded that he **rout, if possible, the bands of Shamyl, penetrate into the heart of his domains and intrench there."

Vorontsov's military expedition at the head of a large army, suffered defeat at the hands of Shamyl, and Vorontsov himself barely escaped being taken prisoner.

Realizing that the scattered tribes of mountaineers could not attain victory unless they were united, Shamyl applied himself to this task by setting up an independent state on the territory which was in their hands. The state was headed by Shamyl himself, who wielded full political and military power.

Each region was placed in the care of Shamyl's lieutenants, called naiha^ and a civil and ecclesiastical authority was set up in every re^ gion. The power of the begs and khans was everywhere dissolved.

Shamyl ordered the naiba to form infantry and cavalry units. All who distinguished themselves received awards of arms, horses and money, as well as medals and stripes on their turbans. Stripes were also sewn on for cowardice in battle— bits of felt on the back or on the right arm. These marks of disgrace were removed as soon as the wearer had vindicated his reputation by an act of bravery. !

Shamyl formed a small artillery, and even organized the castinjj of guns. The moxmtaineers called them the "thousand warriors." The guns were made from iron scrap by a blacksmith named Jabrail, and proved on test to pass muster, though the first one had exploded. The mountaineers also used grenades which they had captured from the Russian soldiers. Shamyl organized the production of gunpowder^ but shared it out only to the mwida and the most practised shots* Skilled workmen — fugitive Russian soldiers — acted as instructors! and helped Shamyl to organize the production of arms. For the pur pose of conducting war, Shamyl put the finances in order, created a single state treasury, organized the proper collection of taxes, encour-r aged trade, granted various privileges to the merchants and stimu lated handicraft. The native blacksmiths, gunmakers, carpenters and other handicraftsmen went through a course of training under Russian and Polish soldiers who had deserted and come over to Shamyl. Sha myl freed a considerable part of the slaves. The nucleus of the new state Were the murida who, in the capacity of spiritual and political advisers, directed all the affairs of the country. Shamyl 's activities were of a democratic, progressive nature, being directed at this peripd against both tsarism and the local feudal lords.

But after the successes achieved during 1840–1 845 Shamyl 's state experienced great internal difficulties. The country was economically at a Very low ebb. Shamyrs lieutenants, the naihs, imposed heavy taxes on the population. The mountain peas antry, particularly in Chechen, began to murmur. The ranks of Shamyrs army began to thin. The naihs and the murids, who had grown rich, ever more frequently went over to the tsarist troops. In combating Shamyl the Rus sian generals had now changed their tactics. Instead of attacking the refrac tory mountain villages, they now began to cut down the woods, lay out convenient roads for l^he troops, build forts and invest the villages, breaking the mountaineers' resistance by star vation.

In 1859 Shamyl, with a small detach ment of murids and one gun, put up a brave resistance against the Russians in his last stronghold— the fortress of Gunib iu Daghestan.

On August 25, 1859, the commander-in-chief of the Caucasian army sent in his report: "'Gunib has fallen, Shamyl taken captive.*^ The captive Shamyl was sent to Petersbuig and then seitled in Ka luga. Shamyl died at Medina during a pilgrimage on which he set out a year before with the permission of the tsarist government.

The Struggle of the Mountaineers of Western Caucasus for Their Independence

After the defeat of Shamyl, tsarism sent mili tary forces to subdue the Western Caucasus, the Kuban and the Black Sea coast from Anapa to SuldiUm. The struggle in the Western Cau casus against Russian tsarism was headed by Shamyl's assistant— Mohammed-Emmin. After Shamyl had been taken prisoner, tsarism threw its troops against Mohammed-Emmin who was compelled to surrender.

In November 1859 most of the villages of Western Caucasus were burnt down and pillaged. The Caucasian tribes were dispossessed of the best lands.

In the beginning of the 'sixties the warlike tribes of the North western Caucasus were everywhere driven out of their strongholds.

The local uTban population was driven out of the Northwestern Caucasus. From 1858 to 1864 about 400,000 mountaineers were thus evacuated. The mountaineers sold their cattle and belongings for a apng and migrated to Turkey, As their boats pulled out of their native shores the mountaineers fired their rifles in a farewell salute.

The tsarist government resettled Russian peasants and Gossaoks, in the Northern Caucasus, allotting to them the lands that had belongfsd to the mountaineers. "The policy of tsarism, the policy of the land* lords and the bourgeoisie," wrote J. V, Stalin, 'Vas to settle these parts with the greatest possible number of kulaks from among the Russian peasants and the Cossacks, and to make the latter a reliable basis for Great-Power ambitions."

The Peoples of Central Asia and the Advance of Tsarism in Kazakhstan and Central Asia

Central Asiatic Khanates

The formation of the three Central Asiatic khanates of Bokhara, Khiva and Kokand, at the end of the 18th century, was an important step towards the political unification of the numerous warring feudal independencies of Central Asia. The ^ree khanates ruled over the Uzbeks, Tajiks, Kirghiz and a section of the Turkomans. A considerable part of Turkmenia was considered to be under the sovereignty of Persia, The nomad economy of the Turkomans lacked a stable fodder base and adequate water supply. The Turkomans were frequently driven by dire poverty to make raids on the settlements of Bokhara, Afghanistan and Persia. The tribal aristocracy, who provided themselves with the best lands and irriga tion canals, exploited the population of Turkmenia.

The greater part of present-day Tajikistan had also, at the begin ning of the 19th century, retained its formal independence and was administered by local rulers.

The khanates of Central Asia waged constant war with the object of conquering the neighbouring lands. The greatest expansion was achieved by the Kokand khanate, which, at the beginning of the 19th century had conquered Tashkent, an important trading and strategic centre in Central Asia. The possession of Tashkent enabled Kokand to reduce the surrounding steppe regions of Kazakhstan and Kirghi zia.

In order to consolidate their power, the khans of Kokand studded the south 'Kazakh districts and < Kirghizia with fortresses, built mosques and madrasaa (Mussulman universities), and implanted Mussul man education. Trading and -urban settlements of handicraftsmen grew up around the fortresses: Ak-Mechet, Auliye-Ata, Pishpek and others. In the thirties of the 19th century the Kokand khanate was the largest state in Central Asia, stretching from the foothills of the Pamir to the Lower Syr Darya and Western China. By subjecting the neighbouring lands of the Kazakhs, Turkomans and Karakalpaki, the Khiva khanate too considerably extended its frontiers in the beginning of the 19th century. The Khiva feudal lords adroitly fomented inter-tribal feuds among the Turkomans, The bor ders of the Bokhara khanate, on the contrary, contracted in the first decade of the 19lh century, as a result of the aggrandizement of the Kokand and Khiva khanates.

Turkestan, which had been under the protection of Bokhara, and many fortresses passed over to Kokand. Some Turkoman domains passed over to Khiva. In spite of its political weakness, Bokhara still continued to play a prominent economic role in the middle of the 19th century. The mass of the handicraftsmen lived in Bokhara, and their cotton jand silk wares competed successfully with all other cities.

The class structure and administration of the various khanates Were similar. They were headed by the Uzbek feudal lords and the higher Mussulman clergy. The latter did not cult ivate^ their lands but leased them out to peasants on share-cropping terms. The main pro ducers were the peasants who engaged in agriculture and cattle rais ing. Water supply, without which land in Central Asia is valueless, played an exceptional role in the economy. If any one irrigated for mer "dead" lands, these lands became his property.

The Kazakhs In the Second Quarter of the 19th Century

The territory of modern Kazakhstan was inhabited in the first half of the 19th century by three states, known as the Small, Medium and Great Hordes.

The Small and Medium Hordes had become subjects of Bussia in the first half of the 18th century, and the colonization of this region began in the twenties of the 19th century. Tsarism founded a number of forts in the Kazakh steppes as a means of keeping the Kazakhs in subordination, and commencing its conquest of the states of Central Asia.

In 1835–1837 V.A. Perovsky, governor-general of Orenburg, started the construction of a line of forts between Orsk and Troitsk, alienat ing for this purpose an area of 10,000 sq. km. rich in pastures, rivers and forests. The Kazakhs were pushed out to poorer lands, and the right to graze in the districts of the fort area was restricted. This creat ed bitter feeling among the Kazakhs, who began to prepare for an armed struggle against the tsarist colonizers.

To reduce the resistance of the Kazakh people, tsarism had, daring the reign of Paul I, earned out of the Small Horde the pastoral lands of Bukei Khan and founded a separate Bukei khanate, subor dinate to tsarist Bussia. Part of the Caspian coast where the pastoral lands of the Kazakhs of the Bukei khanate were located, were pro claimed the property of Bussian landlords. The latter exacted exorbitant rents from the Kazakhs for the use of the pasture lands. The increased burden of taxation and exploitation by the elders who were appointed by the khan and supported by tsarism, and the usurpation of lands by the khans and the sultans, led to a widespread popular uprising that began in 1836. Its leaders were the elders — Batyr Isatai Taimanov and the minstrel {akyn) Makhambet Utemisov^ They besieged the headquarters of the khan, burnt much property belonging to the sultans, and turned over their pastoral lands to the needy Kazakhs. The uprising bore the character of a peasant war directed simultaneously against tsarism and its colonial policy. It was suppressed by the joint efforts of the khans, sultans and the tsar ist authorities.

A protracted struggle of the Kazakh people broke out at this time against tsarism in the Medium Horde. The construction of new forts, the seizure of lands for Russian Cossack settlements, curtailment of pasture lands and the introduction of a new system of administration in 1822, aroused universal discontent among the Kazakhs. The Kaz akh people, headed by sultan Kenesari Kasymov and his intrepid Captain Naurazbey, rose in defence of their independence. Kenesari was elected khan by all the Kazakh Hordes, and he aspired to unite the Kazakhs and create an independent Kazakh khanate. As a result of the national movement of the Kazakh people for liberation, tsarism was compelled to mitigate the system of administration.

In 1845 Russian tsarism built new fortifications in the heart of the Kazakh steppes. Kenesari retreated to the eastern part of the steppes, where he continued his struggle against the tsarist troops ad vancing toward the River Hi. Shortly afterwards, Kenesari 's detach ment was surrounded in one of the passes of the Ala-Tau by Kirghiz mana'pa (feudal lords) who had formed a league with Kokand and tsarism against the Kazakh rebels. Kenesari and Naurazbey were taken prisoners and tortured to death. The names of these heroes and indomitable champions of Kazakh independence still live in the mem ory of the Kazakh people.

Preparations for the Conquest of Central Asia

While en gaged in the struggle against Kenesari Kasymov, Russian tsarism was also making preparations for the conquest of the Central Asiatic khanates. Its object was to use the Kazakh steppes as a base from which to embark on the conquest of Central Asia, the possession of which as a colony of Russia had long been tsarism's cherished plan.

Governor-general Perovsky formed a small army, reinforced with Cossack, Bashkirian and Kazakh cavalry, with which he set out from Orenburg in the autumn of 1839 on a campaign against EJhiiva. Pifteen thousand camels accompanied the detachment through the desert steppes carrying provisions and water for the expedition. However^ snow blizzaids and severe frosts killed the camels and the horses, and Perovsky, after suffering heavy losses was compelled to retreat. After this failure Perovsky began new preparations for an expedition by way of the steppes of Kirghizia. The country was reconnoitred for roads, wells were sunk, and fortifications built. Fort Aralsk was put up on the River Syr Darya. It was soon to become the centre of a large Russian agricultural colony on the shores of the Aral Sea, on which steamboat flotilla was built. Regular communication was estab lished between Orenburg and the Aral Sea.

In the spring of 1853 Perovsky moved upstream with a large force, and crossed into the domains of the khan of Kokand. He be sieged the Kokand fortress of Ak-Mechet, killed off all its defenders and turned it into a Russian fortress called Perovsk. Perovsky built five new forts on the Syr Darya, the so-called Syr Darya Line. The tsarist troops seized the cities of Pishpek, Tokmak and others. These cities (in "the Chuisk Valley of Kirghizia) belonged to the khanate of Kokand, and Were inliabited by Kirghiz. However, Kirghizia, a moun tainous land difficult of access, was not completely subjugated by tsarist Russia until the 'seventies.

Kazaklistan, too, was being methodically reduced. In 1854 the fort of Vernoye, later known as the city of Verny (now Alma-Ata)* was founded.

In 1854 Perovsky set out against Khiva from his base on the Syr Darya, but the khan of Khiva sent his envoys to the Russian camp and concluded a treaty, recognizing the supremacy of Russia and grant ing her privileges in the trade with Khiva.

Thus, by the end of the 'fifties a continuous line of fortifications had been erected from Syr Darya to Semipalatinsk. The Kazakh and Kirghiz steppes fell completely under the sway of tsarism.

The complete subjection of the Central Asiatic khanates of Khiva, Kokand and Bokhara was iiow only a question of time.

Tsarism—The Gendarme of Europe

The Foreign Policy of Nicholas I

The Eastern Question

The rebellion of the Dacembrists, which Nicholas I attributed chiefly to the influence of the revolutions in Europe, induced the tsar from the very first days of his reign to reject the cautious, ambiguous and dilatory policy of Alexander I and to proclaim "new principles" of the imperial foreign policy baaed on: ener gy, resolution, drive* The aims of Nicholas I's foreign policy were essentially the same as those of Alexander I, but his immediate object was to establish the supremacy of tsarist Bussia in the Near East. Russia, being the leading power in the Black Sea, was interested in the unrestricted use of the straits which were the sole gates to the Black Sea, and the establishment in them of such a regime as would not allow states hostile to Russia to use them for attacking Russian domains in the Black Sea region. But Russia had powerful opponents in the Near East: England, Prance and Austria, Austria's aim was to secure con trol of shipping on the Danube and obtain an economic foothold in the northwestern part of the Balkan Peninsula (in the Turkish provinces of Moldavia and Walachia). Prance strove to wrest Egypt from Turkey ^ while England 's aim was to reduce Turkey to a semi-colony and use her as a barrier against Russian advance to the Mediterranean and the East. England and Prance therefore strove to gain control over the straits.

Thus there arose in the Near East a bloc of rival powers' (England^ Prance and Austria), all supporting Turkey against Russia, Russia's increasing economic and technical backwardness enabled a more ad vanced country like England to steadily crowd its feudal rival out of the markets. In the 'twenties England succeeded in destroying Russia 's trade monopoly in the northern part of the Pacific. While Russia was waging war against Turkey and Persia for possession of Transcaucasia, England was busy undermining Russia's position. England was partic ularly jealous of Russia's claims in Asia. The Near and Middle East thus became the major issues of international antagonisms and the source of fierce political contention between tsarist Russia and her rivals.

In the early years of his reign Nicholas I tried to consolidate his influence in the ^Ikan Peninsula by espousing the cause of Greek inde pendence against Turkey.

Tsarism, however, was frustrated by England who by aid of her ties with the Greek bourgeoisie and loans t© the Greek government snatched Greece out from imder Russian influence.

During the wars with Persia (1826–1828) and Turkey (1827–1829), tsarist Russia regained its influence in the Near East.

The treaties of Turkinanchai and Adrianople were the culmination of Nicholas I's foreign policy. The treaty concluded in 1828 at Turk manchai between Russia and Persia, enabled Russia to consolidate her position on the Caspian Sea.

Pearing the increase of Russian influence in Persia and throughout the Near East, England did her best to frustrate it. Within a year an uprising* which was actively supported by the English residents in Teheran, broke out against Russia during which almost the entire Russian mission, including the ambassador and poet, A. S. Griboye dov, were killed.

The Treaty of Adrianople concluded with Turkey in 1829 was favouf able* to Russia. The Bosporus and the Dardanelles were proclaimed free to Russian and foreign mercantile marine. The right of Russian subjects to trade freely within the Ottoman empire (Turkey) was recognize* Greece, Serbia, Moldavia and Walachia were grant^ extensive autonomous rights. As a matter of fact the Danubian principalities were occupied by the Russian army. The European powers, particularly England, could not reconcile themselves to the idea of Russian suprem acy in Turkey.

Turkey's position became more complicated when the Pasha of Egypt, Mehemet Ali, with the support of France, began a war with^ her. The sultan of Turkey appealed for assistance to Nicholas I.

A Russian squadron under Admiral Lazarev left Sevastopol foi* the shores of Turkey. In February 1833 Russian warships entered the Bosporus.

Alarmed by this new development, England and France hastenedj to restore peace between the recent enemies— the Turkish sultan an<f the Egyptian ^asha— and demanded the withdrawal of the Russian squadron from Turkish waters.

In her endeavours to secure the annulment of the treaties which gave Russia considerable advantages in the Balkans, England convened a conference of the interested powers in London in the summer of 1840; at which an agreement was signed on the question of Turkey between England, Austria, Prussia and Russia. The London Convention took Turkey under the "collective protection" of the four signatory powers. Tsarist Russia was compelled to abandon her dominant position in Turkey.

The growing revolutionary movement in Europe again enhanced tsarism's leading role in international politics. All the governments ol Europe sought help and protection against revolution from the "gen darme of Europe"—Nicholas I.

In the autumn of 1833 Adstria, Russia and Prussia concluded an alliance of mutual aid in the event of foreign aggression or of revolu tion. This virtually signified a revival of the "Holy Alliance" by three feudal mpnarchs of Europe against the bourgeois revolution. When an armed uprising of Polish revolutionaries broke out in Cracow in 184fi, Austria and Russia sent troops to Cracow and crushed the rebellion. But in February 1848 a revolution which began in France quickly assumed a widespread European character.

The Revolution of 1848 in Europe and Russian Intervention in Hungary

The Leaders of the World Proletariat

Karl Marx and Frederlcft fingel8« The first independent action to be undertaken by the work ing class of Europe (the uprisings of the weavers of Lyons, Prance, in 1831 and 1834, and Chartism in England in the first half of tho 19th century) ended in failure* The first civil war between tho working class and the bourgeoisie in the summer of 1848 in Paris likewise ended in the defeat of the proletariat. The working class at this period was eveiywhere still young, and badly organized. In Russia both the working class movement and capitalist industry were in their infancy. However, the birth of a nev^ social class — the proletariat — ushered in a new and important epoch in human history. The leaders of the proletariat in the middle of the 19fch century were Karl Marx iind Frederick Engels.

Marx was born on May 5, 1818 in Germany, in the town of Treves in the province of the Rhine. Engels was born on November 28, 1820, inthetownof Barmen, in the same province. The two great proletarian revolutionaries first met in 1844, since when, for almost 40 years, they worked hand in hand for the liberation of the workers and toilers of the whole world.

Marx and Engels, the great teachers of the working class, discovered the world-historical role of the proletariat as the creator of Communist ^society. In 1847 Marx and Engels organized the first Communist Party— The Communist Leajue, Under their leadership proletarian parties were organized in various countries which directed the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat. In 1847–1848 Marx and Engels drafted the program of the international party of the proletariat— TAs Manifesto of the Gommxmist Party. The basic idea underlying the manifesto of scientific Communism consists in the inevitability of the overthrow of the bourgeoisie and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat for a struggle for the abolition of classes and for the building up of a classless, Communist society. The Manifesto concludes with the appeal; ^'Working men of all countries, unite!"

The Revolution of 1848 and Nicholas I

News of the revolution in Paris in February 1848 reached Nicholas I dm-ing a court ball. Fum ing with rage at these tidings, the gendarme of Europe turned to his courtiers and said: '^Saddle your horses, gentlemen; there is a revolution in Paris."

Nicholas I helped the Austrian reaction crush ihe revolution of 1848 in Vienna. He gave Austria 6 million rubles to combat the nation al liberation movement in Italy. Nicholas I opposed the unification of disunited Germany, which was demanded by the progressive German bourgeoisie.

After the defeat of the Paris workers in June 1848 there remained in Europe a single revolutionary centre upon which all the revolution ary forces of Europe, particularly of Poland, based their hopes. This was revolutionary Hungary which had broken away from Austria. Nicholas I decided to stifle this last bulwark of the European bouigem^ revolution as well. The existence of an independent democratic Hup. jgary constituted a threat to the interests of tsarism on the 3)anube^i;td in the Balkans, and was moreover a potential source of revolution in Eastern Europe.

The revolution in Hungary had the character of a national liberation movement. Liberated Hungary was proclaimed an independent state* The leader of the Hungarian people's struggle was Lajos Kossuth, whom Marx described as a "truly revolutionary character," who had launched a desperate struggle against the whole of reactionary Europe for the salvation of his people. Nicholas 1 sent Paskevich, the suppressor of Poland and the Caucasus, against little Hungary with an army of 140,0[)0. In his instructions to Paskevich, Nicholas wrote: "Show no mercy to the scoundrels." Surrounded by Austrian and Russian troops t he Hungarian army of 23,000 was compelled to surrender (1849).

The defeat of Hungary signified the triumph of feudal-monarchio, military reaction in Europe. It also signified that the Russian tsar had become the decisive factor in European politics. With his help counter revolution was victorious in Prussia, Austria and France.

Marx and Engels, who had returned to Germany during the revo lution of 1848, indefatigably roused all the revolutionary and democrat ic forces of Europe against Russian tsarism, since the European revo lution could not succeed unless the feudal monarchy of Russia was destroyed. The defeat of Hungary by tsarist Russia and suppression of the last hearth of bourgeois-democratic revolution in Europe 9 Marx and Engels regarded as an event no less decisive for Eastern and Central Europe (i.e., for Russia, Poland, Austria, Italy (and Germany), than Were the June battles in Paris for the West.

The Crimean War

The International Situation on the Eve of the War

The triumph of European reaction, strengthening as it did the role of tsarism in international politics, impelled Nicholas I to avail himself of this favourable opportunity for restoring .his lost positions in the Near East.

Capitalist England, bent at all costs on gaining a strong footing in the Near and Middle East, could not suffer Russian enhancement in the Balkans, or agree to her control of the Dardanelles and the Bosporus, those gateways to the eastern markets. The Bosporus and the Dardan elles, as Marx said, were ^'military positions of first rank," In the hands of Russia they would have constituted a threat to England 's sea suprem acy.

The French bourgeoisie, which had long been a rival of Russia in Constantinople, was also afraid of Russian influence in the Near East. In the middle of the 19th century Turkey had become increasingly de-" pendent upon French loans and Frenoh military aid. France xha^ it known that in the event of Moldavia and Walachia being invaded by the Russian troops, she was prepared to go to war.

Nicholas I counted on the support of his old allies, the Austrian emperor and the Prussian king, whom he had rendered considerable assistance in their struggle against the revolution of 1848–1849. But Austria was resolved not to allow Russia to occupy the Danubian principalities, since that would jeopardize her own trade on the Danube.

Prussia, resentful of tsarist opposition to the unification of Ger many, likewise expressed no desire to help tsarism. The Russian tsar had still another opponent— European democracy — which regarded Russian tsarism as an international gendarme, ard the main obstacle on the path of European progress.

Such was the international situation on the eve of the Crimean War* The Progress and Character of the Crimean War (1853'1856)* The question of the "Holy Places" in Palestine (Palestine belonged to Turkey) served as a pretext for a new military conflict between Russia and Turkey. Early in 1853 an Extraordinary Embassy was sent from St. Petersburg to Constantinople which demanded that the sultan grant the Orthodox church the right to the keys of the Bethlehem Temple in Palestine, which according to the treaty between Turkey and France, had formerly been the prerogative of the Catholics. The sultan, count ing on the support of France and Great Britain, rejected Russia's ul timatum. Diplomatic relations between Russia and Turkey were bro ken off. In June 1853 a Russian army of 80,000 men entered Moldavia and Walachia.

Representatives of the great powers called a conference in Vienna to settle the "eastern crisis." Turkey, backed by Great Britain, re fused to enter into negotiations unless the Russian troops were first with drawn from the Danubian principalities. This demand not being conced ed to, the ' Turkish army began its offensive on the Danube, on the frontiers of Asia and the Caucasian coast.

The first big engagement took place off the southern shores of the Black Sea, at Sinope. In November 1853 Admiral Nakhimov 's squadron attacked and destroyed a Turkish squadron caught unawares in the har bour. Turkish admirals and officers were made prisoners. The battle of Sinope displayed the high naval skill of Admiral Nakhimov. The de struction of the Turkish fleet precipitated Britain's and France's inter vention in the conflict. The combined British and French fleets enlered[ the Black Sea with the object of preventing further operations by the Russian fleet. Prussia and Austria refused Russia their support. Tsar ist Russia was left to fight alone against Turkey, Great Britain and France, as well as Sardinia who had joined them. At the 'demand of Austria, tsarism was obliged to withdraw from the Danubian princi palities in the sunimer of 1864. The allied fleet bombarded Odessa on April 1, 1864, and in the summer they seized the Aland Islands, opened fire on the Solovetsk Monas tery in theWhite Sea and eVen bombarded Petropavlovsk in Kamchat ka. But all these operations were merely in the nature of military dem onstrations. The English bourgeoisie, fearing the growth of European revolution in the event of "Europe's gendarme" being done away with, did not desire the complete defeat of tsarism. The strategic plans of Great Britain and France were therefore not calculated to be too far reaching. The allies tried to localize the conflict, and, indeed, the East ern War was soon concentrated, for the most part, on the Crimean front. By its very nature the Eastern, or Crimean, War waged by tsarism was an unjust war, a war of conquest. No less unjust and predatory was it on the part of Great Britain and France. The CrimeaiFWar demonstrat ed once more to all the world the bravery of the Russian soldier, the heroism and self-sacrifice of the Russian people.

The Defence of Sevastopol

Sevastopol, a sea fortress and naval base, Russia's bulwark on the Black Sea, was the immediate object of the allies' attack. At the beginning of September 1864 the Anglo French fleet landed troops at Eupatoria in order to take Sevastopol from the north. Not meeting any resistance, the British, French and Turkish army of 62,000 moved along the coast to Sevastopol. The Rus sian troops tried to bar the way of the allied army, and engaged it in battle at the River Alma. The Russians, who had less than half the enemy's strength in men and artillery, made such fierce onslaughts and bayonet charges that the British, though the field was theirs, suf fered very heavy losses. "Another victory like that and England will have no army," one of the British commanders was compelled to admit. After the defeat at the Alma, the road to Sevastopol lay open. But the further advance of the Anglo-French troops was checked by an outbreak of cholera in the army.

The defenders of Sevastopol utilized this time to fortify the city.

The Black Sea sailing fleet could not engage the allied steam fleet, and it was therefore sunk at the mouth of Sevastopol harbour, thus blocking the way to the allied fleet. The garrison of Sevastopol was reinforced by the naval crews and gunners of the Black Sea fleet.

The Russian Defence Chief, Admiral Kornilov, and his impiediate assistants, Vice-Admiral Nakhimov and Rear-Admiral Istomin, displayed extraordinary energy and bravery during the defence of Sevastopol. Thanks to the initiative and inventiveness of the talented engineer Todleben, Sevastopol was transformed into a formidable for tress. The entire population came out to defend the city. In two weeks Sevastopol was belt^ by menacing bastions and redoubts. All the popu lation of the fortress was mobilized for the work. Armed with picks and spades, thousands of people dug trenches day and night, and carried sand and earth in saclm and baskets mider fire, in oMer to reinforce the weaker spots. On arriving at Sevastopol, the enemy army, which had counted on swiftly taking the fortress by storm was confronted by a powerful line of defence works. Doubting' the feasibility of taking it by storm, the Anglo-French troops skirted Sevastopol from the north and broke camp in the southeast, occupying Balaklava and the Fedyu khin Heights. Instead of storming the positions they were compelled to settle down to a long siege.

Thus began the eleven months* heroic defence of Sevastopol. The army in the field was meanwhile repulsing the attacks of the Anglo French troops in battles at Balaklava, Inkerman and the River Cher naya. In February 1855 Nicholas I died. The Crimean army was in a very serious position. In the spring of 1855 the new commander of the French army decided to cut off the food supplies for the Russian army coming from the Azov Sea. With this in view the allied squadron en tered the Azov Sea and devastated the coast.

The brave soldiers and sailors meanwhile defended Sevastopol heroically. Malakhov Kurgan was the key position of the fortress. The defenders of Sevastopol repelled several assaults of the enemy, but the conditions for the defence of the fortress were very hard. The enemy bombarded the city from land and sea with 1 ,800 guns. Under a deadly rain of bombs, grapeshot, rockets and shells the garrison answered ener getically and with telling effect, although they had only 118 guns. The ruined positions were immediately restored. The men and officers dis played amazing fearlessness and stubborn loyalty. Kornilov died the death of the brave during those days.

The bombardment failing to achieve its aims, the enemy directed all their efforts to creating new lines of offensive positions which were to belt Sevastopol and grip it in an iron ring.

, Bad weather set in with the winter. Heavy rains had turned the ground into a mire. The Russian soldiers in their light uniforms suf fered greatly from cold. There was a shortage of ammunition, and food supplies and fodder arrived at irregular intervals. The wounded died for lack of medical aid and medicines. Despite all these hardships the spirit of the defenders did not fall, and they continued manfully to resist their assailants. The streets of the city were covered with barri cades aijd many of the houses had been turned into strongholds. The sol diers undertook daring night attacks and audacious sorties. At night hundreds of volunteers crept out of the fortress, occupied all the depres sions, built shelters and subjected the enemy to a deadly fire. Fierce bayonet fights often took place outside the fortress line. Sailor Koshka, for example, displayed amazing courage. During these eleven weary months of siege, the Russian soldiers displayed an indotuitable courage <md staunchness, quietly and efficiently performing their duty without murmur or complaint. Among the defenders of Sevastopol was the fu ture great writer Leo Tolstoy. His ToZes o/ Sevaefopol give a graphic and faithful picture of the heroic days of the defence of Sevastopol. N. I. Pirogov, the future outstanding Russian scientist , played an active part in Sevastopol in the capacity of surgeon and medical service organ* izer. Dasha Sevastopolskaya was the first nurse in the world to tend the wounded at the war.

At the beginning of 1855 the fighting was renewed with still greater vigour. In March and May the allies subjected the fortress to terrific new bombardments as a preliminary to an assault of Sevastopol, Having received reinforcements in men and guns, the enemy began to storm Malakhov Kurgan. By means of demolition work, the allied troops were able to approach the Russian fortress at a much shorter range, and shelled Sevastopol from a distance of 150 metres. The besieged fought heroically, losing daily from 500 to 700 men. The best organizers of the defence— Istomin and Nakhimov — were killed one after the other; Todleben was seriously wounded. At the beginning of August the fifth bombardment began and on August 27 (September 8), after a new hur ricane of fire, powerful assault forces swarmed up the Malakhov Kurgan. After reducing almost all the fortifications by their artillery fire, the French succeeded in capturing Malakhov Kurgan, all the slopes of which Were covered with dead bodies. Though Malakhov Kurgan was taken, the other bastions continued to hold out, until realizing the hopelessness of their position, the garrison moved to the northern side, first blowing up the powder magazines and the city buildings. After a glorious defence of 349 days the defenders of Sevastopol retreated froni the city destroying all the military supplies and sinking the last ships of the fleet.

Operations against Turkey on the Caucasian battle front were pro. grossing successfully. The Russian army had taken Kars by storm, thus opening the way to Erzerum. But the Caucasian theatre of war could have no decisive influence on the outcome of the war. The Crimean War

lost.

In February 1856 the International Congress opened in Paris, attend, ed by Russia, Great Britain, Prance, Austria, Turkey and Sardinia. Great Britain, who held the most irreconcilable position at the congress, demanded that Russia undertake not to restore the military fortresses on the Aland Islands and on the Black Sea, that she destroy the naval arsenal at Nikolayev, and keep no war fleet on the Black or Azov seas; France position was more conciliatory, since she did not want Eng. land to grow more powerful at the expense of Russia.

The peace treaty signed in Paris in 1856 deprived Russia of the right to maintain warships in the Black Sea and fortresses on the coast. The integrity and independence of the Ottoman empire was guaranteed. The former frontier between Russia and Turkey was restored. Serbia* Moldavia and Walachia were placed under the protection of the Euro |)ean powers. The Dardanelles and the Black Sea were declared neutral and open to the commercial flags of all countries. Tsarist Russia lost its dominant position in international politics.

The Causes of Russia's Defeat in the Crimean War

Russia's losses in the Crimean War were tremendous. Military expenditures too were very great, and the devastation wrought by the war was consider able. Russia's foreign trade dropped to almost one-fourth. Agricul ture and industry were disorganized.

The defeat of tsarist Russia in the Crimean War was due to deep lying economic causes. According to Marx and Engels the Crimean War was a hopeless struggle of a nation with a backward mode of production against nations with more progressive forms of social and economic relations. War brought to light the superiority of capitalism over the feudal-serf system .

Tsarism lost the Crimean War because of Russia's economic, political and military backwardness. At the outbreak of the Crimean War neither Russia nor the allies were prepared for war. By the spring of 1856 the allies had already reorganized their forces, whereas disorgan ization in the Russian army proceeded from bad to worse. Tsarist Russia did not possess an adequate war industry. The armament factory built in Kerch in the 'forties was at a standstill. The projected iron foundry in Moscow had not even been started. The Kamensk War Works in the Urals produced cannon which blew up during tests.

Russia had practically no railways at the time of the Crimean War. Transportation was effected by horse-drawn carts requisitioned from the peasants. It took months to deliver grain to Sevastopol from Pere kop. The allies, on the other hand, laid a railway line from Balaklava to Sevastopol and thus ensured the swift transportation of troops and supplies.

Russian armament too was inferior to that of the allies, Russian soldiers used firelocks with an effective range of 600 paces. To reload his gun (through the muzzle) the soldier had to stand upright. THe cannon could fire grapeshot at 300 paces and cannon balls at 600 paces. The internal organization of the army in Nicholas' days was also far behind the times. The recruits had their heads shaven and were escorted to their military unit like convicts. The term of military service was 26 years. The soldier was given a furlough and could visit his family only after he had served 15 years. The regiments were imwieldy and ill-fit for military operations. Whereas the allied armies had already introduced extended order, the tsarist army still went into battle in serried columns, presenting an easy target to the enemy guns.

The Crimean War was waged at a time when the administration and leadership of the Russian army was in an appalling state of internal disorganization. The bureaucratic military machine issued contradic tory commands. The troops in the Crimea did not even have maps or plans. Corruption, peculation, outright plimdering of army rations and the men 's equipment by the commissaries and the military officials, lack of medical care and medicaments— all this completed the picture of tsar ism 's utter unfitness in a war against the advanced capitalist armies*

Another cause of the defeat was the profound discontent that reigned in the country and in the army. Peasant unrest was rife in the country throughout the Crimean War. In 1854 the peasant movement had spread to ten provinces. In the spring of 1855 an enlistment was announced for the army. Hundreds of thousands of peasants enlisted on the grounds of a rumour that volunteers would receive their emanci pation. This rumour not being corroborated, rebellions broke out among the peasantry.

Lenin wrote that the "Crimean War showed how rotten and impo. tent was serf Russia."*

The Crimean defeat brought with it a realization that serfdom in tsarist Russia had to be abolished.

Russia 's defeat in the Crimean War diminished the importance of Russian tsarism in Europe, depriving it of the leading role it had played from 1815 to 1853. "The distinguishing feature of the Russian empire in this period was that, owing to its backwardness, there were no pro found contradictions in its military-feudal system. This gave Russia strength and secured for her a leading position on the European conti nent. Unlike the Western countries, Russia had no developed and polit ically mature bourgeoisie. The working class as a revolutionary force did not yet exist. The millions of Russian serf peasants, who formed an inexhaustible source of man power for the state, represented an ignor ant, uncivilized and downtrodden mass. The isolated peasant revolts that did occur could not seriously weaken the power of the tsarist police, army and bureaucracy. Tsarist Russia, vdth its obedient army and di plomacy, was the gendarme of Europe, the bugbear of the revolutionary and national liberation movements in Europe. In the reign of Nicholas I this reactionary influence of Russia reached its apex."

Tsarism in the Far East

The defeat of tsarism in the Crimean War, which had deprived Russia of the possibility of consolidating herself in the Near East, revived the problem of the Pacific Ocean. As far back as the early forties the ex pedition of Middendorf , sent by the Academy of Sciences into North eastern Siberia, had penetrated the Amur region, made certain that it was not occupied by China, and entered into relations with the native population of the Amur— the Gilyaks. The RussianAmerican Company was charged to explore the mouth of the Ainur, but the representatives of this company, like the head of foreign affairs during the reign of Nicholas I— Nesselrode— -were disinclined to consolidate Russian influx once on the Amur,

The expedition did not reach the mouth of the Amur. On the basis of this perfunctory expedition, Nesselrode reported to the tsar: "Sakha lin is a peninsula. The Amur is of no significance whatever to Russia." The question of the Amur, alleged to have no connection with the southern seas of the Pacific, was, onthe basis of this report, shelved.

But at the end of the 'forties Nevelsky, a Russian naval officer supported by Muravyov, the governor-general of Eastern Siberia, fitted out an expedition and sailed from Petropavlovsk on the brig Baikal for the eastern shores of Sakha lin. In September, when the brig had been given up as lost, it showed up in Bay Ayan, on its way back from the Island of Sakhalin. "Sakhalin is an island. Big ships can enter the Amur from the north and south. The delusions under which we have laboured for ages have been dissipated," leported Nevelsky. Instead of eliciting the government's approval for his discovery Nevelsky was prosecuted and degraded to the ranks for having violated the tsarist order forbidding the expedition. Only after the intercession of Muravyov was Nevelsky permitted to found a winter station on the southeastern shores of the Sea of Okhotsk and to raise the Russian military flag at the mouth of the Amur. This was the beginning of a vigorous colonization of the Amur, Towns sprang up and Cossacks and peasants began to settle here.

In 1858 the Chinese commander-in-chief on the Amur signed a treaty in the town of Aigun ceding the left bank of the Amur to tsarist Russia: the Ussurian region was.left to the joint disposal of Russia and China. In 1858 the city of Khabarovsk was founded. In the winter of 1860 the Aigun Treaty was confirmed by the Treaty of Peking which gave tsarist Russia vast lands lying between the river Ussuri and the Pacific Ocean. The fortress of Vladivostok was erected (1860) on the coast of the Pacific, and the fleet transferred there.

The tsarist government at the same time negotiated with the United States of America for the sale of its American colonies, Alaska and the Aleutian Islands. Tsarism considered it unprofitable to exploit these remote colonies, which presented difficulties in the way of defence. In 1867 the tsarist government sold Alaska and the Aleutian Islands to the United States for seven million dollars.

The Formation of Ideological Tendencies and the Social Movement between the 'Thirties and 'Fifties

The struggle of Nicholas I Against the Ideological Influence of the European Bourgeois Revolution

The European revolution had a powerful ideological influence on Russian life. During this his toric epoch, when the old feudal relations imderwent radical changes end were being displaced by new, bourgeois, capitalist relations, the progressive bourgeois-revolutionary ideas of European writers played a very great role in the formation of the ideas of Eussia's advanced men. These ideas not only helped to give an understanding of the grandeur of the historical changes that were taking place in Europe, but engendered the desire to introduce similar changes in backward, feudal Eussia. The ideas of the French bourgeois revolution— freedom, equality, fraternity — ^were expressed, under Eussian conditions — in a revolutionary demand for the abolition of serfdom and the overthrow of the tsarist autocracy* Such was the program which formed the basis of the rather diverse ideo* logical trends characteristic of social life in Eussia during the reign of Nicholas.

Nicholas I carried on a struggle against the revolution not only with the help of military and diplomatic resources in Europe, not only by open repressive measures, exile and arrests in Eussia, but also with the help of ideological weapons. The tsarist government put forward the theory of "official nationality" to counteract revolutionary, progressive ideas and theories. This formula, the author of which was S. S. Uvarov, Minister of Education from 1833 to 1849, claimed that the Eussian people were inherently religious, had always been loyal to the tsar and regarded serfdom as a natural state. Such was the meaning of the Uva* rov formula; "Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality." The theory of the "official nationality" counterpoised "stable" feudal Eussia to the "de caying" West. This reactionary theory, profoundly inimical to the progressive ideas of the time, served as the basis for a bitter struggle against all progressive and revolutionary ideas and men.

Circles of Stankevich and Herzen

The bourgeois revolutions of 1830–1848 in Europe and the peasant uprisings in Eussia confronted the progressive men of Eussia with the basic question: "Whither is Eussia going? What is to be the course of her social progress?"

The educated, progressive representatives of the Eussian nobility closely studied the political theories of bourgeois France and classical German philosophy, seeking therein an answer to the question regarding the paths and prospects of Eussia 's development.

The centre of ideological-political life during the period from the ^thirties to the 'fifties was the Moscow University where many future talented writers and public men were studying. The early 'thirties saw the formation of a circle by the young student-philosopher, Nikolai Vladimirovich Stankevich, a man of profound education and great intellect. The members of this circle were keenly interested in the German philosophy of Fichte, Schelling, and above all Hegel Chernyshevsky wrote of this circle: "These people lived decidedly on philosophy alone, discussed it day and night, whenever they met. They regarded everything and decided everything from the philosophic oal po^t of view/' But many of the progressive public men, chiefly the revolutionary youth, were not content with this departure into the realm of abstract ideas. Carried away by the theories of the French utopian socialist, Saint-Simon, they demanded a change from speculative philosophy to political activity and the propaganda of the ideas of socialism. The exponent of the interests and demands of this section of the progressive youth was the circle of Herzen and Ogaryov. The members of this circle of Herzen's regarded themselves the "children of the Decembrists," whose mission it was to continue their struggle against the autocracy and serfdom.

A. I. Herzen (1812–1870)

Alexander Ivanovich Herzen was born in 1812. His father was a rich Russian landlord by the name of Yakov lev, his mother, a native of Wlirttemberg, Louisa Haag. Their marriage not having been legalized, their son was surnamed Herzen (from the <}erman word Berz meaning Heart).

Herzen received an excellent education at home. His father's rich library of French and German books was the source of information for the inquisitive and capable boy. His French tutor bred in Herzen a veneration for the French revolution and republican forms of govern ment. Another teacher, a seminary student, supplied Herzen with rev olutionary poems by Ryleyev and Pushkin. Ryleyev's Meditations made a profound impression on Herzen. "The execution of Pestel and his associates finally roused my soul from its childish sleep," Herzen later wrote about the Decembrists.

In 1825 Herzen met the future poet Ogaryov with whom he contract *ed a lifelong friendship. During one of their walks through Moscow they took "Hannibal's Oath" on the Vorobyovi Gori, vowing to de vote their lives to the revolutionary struggle. They remained loyal to this pledge to the end of their days. On entering the Moscow University Herzen became the centre of a circle of the revolutionary youth. He was shortly afterwards arrested and spent several years in ^xile.

On his return to Moscow Herzen and Belinsky together embarked upon extensive literary-publicist activities. Lenin wrote of Herzen of those days:

"In feudal Russia of the forties of the 19th century he rose to a height which made him the equal of the greatest thinkers of his time."*

In 1847 Herzen went abroad. He travelled through revolutionary France and Italy. The revolution of 1848 foimd Herzen in Paris. The defeat of the Paris proletariat, the cowardly conduct of the petty-bourgeois leaders, the reprisals of the counter-revolutionary 'bourgeoisie against the workers, filled Herzen with a profound pessimism.

Disillusioned with the European : revolution, Herzen placed all his hopes on the Russian peasant community.

He became the founder of peasant utopian socialism in Russia. He ; fought for the emancipation of the peasants from tsarism and serfdom, and hoped that Russia would avoid the bourgeois system, that it would arrive at socialism by making use of the village community as the nucleus of the socialist system of organization.

Herzen was subject to vacillation and errors. At times he placed his hopes . on reforms and not on revolution. But ; his vacillations were transient and : not of long duration, and he always | remained a revolutionary democrat.

Lenin attributed Herzen's mistakes to the conditions of the transition period in which he lived: "Herzen's A. I. Herzen in the 'thirties,

spiritual drama was a*» product and From a portrait by Vitberg

reflection of that epoch in world his tory when the revolutionism of the

bourgeois democracy was already passing away (in Europe), and the revolutionism of the Socialist proletariat had not yef ripened."* Herzen's love for the Russian people and his hatred of serfdom and tsarism deepened when he found himself in a foreign land. Having been deprived of Russian citizenship, Herzen adopted Swiss citizenship and eventually migrated to London. In 1853 he founded in London the "Free Russian Press" and started publishing a revolutionary magazine Polyarnaya Zvezda (Polar Star), The magazine covers carried the por traits of the executed Decembrists. The very name Polar Star (which was the name of the almanac of the Decembrists Ryleyev andBestuzhev) symbolized Herzen's determination to continue the work of the Decern brists. From 1857 to 1867 Herzen published abroad the famous magazine KoloTcol (The Tocsin), Under the motto "I Appeal to the Living" he ealled upon men to struggle against serfdom. Herzen was awakened by the Decembrists, and he became the first teacher of a new, revolutionary generation — the Raznochintsi ** of the 'sixties, foremost among them Chernyshevsky.

V. G. Belinsky (1811–1848)

The first revolutionary Raznochinets^ Vissarion Gri goryevich Belinsky, was a contemporary of Herzen, His friends called him "Vissarion Furioso" for his passionate nature and vehement sincer ity. Belinsky was the son of a naval surgeon. His read ings of Pushkin, Zhukovsky, Derzhavin developed in Be linsky at an early age a pas sionate love of literature. While still a student at the Moscow University, Belin sky wrote a dramatic novel Dimitri Kalinin, which, though poor in literary merit, was remarkable for the force and vehemence of its protest against serfdom. The story was considered by the author ities to be a mischievous and

disgraceful misdemeanor in a student. Young Belinsky stood in danger of being exiled to Siberia. The university authorities expelled Belinsky from the univer sity with the following certificate: "Dismissed on account of ill* health combined with ineptitude."

Thus did Belinsky in the gloomy epoch of Nicholas start on a literary career filled with hardships and deprivations. Belinsky was the founder of Russian critical literature. His criticism played a tremendous role in the development of Russian realistic literature. His opinion was the final judgment for many Russian writers whose talents he discovered and carefully nurtured with his suggestions. Belinsky looked upon his literary activities as service to the people, as a means for its revolution* ary enlightenment. Belinsky's views on the social significance and the high role of a writer in Russia were most strikingly reflected in his fa mous letter to Gogol— a strong impeachment of the latter's attempt to betray the people's cause and take sides with tsarism. As Lenin said, it was "one of the best of the writings that appeared in the uncensored democratic press. This was the manifesto of revolutionary democracy of the 'forties, expressing the passionate protest of progressive people and the struggle of the peasants against serfdom. In this letter, which was privately circulated in hundreds of written copies, Belinsky sharply criticized the reactionary nature of Gogors articles published under the title of Selec ed Passages from My Corres'pondence with My Friends, Belinsky wrote Gogol that Russia's salvation lay not in preach ings or prayers but in the abolition of serfdom, the awakening in the people of its sense of human dignity and in its enlightenment .

Belinsky was one of the first revolutionary enlighteners. The cen sorship shackled and stifled the thought and word of the writer, but be overcame the censorship bans by cleverlyworded articles expound, ing the most revolutionary ideas. Belinsky himself wote bitterly of the persecution of the censorship: ^'Nature condemned me to bark like a dog and howl like a jackal but circumstances compel me to mew like a cat and wave my tail like a fox. "Belinsky was a revolutionary democrat, inspired with a fierce hatred of serfdom and every form of oppression, an ardent champion of enlightenment. He loved his country passionately, and believed that a great future lay before it. A century ago, not long before his death, Belinsky wrote: 'We envy our grandchildren and great-grandchildren who are predestined to see Russia in 1940 standing at the head of an educated world, establishing laws in science and art and accepting the reverential tribute of enlightened mankind."

Belinsky died in 1848 of tuberculosis. Death saved him from the Fortress of Peter and Paul where he was to have been imprisoned on the order of the tsar.

The Westerners and Slavophiles

The outstanding Bussian thinker, Nikolai Vladimirovich Stankevich, died in 1840 at the age of 27. Two literary-political trends— the Westerners and Slavophils— took form at this time. At the head of the circle of the Westerners stood Belinsky and Herzen. The nucleus of the circle of Westerners consisted of Belinsky, Herzen, Ogaryov, Granovsky, Bakunin and others. The circle of their ideological opponents— the Slavophils — numbered among its members Khomyakov, the Kireyev brothers, the Aksakov brothers and others.

The Westerners and the Slavophils were divided by their pro. foundly different attitudes to the past and future of Russia, and by the different estimation of the significance of Western Europe for Russia. The Westerners strongly criticized the existing feudal system and advocated Russia 's need for European civilization. The Slavophils, on the contrary, condemned the imitation of European culture that had started since the days of Peter I. They postulated for Russia an original path of development to be based on the Russian obshchina (village community) and claimed that serfdom should be abolished only from above, and by a gradual process. The Slavophil political ideal was a union of all Slavs around Russia. They demanded the convocation of the Zemsky Sohor, upon which they placed no revolu tionary tasks. "To the government— the power of authority, to the people— the power of opinion,^' said the Slavophils. Belinsky, Herzen, Ogaryov, Gianovsky, and other , of the Westerners were resolute opponents of the Slavophils. They proved the reactionary nature of the views of the Slavophils, who were monarchists idealizing the reactionary survivals of the past and fearing radical changes in the social system of Russia.

The final rupture between the Westerners and the Slavophils took place in 1844–1845. There was no unanimity, however, in the circle of the Westerners either. Belinsky and Herzen headed the con sistently democratic wing of the Westerners. A liberal group of Western ers including Chicherin, Granovsky and others took form. This group were opposed to revolution and socialism. Their ideal was a constitu tional monarchy and liberal-bourgeois reforms.

The Circle of Petrashevsky

A revolutionary circle of utopian socialists headed by M. V. Petrashevsky was formed in St. Petersburg in the middle of the forties of the 19th century. This circle consisted of progressive young Raznochintai united by their hatred of the autocracy and serfdom, and was attended by Dostoyevsky, Saltykov-Shchedriu and other writers.

Mikhail Vasilyevich Butashevich-Petrashevsky, born in 1821, the son of a nobleman, was the organizer and ideological leader of the circle. Petrashevsky was a clever and courageous man. He had received a good education and regarded 'himself as the disciple and follower of the famous French utopian-socialist Fourier (1772 1837).

His circle met regularly every Friday at his apartment and dis cussed the main principles of Fourier's doctrine as well as cur rent political topics which were agitating society.

Belinsky's letter to Gogol was read and discussed with sympathy in Petrashevsky 's circle. Petrashev sky compiled and edited a Pocket Dictionary of Foreign Words where in, ostensibly with the object of explaining "foreign words," he outlined the doctrine of the utopian, socialists of Western Europe. Petrashevsky, like Fourier, was an advocate of introducing socialism by peaceful means.

The Western European revolutions of 1848 strongly influenced the members of the circle. Some of them were no longer satisfied with* speeches and readings, -and began to seek ways and means of working for the revolution. Speshnev took up a revolutionary position in Petra, shevsky's circle. He was in favour of conspirative tactics, demanded the organization of a secret society and the preparation for an uprising against tsarism. The propaganda of the Petiashevskians did not assume wide proportions.

The Petrashevskians were arrested in 1849, on the report of a secret police agent. Investigations failing to reveal the existence of an organ ized secret society, the committee of enquiry accused them of a "con. spiracy of ideas" which "corrupted men's minds." For sympathizing with communist and republican ideas 15 men out of the 34 arrested, including F. M. Dostoyevsky, the future great Russian writer, were condemned to death; the rest were sentenced to penal servitude and' exile in Siberia. The condemned were taken from the Fortress of Peter and Paul and brought to the square where a high black scaffold had been erected. Troops surrounded them, and a crowd of people had gathered. Petrashevsky and two other members of his circle were tied to the posts and their faces covered with white hoods. The soldiersr took aim. The drums beat. The condemned lived through the horrors of imminent death. Then suddenly the drums grew silent and they heard the annouacamont of the '^mercy'^ of the tsar— the commutation of their death sentence to panal servitude for life. Such were the methods employed by Nicholas I against "audacious thoughts,"

Science, Literature, and Art in the First Half of the 19th Century

Science

The centres of scientific life in feudal Russia in the first half of the 19th century were the Academy of Sciences, the uni versities and scientific associations. The government allotted trivial appropriations for scientific research, but despite extremely unfavour able conditions, science made big strides in the first half of the 19th century, Russia produced a number of great scientists.

One of the greatest mathematicians of the 19th century was Ni kolai Ivanovich Lobachevsky (1793–1856), who lectured in the fCazan University on celestial mechanics and the theory of numbers. The young professor-mathematician, Lobachevsky, arrived at a new system of geometry, "non-Euclidian geometry." A new conception of space was born, other than as treated by Euclid. The work of Lobachevsky was published in 1829. The famous English mathematician Sylvester called Lobachevsky the "Copernicus of geometry," but Russia of the day failed to appreciate him and some magazines of the capital even ridiculed his work. Only later did his work in geometry receive the recognition it merited.

Russian scientific thought penetrated the most advanced branches of science and engineering. Russian scientists and inventors achieved their most significant successes in the field of electrical engineering, but the fate of these inventors was a sad one.

The well-known Russian physicist, Vasili Vladimirovich Petrov (1762–1834), the son of a provincial Russian priest, discovered elec trolysis (1802–1803), the basis of modern electro-chemistry, independ ently of the English scientists Nicholson and Carlisle. He created the Voltaic arc several years before Davy. Yet this remarkable invention was given to the world as the work of the Englishman Davy while the Russian inventor was forgotten. The works of Petrov received the recognition they deserved only half a century after his death.

Russian scientists and inventors were the first to make practical use of electric current. Schilling constructed the first electro-magnetic telegraph in the world at Petersburg in 1832, installing it between the buildings of the Ministry of Communications and the Winter Palace. But that is where the matter ended. A similar apparatus was invented several years later by the Englishmen Wheatstone and Cooke, and was used throughout the world.

Another outstanding Russian scientist, Jakobi (1801–1874) discovered galvanoplastics. He built the first power engine, and his electric boat carried passengers along the Neva in 1838. Only half a century later did a similar invention appear on the Thames, arousing the amazement of contemporaries who had no idea of the existence of the long-forgotten Russian invention.

In 1833 the Russianjmechan ic Cherepanov built the first Russian steam engine of original design in the Urals. However, it had no effect whatever on the development of engineering in Russia, which continued for a long time to import steam en gines from abroad.

At the end of 1830 the well-known Russian astronomer,

Vasili Yakovlevich Struve (1793 1864), founded the famous Pulkovo Observatory near St. Peters burg. In the first half of the 19th century the noted scientist N. N. Zinin made a number of world-important discoveries in the field of chemistry, laying the foundation for the Russian school of chemistry.

In the field of medicine the famous Russian physician and surgeon, scientist and teacher, Nikolai Ivanovich Pirogov (1810–1881), achieved fame with his new methods of surgery and anatomy. In 1856, in an article Questions of Life, Pirogov opposed the old forms of educa tion, and called for the education of new people with honest, democrat ic convictions.

One of the greatest naturalists of the first half of the 19th century, the founder of embryology, Karl Baer, worked in the Academy of Sciences in St, Petersburg. He undertook an energetic study of the nat ural resources of Russia, made a number of expeditions and took an active part in the foundation of the Geographical Society which included an Ethnographic Museum,

In 1819–1821 the Russian expedition of Lazarev sailed tohigh south ern latitudes where it discovered many new islands, and, forcing its way through the ice, arrived at the shores of the Antarctic. The honour of discovering this southern continent belongs to the Russians. The Pa cific Ocean is studded with islands bearing Russian names, such as Suvorov Island, Kutuzov Island, Beregis (Beware) Reef, and others.

Russian historiography made great advances in the early 19th century. The History of the Russian State by Karamzin was pub lished as far back as the reign of Alexander I and was an important event at the time. In the words of Pushkin, Karamzin discovered Russian history as Columbus had discovered America. Karamzin's History of (he Russian Stale, however, bears obvious traces of serf-owner ideology. In history, according to Karamzin, "everything depends on the will of the autocrat who, like a skilled mechanic, sets masses in motion by the move of a finger."

Literature

Literature played a tremendous social role in the period of the disintegration of the old feudal-serf relations and the growth of new, capitalist relations.

The writers, critics and publicists of the 'thirties and 'forties, in addition to being exponents of the progressive ideas of their times were champions of a new, free life. Herzen, dealing with literature and its significance in that epoch, wrote in his work On the Development of Revolutionary Ideas in Russia: "Literature, with a people that does not possess political liberty is the only tribune from which it can make its cry of indignation and its voice of conscience heard."

Tsarism ruthlessly persecuted progressive writers and poets. The tsarist censorship expunged from books the slightest hint of criticism against the existing order. The Censorship Committee, established in 1849, banned many books and magazines which did not conform to the trend of "official nationality."

Tsarism, however, did not stop at mere persecution of literary activity. Herzen writes of the tragic fate that befell the progressive men of the days of Nicholas and cites a brief but expressive list of the crimes committed by the monarchy of Nicholas in regard to Russian

writers and poets:

Ryleyev, hung by Nicholas.

Pushkin, killed in a duel, at the age of 38.

Griboyedov, assassinated in Teheran.

Lermontov, killed in a duel ... in the Caucasus.

Venevitinov, killed by society, at the age of 22.

Koltsov, killed by his family, at the age of 33.

Belinsky, killed at the age of 35 by hunger and poverty.

Baratynsky, died after 12 years of exile.

An outstanding work of Russian letters, Wit Works Woehj

Griboyedov (1795–1829) was a biting satire on the upper aristocracy, the ruling bureaucracy and the arrogant military. This comedy played an important social role. Belinsky wrote that "while still in manu script Wit Works Woe had been learned by heart by the whole of Russia."

When asked during cross-examination 'Ivhich of all the 'works he had read contributed chiefly to the development of his liberal views, the Decembrist Steingel listed along with the works of Voltaire and Radishchev Wit Works Woe. Banned by the tsarist censorship this book circulated from hand to hand for a long time in man uscript form, and copies were distributed throughout the provinces. Qribpyedov was all the more dangerous to tsarism in that he was asso ciated with the Decembrists, although he was not in complete agree ment with their views. That is why Nicholas I decided to rid himself of Griboyedov. He sent the poet, against his wishes, as ambassador to Teheran, where the Russian dramatist was shortly afterwards killed by a fanatic mob worked up into a fury over the persecutions of Rus sian tsarism.

Another victim of Nicholas* reign was the talented Russian writ er and , philosopher, Pyotr Yakovlevich Chaadayev (1796–1 86G), friend of Pushkin. The great poet dedicated three remarkable "Epis tles" to Chaadayev. In 1836 Chaadayev *8 famous Fhilosophical Letter sharply criticizing past and present feudal Russia was published in the Telescope. On reading Chaadayev 's article Nicholas 1 wrote: "Having read the article, 1 find that its contents are a mixture of brazen nonsense worthy of a madman." The tsar had Chaadayev cer tified as insane and ordered him to be kept under constant medical surveillance and all his manuscripts to be confiscated. Nicholas I or dered the young poet Polezhayev, author of the poem Dashka, con scripted into the army, where, after severe manhandling, he died in a military hospital. But the most tragic and irretrievable loss to Russia was the death of her poet genius, Alexander Sergeyevich Push kin. Greatest of Russian poets, a genius of world literature, the founder of Russian realism and the creator of a Russian literary language, A. S. Pushkin is the pride and glory of the Russian people. Pushkin was a nobleman but, in the apt words of the great proletar ian writer Gorky: "For him the interests of the whole nation stood higher than the interests of the nobility, and his personal experience was broader and deeper than the experience of the class of nobles." Pushkin was not only a great poet but a great citizen, who reflected to a certain degree the revolutionary aspirations of the people.

Pushkin was born in Moscow in 1799, in the family of a high born impecimious nobleman. With the assistance of his uncle's and father's friends Pushkin was admitted into the newly.founded aristo cratic Lyceum of Tsarskoye Selo. The French Encyclopaedists exerted a great influence on Pushkin in his youth. From them he acquired his strivingufter enlightenment and his critical attitude to the antiquated feudal system. From the revolutionary writers and poets of Western Europe he drew his hatred of tyrants. As early as 1815 the sixteen year-old Pushkin expressed his hatred of slavery in his poem To Li» einius. In 1817 Pushkin graduated from the Lyceum. The stark reali ties of feudal Russia deeply affected the impressionable youx^ poet.

Following the example of Radii^chev he wrote an ode and gave it the same name as Radishchev's — Liberty, But whereas Radishchev had dreamed of "a rising of warlike hosts to arm all with hope," and bring the tsar to the block, Pushkin called for an uprising against the tsar: "Arise, ye fallen slaves!"

His challenge to the autocracy rang with anger and hatred.

Miscreant autocrat^ hear my hate Of you, your sceptre and your throne,

Your children's death, your own black fate I enjoy with a heart as hard as stone.

Pushkin in his poems attacked the adherents and preachers of absolutism, branded Arakcheyev, the tsar's favourite, called the reactionary Minister of Education, Golitsyn, "persecutor of educa tion," and the inspirer of reaction, the archimandrite Photi us a semi fanatic and a semi-rogue who made "the curse, the sword, the cross and whip," his weapons. In his poem 2^he Country, Pushkin speaks of "savage gentry which know no sentiment, no law."

The revolutionary verses of the great poet could not go unpunished in the Russia of those days. Pushkin was exiled to the south, but the poet continued even in exile (in Kishinev and Odessa) to write poems and verses expressing his love of liberty. From Odessa the poet was banished to the village of Mikhailovskoye, to his father's estate, and his father was commissioned to keep an eye on his son. Here the poet worked on his great masterpiece Eugem Onegin, completed his poem Gypsies and wrote the tragedy Boris Godunov, which Benkendorf, in his report to the tsar, described as presenting the "tsarist power in a horrible light." The tsar was of the same opinion and Boris Godunov was proscribed for a number of years.

Pushkin was closely connected with the Decembrists, many of whom were his friends, but he himself did not belong to their secret society. When, in 1S26, shortly after the execution of the Decembrists, Nicholas I summoned Pushkin from exile and asked him: "What would you have done if you had been in St. Petersburg on December 141" Pushkin retorted: "I would have joined the ranks of the rebels." The tsar appointed himself Pushkin's sole censor and withheld the publi* cation of his works for a long time.

A painful atmosphere of spying, slander, degradation and perse* cution was created around Pushkin.

In 1837 Pushkin died of a mortal wound received in a duel with the officer D'Anth^s, the adopted son of the Dutch ambassador. Thou sands of people emaged by the dastardly murder, came to accompany the body of the great poet to his last rest. At the tsar's orders gendarmes secretly removed the poet's body at night and buried it in the Svyatogorsk Monastery, near Pushkin's estate.

Another great Russian poet of the days of Nicholas — ^Mikhail Yuryevich Lermontov (1814–1841) — condemned the instigators of Pushkin's murder in a virulent poem On the Death, oj a Poet, for which the author was exiled to the Caucasus. In 1841, at the age of 27, in the prime of his great gifts Lermontov was killed in a duel. The poetry of Lermontov, permeated with the spirit of rebellion and lib erty, profoundly artistic and Ijnrical in quality, won the poet immense popularity. Such works of Lermontov as A Hero of Our Time, Mtsyri, Masquerade, Demon, and others won world fame,

^5^en the news of Lermontov's death reached Nicholas he mali ciously exclaimed: "A dog — a dog's death!"

The harsh conditions created during the reign of Nicholas affected the personal and creative life of the great Russian writer Nikolai Va silyevich Gogol (1809–1852). His remarkable works — Inspector O^ral, De^ Souls, Old-World Oentlefolks, and others are a scathing satire in forceful and vivid style on the utter depravity of the landed nobility. '^Dead Souls staggered all Russia/' said Herzen, writing of the im pression created by this work. "Contemporary Russia needed such an indictment. It is the history of a disease written by a master hand. Gogol's poetry is the cry of horror and shame emitted by a man, degraded by foul living, when he suddenly catches sight of his brutalized face in a mirror."

Of Gogol's earlier works mention may be made of Eve nings in a Farm Near Dikan^ ka, and Taras Bulba of the Mirgorod series.

Evenings in a Farm Near Dikanka, which brought Gogol wide popularity, are poetical sketches of the Ukraine, full of charm and beauty and scintillating humour. They are, in the words of Belinsky "the gay comicality, the smile of youth greet ing the lovely world."

No less vivid and picturesque is his historical tale Taras Bulba in which Gogol describes the valiant deeds of Ukrainian Cossackdom in the 16th century in their fight against foreign invaders — ^the Poles.

Belinsky enthusiastically described this tale as an episode of a great national epos and compared Taras Bulba to Homer's Iliad.

In these works Gogol is seen as a great artist of the romantic school.

Gogol died in the heyday of his tremendous creative power. He fell a prey to mental disease at the end of his life, and during a nerv ous attack destroyed the concluding part of his great poem Dead Souls, over which he had worked for many years.

A notable artistic record of the period were Herzen's brilliant works. His memoirs Byhye % Dumy represent a faithful chronicle both of Herzen's own life and that of the best progressive men of his day, and depict the growth of Russian social thought in the gloomy days of the reaction under Nicholas. The hero of Herzen's novel Whose FauW — ^the honest, talented, courageous Vladimir Beltov, could find no place for himself in life: he became the ^superfluous man" — ^the typical figure of Russian classical literature of the 19th century.

Russian literature in the first half of the 19th century was inseparably bound up with the social-political life of the country. It was steeped in the advanced ideas of its times and chose the path of artistic real ism, fleeing itself from the tem porary influence of the senti mental and romantic trends.

The founders of the school of artistic realism were the great Russian writers A. S. Pushkin,

A. S. Griboyedov, N. V. Gogol and I. A. Krylov.

The literary creations* of these writers are immortal: apart from being a true and vivid expression of the life of their times, they are permeated with a passionate faith in a better future for the great Russian people.

Our country deeply reveres the memory of its great writers and poets. Pushkin is the most be loved poet of the peoples of the Soviet Union. The j^rophetio words ofthe great poet, written not long before his death, in his remark able poem Monnmentum have come true.

"And I shall for long years he loved by all nation Because for noble passions with my lyre I call.

Because in pitiless days I prayed for liberation,

Ashed clemency for those who fall.**

Art. The profoundly progressive ideas of national self-conscious ness, the national pride of a people awakening to social life were also mirrored in art, which, like literature, became realistic.

In the reign of Nicholas I battle-painting, Uie portrayal of mili tary life, etc., enjoyed special patronage. Exact reproduction of all details of uniform, arms and regimental insignia was held to be the most essential featrure of this type of art. The official, academic school of painting was represented by K. P. Bryullov (1799–1862). His picture,

Last Day of Porwpeii^ exhibited in 1830, met with great success.

"And the ^Last Day of Pompeii^ Become the first day for the Bussian brush**

a contemporary poet wrote of this picture. Its success was due not only

to ihe painter's artistic skill but to his lavish use of light and colour effects (fire, lightning), which made a profound impression on the spectator. The quest for realism found its expression in the works of the noted Russian painter A. A. Ivanov whose picture The Apjpear* artce of Christ Among the People was the work of nearly 30 years.

One of the first realist-painters was A. G. Venetsianov. The son of a pie-vendor, his observations, from early childhood, of life of work men, handicraftsmen and peasants gave his work a realistic trend. His big picture Threshing Floor and various scenes from peasant life were somewhat glossed, but the very idea of putting the peasant on canvas was a bold one in those days.

At the end of 1840 the remarkable genre-painter, F. A. Fedotov, exhibited his first picture. The Academy of Art awarded Fedotov the title of academician for his picture The Major^s Betrothal, The votaries of classic traditions in painting scorned Fedotov's pictures because they were done in the popular spirit.

Among the most distinguished portrait painters were the serf Tro pinin^ who made excellent portraits of Karamzin and Pushkin, and the fine romantic artist Kiprensky, who won renown for his admir able portraits of Krylov, Pushkin and portraits of himself.

A. Voronikhin was a distinguished architect of the early 19th cen tury. His Oathedral of Kazan, built in St. Petersburg in the style of St. Peter's in Rome, is one of the finest monuments of the latest church architecture in Russia.

The founder of Russian opera and symphonic music, M. I. Glinka (1809–1867), drew lavishly on native folk melodies which he com bined with the experience of West European music, Glinka asserted the world significance of the Russian national musical art. Glinka's works are characterized by their profound ideological nature, realism and pop ular character. The Russian aristocracy regarded the works of Glinka with hostility, condemning his use of folk melodies. Nor was his great opera, Tvan Susanin, on a theme of popular patriotism, understood by the ruling classes who called it "coachmen's music." Glinka's classic opera Ruslan and Ludmila presenting the element of Russian folklore in a new light was also withdrawn a year after its premiere, and was never again performed during the composer's lifetime. Glinka included Russian, Byelorussian, Ukrainian,'' Finnish, Polish, Geor gian, Spanish and other melodies in his compositions. Glinka's admir able symphonic compositions Spanish Overture (based on popular Spanish melodies), and Kamarinshaya (for symphony orchestra) stood out against the background of West European musical art for their bold ness and originality and were the basis for the further powerful devel opment of Russian symphonic works. The great Russian composer Chaikovsky wrote subsequently that the entire Russian symphonic school is imbedded in Glinka's Kamarinshaya . . like an oak in an acorn."

Unappreciated in his own country and weary of persecutions, Glinka went abroad and there ho died.

Glinka was followed by the composer Dargomyzhsky (1813–1869), to whom, as to Glinka, the basic principle of Russian musical art w^s high artistic realism. Dargomyzhsky's career as a composer was also set with thorns. Busalka, Dargomyzhsky's best opera, was fairly coldly received at its first performance and it was not until 10 years later that it became one of the most popular operas.

The Stone Quest, composed by Dargomyzhsky on the unrevised text of Pushkin's titlepiece, is remarkable for its delineation of the characters of the play. In this opera and in his romanzas Dargomyzhsky asserts the truth and naturalness of dramatic declamation and creates new types of lyrical, satirical and comic songs. "I want the sound to express the word directly, I want the truth," wrote Dargomyzhsky at the end of his life.

In the first half of the 19th century the Russian theatre attained remarkable success in art. The Bolshoi (Grand) Theatre in Moscow had originally been built in 1780 on Petrovka Street and was then called the Petxovka Theatre. In 1805 this theatre, grand for its time, w^as destroyed by fire and rebuilt twenty years later, in 1825, by the architect Bova. Fire destroyed the

Bolshoi Theatre again in 1853 but it was soon after restored. Russian opera achieved a high degree of perfection in this epoch.

The Maly Theatre was opened in Moscow in 1824 and soon became the centre of theatrical talent. The greatest Russian actor of the past century, the founder of real ism on the stage, was Mi khail Semyonovich Shchep kin (1788–1883). The son of a serf peasant, he bought his freedom only at the age of 33. Shchepkin worked for many years in the Maly Theatre, creating immortal characters in the plays of Griboyedov, Gogol and many others. Shchepkin associated with all the leading figures of the social movement of his days.

A remarkable Russian tragedian on the stage of the Moscow Maly Theatre was P. S. Mochalov (1800–1848), who won fame -by his Shakespearean performances.

The Cultures of the Peoples of Tsarist Russia in the First Half of the 19th Century

Ukrainian Literature

Tsarism hindered the formation of independent nations in the outlying regions of Russia and forcibly retarded the cultural development of the oppressed peoples. Fighting for their national existence the oppressed peoples built up their own culture and strove to preserve their native tongues.

The many-millioned Ukrainian people stubbornly continued to create in their native and rich language despite persecution. ^

One of the distinguished creators of the new Ukrainian literatme was I. P. Kotlyarevsky (1769–1838), whoso three books in Ukrain ian; Aeneid, Natalka-Poltavka and Moskal-Oharimik^ won for him great popularity, Kotlyarevsky laboured thirty years on the adaptation of VirgiPs Aeneid, In this work he satirizes the serf-owning nobility and tsarist bureaucracy, and depicts with a touch of elegiac regret the old life and customs under the hetmans.

Th3 Kharkov University, the first in the Ukraine, had a great in fluence on Ukrainian cultural life, although the government did its utmost to make it the tool of its Russification policy. A group of tal ented Ukrainian writers — GulakArtemovsky, Kvitka-Osnovyanenko, Grebinka and others grew up around this young university,

6. F. Kvitka is regarded as the founder of Ukrainian prose. His Mahrussian S'.ories are written in a sentimental moralizing vein.

E. Z. Grebinka (1812–1848) was an outstanding Ukrainian poet of the first half of the 19th century. Grebinka translated into Ukrain ian Poltava by Pushkin, who was a friend of his. Grebinka's fables Prikazhi, admirable for their language and vivid portrayal of the hard life of the Ukrainian peasantry, occupy a place of honour in Ukrainian literature . Grebinka is regarded as a classic of Ukrain ian letters.

A true poet of the Ukrainian people was Taras Grigoryevich Shev chenko (1814–1861). Shevchenko was the son of a serf who belonged to the rich landlord Engelhardt (whose estate was in the former Zve nigorod uyezd, Kiev province). After losing his mother and then his father, little Shevchenko went to live with a church-chanter at the school where he was learning to read and write. He read the psalter for him "for the departed souls of the serfs" for which he received a tenth of a kopek, "by way of encouragement," as Shevchenko later recalled. Shevchenko quite early displayed a gift for drawing. He ran away from the chanter and went to the house painters who were decorating the church, but could learn nothing from them. Shevchenko also worked as a shepherd and then as a servant-boy to a landlord. His master ordered the coachman to whip him more than once after finding him at his drawings. Shevchenko came to St. Petersburg with his master and there he was sent to a school for painting for guild artisans. In 1836 Shevchenko was introduced by another Ukrainian painter to the writers Zhukovsky and Grebinka, as well as to the famous painter Brjnillov. To give Shevchenko's native talent a chance to de velop Bryullov paint^ a portrait of the poet Zhukovsky which he sold by lottery and with the proceeds (2,600 rubles) purchased Shev chenko's freedom. Shevchenko thereupon entered the Academy of Arts. At this period he wrote his first verses. In 1840 the first collection of his poems, Kobzar, was published. Shevchenko's best poems are Naimichka, the story of a mother's sufferings; Katerina, a story of ill-fated love; Baidamaks — an epic portrayal of the revo lutionary struggle of the peasants against the Polish gentry in 1768. His poem A Dream is permeated with hatred against tsarism. It pictures the tsar, Nicholas I (in the shape of a bear), and the crowd of his court lickspittles with great satirical ^orce, T?he poem Caucasus is a passionate appealfor an open struggle of the toilers of all nations against colonial oppression, for a ruthless struggle against

the tsarist "prison of the peoples," where

From the Moldavians to the Finns All are dumb in all tongues.

In April 1847 Shevchenko was arrested for "revolutionary activ

ity." A secret organization, "The Kirill-Methody Fraternity," organ ized in 1840, was disclosed in Kiev. The program of the "Frater nity" drawn up by the historian Kostomarov advocated the creation of a federated republic, demanded the abolition of serfdom and the extensive dissemination of education. The "Fraternity" was connected with the Russian Slavophils. Shevchenko was close to the left, demo cratic wing of the "Fraternity." He demanded that it engage in active revolutionary work. In 1847 the members of the "Fraternity" were arrested, Shevchenko along with them. His sentence read: "The paint er Shevchenko, for his writing of outrageous and highly impudent verses, as possessing robust health, is to be sent as rank-and-file soldier to the Orenburg Special Corps." Nicholas I added to this his resolu tion: "To be kept under strict surveillance and prohibited from writ ing and drawing."

Not until 1857, after having spent ten years in the tsarist bar racks and experiencing the harsh discipline and ill-usage of army life, was Shevchenko freed. Exile, far from breaking the spirit of the poet-revolutionary, made him more militant than ever. In his new poems he called upon the peasants not to place faith in the tsar, not to wait for him to give them their freedom but to fight for it them selves with arms in hand.

In July 1858 Shevchenko was again arrested at his home place and brought to Kiev. He had to leave the Ukraine and return to St. Peters burg under supervision of the .police. In St, Petersburg Shevchenko became friends with the great Russian revolutionary writers — Cher nyshevsky and Dobrolyubov. '

The leaders of Russian revolutionary democracy, Chemyshevsky and Dobrolyubov, had a high opinion of Shevchenko as their associate and companion-in-arms. Dobrolyubov wrote of Shevchenko; "He is absolutely a poet of the people. ... He came from the people and lived among the people and is bound up with it by the close ties of both intellectual and living kinship."

Shevchenko hated the Russian tsar and the Russian landlord serf owners. But he had a profound love for the Russian people, Russian writers and revolutionaries who fought, as he did, for the freedom of the jpeople. He revered the memory of the Decembrists, was intimate with the Petrashevsky circle, was interested in Herzen's mag azines, Polyamaya Zvezda and the Kohkol, and was a friend of Chernyshevsky and Dobro lyubov with whom he fought hand in hand for a new life "without the slave and with out the landlord." An important influence in the development of Shevchenko's poetical genius was exercised by the distinguished works of Russian literature.

The great Ukrainian poet of the people, the revolutionary democrat Shevchenko, belongs to the best classics of world • literature. Like the great Rus sian poet Pushkin, Shevchenko is one of the best-loved poets of all the Soviet people.

The cherished dream of thepoet has come true. In his remarkable pooxn Zapovit, Shevchenko

calls upon the people:

. . . rise up

And break your chains in glee!

And with the oppressors^ evil blood sprinkle liberty!

And when thq^t great new family *s born^

The family of the free,

0 have a kindly and peaceful word

With which to remember me.

Ukrainian art was moulded under the influence of the great cultur

al heritages of Russia and Western Europe, preserving, however, all its original national characteristics. Ukrainian culture, notwithstand ing constant persecution by tsarism, continued to develop in all fields, revealing the powerful creative forces of the Ukrainian, people everywhere and in all things: in architecture, painting, sculpture, music and literature.

In the 18th and beginning of the 19th century the Ukrainian land lords had organized orchestras, choirs, and theatrical troupes consist ing of serf peasants.

In 1812 the writer Kvitka-Osnovyanenko organized the first per«  manent Ukrainian troupe in Poltava. Immense popularity was enjoyed by the musical theatre which performed the first Ukrainian operas NatalkorFollavka by Kotlyarevsky, the Enyagemenl in Ooncha» rivlsi by Kvitka, Zaporozhets beyond the^ Danube by Gulak-Artemov sky^ and others.

Ukrainian musical works were based on Ukrainian folk songs. Many Russian composers, as for example, Glinka, who came to the Ukraine, also made use of Ukrainian folk songs. Shevchenko played an important part in the development of ait in the Ukraine. Uis play Nazar Siodolya (1S44) made it clear that the Ukrainian theatre had come to stay. He was the author of many librettos and themes for Ukrainian musical woiks.

The Culture of the Peoples of Transcaucasia

The national awakening of the peoples of Georgia, Aimenia and Azerbaijan made vigorous strides.

A great Georgian poet of the early 19th century was A. Chavcha vadze, a contemporary of Pushkin. An aristocrat by birth, Alexander Chavchavadze was one of the first representatives of romanticism in Georgian poetry. Georgia's enslavement by Russian tsarism cast an infinite sadness on all the poet's works.

The most talented representative of romanticism in Georgian literature was Nikolai Baratashvili, whose works, while being pessi* mistic in tone, voice a protest against the harsh realities of life in Geor* gia. Nikolai Baratashvili is called the "Byron of Georgia."

, Georgi Eristavi was the founder of the realistic trend in Georgian literature. In spite of his princely origin, Eristavi was an opponent of serfdom in Georgia. He was Georgia's greatest playwright in the first half of the 19th century and one of the initiators and active organizers of the Georgian dramatic theatre in Tifiis.

i The hard lot of the Georgian peasantry and its struggle were por trayed by Daniil Ghonkadze, who himself was a serf peasant by origin. His story The' Fortress of Suram, published in 1859, was the first voice raised in Georgian literature against serfdom. This story was very popular among the Georgian people and had a great influence on later Georgian revolutionary literature.

The national awakening of Armenia, dismembered by Turkey, Persia and Russia, began with particular force after 18284829. Many Armenians emigrated to Russia from the regions under Persian and Turkish rule. Tifiis, where the Armenians were an important economio factor, became the centre of the ideological and political life of the rising Armenian bourgeoisie.

The first writer of note in Armenia was Khachatur Abovyan. His splendid novel Wounds of Armenia^ dealing with the Russo-Persian War, played an important role in the history of the national litmture of Armenia, laying the foundation for a new literary language. This novel of Armenian reality, written with patriotic fervour, depicted in vivid colours the sad lot of the Armenians under Persian rule. The book was privately circulated in manuscript before publication, being read in Armenian social circles and contributing to the awakening of the national self-consciousness of the Armenian people. Abovyan had been educated at Derpt (Yuriev) University. He was an enemy of the reactionary Armenian clergy and founded the first secular school in Armenia. Rating Russian culture highly, Abovyan advocated ideological and political rapprochement with Russia. He and his adherents acquainted the Aimenian readers with the best woiks of Russian and West European literature.

The first half of the 191 h century also saw the rise of a new Azer baijan literature. Its founder, Mirza Aldiundov (1812–1878), one of the best writers of his country and age, has been called the "Mussulman Molifere." In his comedies he, like Molifere, pitilessly flayed the clergy and exposed its hypocrisy and cupidity (in the comedy Alchemist Mola Ibrahim Halil). Akhundov was the first in Turkic literature to sharply criticize the absence of rights for women, to demand bour geois reforms and to call for the enlightenment and the Europeani zation of Azerbaijan. He strove to simplify the Turkic language and proposed reforms for the Arab-Turkish alphabet. Akhundov was edu cated in a Russian school, and Russian literature exercised a great and beneficial influence on his literary works. Akhundov wiote an elegy on the death of Pushkin in which he spoke of his love for the fallen poet. He frequently mentions the founder of the Russian literary language— Lomonosov.

The Development of Capitalism in Tsarist Russia

Bourgeois Reforms of the 'Sixties

Preparation of the Peasant Reform

The Peasant Reform Fight

Alexander II (1825–1881), the new emperor, ascended the throne during the Crimean War. "W^ile still heir-apparent he had declared himself in favour of the preservation of serfdom and the champion of the interests of the nobility. However, at the very outset of his reign, Alexander II was obliged to adopt a course of bourgeois reforms aiming primarily at the abolition of serfdom.

These reforms were necessitated by the entire trend of Russia's economic development. By the middle of the 19th century the econom ic disadvantages of forced serf labour both in industry and in agri culture became clearly apparent. The fuither development of the country's productive forces was impossible without the abolition of serfdom. The Crimean War, too, had proved how urgent was the need for bourgeois reforms, and the determined abolition of serfdom. Fur thermore, the widespread growth of peasant unrest, especially during the Crimean War, pointed to the existence of a profound crisis within the country and called imperatively for the elimination of the main cause of this crisis — serfdom.

The peasant movement began to assume ominous proportions as a result of the Crimean* War. Peasant economy declined during the war, while landlord exploitation of the serf peasants increased. The class struggle between the peasants and the landlords after the Crimean War became acute. The Third Section registered 86 outbreaks in 1858, 90 in 1850 and 108 in 1860. These outbreaks were now directed against the entire serfage system and not against individual iand^ lords as hitherto. The peasants everywhere refused to perform the barshchina and pay obrok^ and offered resistance to the authorities and troops sent out to suppress the disturbances.

A revolutionary situation ripened in the country. The peasant movement, however, did not develop into a revolution. "The people, enslaved to the landlords for hundreds of years, were not in a con dition to rise to a widespread, open, conscious struggle for freedom."* The woiking class was still in its nascency and could not lead the peasantry to the assault of absolutism and serfdom.

The mass struggle of the peasantry provided a stimulus to the bourgeois.liberal movement. The liberal bourgeoisie and landlords began to speak oxienly of the need for abolishing serfdom. They wrote memoranda to the government and letters to the tsar, drew up schemes of reform, made speeches at private meetings, dinners and banquets. The liberal bourgeoisie and the landlords also criticized the feudal state apparatus with its attendant bribery, arbitrary rule, the cen sorship, etc.

The menace of a peasant revolution compelled the government to begin preparation for a peasant reform. The need for the abolition of serfdom became apparent even to the tsar and the serf-owning^ landloids upon whom his power rested.

In 1856 Alexander 11 made the following statement to the nobles of the Moscow gubernia: "The existing system of the ownership of souls cannot remain unchanged. It is better to begin the abolition of serfdom from above, than wait until it begins to abolish itself from below."

In 1857–1858 gubernia committees of noblemen were organized for the puipose of drafting a law on the abolition of serfdom. Their proposals were sent to St. Petersburg to central commissions organized by the government whose function was to diaw up the general law of the reform. These commissions were made up of officials appointed by the government and were presided over by the reactionary Oeneral Rostovtsev, notorious in his day for having reported the Decembrists to Nicholas I. After Rostovtsov's death, another reactionary, Duke Panin, was appointed in his place as president of the commissions^ Nikolai Milyutin, a representative of the liberal bureaucracy, took very active part in the diafting of the reform.

All the woik of reform was directed by "The Chief Committee of Peasant Affairs," consisting of higher government officials and big' serf-owning landlords. These bureaucratic deliberations lasted several years (1857–1860).

The big landlords, who owned almost half the serfs in the country, proposed freeing the peasants without giving them allotments other than the land on which their houses stood and with the retention for all time of compulsory services in favour of the landlords.

The nobles who owned middle-sized estates wore interested in the bourgeois development of agriculture. These landlords, constitut ing half of all the nobility, owned most of the serfs. They consisted of two basic groups: the owners of barahchina and ohrok peasants. Their interests were different. The ohrok economy predominated in the non black-earth regions where not so much the land as serf-ownership was the principal source of income. The landlords allowed their serfs to go and work in the factories or engage in seasonal occupations in return for ohrok. Therefore, the liberals, such as, for example, the landlords of Tver, proposed the emancipation of peasants with the land, but at a high redemption price, which was to include the serf's personal ransom fee (the Unkovsky draft). For the landlords of the black-earth zone, on the contrary, the greatest value lay in the fertile land on which they carried on their economy by means of the harshchim. With a view to retaining the land in their own hands and converting the emancipated peasants into hired labourers, the owners of the barahchina estates agreed to the emancipation of the peasants without land. Such was the draft submitted by the landlords of Poltava. Pear ing a general uprising of peasantry, the government favoured the allotment of small plots of land to the peasants at a high redemption price.

Despite divergence of interests among the various landlord groups, this was nonetheless a conflict within one and the same class. Both the serf-owners and the liberals were equally interested in averting a peasant revolution and in steering the Russian village, at the price of concessions and compromise, along the peaceful road of gradual bourgeois reforms, while keeping the power and the land in the hands of the landlords.

Such had been the path taken by the Prussian Junker-landlords who had arranged for the gradual evolution of their large feudal econo mies into bourgeois economies. With the abolition of serfdom in Prussia the landlords appropriated to themselves the peasants' lands. The peasants, deprived of the land, were compelled to work for the landlords as hired labourers on enslaving conditions and sell the scraps of land left them to the rich peasants. The agricultural labourers in Prussia had no rights whatever and were suled by the landlords on the basis of the Menials' Regulations. The path of development of capitalism in agriculture which preserved the economic and political dominance of the landlords Lenin called the ^Trussian" path. It wal^ precisely along this ^Trussian" path of capitalist development that the Blissian liberals wanted to steer agriculture*

The Bussian peasaDts fought spontaixeotialy but stubbornly for the revolutionary path — for the division of the large landlord estates and the resolute **elearing'^ of the land of the last vestiges of feudalism, a(^ was the case in the United States of America, where, after the aboli tion of slavery, capitalism began to develop rapidly in agriculture; capitalist farms developed in place of the former slave-owning planta tions and on the vacant lands from which the Indians had been driv«  en oflF. Owing to the complete absence of feudal survivals the rela tions between the farmers and the agricultural labourers bore a cleerly expressed character of class relations as between capitalists and proletarians. The newly-organized American farms made use of machines and artificial fertilizers. This path of capitalist development in agriculture Iienin called the ^'American path' of development."

N. G. Chsrnyshevsky (1828–1889)

The peasants, who were chiefly concerned in the abolition of serfdom, were allowed to take no part whatever in the preparation of the reform. Nikolai Gavrilovich Qbiemyshevsky — the great Bussian writer-democrat and great Socialist of the pre-Marxian period, as Lenin called him, championed the in terests of the serf peasants in a program of revolutionary democ racy.

Chernyshevsky, the son of a priest, was born in Saratov. He received his early schooling in a chur<^ seminary and later in the university of St. Petersburg. Chernyshevsky hated the tsarist autocracy which oppressed the Bussian people. While still a youth he sought an answer to the tormenting question of society's reorganization in the works of Western and Bussian revolutionary writers. Chernyshevsky became a Socialist but his Socialism was of the pre-Marxian, utopian kind. Ghranyshevsky mastered the progressive historico-philosophical doc trines of his times and became the follower of the materialist Feuer bach, an immediate predecessor of Marx.

C^rnyshevsky held the utopian-socialist belief that the exist ing peasant obshchina would enable Bussia to avoid capitalism and pass directly to Socialism. But in order that the obshchina fulfil this role, claimed Chernyshevsky, the peasantry must receive, at its emanci pation, sufficient land to satisfy its needs. Chernyshevsky could not foresee that the victory of Socialism would he encompassed only as a result of the development of capitalism and the proletariat, through the class struggle of the workers. He ^^did not succeed in rising, or, rather, owing to the backwardness of Bussian life, was unable to rise to the level of the dialectical materialism of Marx and Engels."

Chernsrshevsky "s sooia list views are fully expounded in his novel What la To Be Done^ written during his imprisonment in the Fortress of Teter and Paul.

"But Chernyshevsky was not only a utopian socialist/' Lenin wrote of him. "Ho was also a revolutionary democrat; he was able to lend all political events of his epoch a revolution ary spirit, propagandizing the idea of the peasant revolution, the idea of the struggle of the masses for the overthrow of all old powers, overcoming all the obslaclcs and barriers set up by the censorship."

A disciple and successor of the great revolutionary enlightener, Belinsky, Chernyshevsky

in 1863 became a contributor to the magazine Sovremennik (Contemporary) and afterwards its virtual leader. Under him this magazine became the mouthpiece of revo lutionary democracy.

In his articles on the peasant question in the Sovremennik^ Cherny dievsky elaborated the progiam of peasant revolution. He demanded the complete abolition of serfdom and the granting to the peasants of personal freedom and all the land without redemption. Chernyshevsky closely Watched the progress of the reform and showed that the "emanci pation" which tsarism was planning was virtual deception and robbery of the peasants.

He was particularly vehement in his exposure of the liberals who had struck a bargain with the "emperor's party," Chernyshevsky said that no matter who freed the peasant— whether the serLowning landlords or the liberals, "the result would be equally vile." Cherny shevsky called upon the peasants to rally to the revolution.

Nikolai Alexandrovich Dobrolyubov

Dobrolyubov and Nekra^ sov— Chernyshevsky 's political associates and collaborators on the Sovremennik^ fought hand in hand with him for a peasant revolu# tion and denounced the treachery of the liberals. Dobrolyubov (1 836–1 861 ) was a revolutionary democrat and a great Russian literary critic. His critical articles gave a deep analysis of the sociopo litical purport of progressive works of literature, and he was an advocate of realism and a social aim in art. Like Chernyshevsky, Dobrolyubov was an adherent of the ma terialist philosophy. In his articles Wha^ ia ^'Oblomovah thina*^.^ When Will ihe Day .Cornel f The Realm of Dark^ ness, he branded landlord society and the autocratic form of government . Dobrolyubov ^s satirical verses bitingly ex posed and flayed the treachery* of the Russian liberals. These verses were printed in the satirical supplement to Sovre*

mennikf called Svistok (The Whistle). Dobrolyubov died of tubercu losis at the age. of twenty-five in the zenith of his great liter ary talent. His health had been undermined by feverish, tireless work, Nekrasov, in his poem In Memory of Dobrolyubov,

Wrote:

Oh, what a lamp of reason ceased to hum, : Oh, what a heart then ceased to Oirobl

Nikolai Alexeyevich Nekrasov

The great Russian petet, N. A. Ne krasov (1821–1877), also lived and worked in the days of the peasants* struggle against serfdom. Nekrasov was the son of a landlord, but while still a child he was fill^ with hatred for serfdom. He broke with his father, who was a serf-owner, and went to St, Petersburg "where he lived in great hardship in the squalid dwellings of the poor. Early in the ^forties Nekrasov was introduced to Belinsky *8 literary Circle and; be^nning with 1846, published the /SovremcTimfc— that militant organ of the revolutionary democracy. Belinsky was the leading light in this magazine.

-The years of his collaboration with Belinsky had a decisive in Suenoe'on^ Nekrasov. At the end of the* 'fifties Nekrasov broke with hie fiMimer^friends, the Wester^^ moderate liberals — and joined the raiiks of the resolute iSghters for the peasant revolution. Nekrasov was the bard of the long-sufferii^ peasantry. His muse of "revenge and grief" flayed the old Bussia of the serf-owners and called upon men to flight for a better life for the people. Nekrasov's ver ses and poems: Poet and Citizen, Thoughts ai the Front Door, Songs to YeremutMea, Knight for an Hour, Orina — the Soldier'' s Mother, koi-Nose Frost, Qrand •pa. Who Lives WM in Rds, Rus sian Women and others, enjoyed great popularity. Nekrasov ewer ciied a great influence on all the subsequent trend of Russian N. A. Nekrasov poetry.

A. I. Herzen and the Reform Preliminaries

Herzen's "revolutionary agitation" (as Lenin expressed it) played a tremendous part in the social upsurge on the eve of the reform. In every issue of the Polyamaya Zvezia which Herzen was publishing abroad since 1866, followed in 1867 by the well-known magazine Kolokol, Herzen exposed the atrocities of the serf-owners and the tyranny oi the bureaucrats. The Kolohol printed notes, letters and the drafts of the reform bills drawn up by the liberals in Russia i

Herzen's program of immediate demands was mediate: it called for the emancipation of the peasants with land, freedom of the press, and the abolition of corporal punishment. Herzen believed at the time that the new tsar, Alexander IE, would abolish serfdom and give the peasants land and freedom. Butin spite of these temporary liberal vacillations, Herzen remained a firm champion of the interests of the peasantry. His position differed radically from that of the liberals who expected the peasants "to be emancipated" only "from above." Herzen declared: "Whether it be emanoipatkm 'from above,* ta 'from below' we are for it." lliese temporary vaoillationli on the jpatt of Herzen and his reliance on tsarist reforms led to disagreement Vfith the revolutionary democrats. Ghernyshevsky and his associates vshe* mently condemned the mistaken portion taken up by Haezen. 13ie letter of "A Rusdan Man" to Heczmi, which Cherayskevnky hinnnlf or someone, in his circle is sup^xaed to hatn Written^ ctmtaiocd direct appeal to revolution: "Call Riis to take up the axe! FareweU^ and remember that belief in the good intentions of the tsars has been Russia's ruin for centuries."

The Abolition of Serfdom

"The Act of February 19"

Serfdom was abolished in 1861 at a time when the peasant class struggle against the landlords was at its height. The peasant movement, however, was sporadic and spontaneous. That explains why the serf-proprietors were able to put through the abolition of serfdom in a way that protected their own interests. The manifesto and act abolishing serfdom were signed by Alexander II on February 19, 1861.

This act reflected the bourgeois nature of the reform whidb was introduced by the serf-owners themselves. The peasants were proclaimed personally free. The landlord could no longer buy, sell or exchange serfs. The landlord could no longer prohibit the peasant from marrying, nor could he interfere in his family aiSFairs. The peasant received the right to make contracts in his own name, to engage in trade and other occupations, own real estate and personalty, and prosecute lawsuits in his own name. Ihe peasant was free to change his social status and become a burgher or a merchant.

The peasant who had been a slave, became juridically a free man, -Without, however, possessing full civic rights. The peasant's personal dependence upon the landlord was done away with. Non-economic or feudal coercion was replaced by economic, bourgeois, coercion. Herein lay the essential diiFerence between the peasant 's new status and his former condition of enslavement and total lack of rights. But the "Act of February 19" retained many vestiges of feudalism in the village and thus ensured the landlord a semi -serf exploitation of the peasantry. The peasant had to pay for the use of his former allotment as before either by personal labour or rent until a redemption con tract had been concluded between him and his landlord. Meanwhile the peasants were considered **under temporary obligation." It was not until twenty years after the reform, on December 28, 1881, that a law was passed making the redemption of these peasants' allotments obligatory.

For the purpose of ascertaining the amount of land requircMl for allotmmt to the peasantry under the •^Act of February 19" the Gh^t Russian, Byelorussian and Ukrainian gubernias were divided into three sones. The non-black-earth gubernias comprised the first zone, the black-earth gubernias — ^the second, and tl^ steppe gubernias—^ the third. In each of these localities the tsarist government estabUidied two of allotments —a maximum and minimum rate.

In the rich black-earth zone the peasant received less land than he had had before the reform. The reform deprived the peasants of the black-earth provinces of almost a quarter of the land they had previously cultivated. In some districts the area of peasant tenure con tracted still more after the reform: for exam pie, in the Samara gubernia— it was curtailed by 44 per cent; in the Saratov — ^by 41 per cent and in the Poltava province — by 40 per cent. On the other hand, in the non-blach-earth regions the peasants lost less land, and in the distant northern provinces, where the land was of no great value to the land lord, the peasant received additional plots. For example, in the Vologda gubernia they increased their allotments by 14 per cent ; in the Vyatka gubernia by 16.5 per cent and in the Olonetsk gubernia by 18.3 per cent. The landlords increased the land allotments to the peasants only in order to obtain more from them by way of rents.

The best lands went to the landloids as did the watering places, pasture and woodlands, etc., which before the reform had been hold in common with the peasants. Throughout Bussia the landlords de prived the peasants of more than one-fifth of all their lands. These lands were called otrezki (cuts).

The average allotment was only 3.3 dessiatina per peasant (per so-called census head) after the reform.

According to a clause included in the *"Aot of February 19" on the proposal of the serf-owner Gagarin, the landlords could, by agree ment with the peasants, make over to them a fourth of the "normal allotment" without compensation and keep the remaining three quarters for themselves. This was known as the gift or pauperis allot ment and amounted, on the average, to about 0.6 of a dessiatin. The gift allotment represented an attempt on the part of the landlord to enslave the peasant.

The landlords deliberately retained a system under which the peas ants' land was scattered in strips throughout their own. Not infrequent ly the landlord's lands cut right into the peasant allotments which they split into parts and the peasant was compollcd to lease these land lord wedges at rack-rents.

The peasants had to pay the landlord redemption payments for their freedom and allotments. The value of the land allotted by the landlords to their peasants was approximately 650,()00,000 rubles, < whereas the peasants had to pay 900,000,000 rubles. The state paid the landlords, while the peasants had to refund this loan to the state with interest in annual instalments over a period of 49 years. Bedemp tion payments by the peasants up to the revolution of 1905 amount^ to over 2,000,000,000 rubles. This huge sum thus included both the TOiue of the land and the peasants' ransom fee*

Ocmununal land tenme prevailed over the greater part of Bnsaia All tile alM^uexiti of land were keld to belong to the oeii^iinit|r was now the village oommnnity that periodically redistributed it among the various peasant households for cultivation^ Gommuna] landownership hampered peasant incentive. Ihe redistribution of communal lands did not provide the peasants with a stimulus for making appreciable out* lays on improvements of the lands allotted to them. The peasant could leave the obdhehina and take complete possession of the plot only after he had paid down, ina lump sum, his share of the redemption loan. The peasants were bound by mutual responsibility, i.e., they were respon* Bible for each other with their property for the paymeni of taxes. Unless he obtained the permission of the authorities, the peasant could not leave the village in order to earn money on the outside. Upon receiving permission to leave for work outside the village he was granted a pass* port valid for net more than one year, after which he was obliged to re turn to the village. Until 1870 the peasant had no right to give up his allotment. All these measures kept the peasant attached to the cbshchina and thus ensured the landlords a 8up]dy of cheap, enslaved labour power. The reform of February 19, 1861 freed over 10,000,000 landlord peasants from serfdom.

The "Act of February 19" also formed the basis of land settlement for the mfcZmye (appanage) and state peasants. There weie slightly over a million appanage peasants at the time of the refoim. All the lands which they had been cultivating were made over to them (in 1863) as their property on the basis of obligatory redemption. The a ppanage peas ants received 4.2 dessiatina cf land per "soul." Thfey had to pay the royal family a total sum of 61,000,000 rubles in redemption payments.

The state peasants numbered over 9,600,000. All the land which they had been cultivating was made over to them for their use in perpetu ity (according to the act of 1866). They received an average allotment of 6.7 dessiatina per "soul" and had to pay the state 1 ,060,000,000 rubles in compensation. The land settlement for the state and appanage peas ants was more generous than f 01 the former landloid seifs. The smallest sum of redemption payments was paid out by appanage peasants.

In all, 21,279,000 male peasants were emancipated. Women peasants were freed without ransom, but no land was allotted to them.

The abolition of serfdom was a turning point in Russia's history. The country's economy was becoming capitalistic. Industrial oapitaK ism in Russia developed faster than it had before 1861, in spite of the existing vestiges of serfdom which retarded its progress. The state sys tem of feudal tsarist Russia underwent a slow and steady process of bourgeois reformation. Herein lay tbe progressive significance of the reform of 1861. "Thiswas," wroteLenin,"asteptowardsthetran8forma^ tion of Russia into a bourgeois monarchy."* But since tbe reform was carried out by the serf*owaerS| they tried to retain as many of their privileges as possible. Bobbed by the landlords, the peasants found themselves entangled in a new form of enslavement, that of economio thrall to the landlords.

The Struggle of the Peasants after the Reform of 1861

The reform of Febj uary 19 did not satisfy the peasantry, which demanded the transfer to them of all landlord lands without compensation and complete emancipation from the power of the landlords. After the pro mulgation of the E mancipation Act a peasant movement spread through out the length and breadth of Bussia. In two years alone, 1861 over 2,000 peasant outbreaks were registered. In 400 cases the peasants ofiered resistance to the troops and were brutally put down. Hundreds of peasants were killed and wounded, thousands received sentences of imprisonment or penal servitude, and tens of thousands were pimished by whipping. Bumours spread among the peasants that the **Act of Feb ruary 19" was not genuine and that the officials and the nobles had hushed up the "real emancipation." Ihe peasants refused to perform their services for the landlords and rejected the "charter rules" which established the extent of the allotment and services. The largest upris ings on these grounds broke out in the villages of Bezdna, in the Kazan gubernia, and Kandeyevka, in the Penza gubernia.

In the Kazan gubernia over one-third of the land had been out off from the peasants for the benefit of the landlords. The village Bezdna, Spassky uyezd, became the centre of the uprising. The uprising was headed by a peasant named Anton Petrov. The peasants brought the "Act of February 19" to him, since he was the only literate man in the vilkge. Anton Petrov locked himself up in his hut and after spending sleepless nights poring over the act, he declared to the peasants that they must obtain from the tsar the real emancipation which the landlmds had bushed up and in the meantime refuse to perform their labour serv ices or pay obrok. The peasants of three uyezds rose up under PSetrov's leadership, and began to seize the landlords' lands. The movement last ed a whole month. A big punitive expedition was sent out against the rebels under ihe command of the tsar's aide-de-camp, Count A{»mkBin. He demanded that Petrov be given up.The peasants surrounded Petrov's hut and refused to allow the soldiers to approach it. Apraksin shot the peasants down killing over a score and wou^ng 350. Anton Petrov was courtmartialled and shot.

The landlords of the Penza gubernia cut off for themselves a quarter of all the peasant lands. The uprising inthe village d Kandeyevka began under the slogan; "All the land is ours." The rebel peasants rode through the neighbouring villages with a red banner, calling upon the othm to join them, movement spread ov^ three uyei^ of the Penza gubernia and to part of the Tambov gubamia* I^oops were sent out against the rebels. The punitive detachments surround the peasants in the village of Kandeyevka ai.Ud dbot three rqupds. OAmmimhom crowds: diall all die to a man but shall not submit." Nor could the wholesale whipping resorted to break their resistance. "Even if you kill us," said the peasants, "we wonHgoto waik,and don*t want to pay oftrofc." Eight peasants were killed in E^andeyevha, 27 wounded, and 108 beaten with ramrods, sentenced to penal servitude or exiled.

The Revolutionary "Raznochintsi" of the 'Sixties

Thestruggle of the peasants for land and freedom was supported by the revolution ary movement of the intellectuals, the democratic JRaznochintai who h^ come to take the place of the revolutionary nobles. The Baznochintsi Were the children of the burghers, petty officials, the lower strata of the clergy and ruined nobles. The "Act of February 19" (1861) aroused great indignation among these democratic elements. Demonstrations of protest were organized by the university students of St. Petersburg and Kazan in the summer and particularly in the autumn of 1861. The alarmed authorities saw in this activity of the youth the beginning of a revolution. The military were resorted to to suppress the meetings of students at the St. Petersburg University. About 300 students were ar rested and imprisoned in the fortress of Kronstadt. Bevolut ionary sen timent waxed stronger. Secret revolutionary circles for struggle against tsarism were organized among the youth.

The leaders of the revolutionary movement of the Baznochinteu democrats were Chemyshevsky and Dobrolyubov. The Sovremennik (Contemporary)^ a magazine edited by Chemyshevsky, was the ideolog ical organizing centre of this movement. Ihe mighty revolutionary words of the great writer-democrat roused the best people of the 'six ties to a struggle against the feudal autocracy. In 1861 a proclamation was issued by Chemyshevsky *s circle, written in a simple, popular style, entitled "Greetings to the Manorial Peasants from Their Well Wishers." The proclamation exposed the deal which the tsar had made with the landlords and called upon the peasants to rally together and make organized preparations for an uprising against them. At the same time (Jhernyshevsky's friend, N. V. Shelgunov, wrote a proclamation "To the Soldiers." Neither of these proclamations were printed because they fell into the hands of the Third Section in manuscript form.

Another proclamation addressed **To the Young Generation," writ ten by N. V. Shelgunov and printed in Herzen's London printshop, was eirculated by Chemyshevsky 's revolutionary circle. This proclamation called upon the youth to carry on revolutionary propagan<]b among ihe peasants and soldiers. The well-known poet, M. L. Mikhailov, was mrrest ed and sentenced to a term of penal servitude for distributing this proclamation. In the spring of 1862 the proclamation "Young Russia," written by the student revolutionary Zaidmevsby, was issu^ in Mos cow, Like Shelgunov, Zaidmevsky visualized the revolutionary youth as the main force of tl^ revolution and called upon it to rise in arms aaid destroy the ruling classes. In the beginning of the *sixtieB (1861 –1863) 1 he first big revolutionary secret society Zemlya i Volya (Land and Freedom) was organized. Its founders were a group of writers associated with the Soorem&nnik^ the revolutionary-democrats Serno-Solovyovich, Obruchev, Slfi|itBOv and Others, all members of Chernyehevky's circle.

Chernyshevsky was the ideological leader and fount of inspiration for the entire revolutionary-democratic movement in the country dur ing the period of preparation and enforcement of the peasant reform. The tsarist government resorted to a whole system of provocation and falsification to frame a case against Chem 3 ^shevsky on the charge of being the author of the proclamation to the "Manorial Peasants/' and chiefly for his "adherence to materialist and revolutionary ideas/' Aft er keeping Chornyshevsky confined for two years in the Forlrc^ of Peter and Paul the government condemned this iiTcconcilablc fighter against autocracy, the leader of the peasant revolution, to 14 yciars* penal servitude and perpetual banishment to Siberia. Before Chemy shevsky was sent offto servo his sentence he was subjected to the modie vaJ rite of civil execution on May 19, 1864. The hangmen led Cherny, shevsky to the scaflFold on IVIytninskaya Square in St. Petersburg, made him kneel down, broke a swoid over his head and then chained hjm to the pillory. Chernyshevsky stood calmly under the rain waiting for this mockery to come to an end. When he was being led down from the scaffold a girl in the crowd threw him some fiowers and was immedi ately arrested for it^

Chernyshevsky was sent to the Nerchinsk convict prison. When his term of penal servitude, which had been rtduccd to seven years, cam4 to an end , Chernyshevsky, at the direct orders of Alexander II, was again imprisoned in the remote Siberian town of Vilyuisk. in 1883 be was taken from the Vilyuisk prison to Astrakhan. And only twenty-seven years after his arrest, in 1889, was Chernyshevsky permitted to return to his native city of Saratov, He was already past sixty then. His health broken by prison and exile, N. G. Chernyshevsky died in October 1889 in Saratov. The great Bussian revolutionary-democrat Chernyshevsky had spent almost half of his life confined in a fortress, a convict prison, the Vilyuisk prison and in exile. Thus did tsarism avenge itself on its irreccmcilable enemy,

N. G. Chernyshevsky was a great Bussian patriot who gave up bis whole life to bis country and his people. While still a youth Gh^erny* shevsky wrote: *'To contribu^ to the eternal^ intransi^t glory of my eountry and to the good of humanity — ^what could be greater and more desirable!" All his life he selflessly served those ends. /

Chernyshevsky wi^ a great scholar and demoeret, a passionate propagandist of scientific knowledge^ Marx and Engels regarded (3iemyshevsky as a great Bussian soiratist; They wrote that his economic works "do real honour to Bussia." Chernyidiev^

marks on the P< litical Economy of Mills was highly appraised by Marx. Lenin also regarded Chernyshevsky as a '^remarkably profound critic of capitalism." Cfaernysheysky was also a literary critic and one of the authors of the materialist theory of aesthetics* Ihe books of Chernyshev, sky were withdrawn from circulation by the tsarist autuorities after he had been sentenced.

Lenin called the revolutionaries of the /forties to the 'sixties — Belinsky, Herzen, Chernyshevsky, Dobrolyubov, Pisarev and others— enlighteners, because their literary activity contributed to the political enlightenment of Russia, in the period when the working class of Russia Was still in its infancy and had, therefore, not come forward as the van guard of revolution, the enlighteners were fighters against tsarist au tocracy and serfdom.

Zemstvo and Municipal, Judicial and Military Reforms

After the abolition of serfdom tsarism was compelled to introduce other bourgeois reforms designed to adapt the autooratio-police system of Russia to the needs of capitalist evolution. The elective zemstvos and municipal dumas get up by the government admitted represent* atives of the bourgeoisie and peasantry besides the nobility. Lenin^ writing, about the zemstvos and the municipal dumas said that they were "the begimiiiig of local representative institutions of the bourgeoisie."

In 1864 uyezd and gubernia zemstvos were established, being argans of local self-government which handled purely local a&irs ccmiwiaed with the rural population (road building, the building of hospitals, sdiools, etc.)« !nie uyezd and gub^ia zemstvos consisted of a repressaM ative council called the zem^hcye so&faa^e and an executive board, the zemakaya uprava elected by the former and presided over by a represent** ative of the landed nobility. Representation on the zemstvo was reatiiot ed by qualidoations of land-ownendiip which placed the zemstvo oioma* pletely under the control of the big landowners.

Ti^ uyezd zemstvo deputies were elected by the landloids and thh peasants as well as by propertied burghers, j.e., by the bourgeoiBi#% The delegates elected at the village assemblies elected deputies from the peasants. The peasants were usually compelled under administra tive pressure to elect the kulaks^ t. e.,the rural bourgeoisie, as deputies. The gubernia deputies were elected by the uyezd zemstvo councils. The zemstvo executive board and its chairman were elected at zemstvo meetings and con&'med by the governor. The zemstvo was controlled by the landed nobility in its own class interests. A striking illustration of this is the fact that the peasants paid twice as much as the landlords in zemstvo taxes per dessiatin of land.Roads were built in the landlords' interests and medical services were opened in the vicinity of their estates.

There were no good local roads at all before the zemstvo reform, only wretched country lanes. The roads laid by the zemstvos contributed to the growth of capitalism. The zemstvos in the 'seventies started the building of railways and the establishment of banks, thus further contri buting to the development of capitalism. All the activities of the zemst vos as elective organizations were imder the constant supervision of the governors.

In 1870 municipal dumas consisting of the municipal deputies elected by owners of houses, merchants and manufacturers, as well as high taxpayers in the towns, replaced the municipal duma of six deputies established under Catherine II. The municipal dumas were controlled by the bourgeoisie and operated in its class interests. This was strikingly borne out by the wretched housing conditions in the quarters where the city poor lived. The municipal duma elected its exec utive body— * the municipal executive board called the gorodahaya upram — headed by a mayor. The munidpal dumas were under the su pervision of the governors.

In 1864 the judicial system was also reformed. The former, pre-re form feudal court, with its complete absenoe of publicity and oral ja^ocedure, was replaced by a new, bourgeois court. Hearings were now held in public, and procedure was conducted orally at the court sittings. A jury consisting of members of the nobility, and the urban and rural bourgeoisie was introduced for criminal eases on the circuit courts. The accused were defended by lawyers, and the suit was carried on by a public prosecutor. Petty cases were handled by courts of justices of the peace. The municipal dumas and the zemstvos elected the justices of the peace from among the big landlords and house-owners. Volost courts were established in the coimtryside for peasants only and these courts could inflict corporal punishment on the peasants. Civil cases were also decided publicly with the participation of both parties, t.e., of representatives of the plaintiff and the defendant. The civil courts were governed by new laws which protected property rights on the instruments and means of production both of the landlords and the capitalists.

The judicial reform introduced by the government was based on models of West Eurox>ean bourgeois courts and was the most bourgeois of all the reforms of the 'sixties, since the new courts protected the in terests of the bourgeoisie.

Political cases were handled by the Svdehnaya Palata and the Sen ate, as Well as by the military tribunals. More often than not, however, political cases were decided administratively: arrested revolutionar ies Were summarily exiled to Siberia or to the north of Russia without trial or examination.

In 1874 the tsarist government carried out a military reform. Com pulsory military service for all estates was introduced in place of the former recruiting system. Youths were called up on reaching the age of 21 . Part of the conscripted men were enrolled for military service; others (depending on domestic circumstances) were kept in the reserve. The term of service was set at six years, after which the soldier was trans ferred to the reserve. For those who had received an education (i.c., primarily representatives of the propertied classes — the land lords and the bourgeoisie) the term of service was considerably re duced.

Though protecting the interests of the landlords, the bourgeois re forms of the 'sixties at the same time opened wide the road to the devel opment of capitalism in Russia.

Tsarist Russia took the first steps towards its transformation into a bourgeois monarchy.

Obliged as it was against its will to introduce the bourgeois reform of the 'sixties, tsarism nevertheless did not relinquish its reactionary policy, which was especially pronounced in the field of education. In 1S?I, at the direction the reactimiary Minister of Education, Count B; Tolstoy, the classical gymmrium was founded, with the dead Ian gMges (i^iii and Greek) as its principal subjects. The teaching of ziatural sciences was completely banned in the gymwmum^ while the curriculum of mathematics and Russian were greatly curtailed. The primary zemstvo schools and their teachers were under the strict police surveillance of the government school iitspectom.

The Rising of 1863 in Poland

Poland on the Eve of the Uprising

Poland in the middle of the 19th century experienced an economic and social upsurge. Capi talism made considerable progiess. Big factories sprang up. Industrial centres grew up in Warsaw, 2yrard6w and Ldd£. The D^browa coal district developed rapidly. Polish landlords introduced industrial crops in agriculture: potatoes for distilling purposes and beet lor the sugar industry.

The agrarian question grew very acute* in Poland in the 'fifties. The Polish peasants had been deprived of land since 1807, the year of their emancipation from serfdom. The dearth of land induced the I>easants to leave en masse for the cities in quest of a livelihood, a movement which was especially intensified in the 'fifties and 'sixties. The industrial crisis at the beginning of the 'sixties led to the closing down of many factories and mills, with an attendant rise in unemploy* ment, and growth of the revolutionary temper of the Polish workers and peasants. At the same time there was a growth of the revolutionary movement among the Polish gentry and the rising bourgeoisie, who chafed under the burden of their dependency on tsarist Russia. The defeat of tsarism in the Crimean War intensified the revolutionary movement in Poland still more.

In 1861–1862 an extensive national movement developed in Po land. Demonstrative public requiems were held in memory of the leaders of the Polish uprising of 1830–1831. The streets of Warsaw became the scenes of patriotic demonstrations. Some of them ended in the shooting down of the demonstrators by tsarist troops, which still more enraged the Poles against tsarism.

In 1862 a "Cenlralny Komitet Narodowy" was formed in Warsaw, which was supported by a revolutionary organization called the **B6d Party." This party consisted of representatives of the ruined petty gentry and the petty bourgeoisie. Another active political organization of the Polish landlords was the so-called "White. Party." Contention for the leadership of the uprising and the nature ol the uprising /lU sell^its progiam and tactics-— l^ame the objects of a bitter struggle between the "Reds" and the "Whites."

In order to remove the revolutionary elements the tsarist goy^* ment enrolled the young men in the cities in a special reesruit Jnent Isst^,, To avoid conscription the nsvolutionaiy youth iooh;^ to tbo woodS, where they organized guerilla detachments. Workers and artisans took an active part in these detachments.

The Rising of 1863

After the publication of the recruitment uhase an uprising broke out simultaneously in 15 places in Poland in January 1863. The *'Centralny Komitet Narodowy" which led the uprisings proclaimed itself the revolutionary government (Rz%d Na rodowy). An underground revolutionary government of Poland existed in Warsaw for a period of fifteen months. At the end of January 1863 it issued a manifesto transferring to the peasants all the landlord lands which they had previously cultivated. Simultaneously it issued a decree for the organization of a popular levy. The Polish i}easants enthusiastically joined the partisan detachments. However, the new government,' consisting for the most part of the gentry, were scared jat the prospect of a peasant war, and revoked the decree concerning the popular levy, ordering the peasants to return to their homes. This counter-revolutionary measure considerably weakened the uprising. The Polish gentry placed all their hopes on the intervention of Na poleon III and other states in defence of Poland. But they did not receive the promised assistance either from Prance or Austria. Alexan der II came to an agreement with the king of Prussia for their j'oint suppression of the Polish uprising, and, mustering a huge army, he moved against rebellious Poland.

The uprising spread froni Poland to Lithuania, Byelorussia and the adjacent regions of Ukraine. A Lithuanian-Byelorussian Chervoni (Red) Rz%d was organized in Vilno to lead the uprising. Here, as in Poland, the gentry in the government hampered the movement. The peasants of Lithuania and Byelorussia, armed with scythes and axes, came out against the landlords, both Russian and Polish. The organizer and leader of the peasant uprising in Byelorussia was Kastus Kalinov sky. He appealed in the Byelorussian language directly to the Byelo russian peasants, wronged and oppressed by the landlords and tsarist authorities, Kalinovsky demanded a democratic system of government for a free Byelorussia and agrarian reforms for the peasants. Another of Kalinovsky ^s merits was the fact that he propagandized in every way the Byelorussian language. He championed the right of the Byelo russian peasants to absolute political equality with the landlords. That is why the "\^tes" turned KalinoVA;y over to the tsarii^t hang men. Standing at the gallows listening to his sentence in which he was called **Squire Kalinovsky," he exclaimed indignant ly^ '^There are no squires among us — ^we are all equal."

The attempt to start a rebellion in the Ukraine failed because the Ukrainian peasants refused to support the Polish gentry.

The u|»riBixig in Lithuania and Byelorussia was suppressed by the notorious Muravyov4he<*hatig^ With ruthless^ executions and reprisals. During the suppression of the Polish uprising of 1830–1831 he had said of himself that he was not one of the Muravyovs who are hanged but one of those who do the hanging. The nickname ^Tianger'" clung to this executioner of the Polish, Lithuanian and Byelorussian people for all time. He crushed the uprisings in Lithuania and Byelo russia by executions, exile to Siberia, the confiscation of estates and the burning of villages. He put to death the leader of the rebel Zhmud (Lithuanian) peasants, Serakovsky, a friend and associate of Cherny shevsky, and the leader of the rebel Byelorussian peasants, Kastus Kalinov^y, as well as hundreds of participants in the uprising.

The suppressors of Poland adopted the same methods as Muravyov, the-hanger. The rebels carried on guerilla warfare against the tsarist troops, who wreaked savage reprisals on the revolutionaries when they fell into their hands. Wroblewski and Dqfbrowski-.— the future defenders and heroes of the Paris Commune— were among the out standing revolutionary officers.

Only by the end of April 1865, 28 months after the uprising started, did the tsarist troops wipe out the last rebel detachment. One thousand five hundred people were executed during the suppression of the upris ing in Poland. Many thousands of Poles were sent to Siberia and 30,000 rebels were killed in battle.

The Bussian officials in Poland pursued an inflexible policy of forcible Kussification. Tsarism even tried to erase the very name of Poland by changing it to the Warsaw General-Governorship, or the Provinces of the Vistula.

While all the forces of Bussian and European reaction were directed to crushing the uprising in Poland, Bussian revolutionary democrats headed by Herzen gave their ardent support to the struggle of the Polish people for liberation. Not wishing to take part in the suppression of the uprising some Bussian officers retired from the army. Others took part in the armed struggle of the Poles against tsarism. The secret society Zemlya i FoZya leagued itself with the Lithuanian-Byelo russian Bed Bz^d for a joint struggle against tsarism under the slogan: "Tor Your Freedom and Ours. " Herzen in the Kolokol staunchly championed the cause of freedom for Poland, and castigated her tor turers, executioners and hangmen.

Western European workers, led by Marx and Engels, enthusias tically hailed the struggle of the Polish people for fre^om and inde pendence. Marx and J^gels wrote in 1881: "The Polish uprising of 1863, which led to the joint protest of the English and French worh^s against the international crimes of their governments, served the starting point of the International which was founded with the par ticipation of the Polish exiles.

The Peasant Reform in the National Regions

Peasant Reform in Lithuania, Byelorussia, Ukraine and Poland

Serfdom in Lithuania and Byelorussia was abolished in 1861. A special local **Act of February 19" was promulgated for Lithuania and Byelorussia which took into consideration the specific features of serfdom in these gubernias. Preparatory to the abolition of serfdom the landlords — ^for the most part the Poles — ^took away the land from many Byelorussian and Lithuanian peasants and rented it out. On the abolition of serfdom the landlords left the serf peasants with very little land. Such was the situation until the uprising of 1863.

To win over the peasants of Lithuania and Byelorussia during the uprising of 1863 tsarism carried out an agrarian reform. The oblig. atory redemption of allotments at lowered rates was introduced. The allotments became the property of the peasants. All peasant liabilities to the landlords were cancelled. Thus the peasant allotments in Lithuania and Northern Byelorussia were considerably increased at the expense of the Polish landlords.

This reform was further extended to cover the rest of Byelorussia and Western Ukraine where very large Polish landholdings existed. Redemption payments were reduced by half.

After crushing the Polish uprising, the tsarist government intro duced, in 1864, a peasant reform in Poland. This reform differed considerably from that of 1861 in Russia. All compulsory services by the peasant for the landlord were abolished and all suits for recov ery of arrears from the jieasants were discontinued. The land which the peasants had been cultivating before the refoim now became their personal property. All land which had been taken away from the peasants by the landlords since 1846 was likewise turned over to the peasants. The landless peasants were also provided with land. The landholdings of the Polish peasants increas^ by 30 per cent.

The Polish landlords received compensation for the land which had been turned over to the peasants directly from the state treasury. There was no direct redemption of the land received by the peasants in Poland. Instead the tsarist government practically doubled the rates of taxation payable by the peasants. Fewer vestiges of feudalism were retained in Poland after the reform than in Russia. The Polish landlords, however, still remained big proprietors of land while the bulk of the Polish peasantry was left in direct economic dependence upon them.

Peasant Reform in Transcancasla and the Northern Caucasus

In the second half of the 19th century tsarism embarked on the extensive economic development of the Northern Gaucasus and Transcaucasia, With the develc^iment of commoditymoney relations and the incessant peasant disturbances the liquidation of serfdom in this colony of tsarism became a pressing need. In 1867 a widespread peasant uprising, under the leadership of the blacksmith Utu Mikav, broke out in Mingrelia. The peasants fought against the colonial oppression of tsarism and feudal exploitation. Alarmed by the uprising in Mingrelia the tsarist government was compelled to introduce a peasant reform in Georgia. The Georgian feudal landlords did their utmost to obstruct the introduction of the reform. The abolition of serfdom in Transcaucasia, and especially in Georgia, was carried out to the advantage of the landlords and with ruinous results to the peasants. The petty landed nobles in Georgia were released entirely of any obligation to provide the peasants with allotments, and the otrezU (cuts) were very great throughout Georgia. Thus in the gubernia of Tiflis the x)easants were deprived of more than 40 per cent of the land. The meagre peasant plots were scattered in strips throughout the landlords' holdings. The peasants were deprived of woodlands and pasturage for their cattle. In the arid regions the peasants could not use the water without the permission of the landlords. The peasants were compelled to pay high redemption prices for the scraps of land which they received after the reform. Until the redemption contract had been concluded the peasants were under a temporary obligation to render services to the landlords and were compelled to yield the prince-landlord one-quarter of their harvest of grain and grapes and one-third of their hay crop. The peasant had to pay annual rent on his farm amounting to 6 per cent its value. Most of the peasants of Georgia remained temporarily obligated to the landlords right up to 1912 when a law was passed making redemption compulsory.

Thus, after the reform, the pewswts of Georgia continued to pay rents and render forced labour services to the landlord. In addition, they Were obliged to make gifts to the landlord and work on his estate several days in the yeax. If the peasant did not make his payments in due time the landlord took away whatever property he had and sometimes his plot of land as well.

The peasantry of Guria suffered most of all by the abolition of serfdom. A Guria peasant aptly described his position in the following words: *'When I go to sleep my head rests in the estate of one landlord prince and my feet in that of another."

The peasant reforms of the 'sixties did not affect the khizam (the fugitive peasants), and the mountaineers who had, since time imme morial, descended into the valleys and settled on the lands of the landlords. The khizans paid the landlords from one-tenth to OUe sixth of their oro]^. After the reform the landlords, in dOrmeotion with the rise in lease values, tried to raise rentals and modify the t^ms of contract with the khizane. Frequently the landlords drove theih out of their old homesteakhi.

The peasants of Abkhazia refused to be reconciled to the alienation of the best lands by the landowners for whom they were compelled to perform labour services, and in 1866 rose in a rebellion which soon spread throughcmt the country. The rebels^ liearing red flags, captured the city of Sukhum. The tsarist government sent out a force of 8,000 sol diers against the rebel Abkhazians, and the rising was crofilied with great brutality. This uprising compelled tsarism in 1870 to introduce a peasant reform in Abkhazia as well. By the law of 1870 every land lord received up to 250 dessiatins of land while the peasants received an allotment only of 3 to 7 dessiatins per household, in which was included inarable land. The result of this "reform" was to create an acute land hunger among the Abkhazians. Even the tsarist offi» cials were compelled to admit that only the mountain rocks and swamps had been left to the Abkhazian peasants.

In 1870 the tsarist government also abolished serfdom in Azer baijan and in the greater part of Armenia. The Act of 1870 obligated the landlords to provide the peasants with the use of a farmstead, tillage and pasturage, the landlord, however, being entitled to retain for himself a considerable part of the old allotments (the otre^). The peasants had the right to redeem the allotments without the con sent of the landlords, but they did not receive a government loan, as the peasants had in Bussia. The peasant could, if he wicked, refuse to take any allotment at all, a thing that was not permitted in Russia,

The uprising of the Chechen in 1867 compelled the tsarist govern ment to abolish serfdom and slavery among the mountaineers of the Caucasus. This "reform" was tantamount to absolute robbery of the peasant mountaineers in favour of the feudal princes. Though the slaves and serfs w^e freed, this emancipation was carried tlnough without the allotment of land, and for a ransom of 250 rubles. Until this ransom had been paid both slaves and serfs were obliged to per form labour services for the landlord which sometimes ran into five days out of the week.

The result of this "reform" was to leave the peasant-mountaineers mere scraps of land around their houses, amounting to from 0.25 to 0.4 dessiatins. The landlords deprived the peasants of all pasture lands which, in the Caucasus, constituted the main source of existence for the mountaineers. Thus the former serf peasants and slaves again found themselves in thrall to their former landlords.

The Cendition of the Peasants in Other National Regions

Not even this kind of "reform^* was introduced everywhere in Russia. In the Kalmuck regions serfdom was retained until 1882, while in Central Asia, Khiva and Bokhara, the survivals of serfdom and slav ery existed until the establishment there of the Soviet goverzunent.

The zemstvo and judicial reforms of the 'sixties were not applied in the naticmal regions. Govarnment-a;^inted law courts fuuctior^ in these regions, where trial by jury was unknown. Local courts in the Mussulman regions were left in the hands of judges from among the priesthood, whose judgments were based on the Koran, Proceedings were carried on in Eussian. Not even the zemstvo was introduced here.

All power in the outlying regions was wielded by the tsarist offi cers and colonizers. In the Caucasus and Central Asia the administra tion pursued a policy of ruthless terrorism and the plundering of the local national peasant population. In this they were assisted by the local feudal lords. These types of tsarist colonizers were stigmatized by the great Russian satirist, Saltykov-Shchedrin, in his book Meaara, Tashhentsi.

The Development of Capitalism in the 'Sixties and 'Seventies

Capitalism in Agriculture and Industry after the Peasant Reform

Specific Features of Capitalist Development after the Reform

During the first decades following the reform capitalism in Russia developed rather slowly both in industry and agriculture. Compared to the other capitalist countries ox Europe and America tsarist Russia was extremely backward technically and economically. The relics of serfdom that remained in the village after the reform of 1861 retarded the development of capitalism, as did also the obsolete autocratic state system of the nobility.

Agriculture after the Reform* The reform of 1861 left intact the root of agriculture's economic backwardness — the landlord lati* fundia, i,e,, vast estates run mainly on semi -feudal lines.

After the peasant reform the peasant found himself land-starved. This and the fact that his allotment was cut up into strips, that he was deprived of meadowlands and overburdened by tsarist taxes, forced the peasant to rent tillage, pasture lands and hayfields from the landlord. In return he was compelled to work the landlords' tilths with his own implements. This was the old feudal system of barahehim in the new guise of oirabotka (labom rent). Another form of this system was ispolshchina (share-cropping) under which the peasant paid the landlord half ot his crop in kind for the land rented.

Taking advantage of the destitution of the peasants the land^ lords and the kulaks hired them as labourers in the middle of the winter when most of the peasants were running short of corn. Receiving an advance of grain or flour or a deposit on account of his wretchedly low wages the peasant would sell himself out in winter to do all the summer field work.

The bulk of the peasantry (the poor and middle peasants) were so heavily exploited by the landlords that they could do nothing at all to improve their own farms. The landlords' economy amass ing as it did huge profits through the semi-serf exploitation of the peai^nts evolved very slowly into a capitalist economy.

The otrabotka system of economy still prevailed in the central provinces of Russia when capitalist agriculture began to develop in the Ukraine and the Volga region. The lands of the ruined landlords were bought up by the urban bourgeoisie and the kulaks. Within twenty years (1861–1881) the bankrupt landlords had sold more than 16,600,000 dessiatins of land. The natural economy of the peasants was transformed into a petty commodity economy. The peasants were compelled to sell corn, frequently by reducing the amount of their own consumption. Property inequality increas^ in the villages with an attendant increase in class differentiation. A small group of rural bourgeoisie — the kulaks — sprang up from the ranks of the middle peasantry. The greater part of the middle peasantry were reduced to ruin and joined the ranks of the rural proletariat and semi-proletariat, a "class of hired workers with a plot of land," as Lenin called them. By the beginning of the 'eighties no less than half of all the peasant households consisted of poor peasants with no horses or one horse. The periodic famines which recurred about once in every three years augmented the numbers of the village poor by ruined middle peasants.

The peasant bourgeoisie or the kulaks accumulated capital by money-lending and exploitation of the peasant poor. In the autumn when tax payments fell due the poor and middle peasants would take their corn to market and naturally the price of grain would drop. The kulaks took advantage of this to buy up corn cheaply. By January the poor peasant ran short of com and would resort to the kulak for a loan. For each sack of com borrowed he had to return two or more in the autumn or else cultivate a patch of the kulak's land. Frequent ly loans were given at an annual interest of 600 to800 per cent. The poor peasant found himself hopelessly enslaved to the kulak. The credit received by him in the kulak's shop and pothouse involved him still more. On such predatory exploitation of the peasant poor did the Kolupayevs and Razuvayevs described by Saltykov-Shchedrin, the great Russian satirist, build up their fortunes. capital thus accumulated was invested either in trade and industry or applied to promoting capitalist agriculture. The kulak made extensive use of hired labour and up-to-date agricultural implements (the plough, the reaper, the thresW) on his farm.

The abolition of serfdom contributed to the penetration of capi talism into the Xlkrainian village as well. The peasantry there was also undergoing a process of class dijBFerentiation and formation of a rural bourgeoisie— the kulaks.

The kulak farms in the XJkrainian steppelands extensively em ployed machines and hired labour.

The landlords preferred to lease large tracts of land to the kulaks for a term of several years, and the latter, in turn, rented it out in small plots to the landless peasants, usually for a year. Thus the Ukrainian peasant found himself imder a double yoke — that of the landlords and of the kulaks. The peasant was obliged to pay a fixed number of oornricks for every dessiatin of land he rented. This was called skopshchiruit a form of share-cropping, and sometimes amount ed to as much as three-quarters of the crops.

Particularly hard was the lot of the Ukrainian peasants in the territories west of the Dnieper where, after the abolition of serfdom, they lost the use of woodlands, waters and pasture lands.

Capitalism made considerably slower progress during the 'sixties and 'seventies in the agriculture of Byelorussia. Bjere, as in the rest of Russia after the peasant reform, large landlord tenure prevailed, represented for the greater part by Polish landownera. It differed however from the rest of Russia in that Byelorussian large landlord tenure quickly adapted itself to the new economic conditions, and Jandownership not only did not decrease but expanded still further at the expense of the middle and small landlords, becoming a capitalist agricultural enterprise of the Prussian type. The absence of i^ustry or other means of employment aggravate the position of the Byelo russian peasants still more* The only occupations available outside the oppressive work on the landlords' estates were lumbering or tim ber-floating.

Capitalism also struck root in agriculture in Georgia after the reform. The contradictions between the mass of the peasantry and the kulaks in the village grew more acute, and the process of differentia tion among the peasants proceeded apace.

In some uyez^ in Georgia as much as 80 to 90 per cent of all the sheep were concentrated in the hands of the rural bourgeoisie. The peasants, being in constant need of money, borrowed loans from the money-lenders who exacted as much as 200-300 per cent in interest. The Georgian village was on the verge of extinction. A tsarist general sent to ]^hhetia to ascertain the causes of the peasant unrest was obliged to admit that the peasants were absolutely pauperised. myself know," he wrote, "a great maaber of peasant famiUp which eat bxmd only every other day in winter and sometimes once in three.days because they have no oom of their own and Jbivf 40 live from hand to mouth."

Lenin in his great work Th& Development of Capitalism in Russia showed that after 1861 capitalism developed both on the landlord estates and peasant farms.

It could develop in two different ways: either by the transforma tion of the landlord economies into bourgeois economies retaining the system of oppressive exploitation of the peasants (as in Prussia), or by the revolutionary abolition of landlord tenure and the free development of peasant economies along farmer lines (as in the case of America). The landlords and the bourgeoisie steered the advance of capitalism along the Prussian evolutionary path. The peasantry, on the other hand, struggled spontaneously for the American , revolutionary path.

The Development of Capitalism in Industry

Capitalism developed at a much faster rate in industry than in agriculture after the reform of 1861. However, good means of communication were an essential requisite for the development of capitalism and there were but few of these in feudal Russia. Suffice to say that in 1861 there was a total of only 1 ,488 versts of railway lines throughout the vast Russian empire . In the ffist decade after the reform two-thirds of available capital were invested in railway construction. From 1861 to 1881 — a period of twenty years — 19,600 versts of railways were built. The ^sixties and 'seventies witnes^ a groat railway boom. Granted concessions by the government, i.e., monopoly rights to build railways, important officials or landlords resold the^ concessions to Russian and foreign capitalists for large sums. Thus, French capital held a monopoly on the construction of railways in the 'fifties and organized in Russia a special railway company which at one time was granted the right to exploit all existing railroads.

Notable progress was made after 1861 in the textile industry. The production of textile goods incs'eased threefold betwew 1861 and 1881. Large-scale machine industry won the race against capitolist manufactories, and weaving mills forced handicraft weaving out of the field.

Heavy industry developed more slowly than the textile indus try. An impetus to its development was given by railway construc tion. 33x6 &st blast furnace, built by British capital, was blown in at Yuzovka (now Stalino) in 1871. The southern worb, built chiefly by foreign capital, began to manufacture rails and other railway equipment which had previously been imported. In the forty years following the reform — ^from 1861 to 1900 — pig-iron produc tion and petr^um output inoxeased very considerably — almost t«fold.

Metallurgy in the Ukraine was still taking its first steps in the 'sevauties. Goal output in the Ukraine increased considerably for this pmod^fifteeulold betwe^ 1861 to 1881.

The sugar refineries and distilleries were the leading branches of industry in the Ukraine at the time. The area under potatoes for distilling purposes on the landlord estates west of the iSnieper was enlarged. There was also a considerable increase in beet cultivation for the sugar refineries. Seasonal '*sugar" employment, as well as seasonal '^steppe" employment in the capacity of agricultural labourers were at that time the main sources of the peasants' miserable earnings in the Ukraine.

Industry in Transcaucasia developed rather slowly. There were only some small enterprises in the gubernia of Tiflis. The first meohan ioal factory in Tiflis was founded by the Englidi. In 1866 the first large textile mill was built.

The construction of the Transcaucasian railway was of great econom ic importance to Georgia and to Transcaucasia as a whole. The first railway traffic was opened in 1872 between Poti and Tiflis.

Lenin pointed out that the development of capitalism in Russia proceeded on an intensive and extensive scale. Intensive development of capitalism signified the further growth of capitalist industry, capi talist agriculture and of the internal market in the main central area of Russia. Its extensive development signified the spread of capitalism to new territories, to the colonies.

Tsarism did its utmost, in the interests of the Russian manufacturers and millowners, to hamper the development of industry in its oolo nies — ^the national regions. In this way it kept the markets open for Russian manufactures and pumped the raw material out of the colonies.

Lenin emphasized the fact that capitalism's intensive develop ment was retarded by the colonization of the outlying regions. The existing survivals of serfdom and poverty of the population narrowed the internal market and thus made a search for foreign markets im perative. *'If Russian capitalism," wrote Lenin, *Vere unable to expand beyond the limits of the territory it has occupied since the beginning of the post-Reform period, this contradiction between capital ist large-scale industry and the archaic institutions in rural life (the tying down of the peasant to the land, etc.) would very soon have led to the abolition of these institutions and to the complete clearing of the path of agricultural capitalism in Russia. But the possibility of seeking and ^ding a market in the outlyirg regions which are being colonized (for the manufacturer), the possibility of moving to new territories (for the peasants) softens this contradiction. ... It, goes without sajdng," Lenin added, "that such a retardition of the growth of capitalism is tantamount to preparing for an even greater and more extensive growth in the near future." This prognosis of Lenin :wbs wholly confirmed by the whole subsequent course of Russian history.

The Formation of an Industrial Proletariat

Simultaneously with the development of industry there grew an industrial proletariat, formed out of the landless and impoverished peasant masses and the urban craftsmen.

Lenin, in his book The Development of Oapitaliam in Rueaia, de scribes the process by which the peasant was torn away from the land and turned into a hired worker. The ruined peasant was compelled to seek employment on the railways and at the new factories and mills. The factory workers' links with the land weakened from year to year. By the 'eighties the factories had become the principal means of livelihood for half of all the workers in Bussia. Most of the peasant handicraftsmen were ruined either by falling into the clutches of dealers or else they threw up their crafts and went to work in the fac tories and mills. "The forty years that have elapsed since the reform,*' wrote Lenin, "have been marked by this constant process ... of *de poasanting.'"

By the middle of the 'eighties an industrial proletariat had grown up in Russia. Between 1861 and 1881 the number of workers doubled, amounting in 1881 to 668,000 men. With the increasing process of concentration in industry the big-scale enterprises accounted for over half the total number of workers employed. Thel*e were large enterprises such as the Krenholm Mills near Narva which employed as many as 9,000 workers.

The industrial proletariat was a new social class, called to life by the development of industrial capitalism. The industrial proletariat, unlike the serf workers and the petty handicraftsmen, was mussed in the large factories and mills and 'united by a spirit of solidarity. This facilitated its struggle against the capitalists and tsarism.

The Conditions of the Workers

The workers in the 'sixties and 'seventies were ruthlessly exploited. The labour of women and children was extensively employed. Ghili^en were sent from the orphan homes to work in the factories, mills', and mines.

, The working day was not regulated by law and usually amounted to fourteen and sometimes as much as sixteen and even nineteen hours a day* Adolescents Woi^ed at the Krenholm Textile Mills from four b'dc^ in the mornings till eight in the evening, sixteen hours ja da^. The nxmhm: of accidents was fety liigh as 6, result of fatigue kndt ^he absence of protect^x© rogulations-^the 'machinery not ]5eing brovided with safety-guartfe and nsually'^ hfeing cleaned while in motion*

Ixte workem reoeited m^rably Idw wages for long hours of work. AdoleleentS working 4t the itrenholm Mills earned fomr ruWesa m<mth fienr A iixteen^umr day, but they actually received in cash not more than eight kopeks a month. The millowner oharged 6 rubles 50 kopeks a mon^ for their maintenance, thus leaving them in debt to him at the end of the month to the amount of 2 rubles 68 kopeks. The worker had to work many yeais to pay off this debt. The average wage of a Russian worker was 14 rubles 16 kopeks a month for adult men and 10 rubles 35 kopeks for adult women. Many workers received a wage of 7 to 8 rubles a mcnth. In some districts wages were still lower. The wages of an adult worker in the Urals averaged only 4 rubles 80 kopeks a month.

But even this wretched wage was never received by the workers in full or all at once. Sometimes they were paid only two or three times a year. There were no fixed periods for wage payments. Part of the wages (from one-quarter to one-half) was deducted to cover fines which the employers imposed in the most imsorupulous and arbitrary fashion. The employers, moireover, frequently cheated the workers when calculating their wages. The workers were compelled to take bad food products on credit in the factory shops at prices twice or three times above market prices. The workers lived from hand to mouth, on a diet of potatoes, cabbage and rye bread. They never saw butter, meat or sugar.

Housing conditions were exceedingly bad. The workers were forced to live in factory dwellings on the factory grounds. Some ten to tFolve j>er8ons were crowded together in a tiny room in the workers' barracks. This, too, became a source of profit for the employers who deducted exorbitant rents from the workers* wages. Begulations were diawn up for the tenants who were then fined outrageously for any violations. The workers were under constant surveillance and could not leave the factory grounds even after work hours or on holidays without obtain ing permission from their overseers. The textile workers who had not yet broken their ties with the village, working in the mills only in winter and returning to the village in the spring to till the fields, were in the worst position of all.

The monstrous exploitation of the workers yielded the manu facturers huge profits. In Russia, as everywhere else, capitalism bat tened on the bones and blood of the workers.

Foreign Policy of Tsarism in the 'Sixties and 'Seventies

Tsarism's International Position after the Crimean War

The

failure of the Crimean War put an end to tsarism's supremacy in Eu ropean politics. Though still maintaining its role of Europe's gendarme tsarism gradually became the instrument of West European capital. It no longer held a commanding position among the Western European slates.

Russia's foreign policy was aimed at casting off the humiliating clauses of the Treaty of Paris of 1856, under which she was not allowed to maintain a war fleet in the Black Sea, build military naVal yards, arsenals and coastal fortifications. Counting on German help, tsarism in 1863 concluded a convention with Prussia which had supported Alexander II during the uprising in Poland. In turn the alliance with Russia helped Prussia win the wars against Austria and Prance and create a united German empire in 1871.

The tsarist government took advantage of France's defeat in the Pranco-Prussian War of 1870 to declare itself no longer bound by the limitations of Russia's right of securing her defences in the Black Sea imposed by the Treaty of Paris (1850). England's protest against the breach of the Treaty of Paris was not supported by the other coun tries. The London Conference of Powers in 1871 annulled those clauses of the Paris Treaty to which Russia objected (with the exception of the convention on the Aland Islands prohibiting the construction Of fortresses on them which remained in force until 1914).

A reactionary alliance of Russia, Germany and Austria was formed in 18t3 to combat the international revolutionary movement which had become a serious menace to the capitalist world after the Paris Commune.

Tfe alliance of the three emperors, hoWever, was , necessarily of brief duration owing to the serious contradictions which existed among its signatories. Most acute in this period was the conflict of interests between Bussia and Austria in the Balkans which both powers were striving to turn into their own sphere of influence.

The Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878

Bussia in the 'seventies continued to strengthen her influence in the Balkans where she endeavoured to establish a Arm economic and military base. The Black Sea and the Mediterranean could no longer remain the home waters of a single Asiatic (Turkey) or European (Great Britain) power. Bussia, as a Black Sea power, was vitally interested in the free dom of the straits, fearing lest any strong power, such as Great Brit ain, take possession of the straits and lock Bussia up in the Black Sea.

Bent on the realization of her political and strategical ends tsarist Bussia supported the movement for national liberation of the Balkan Slavs against Turkish domination. One such movement broke out in

1875 in two Turkish provinces — ^Bosnia and Herzegovina. The majority of the population in these regions consisted of Serbians. In the follow, ing year another Slavonic nation, the Bulgarians, revolted against the Tui'ks. The risings for national liberation among the Slavonic nations wore crushed by Turkey with incredible ferocity. The population of entire villages that had taken part in the revolts were exterminated wholesale and massacred by the Turks.

Not wishing to begin a war with Turkey, the tsarist government lent its support to Serbia and Montenegro who declared war on Turkey in the summer of 1876. The Serbian army was commanded by a Bussian general, Chernyayev. A public campaign was launched in Bussia against Turkey in support of the Slav peoples. For this purpose a Slav (Committee was organized, which began to recruit volunteers for the war against Turkey.

Despite the aid of Bussia Serbia was defeat<5d by Turkey in October

1876 and compelled to sign peace. Little Montenegro continued the struggle alone.

The Turkish sultan, encouraged by British diplomacy, refused to make any concessions to the rebel Slav nations. It was not in Great Britain's interests that Bussia should gain control over the straits. Making preparations for war against Turkey Alexander U concluded an agreement with Austria-Hungary through the instrumentality of Germany providing for the division of Turkish territories. Austria Hungary promised Russia to maintain neutrality in the war, in exchange for which she demanded the consent of tsarist Bussia to the seizure of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Bussia declared war on Turkey in the spring of 1877. The war revealed how totally unprepared Russia was both teohnieaUy and economically. The Bussian troops went to war under field regulations which bad been issued before the Crimean War. Their armament was considerably inferior to that of the Turks, who were supplied with new guns produced at the Krupp works in Oerznany. The Bussian soldiers, on the other hand, were ordered to "use bullets sparingly" and to make the bayonet charge their chief object in battle on account of the shortage of cartridges.

The Bussian army crossed the Danube in the summer of 1877. The soldiers displayed miracles of heroism and courage, especially during the famous defence of the Shipka Pass across the Balkans, when, under the rigorous conditions of winter, in trenches and snow.built fortifications, the Bussian soldiers repulsed an assault of the Turks and thus saved the army from imminent defeat. But the men's heroism was offset, more often than not, by the incapacity of their generals. The Bussian command failed to make proper provision for protecting the flanks and lines of communications of the advancing army. A large Turkish army under General Osman Pasha operating in the vicinity of the strong Turkish fortress of Plevna represented a particular menace. Unless Plevna was taken the tsarist army could not make the passage of the Balkans. The Bussian troops three times attempted the storm of Plevna, but owing to insufficient preparation the assault failed each time. The Bussian command then invested Plevna which it subject ed to a long siege. After the fall of Plevna the Bussian troops crossed the ice-clad moimtain ridges amid blizzards and frost and drew up to Constantinople. England, however, had brought her fleet into the Sea of Marmora and tlneatened to make war on Bussia if she attempted to take Constantinople. Austria, supported by Germany, also took up a hostile attitude. Simultaneously with war on the European front, military operations against Turkey were also in progress in Transcau casia. Here the Turks were severely defeated by the Bussians who took the fortress of Ardahan and Kars.

A preliminary treaty of peace was signed at San Stefano (near Constantinople) in February 1878, imder which Bussia received the mouth of the Danube, thus establishing direct connection between Bussian territory and the Balkan Peninsula. A Slav Bulgarian piinci pality was formed in the Balkans. Turkey was compell^ to recognize the independence of Serbia, Montenegro and Bumania. The Transcauca sian cities of Ardahan, Ears, Bayazit and Bati m were ceded to Bussia. Tsarism was to receive from Turkey an indemnity of 310,000,000 rubles.

The San Stefano Treaty, which strengthened Bussia, ran counter to the interests of Austria and England who demanded the treaty's revision at a European congress.

At the congress held in Berlin in 1878 tsarist Bussia was compelled to ipalre conpcssioiis, for die could not possibly fight both Austria and England. Following the decisions of the Berlin Gemgress Bosnia and Hmegovina were occupied by Austro-Hungarian troops; Bulgaria wad dismembered: the principality ol Bulgaria was formed to the north of the Balkans in vassal dependence on Turkey and the southern part of Bulgaria (Eastern Rumelia) was given back to Turkey. The northern part of the Danube delta was left to Russia and the rest tuxxied over to Rumania. Russia recovered the southern part of Bessarabia, and Batum and Ears in Transcaucasia.

Thus the results of Russia's victorious war were. reduced practically to nought by the Berlin Oorgress. This created disappointment and discontent in Russia. The reactionary press defended tsarism's diplomat ic failure by trying to place the blame on the "treachery" of the German Chancellor Bismarck who had indeed had a hand in modifying the peace terms to the disadvantage of Russia and the peoples of the Balkans.

Germany, after her victories over Prance and Austria, had less need than before of an alliance with tsarism, whereas an alliance with Austria offered her greater advantages in the Balkans. In 1879 Germany concluded a treaty of alliance with Austria. This was the first landmark in the future world war of 1914–1918.

The Conquest of Central Asia

Tsarism tried to make up for a restricted home market fettered by the survivals of serfdom after the reforms of 1861, by new territorial conquests. The landlords and the bourgeoisie were particularly attracted to Central Asia which was a potentially profitable consuming market and a rich source of raw cotton for the Russian textile industry.

Three large feudal states had existed in Central Asia ever since ihe 18th century: the Kokand khanate, the Bokhara emirate and the Khiva khanate. They were constantly at war with each other. The Uzbek, Tajik, Kirghiz and Turkmen peasants were in complete depend ence upon the khans, beys and the mullahs. The rich feudal-landlords had seized the land and the water. Wars, plunder and dire exploitation had greatly impoverished the people. All this facilitated the conquesc of Central Asia by the tsarist troops. Armed ss they were with flint looks, the troops of these khanates could not put up effective resist-^ ance to the tsarist artillery and infantry. Tsarism's advance in Central Asia, which had been temporarily checked by the Crimean War, was renewed in the summer of 1864. General Chernyayev defeated the Kokand khanate and in 1865 took possession of its chief eco nomic centre, Tashkent. Russian merchants, following upon the heels of the tsarist troops, began to trickle into the conquered territory.

Governor-General Kaufman launched a campaign against Bokha* lain 1808. The tsarist troops defeated the emir's army and sdzed 8a marfcanil^th© religious Mussulman centre, formerly the of

Tamerlane. An uprising against the Busman ocRujmsTdrs iMke Samarkand where only a small BtUssian ganrison had been stationed:; The mullahs proclaimed a holy war (hazavat) against the Bussians. The rebels stormed the fortress for seven days but were repulsed and the uprising was soon brutally crushed. The insurgents who were arrest ed were summarily shot on Kaufman's orders.

After his defeat the emir of Bokhara became a vassal of the tsar.

In the spring of 1873 the tsarist army marched against Khiva. The khan of Khiva surrendered without giving battle, and his king dom was likewise converted into a Russian dependency.

The peoples of Central Asia continued their struggle against tsar ism. One of the first uprisings took place in 1876–1876 in Kokand where the mullahs had proclaimed a holy war. It was led by Abdurrakh man-Avtobachi but was quickly and ruthlessly suppressed by General Skobelev and its leaders executed. The Kokand khanate was annexed to Russia and renamed the Kerghan region. A few years later, unable to bear the intolerable oppression of the tsarist officials, the poor people of Ferghan rose again in rebellion only to be crushed again by the tsarist forces.

Turkmenia was conquered in 1880–1884. The nomad Turkomans' camps were pitched between the Caspian Sea and the Amu Darya. In 1880 Skobelev seized the oasis of Akhal-Tekke. He took the adobe fort of Geok-Tepe by storm and in the following year occupied Asbkhab ad. In 1884 the rich oasis of Merv was occupied. With the taking of the Afghan fortress of Kushka in 1886 tsarism completed its conquest of Central Asia.

Central Asia became a colony of tsarism. Vast lands fell into the possession of the tsarist family, the generals and officials. The institu tions of slavery and serfdom were retained in the subjugated Central Asian regions by tsarism. However, the tsarist generals and officials did not come alone. With them came Russian workers, scientists, doctors, agronomists and teachers. These were a tremendous cultural and revolutionizing influence in the life of the peoples of Central Asia.

Increased Exploitation of the Masses In the Colonies

After the abolition of serfdom in Russia, the exploitation of the peasants in the colonies increased. Government taxes were much higher there than in Russia. The peasants became increasingly impoverished.

The hard lot of the peasants was aggravated by the fact that they enjoyed no political rights and were subjected to national oppression. There were, for example, no organs of local self-government (zemstvos) in Georgia. A country with a thousand-year-old civilization was not given a judicial system with trial by jury on the pretext that such a court was suited only to a cultural and developed country which, from the point of view of the tsarist bureaucrats, was not true of Geor^ gia. All power in the Georgian villages was in the hands of the elders and scriveners who were appointed by arrangement with the local landlords. Arbitrary power, lawlessness, bribery and violence were rife throughout the village administration.

The colonization of Georgia and Transcaucasia proceeded apace in the second half of the 19th century. The best lands were handed over to the Russian colonists to the detriment of the local peasants who were left practically landless. The royal family occupied the richest vineyards in Kakhetia. The Caucasian viceroy, a brother of Alexander , seized the famous health resort of Borzhom while the tsar himself took possession of the health resort, of Abbas-Tnman.

The peasants of Georgia stubbornly resisted the tsarist colonizers and Georgian landlords. They refused to pay ohrok or to perform their barshchina services, killed the most unpopular of the landlords, the kulaks and representatives of the tsarist government authorities.

In the second half of the 19th century mass disturbances broke out among the peasants in Georgia. In 1875–1876 an uprising broke out in free Svanctia which had never known serfdom before and refused 'to submit to the tsarist officials. A punitive expedition was sent to Svane tia and it brutally suppressed the uprising, arresting and exiling its leaders to Siberia.

Tsarism placed the best lands of Transcaucasia, particularly along the seacoast, under the control of the appanage department and shared them out to the Russian military and the big bureaucracy.

The Russian landlords seized the best lands in the Northern Cauca sus as well, cultivating them with non-local labour.

Tsarist colonizers also took possession of the lands in Bashkiria. The allotment of a Bashkir herdsman was fixed at 30 dessiatins, the rest being turned over to a state reserve fimd. The tsarist officials, headed by the governor-general, made short work of this fund. More over, they forced the Bashkirs '*to sell" their lahd to the Russian land lords and capitalists. The Bashkirs "were paid" from eight to ten kopeks for a dessiatin of rich blaqk earth. This plundering of the Bashkirian lands under the guise of a "purchase deal" is strikingly described by Leo Tolstoy in his story How Much Land Does a Man Bequirel

The Russian buyers of pelts would supply the peoples of Siberia and the Far North with liquor and obtain their furs for a mere song. Ruined by this predatory exploitation, the peoples of Siberia and the Far North were dying out under tsarism.

Tsarist Russia was a prison of the peoples. Tsarism was the execu tioner and tyrant of the non-Russian peoples. The numerous non Russian peoples were entirely devoid of political rights and were sub jected to mercileiM exploitation, insult and humiliation. The non Russian peoples were officially called inorodtsi (aliens). The slightest manifestation of national independence was ruthlessly crushed.

This colonial policy of tsarism, however, met with no gfympathy or support among the Russian people. Tsarism was not representative of the Russian nation. Its true representatives were those best Russian men and women who considered it their patriotic duty to rally ail the peoples around the Russian nation in order to wage a joint struggle against the common enemy — ^tsarism. The friendship of the peoples was at that time a dream of the most progressive elements in Russia , That dream became reality only after the victory of the October Social ist Revolution of 1917.

The Revolutionary Movement of the 'Seventies

The Narodnik Movement of the 'Seventies

In the 'sixties and 'seventies the peasantry, thoroughly dissatisfied with the refoim of 1861 , continued its struggle for land. It demanded a "black redistribu tion," i.e., the abolition of landownership by the landlords and the transfer of all the land to the peasants.

Until the appearance of Marxist grou])s revolutionary work in Russia both among the woikers and the peasants was carried on by the Narodniks (the Populists). They failed, however, to appreciate the leading role of the working class. They tried to rouse the peasants to a struggle for land and freedom against the landlords and tsarism and gave themselves up utterly, and frequently their lives as well, to this struggle. But all their efforts were fruitless, fer they had taken the wrong road.

The Narodniks were opponents of Marxism. The major eirors of the Narodniks were the following:

^Tirst, the Narodniks asserted that capitalism was something 'accidental' in Russia, that it would not develop, and that theie fore the proletariat would not grow and develop either,

"Secondly, the Narodniks did not regard the working class as the foremost class in the revolution. They dreamed of attaining Social ism without the proletariat. They considered that the principal revolu tionary force was the jieasantry — led by the intelligentsia — and the peasant commune, which they regarded as the embryo and foundation of Socialism.

"Thirdly, the Narodniks* view of the whole course of human history was erroneous and harmful. They neither knew nor understood the laws of the economic and political development of society. In this respect they were quite backward. According to them, history was made not by classes, and not by the struggle of classes, but by out standing individuals — 'heroes' — ^who were blindly followed by the masses, the 'mob,' the people, the classes."

In pursuance of these erroneous premises the revolutionaries were determined to seek the support of the masses, or, as it was termed, "going to the people." Dressed up as peasants, they went into the villages in the spring of 1874 to carry on revolutionary propaganda. This "going to the people," is what gave them the name of Narodniks (narod meaning people). The peasants lent a willing enough ear to the Narodniks when they called upon them to take away the land from the landlords but remained deaf to the appeals to overthrow the tsar. The Narodniks did not win a following among the peasantry, for they did not really know the peasant or understand him. The Narodnik propagandists were hunted down by the police with the aid of the reac tionary clergy and thf kuIaRs and the "going to the people" movement ended in complete failure. The Narodniks then resolved to fight against tsansm single-handed, without the people, by means of individual terrorist acts. And this led to even more serious mistakes.

The Narodniks who had escaped arrest organized in 1876 a central ized secret organization called Zemlya i Volya (Land and Freedom). Among its founders were G. V. Flekhanov, V. N. Figner, Natanson and S. Perovskaya. The Zemlya i Volya adopted a Narodnik program based on the anarchist theory of Bakimin which denied that any benefit might accrue to the people from political liberties and a democratic system.

M. A. Bakunin (1814–1876) came of an old family of the landed gentry. He emigrated in the 'forties. In this period Bakimin advocated the liberation of all Slav peoples and the organization of a Slav feder ated state with tsarist Russia at the head.

After his arrest for taking part in the revolutionary movement in Germany and Austria in 1848 Bakunin was extradited by the Austrians and imprisoned by the tsarist government in the Schlusselburg Fortress. He was released in 1857 after he had sent a penitent "Confession" to Nicholas I attributing his revolutionary enthusiasms to "immaturity of mind and heart," and another penitent letter to Alexander 11. In 1861 Bakunin, who had been bani^ed to Siberia, managed to escape and go abroad.

There, influenced by the theories of Proudhon, Bakunin became an anarchist. He founded a secret revolutionary society, "The Interna tional Alliance of Socialist Democracy," with an anarchist program. Later he joined the First International founded by Marx and Engels. On the insistence of Marx, Bakunin proclaimed the "Alliance" dissolved, but in actual fact he retained his secret organization in order to fight against Marx and the international working-class movement of which Marx was the leader.

Bakunin was an enemy of the working class and a disorganize! of the international labour movement. His disruptive activities con tributed to the downfall of the First International.

Bakunio also exercised an influence on the Russian revolutionary 2movement. He believed that the Russian masses were ripe for revolu tion and all they needed was the spark of agitation to kindle the flames of a "general mutiny." As an anarchist and a "rebel" Bakimin disavowed the need for the proletariat and the peasantry waging a political struggle and establishing a dictatorship of the proletariat. He demanded the immediate abolition of all government. His program and tactics were fallacious and harmful.

P. L. Lavrov (1823–1900), also the son of a rich landlord, was another theorist of the Narodniks. He was arrested in the 'sixties and exiled. His Historical Letters (written under the pseudonym of Mirtov) were published in 1869, in which he gave an idealistic interpreta tion of history, making the "critically-thinking individual" the centre of the historical process, 6., he counterpoised the "hero" to the passive masses, to the people, to the "mob. " Lavrov preached the false Narodnik doctrine attributing to the intelligentsia the leading role in history. In March 1870 Lavrov fled from his place of exile and went abroad. He had no understanding of Marxism and tried to prove that Russia could arrive at Socialism by obviating capitalism, since the Russian peasant was allegedly prepared for Socialism by the "political tradi tion of the village community and the artel." Unlike Bakunin, Lavrov advocated a peaceful propagandizing of Socialism. His preach ings about the debt that was to be repaid to the people to whose labours civilization owed its existence, were popular among the noblesse revolu tionary youth of the 'seventies and served as the theoretical basis for its "going to the people."

A third theorist of Narodism was P. N. Tkachov (1844–1885) who asserted that the tsarist autocracy had no social mainstay, that it was "suspended in mid-air." The task of the revolutionaries, accord ing to Tkachov, was the violent seizure of power by a small group of conspirators who would then introduce revolutionary measures from above and shower benefits on the people. According to Tkachov such a group of conspirators could, by themselves, reorganize the whole social system. His views regarding the role and significance of the village community as the basis for a socialist revolution in Russia were sharply criticized by Engels in his article Social Rdationa in Russia i in which he exposed the reactionary natxure of the Narodniks' idealization of the artels and the village community. Engels pointed out that the village community was everywhere the natural bulwark of despotism.

After the movement of "going to the people" had failed the members of the Zemlya i Volya decided to organize the settlement of revolution aries in the countryside where they were to work permanently among the peasants as teachers, doctors, doctors' assistants, volost scribes, etc. This attempt failed as signally as the movement for "going to the people." In the middle of the 'seventies hundreds of Narodniks were sentenced to penal servitude and exile.

Narodism In the Ukraine and Georgia

Narodnik ideas and organizations spread to the Ulcraine and to Georgia. The 'seventies witnessed an intensification of the peasants' struggle for land in the Ukraine. The landlords at the time were marking their bounds off from the peasant lands, in the process of which they deprived the peasants of the best lands and gave them waste plots instead. The Ukrainian peasants, like the Russians, demanded a general redistribution of the land and its allotment to them.

The Ukrainian raznochintsi set up revolutionary Narodnik circles in the towns. The Bakunin followers formed the so-called "Kiev Com mune" which calculated on an immediate revolution in the village. The failure of the "going to the people" and the "settlement " movements induced the Kiev rebels to resort to terrorism.

The Ukrainian rebels even decided to resort to deception and exploit the peasants' faith in the tsar. They circulated in the name of the tsar a "Golden Charter" printed in an illegal Narodnik printshop in the Chigirin uyezd of the Kiev gubernia. This charter urged the peasants to organize secret organizations and promised them, in the name of the tsar, all the lands belonging to the landlords. The police and the gendarmes broke up this organization. The Narodniks acted as demagogues in the case of Chigirin, speculating on the political backwardness of the masses. The peasants soon realized the decep tion that had been practised on them and turned away from the Na rodniks.

Narodnik ideas in the 'seventies were likewise current among the Georgian democratic youth. Georgia did not have a village com munity, but the Georgian Narodniks, following in the tread of their Russian associates, demanded the organization of artels and the institu tion of commmial land ownership in the belief that the village commu nity represented the only path to Socialism.

In 1876 the Georgian Narodnik organization was suppressed by the gendarmes. Some of the Georgian Narodniks took part in the all Russian Narodnik movement but others were opposed to a common struggle in cooperation with the Russian people and advocated the organization of an independent Transcaucasian Federation beyond the confines of Russia. A tendency began to take form among the Georgian Narodniks in 1880 repudiating revolutionary methods of struggle and advocating the use of legal methods only.

Narodnaya Volya (The People's Will). The failure of the "go ing to the people" movement gave rise to heated controversy in the Narodnik organization Zemlya i Volya in 1878. Whf^jb was to be done further? Some of the Narodniks advocated that the struggle for land should be abandoned and terrorism be adopted as the sole method of struggle, their primary object being the assassination of the tsar. Another section tried to cling to the old Narodnik platform. In the autumn of 1879 the adherents of initial Narodism organized ihe" Black Redistribution" party which, however, soon ceased to exist owing to the utter impossibility of continuing the struggle in the old forms.

The advocates of terrorism organized the Narodnaya Volya l>arty in St. Petersburg, headed by Zhelyabov, Sophia Perovskaya and V. N. Pigner. It was the aim of this party to assassinate Alexander II, on whose life several attempts were made. The most important of these was the attempt made in February 1880 in the Winter Pal ace. Here the Narodnik, Stepan Khalturin, a worker, arranged an explosion which did not, however, injure the tsar. After this attempt Alexander appointed General Loris-Melikov with dictatorial power to combat the revolutionary movement, placing all the ministries and the Third Section (Secret Police) imder his control. Contemporaries of Loris-Melikov characterized his policy in the following words: ^'Foxtail and wolf 's jaws." Loris-Melikov made some small concessions to the bourgeoisie: relaxed the severity of the censorship for the bour geois-liberal press, and secured the resignation of the hated Minister of Education, Count D. Tolstoy, These measures made him a liberal in the eyes of the bourgeoisie. Under him, however, the persecu tions and executions of the revolutionaries increased. Loris-Melikov closed the Third Section but instituted in its place a Police Department under the Ministry of the Interior which served the same purpose. Loris-Melikov promised to convene a conference of representatives of the zemstvos with the government officials for a preliminary dis cussion of new legislation. This plan came to be known as "Loris Melikov "s Constitution."

On March 1, 1881 members of Narodnaya Volya assassinated Alex ander II. Terrorism did not stimulate the mass movement but, on the contrary, weakened it. The tactics of individual terrorism were profoundly erroneous and extremely harmful. It was based on the fallacious Narodnik theory of active "heroes" and a passive "mob," which were supposedly waiting for their salvation at the hands of the individual "heroes." The "mob," according to the Narodniks and members of the Narodnaya Volya, was the people, i.e., the peasants and the workers. Themselves they regarded as the "heroes."

The terrorism practised by the Narodniks (members of the Zemlya i Volya and the Narodnaya Volya) impeded the revolutionary struggle of the masses, scattered the forces of the workers and peasants and intensified the government reaction.

The historical merit of the Narodniks of the 'seventies was their selfless struggle against tsarism and the landlords, their struggle for the transfer of all the land to the peasants. But this struggle had no socialist aims — in fact the Narodniks maintained a bourgeois-democratic platform. Lenin called the Narodniks of the 'seventies petty-bourgeois Utopian Socialists.

Marxism arose and gained ground in Russia in the fight against fallacious Narodnik theories and their most harmful tactics of terrorism which left no room for the organization of the mass struggle of the prole tariat and the peasantry and retarded the creation of an independent party of the proletariat.

The Working-Class Movement of the Seventies

The First International and the Revolutionary Movement in Russia

The development of capitalism and the growth of the working-class movement in all the countries of Western Europe brought the working class face to face with the task of uniting for a struggle against capital. On September 28, 1864 Karl Marx, the great proletarian leader, together with the politically advanced workers of the world, founded the International Workingmen's Association or the First International. The aim of the Association was to unite the workers of all the world in a struggle for the overthrow of capitalism and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat. "The emanci pation of the working classes must be conquered by the working classes themselves," wrote Marx in the Rules of the First Interna tional.

A group of Russian revolutionaries living abroad formed the Rus sian section of the First International. In March 1870 they requested Karl Marx to represent Russia on the General Council of the Interna tional. In his answer accepting the offer, Marx wrote them that the task of destroying tsarism in Russia was an essential condition to the libera tion not only of the Russian people but of the European proletariat as well.

The revolutionary struggle of the Russian workers began at a time when the working class in Western Europe, led by Marx and Engels, was building up its class organizations (party, trade unions). Under the leadership of the First International the European workers were effectually carrying on strikes and fighting against the power of capital. In 1871 the French workers overthrew the rule of the bourgeoisie and set up the Paris Commune. This was the first government of the work ing class, i.e., a dictatorship of the proletariat. The Russian workers declared their solidarity with the First International from the very outset of their independent revolutionary struggle. In 1878, on the anniversary of the Paris Commune, the workers of Odessa sent a message to the workers of Paris, declaring their solidarity with the Paris Communards, The programs, statutes and activities of the Western European working-class organizations served as models for the Russian workers.

The Strikes of the Seventies

The Russian Narodnik revolutionaries, holding the mistaken view that the peasant ry and the intellectual razno chintsi formed the principal revo lutionary force, assigned the proletariat a secondary role in the revolutionary movement.

The Narodniks failed to grasp the significance of the class struggle of the proletariat. But the working class in Russia had been growing steadily and al ready embarked on its revolu tionary struggle. Strikes broke out spontaneously at the indus trial enterprises. The first big strike occurred at the Neva textile mills in St. Petersburg in May, 1870. The striking weavers demanded an increase in wages and stood together as one man. Only by means of arrests and legal prosecutions were the police able to break the workers" resistance. Participation in strikes being regarded as a state crime, the strikers were tried and condemned by the tsarist court. A still more important strike broke out at the Krentolm JMills in 1872. The strikers demanded a reduction of fines and a shorter working day for children who were inhumanly exploited at these mills. The strike was suppressed with the aid of troops.

Strikes broke out simultaneously in the Ukraine. One thousand five himdred workers took part in the strike in the Hughes factory in 1875. The strike of the Odessa railway workers in 1877 lasted three and a half weeks.

The Georgian proletariat began its struggle in the "seventies too.

Thus, the "sixties and "seventies saw the beginning of a spon taneous movement of the workers in different parts of Russia.

The First Worker-Revolutionaries

A number of revolutionaries from among the workers came to the fore. One of them was Vasili Gerasimov, an active participant in the strike of 1872 at the Kren holm Mills. He had been brought up in an orphan home and began work at the mills at the age of twelve. For carrying on revolutionary propaganda among the soldiers and workers in St. Petersburg Vasili Gerasimov was sentenced to nine years" penal servitude. He died in Yakutsk in 1892. The notes he left behind give a picture of the hard life of the Russian workers in the 'sixties and 'seventies and their awakening to the struggle.

Another outstanding work er-revolutionary of the 'sev enties was Pyotr Alexeyev, a mill worker, a Smolensk peas ant by birth and a member of Narodnik circles. Pyotr Ale xeyev taught himself to read and write, and he sought avidly in books for an answer to the pressing problems of the work ers and peasants. jThis answer he found in the illegal socialist literature, and Pyotr Alexeyev became a Socialist. He caro r exeyev revolutionary agitation among the workers and went from factory to factory to organize the workers in revolutionary circles.

Pyotr Alexeyev was a very popular figure, and the Moscow weavers, who affectionately called him "Petrukha," remembered him for a long time. Arrested for carrying on revolutionary activities he made a speech at his trial on March 10, 1877 which he concluded with the following words: "The muscular arm of the working millions will be lifted, and the yoke of despotism, guarded by the soldiers ' bayonets, will be smashed to atoms I" Lenin called this speech the "great prophecy of the Russian worker-revolutionary. "

Pyotr Alexeyev was sentenced to ten years' penal servitude and banishment to Yakutia, where he was killed by bandits in 1891.

The First Workers' Organizations

The first revolutionary workers' organization in Russia was the "South Russian Workers' Union" founded in Odessa in 1875 by Eugene Zaslavsky. The aim of the union was "to propagandize the idea of the liberation of the workers from the yoke of capital and the privileged classes." The "South Rus sian Workers' Union" based its revolutionary activities on the rules of the First International. According to the rules of the union only workers could be its members. This first workers' union united 150

200 metal workers. The union began to organize branches in other towns as well. It existed for about a year and was broken up by the gendarmes. Its organizer, Zaslavsky, was sentenced to ten years' penal servitude and died shortly afterwards in prison.

An outstanding leader of the working-class movement in the south of Russia was Victor Obnorsky, a fitter. He escaped arrest and went abroad, where he became acquainted with the working-class movement in Western Europe. After his return to Russia Obnorsky, together with the outstanding revolutionary of that time,

Stepan Khalturin, founded in 1878 the "Northern Union of Russian Workers" in St. Pe tersburg. This union's program stated that its aims were simi lar to those of the Social Democratic parties of the West .

Unlike the Narodnik anarchist theory the program of the union contained a demand for politi cal liberties. The union undertook the leadership of strikes.

The "Northern Union of Russian Workers" had two hundred members and an equal number of sympathizers. The union organized a secret printshop and was preparing its first issue of a workers' revo lutionary magazine, the Bahochaya Zarya {Workers* Dawn) when the printshop was seized by the gendarmes and the issue did not appear. In 1880 the union was broken up by the gendarmes. Victor Obnorsky was sentenced to ten years' penal servitude. Stepan Khalturin, drawn into terroristic activities by the Narodniks, took part in the attempt on the life of Alexander II and later (in 1882) died on the gallows.

The significance of the first Russian workers' organizations was very great. The demand for political freedom was for them an essential condition for the workers' effective struggle for So cialism.

In answering the criticism of this demand voiced by the Narodniks the organizers of the union wrote: "f olitical freedom can safeguard us and our organization against the arbitrariness of the authorities, it will enable us to develop a right outlook and carry on the . work of propaganda mpre effectively."

The organizers of the Northern Union were the first to voice the need for a common struggle of the workers and peasants.

The workers' organizations considerably outstripped the Narod niks but they were not yet Marxist organizations. They had not yet freed themselves of a num

ber of Narodnik mistakes. Marxism had not ye{ become their militant banner.

The existence of the first workers' organizations was ^ig^Jy instrumental in has tening the fall of Narodism in Russia.

The strikes which broke out spontaneously beginning with the 'sixties, the great receptivity of the factory and mill workers to Socialist agi tation and propaganda and the rise of the first workers' revolutionary organizations Were clear evidences that a new progressive revolutionary class — the proletariat — ^had Stepan Khalturin arisen in Russia. In creating big industry capitalism at the same time created a working class which, employed as it was in big enterprises, underwent a training, discipline and preparation for its role as the creator and organizer of a new, Socialist society.

Education, Science and Art in the 'Sixties and 'Seventies

The Development Of Education and Science in the 'Sixties and 'Seventies

The system of education that took form in tsarist Russia after the abolition of serfdom was stimulated by the develop ment of capitalism. Despite government obstruction the zemstvos established popular zemstvo schools in the villages. One of the out standing organizers of the zemstvo schools in the Simbirsk gubernia was Ilya Nikolayevich Ulyanov (1831–1886), the father of V. I. Lenin. Elementary schools and gymnasia were founded in the cities. There was no sequence or correlation between the elementary and secondary schools. The right of admission to these schools was largely governed by social standing and wealth.

The first gymnasium for girls was opened in the 'sixties. In the 'seventies a Higher School for Women and a Women's Medical School were opened in St. Petersburg. That was. the beginning of higher education for women in Russia. The laws of 1863 granted the universities autonomous statutes (the right of the University Board to choose professors, yector, and faculty deans).

The abolition of serfdom and the growth of capitalism also stim ulated science in Russia, Advanced Russian science in the sixties and seventies of the 19th century made an important contribution to the development of world science.

Notable successes were achieved in the natural sciences. The great Russian chemist, Dmitri Ivanovich Mendeleyev (1834–1907), diTOov ered the periodic law and created the "periodic system of eleWnts " Marx and Engels placed great value on Mendeleyev's discovery which they regarded as the triumph of dialectical materialism. The "pe riodic system of elements" brought Mendeleyev world fame. He was the honorary member of many academies throughout the world but not a member of the Russian Imperial Academy of Sciences Under Alexander III Mendeleyev was even dismissed from the University of St. Petersburg for supporting the demands of the students. Monde leyev invariably combined theoretical scientiho work with practical work in industry. .

Another great scientist, the famous Russian physiologist and  founder of the Russian school of physiology, Ivan Mikhailovich Sechenov (1829–1905), also received recognition abroad before it was accorded him at home, Sechenov too was not a mem ber of the Imperial Academy of Sciences. In his works in physiology Sechenov held the materialistic point of view. Ho was the first to propound the theory that human psychic activity was governed by physiological laws. His famous work Rejlexea of ihe Brain (1863) became an object of persecution by the tsarist au thorities and the Orthodox church who realized the revo lutionizing significance of Sechenov's ideas.

The famous Russian botanist K. A. Timiryazev (1834–1920), was a consistent mate

rialist and revolutionary in science and in life. His discovery of the role of chlorophyl in the process of the plant imbibition of carbon dioxide from the air and other works on plant physiology brought him recognition abroad. An eminent follower and advocate of the theory ^f Darwin, K. A. Ti miryazev fought ruthlessly against idealism in science. He was a revolutionary-democrat, a fact which led to the tsarist government depriving him of his Chair at the Petrovsky Agricultural Academy, which now bears his name. Timiryazev devoted much time to the practical problems of agriculture. Despite the fame that Timiryazev enjoyed abroad, he too was not a member of the Im perial Academy of Sciences. He lived to see the victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution and supported the proletarian dictatorship, Timiryazev was a member of the Commimist Academy.

The fomider of modern evolutionary palaeontology, the geologist V. 0Kovalevsky, was also a materialist and a Darwinist, He was the author of classic research into the origin of the modern horse from its fossile forebears.

The famous Russian explorer, N. N. Miklucho-Maclay spent more than teft years on New Guinea and other islands of Polynesia (from 1871 to 1883). An adherent of Djarwinism, Miklucho-Maclay anthro pological researches on the Papuans or the Melanesians, disproved the existence of higher and lower races. Miklucho-Maclay did his utmost to protect the Papuans from European colonizers.

The first woman professor in Europe, the mathematician Sophie Kovalevskaya (1850–1891) played an important role in science. To escape the tyranny of a despotic father, a general, who would not allow her to study science, she con tracted a fictitious marriage with V. 0. Kovalevsky. She could not become a professor in Russia and she received the Chair of Higher Mathematics at the University of Stockholm.

The Russian historian, S. M. Solovyov, produced his best works in the 'sixties. His His'ory of Russia Since Ancient Times was based on a vast amount of research material and had a great influence on the further development of historical science in Russia.

Criticism and Journalism

Russian progressive journalism also served as a tribune for advanced science. One of its ardent votaries was the well-known Russian critic, enlightener and democrat, Dmitri Ivanovich Pisarev (1840–1868). Lenin highly esteemed Pisarev whom he rated second only after Belinsky, Chernyshevsky and Dobrolyubov. For a daring proclamation against tsarism, calling for the overthrow of the autocracy, Pisarev was confined to the Fortress of Peter and Paul in 1862–1866. It was in these years that his works were written. He was an irreconcilable foe of autocracy and serfdom. In articles written from prison Pisarev tried to popularize positive sciences, particularly the natural sciences. He was a materialist and one of the first propagandists of Darwinism in Russia. His critical essays were brilliant standards of the critical and journalistic literature of those days. Pisarev demanded of literary authors devoted service to the people and society. Some of his essays reveal a certain degree of misjudg raent. Thus, for example, he failed to appreciate the tremendous significance of Pushkin's poetry,

*1 he magazine Oteches'venniye Za/pisTci {Homeland Notes) ^ edited by Nekrasov and Saltykov-Shchedrin, became the leading democratic organ in the 'seventies, uniting wide circles of the democratic and Narodnik intelligentsia. One of the most popular of the Narodnik publicists, subsequently the editor of Otechestvenniye Zapiski, was N. K. Mikhailovsky. Mikha ilovsky was one of the leading exponents of the so-called "subjec tive method 'in sociology," accord ing to which the ideas and desires of "heroes" ("critically thinking individuals") determine ihe development of society. V. I. Lenin, in his book What ihe "Friends of ihe People*^ Are . . . shattered Mikhailovsky's anti scientific and reactionary phil osophical and sociological ideas.

Russian Literature of the 'Sixties and 'Seventies

The general upsurge of the social movement in Russia after the Crimean War and the struggle for the abolition of serfdom in Russia stimulated the rise of Russian letters.

^ The creative genius of the Russian people was particularly mani fested in the field of literatme. Russian literature of the 19th century held the palm of ascendancy in world letters. Russian is one of the richest and most felicitous languages in the world. Engels once wrote: ^'How beautiful is the Russian language: it has all the advantages of the German without its terrible crudity." The great Russian writer Turgenev said of the Russian language: "In the days of doubt and painful reflection on the destinies of my country, thou alone art my support and mainstay oh great, mighty, trustworthy and free Russian tongue! . , . One cannot but believe that such a language has been given to a great people."

Ivan Sergeyevich Turgenev (1818–1883), one of the greatest Rus sian writers, first won repute for his stories dealing with the life of landlords and serf peasants {Papers of a Sportsman). He belonged to Belinsky's circle and contributed to the magazine Smremjennik {Contemporary) in the 'forties and 'fifties. His novels A Nest of the Gentry y BvdiUy On the Eve, and Fa hers and Sons, described the social life of Russia from the forties to the sixties of the 19th oen tury, on the eve of the abolition of serfdom. In Bazarov Turgenev has given us a character-study of a democratic commoner of the 'six ties, In Smoke Turgenev caricatmed the life of Russian emigrants, while Virgin Soil is a portrayal of the Narodniks, Turgenev ^owed a master hand in his pictures <5f Brussian nature and in his use of the Russian language.

Most of his works show a pro found love for his people and admiration for its great spirit-' ual forces, intellect and talent.

Turgenev was a humani tarian in the best sense of the word: he championed the eman cipation of the peasantry from the yoke of serfdom.

I. A. Goncharov (1812 1891) in his novels A Com mon Slary and Oblomov gives ? us a picture of bureaucratic and serf Russia of the second quarter of the 19th centu ry. Obhmovshchina (Oblomov traits), as portrayed by Gon charov, is a striking character ization of the parasitic exist ence of the landed serf-owners

who led an idle life at the expense of serf labour. Oblomov was received as an indictment of Russian society, Dobrolyubov in his article is ^'Ohlomovahchina '* showed how great was

the social significance of this work. Lenin attached the name Ohio movshchina to every manifestation of parasitism, inertia and indo lence. These features of the exploiting classes are alien to the workers and peasants.

F. M. Dostoyevsky (1821–1881) won fame in the 'forties by his novel Poor People. The wretched life of the downtrodden, petty officials of St. Petersburg is portrayed here with great sympathy and power. For participation in the revolutionary circle of Petrashevsky, Dostoyevsky was sentenced to death. Together with the other condemned revolutionaries he lived through all the horrors of the preparations for their execution on the scaffold. He was pardoned at the last moment and his sentence was commuted to penal servitude for four years.

The horrors of convict life in Russia are graphically described by Dostoyevsky in his book Becollectiona of a Dead House, His later novels, Crime and Punishment^ The Idiot ^ The Brothers Karamazov, brought Dostoyevsky world fame. Dostoyevsky's novels are masterly portrayals of the degi^dation of the individual in capital ist society. For a number of jnears Dostoyevsky was under the influence of the revolutionary views of Belinsky. But in his later days he adopted^ reactionary, religious-mjnstical views. Some of his books, par ticularly his latest (DeviU and others) revealed how pro foundly reactionary Dostoyev sky had become.

The Raznochintai writers,, the followers of Chernyshevsky and Dobrolyubov, began their literary activity at the end of the 'fifties. The new revolution ary-democrati^ trend, in con trast to the wnters of the nobil ity, portrayed with great sym pathy for the toilers the seamy side of Kussian life which the noblemen-wiiters had preferred to pass over in silence. One of the Raznochintsi writers, Fomyalovsky, in his Sketches of ihe Theological College exposed the conditions prevail ing in the ecclesiastical educa tional institutions. Beshetnikov

described the destitution in the village and the exploitation of the peasants who were leaving for the cities in search of a livelihood*

At this period a split occurred in the hitherto united literature of the progressive trend. Some writers of the nobility resigned from the editorial staff of the Sovremennik which, under Chernyshevsky and Dobrolyubov had taken a revolutionary-democratic trend. The poet Nekrasov and the great Bussian writer and satirist, M, E. Salty kov-Shchedrin (1826–1889), were the only two men of letters who sided with the revolutionary democracy. The grasping characteristics of the landlords, officials and the exploiting tendencies of the rising Bussian bourgeoisie were described by Saltykov-Shchedrin with caustic power and vividness.

His The History of a Tovm is a satirical study of the portrait gallery of Bussian tsars and tsaritsas and their ministers, and of the state system of Bussia itself in which he showed how much there

still was in common between Bussia of his day and Bussia of the oldl serf days. In Messieurs Golovlyov and Poshekhon^s Old Timeo Saltykov-Shchedrin drew a vivid picture of the corrupt days of serf dom. The Judas of his Messieurs Golovlyov is the gr^t satirist's embodiment of the double-dealing scoundrel, the classical typificatioa of whom in politics, Lenin considered the traitor Trotsky.

Lenin and Stalin refer to the characters created by Saltykov Shchedrin when expos ing the bureaucratic dullards, the white livered liberals and political rogues and adventurers. The satir ical works of Salty kov-Shchedrin played a very important role in the development of the revolutionary move ment in Russia.

A sombre picture of despot-merchants, cor rupt officials, and para sitic serf-owners is giv en in the plays of A. N. Ostrovsky (1823 1886) — Forest, The Thunderstorm, A Lu crative Post, Pover ty Is No Crime. Os trovsky was a continuator of the literary M, E. Saltykov-Shchedrin.

G. I. Uspensky (1843–1902) depicted the life of the oppressed toiling peasant masses with great verac ity and sympathy, without concealing the dark sides of the life of the people as the Narodnik novelists were wont to do.

The great Russian writer, L. N. Tolstoy (1828–1910) made his first aj^arance in literature in the 'fifties. In his remarl^ble works War oM Peace, Anna Karenina, Resurrection, and many others Tolstoy created, as Lenin said, *'an incomparable picture of Russian life." It was a pitiless denunciation of the fashionable world of the nobility, of capitalist and Serf exploitation, the oppres sion of tsarism, and the farce of justice. For his criticism of religious superstitions Tolstoy was excommunicated by the Orthodox church.

In War and Peace, this great creation of Russian literature, Tolstoy depicts the heroic struggle of the Russian people for their independence in 1812. ^'Ihe cudgel of a people's war was raised with all its menacing and majestic force , , . and it hammered away at the French until all the invaders had perished.'^ The novel is permeated with a profound faith in the creative powers and the indomitable courage of the great Russian people. Tolstoy gave a remarkable de. scription of the Cri mean War (1853–1856) in which he had par ticipated.

Leo Tolstoy depicts the human character and develops the ideas of truth and justice with incomparable art istry. His works such as Kreulzer Sonata, The Death of Ivan Ilyich, The Living Corpse, Be surrection, and others

works reflect tke contradictions that f™! 'Ifi in Russian life during the last three decades of the 19th cen whlih „ IS great when he expresses the ideas and sentiments f ii -h engendered in millions of Bussian peasants at the time the bourgeois revolution began in Eussia." •

Tolstoy combined a direct and stronir protest against social lies and hypocrisies with the doctrine of "non-resistance to evil." This reactionary theory came to be known as "Tolstoyan."

Art in the 'Sixties and 'Seventies

DemoCTatic ideas were Acade^rnfVr ^ student graduates left the

111 1 , ^ f Arts in the sixties as a demonstration of protest against

the bureaucratic, reactionary methods of tuition, and subsequently founded a society of artists who exhibited .Iheir works on tour known as the Peredvizhnihi. The organizer of the Peredvizhniki was the artist I, N. Kramskoy (1837–1887). His program was based on the idea of creating a Russian art. "Art should have ideas and meaning and be based on artistic realism.'* Kramskoy followed these principles in his portraits of L. N. Tolstoy, Sallykov-Shchedrin, Nekrasov and others. The new trend produced a florescence of remarkable painters. They were united by a common ideological and political tendency: their art was an advocacy of the then progressive ideas of revolutionary democracy. An important figure in this group was V. G. Perov (1833 1882) who painted many pictures on civil themes (The Burial of a Peasant, Troika and others). An outstanding representative of this movement was Ilya Efimovich Repin (1844–1930), whose pictures Were a profoundly realistic portrayal of the miserable conditions of the toiling masses. Repin's picture The Village Procession presented religion as an opiate. Repin was also an outstanding portrait painter.

Remaikable progress was achieved in the 'sixties and 'seventies by Russian music. Musical composition was chiefly represented by the so-called *'Big Five," under the guidance of M. A. Balakirev (1836 1910), a pupil of Glinka's, and the musical and art critic, V. V. Sta sov (1824–1906). Those composers continued the woik of Glinka and Dargomyzhsky in creating a Russian musical art based on folk melo dies. The creative principles of the "Big Five" are expressed with amazing power in the works of M. P. Musorgsky (1839–1881). He wrote two admirable musical dramas — Boris Godunov, and Khovan^ shchina in which the leading characters are the Russian people. The songs and romanzas of Musorgsky are unique examples of musical characterization and profound dramatism. Another well-known Rus sian composer, A. P. Borodin (1833–1887), reproduced in his works the characteristic features of Russian music and the musical culture of the East. Borodin wrote the heroic-patriotic monumental opera Prince Igor based on the ancient Russian epic The Lay of Prince Jgor^s Regiment, in which he drew freely and with consummate skill on the folk songs and dances of the peoples of Russia and the East. Borodin's symphonies were an important stage in the develop ment of national Russian symphonic school of the 19th century.

Another famous Russian composer, N. A. Rimsky-Korsakov (1844–1908), a pupil of Balakirev, wrote the operas May Night, The Snow Maiden, Sadko, The Golden Cockerel, and others, includ ing the symphonic poem Sh^herezade. He was a splendid teacher who trained several generations of Russian, Ukrainian, Georgian and Armenian musicians and composers. The work of the "Big Five" laid the foundation for the influence of Russian music on world art.

The 'sixties witnessed great activity in the field of musical edu cation, the predominant striving being ho popularize music and to make music as a profession accessible to all. The foundation by the Rubinstein brothers of the Petersburg and Moscow Conservatories, the first higher musical schools in Russia, had a great effect on the development of musical culture.

The Theatre

The Moscow Maly Theatre was the leading Rus. sian theatre in the 'seventies, preserving as it did the best traditions of theatrical realism inherited from Shchepkin. To this period we owe such fine actresses as M. N. Yermolova and G. N, Fedotova, The characters of Catherine in Ostrovsky's The Thunderstorm^ and of Jeanne d'Arc in Schiller's The Maid of Orleans as inter, preted by Yermolova sounded from the footboards like a call to struggle. The Maly Theatre staged all of Ostrovsky's plays. In them one of the greatest actors of those days, P. M. Sadovsky, exhibited his admi rable talent.

The Culture of the Peoples of Tsarist Russia in the 'Sixties and 'Seventies

Tsarism's persecution of the peoples of Russia inhabiting the national regions always called forth a protest on the part of the Russian revolutionaries, beginning with Radishchev. The Ukrainian, Georgian, Armenian and Tatar writers, artists and musicians who came to the Russian universities to study, became followers of the Russian en lighteners — ^Belinsky, Chernyshevsky and Dobrolyubov and fought side by side with them against tsarism.

The growth of capitalism in the national regions of Russia led to the formation of a nation in Georgia, the Ukraine and other border lands of the empire. This process was accompanied by the develop ment of a national culture the representatives and promoters of which were the bourgeois-democratic intelligentsia of the oppressed peoples.

In 1863 the tsarist government issued a circular prohibiting the publication of pedagogical literature and textbooks in Ukrainian. The circular read: •'There never was, is or will be a Malorussian Ian guage." The circular claimed that the Ukrainian language was Rus sian garbled by Polish influence. Ukrainian educators of the 'sixties were arrested and exiled by the tsarist government.

The movement for national liberation in literature, however, continued to grow in the Ukraine despite all prohibitions. A great deal was done in collecting records of the national art (folklore) and describing the habits and customs of the people (ethnography). The centre of this scientific work was the Southwest Department of the Geographical Society in ISLiev.

An important %ure in the scientific-cultural awakening of the Ukmine was M. P. Dragomanov, docent and subsequently professor of the Kiev University. He^was one of the leaders of the organization Gromada'* and after his emigration in 1876 founded the magazine Qromada in Geneva. Dragomanov did much for Ukrainian literary criticism. At first he was an adherent of the democratic popular trend. Being an exponent of Ukrainian bourgeois nationalism, Dragomanov gave leading place to the doctrine of a bourgeois national Xlkrainian ' culture and the federative organization of Eussia. In the ^eighties, when political reaction was rife, Dragomanov turned sharply right and adopted the views of zemstvo liberalism.

In 1879 the writer, Panas Mirny, obviously under the influence of Dragomanov, wrote the first Ukrainian social novel Do ihe Oosen Bellow if ike Stalls Are Full% illustrating the life of the Ukrainian peasantry at the time of the abolition of serfdom. The author tried to show in the fate of the peasant Chipko that the best means of fighting landlordism was — as in the days of the Haidamaks and Karmelyuk— r brigandage. These ideas were typical of Bakuninism.

The government, alarmed by the growth of the Ukrainian move ment for national liberation, took stronger measures to suppress the Ukrainian language. A secret ukase was issued in 1876 reconfirming the ban on the publication of works in Ukrainian and i)erformanoes in this language on the stage.

With the first half of the 19th century the bouigeois-national movement began to gain groimd in Galicia. Widespread agitation was set on foot demanding native schools conducted in the Ukrainian language. Ukrainian chairs were founded in the Lwow University and the "Shevchenko Scientific Association'* was opened in Lwow. This association published the works of Ukrainian scientists, since it was impossible, until 1905, to have them printed in Eussia, It studied the history of the Ukrainian people, and its ethnography and literature. This association, however, displayed bourgeois-nationalist tendencies.

The founder of a new Georgian literature was Ilya Chavchavadze (1837–1907). His world-outlook was influenced by Belinsky, Dobro lyubov and Chernyshevsky. The books and magazines published by (^vchavadze propagandized the ideas of enlightenment. He was a harsh critic of serfdom and the bard of peasant toil {Bobber Kiko, The Story of the Beggar), At the same time Chavchavadze, in these works, gives a picture of the degeneration of .the nobility and the oppression of the peasants. Chavchavadze *s best-known story is: Is He RumarA He tried to acquaint Georgia with the literature of Europe and Eussia by publi^ing translations of Dobrolyubov, Belinsky and other West European writers.

Messenger of Georgia^ a magazine issued by Chavchavadze, was the centre of the enlightenment movement among the Georgians. Chavchavadze fought all his life for the development of a Georgian culture and came out boldly against tsarism. In 1907 the tsarist author* Hies engineered the assassination of Chavchavadze by hired out throats. The importance of Chavchavadze in the development of Geor gian literature is very great. He is a classic and founder of the modern Georgian literary language and lit erature. ,

Among Chavchavadze^s closest associates were the poet Akaki Tse reteli, many of whcse songs became very popular among the toilers of Georgia, Anton Turtseladze, Niko Nikoladze, K. Lordkipanidzo and others.

At the end of the ^sixties a new literary group arose calling itself "JVleore-Dassy" (the second group) in opposition to the group of Chav chavadze (the so-called first group, or the **Pirveli-Dassy") which consid Ilya Chavchavadze. 1^]^^ educated nobility as the Georgian i)eople. The new group saw in the development of trade and industry a means for the national regeneration of Georgia. In the 'nineties this group gave its services to big bourgeois in terests and supported Russian tsarism.

Northern Lights^ a magazine in Armenian, was published in Moscow in the 'fifties and' sixties. Its aim was to cultivate Armenian literature and acquaint the Armenians with Russian and West Euro pean literature. The Armenian newspaper The Worker was foimded inTiflis in 1872 with the same aim. The greatest Armenian writer of those days, G. Sundukyan (1825–1912), called the "Armenian Ostrov sky," was the author of a number of plays on the life of the Arme nian merchantry. One of the best of his works was Pepo. The first written record of the epic poem, David Sasunaky, was made in the 'seventies.

The Kazakh poet, Abai Kimanbayev, the first Kazakh scientist, Ghokan. Valikanov, and the Kazakh poet-teacher Ibrai Altynsarin were the followers of the Russian enlighteners in Kazakhstan.

The Kazakh poet, Abai Kunanbayev (1846–1897), was the found er of the Kazakh literary language. In his works Abai condemned the n^ative aspects of the patriarchal-feudal life of the people, exposed the greed and treachery of the county administrators and officials* He introduced in his coxmtry the cultures of Western Europe, the East and Russia, translated into the Kazakh tongue the works of Pudikin, Lermontov and Krylov, and thus enriched the intellectual world and culture of his people with new ideas. Kunanbayev believed that only intimate intercourse with the progressive people of Russia and Russian culture could lead his people out of the obscurity in which they abided. In his poems he strove to make the Kazakh people dis tinguish the difference between the Russian people and the tsarist colonizers. He educated the Kazakh people to the idea of fraternity and friendship among all peoples.

The Kazakh scientist, Chokan Valikanov (1837–1865), saw the social inequality among the Kazakhs, and realized the antagonism of interests between the toiling masses on the one hand, and the sul tans and beys on the other, (jhokan Valikanov was the champion of the interests of the people and a true democrat. His work on the history of the Kazakh and Kirghiz peoples, and his studies of the geography of Kazakhstan, Kirghizia and Kashgar were of great scientific impor tance. It was Valikanov 's cherished dream to bring the Russian and Kazakh peoples closer together.

The Kazakh poet Ibrai Altynsarin (1841–1889) was an advocate of extensive popular education. His works are a call to education and culture. He devoted his whole life to the organization of popular education. The composition of the first Kazakh alphabet based on Russian characters is the work of Ibrai Altynsarin.

The Beginning of the Struggle of the Working Class against Tsarism (1883–1900)

Political Reaction

The Reaction of the Nobility

Alexander III (1881–1894) ascended the throne upon the assassination of his father, Alexan der II, by members of the Narodnaya Volya. Under him the people were even worse off than before. Alexander III had not prepared Jiim-^ self to rule the state, and had become heir-apparent on the death of his elder brother. He had looked upon himself merely as "a good regimental commander.** After his father's assassination a confer ence was held to discuss the reforms proposed by Loris-Melikov. These reforms were resolutely opposed by Pobedonostsev, Chief Procurator of the Synod. Alexander rejected Loris-Melikov's projects and dismissed him. The Manifesto issued on April 29, 1881, an nounced that the tsar would act "in his faith in the force and justice of the principle of autocracy." Alexander lived in constant fear of assassination. He moved from St. Petersburg to Gatchina where special precautions were taken to ensure his safety. His contemporaries ironically called him the "pris oner of Gatchina.'" A law was passed in 1881 reinforcing the police with the object of combating the revolutionary movement. Alexander charged the volost elders gathered at his coronation in 1883: "Follow the advice and guidance of your Marshals of the Nobility and do not believe the ridiculous rumours about a redivision of the land. These rumours are spread by your enemies. All property, including your own, must be inviolable." This address was a forecast of Alexander's pol icy which aimed at upholding the interests of the nobility and rt' storing the absolute povve^r of the landlords over the peasants. Tsarism was the direst enemy of the toiling masses.

At the end of the 'seventies Russia experienced an industrial crisis which strongly affected the condition of the workers and greatly in creased the number of the unemployed.

Simultaneously an agrarian crisis broke out. The vast quantities of cheap American corn which flooded all the European markets brought down the price of grain and reduced the demand for Russian grain. The price on wheat in Odessa in the 'eighties fell to one-third of its original price. The agrarian crisis retarded the growth of capitalism in agri(5ulture. Many landlords went back to the share-cropping sys tem. The increase in the peasant population led to a curtailment of allotments, and the peasant was obliged to lease land from the land lord at high prices. Peasant farming suffered from frequent crop fail ures. The terrible famine of 1891–1892 affected 35,000,000 people. Hundreds of thousands of people died of starvation, t3q)hus and chol era. The famine still further increased the poverty of the poor and the wealth of the kulaks, and accelerated the process of social differ entiation among the peasantry.

The landlords increased the exploitation of the peasants and strove to recover their former power over them. These aspirations of the nobility had the full support of Alexander 's government. In ISSO zemstvo chiefs consisting of members of the nobility were appointed and given full power over the peasantry. The rural justices of the peace were abolished. The authorities had the workers and peasants flogged without trial or a hearing. These measures were fully encouraged by Alexander who wrote in his resolution regarding the disturbances in Rostov, "If it were possible to give the ringleaders a sound whipping, without legal procedure, it would be more useful and simpler/'

A Peasant Land Bank and a Nobles' Bank were established to help the nobles and the kulaks. The Feasant Land Bank advanced loans to the kulaks for the purchase of land from the nobles at very high prices. The Nobles' Bank granted loans to the nobles against mort-» gages and advanced money to the landlords on very liberal terms . A law

was issued in 1886 on employment of agricultural labour which made it a criminal offence for a labourer to quit without the permission of his employer. By the passage of this law tsarism helped the landlords to hold the hired labourers in bondage. Despite the government sup port, landlord tenure steadily shrunk among the nobility. New regu lations were issued in 1890 governing the zemstvos, by which the land lords received still greater representation on them. The peasants were deprived of the right to elect the zemstvo members and allowed only to choose the delegates in the volosts, from whom the governor lihnse If nominated the members. Only a nobleman could be chairman of tiie Executive Board.

This reactionary policy was introduced through the agency of the tsar's councillors — Pobedonostsev, D. Tolsto^y and liatkov. Pobedo nostsev, the head of the Orthodox church— an arrant reactionary — exer cised a great influence? over Alexander. Katkov, that "faithful watch dog of the autocracy," as Lenin described him, was a former professor of tlie Mos(?c)w University and editor of the crass reactionary newspa per. the Moshovshiye Vyedomosti {The Iloscmv Ne^vs),

The government's reactionary policy was especially salient in the sphere of education. The tsar was an undisguised enemy of popular education . When the governor of Tobol informed him that there were very few literate people in Siberia, Alexander answered; "Thank God for it." A peasant woman, a revolutionary, wanted to send her son to the gymnasium. When he learned of this Alexander wrote: "That's the terrible part about it — even the muzhik is trying to get into the gym nasium." The Minister of Education, Delyanov, to please the tsar, issued a circular known as the "instructions re cooks' children" (1887) jirohibiting the admission into the gymnasiums of "children of coach men, servants, laundresses, and small shopkeepers, etc., who, except for those particularly gifted, should not be encouraged to rise above the sphere in which they were born." In the countryside Pobedonostsev organized parish schools to counterbalance the zemstvo schools. These schools were conducted by benighted priests who made the children learn prayers in church Slavonic, a language they did not imderstand.

In 1884 a new university statute was issued. The University Coun cils were deprived of the right to elect the rector and the professors. The best professors were dismissed. Higher education for women was practically abolished. The tsaritsa made a special point of this, assert ing that "a woman's business is her home and kitchen."

Nicholas I's army system came into its own; manhandling and senseless drilling were reinstituted. In military technique the army lagged increasingly behind Western Europe.

Increased National-Colonial Oppression

The reactionary char acter of Alexander's reign was particularly evident in the prosecu tion of a policy of militant nationalism. The ban on the publication of books in the Ukrainian language was reconfirmed in the Ukraine. In Byelorussia and Lithuania the use of the native tongues of the masses — ^Lithuanian and Byelorussian — ^was absolutely forbidden.

Alexander's government did its utmost to spread fierce anti-sem itism. In 1881 there was a wave of pogroms against the Jews in the Ukraine. "You know, I must confess I'm glad when the Jews are beaten," Alexander said when he heard about the pogroms. The Min ister of the Interior, Ignatiev, organizer of the Jewish pogroms, with the connivance of the tsar, ordered the local governors to take ener getic measures "to protect the population against the obnoxious activ ities of the Jews which, according to local reports, were the cause of disorders." Further discrimination against the Jews was enacted in the reign of Alexander III. In addition to the establishment of a "place of settlement," the Jews were prohibited from acquiring land and from settling in the villages. In 1887 a quota was established for Jews in the secondary and higher educational institutions. The Jewish people were the most disfranchised of all the peoples of tsarist Russia, that prison of the peoples.

The chief tool of tsarism's repressive policy towards the non Russian peoples was the Orthodox church. The missionaries converted the natives of the non-Russian regions to Christianity by trickery. The infamies practised by the tsarist government were strikingly revealed in the so-called Multan case: the Udmurts, who resisted con version, were accused of making human sacrifices to. their gods. In a brilliant speech delivered at the trial, the well-known writer, V. G. Korolenko, exposed the falsity of this accusation and secured the Udmurts' acquittal.

Central Asia underwent great changes in the 'eighties. The Trans Caucasian Railway, built during the 'eighties, connected Samarkand with the Caspian Sea and opened the route for Russian merchandise to Central Asia and for Central-Asian cotton to Russia (by the Caspian and the Volga). Cotton cultivation in Central Asia developed on small peasant plots. The poor dehkans (peasants) had to bear a double yoke: dependence upon the local kulaks (beys) and landlords, and upon the Russian capitalists who bought up the raw cotton, and tsarist officials

Foreign Policy of Tsarism in the 'Eighties

The 'eighties and 'nineties witnessed the rapid growth of capitalism in European countries and in the United States, and the. transition of capitalism to its highest stage, that of imperialism. These years saw the parti tion of the world among the imperialist powers, and the seizure of still unoccupied territories.

In the 'eighties England seized Egypt and the Sudan; France— Tunisia and Madagascar in Africa and Tongking in Southern Asia; Italy began her advance against Abyssinia. Some countries were reduoed to semi-colonial status: e. g., English capital occupied a domi* nant position in China, Russian tsarism ruled in the north and English capitalism in the south of Persia.

The ^eighties and "nineties witnessed the formation of internation al alliances among the imperialist powers. In 1879 Bismarck con cluded a secret defensive alliance with Austria-Hungary directed against Russia. In 1882 Italy joined the Austro-German Alliance. Thus arose the triple alliance of Germany, Austria and Italy, directed against Russia and Prance, and paving the way for the world war of 1914.

Notwithstanding the conflict of interests between Russia and her old allies — ^Germany and Austria — ^the rupture between them' did not take place at once. Tsarism hesitated to break with Germany and Aus tria, fearing a conflict with England, who viewed Russians growing influence in Central Asia with suspicion and resentment. Fearing lest she be isolated, tsarist Russia concluded a treaty of mutual neutral ity with Austria-Hungary and Germany in 1881. This treaty was called the Three Emperors "League. It was not, however, an enduring alliance on account of the growing clash of interests between Austria and Russia in the Balkans.

With the establishment of an independent Bulgarian principality in the Balkans Russia was able to consolidate her influence on the peninsula. Prince Alexander of Battenberg, a relative and nominee of Alexander 11, placed by him on the throne of the Bulgarian prin cipality, was at first ready to serve Alexander faithfully. A railway project Was drawn up tmder Alexander III with the object of strengthen ing Russia's economic and political ties with Bulgaria and the other Balkan countries. The plan was suspended owing to a coup d*4tat in Bulgaria. Alexander of Battenberg was replaced by a creature of Aus tria. Tsarism broke off diplomatic relations with Bulgaria.

Events in the Balkans aggravated the relations Wween Russia and Austria, and Alexander refused to renew the treaty that had been concluded with Austria in 1881. The alliance of the three emperors ceased to exist. But Alexander still hesitated to break with Germany for fear that Russia would be isolated in Europe. Relations between England and Russia, too, took a turn for the worse. Tsarism's advance in Central Asia very nearly led to war between Russia and England in 1885–1886. The demarcation of the Russo-Persian frontiers in 1887 and of Russo-Afghan frontiers in 1895 considerably cleared the air.

Bismarck, who harboured designs of war against France, likewise decided to continue his alliance with Russia. In June 1887, a new agree ment was concluded between Russia and Germany,* kept secret from Austria-Hungary. This treaty, concluded for a period of three years, came to be hnown as the "re-insuranoe treaty," each party engaging to remain neutral in the event of Germany waging war against J^ance, or Russia being involved in hostilities in the Balkans.

But the treaty of 1887 was necessarily unstable. The oontinuanoe of an allianoe between tsarist Bussia and Germany was contrary to the interests of the ruling classes of both countries. The tsarist go Fern* ment, in the interests of the Russian bourgeoisie, introduced a high tariflF on imported manufactures. This measure adversely afiected the German manufacturers. On the other hand, the Prussian landlords (the Junkers) could not reconcile themselves to the competition of Rus«  sian corn imports and high duties were imposed on Russian grain imported into Germany. The tariff was subsequently raised still higher. The Russian landlords were thus deprived of a profitable market. Furthermore, Bismarck retaliated to the introduction of protective tariffs in tsarist Russia by closing the German money market to Rus sian loans.

With an intense tariff war going on, there was no renewal of the treaty of 1887. The non-renewal of the treaty between Russia and Ger many, the tariff war with Germany and the grave conflict between Russia and England combined with internal economic troubles creat ed a difficult situation for Russia. In 1891–1892 Russia was visited by a terrible famine which dislocated the already disorganized nation al finances still more. What with the growing aggressiveness of impe rialist Germany, which became particularly manifest upon the acces sion of Wilhelm II, and Russia's acute need of capital, tsarism was compelled to form an alliance with republican Prance. Soon Russian tsarism became a debtor, dependent on French bankers. In addition to rendering financial assistance, the French government undertook to keep the Russian political emigrants in France under police surveil lance.

A Franco-Russian alliance was established by a number of treaties concluded in 1891–1893, under which tsarism occupied a subordinate position. Tsarist Russia undertook to place 800,000 men in the field against Germany in the event of the latter attacking France. Charac terizing the lole of tsarist Russia as an immense reserve of western imperialism, J. V, Stalin wrote that Russia was such a reserve "not only in that it gave free entry to foreign capital, which controlled such basic branches of Russia 's national economy as the fuel and metal industries, but also in that it could supply the western imperialists with millions of soldiers."*

Its predatory strivings balked in the Near East, tsarism in the early 'nineties turned its attention to the Far East, where the construc tion of the Siberian railway was started and preparations made for the seizure of Korea and Manchuria.

The Beginning of the Struggle for a Marxist Party in Russia. The Morozov Strike

The "Emancipation of Labour" Group

The first volume of Marx's woik Cwpilal was published in its Bussian translation in 1872 (and promptly banned by the tsarist censorship). Marxism ia the theory and tactics of the proletariat. But the proletariat inKussia was just coming into being in the 'seventies. Therefore the ideas of Marxism could not at the time become widespread among the workers in Bussia.

The first Bussian Marxist organization ^'The Emancipation of Labour" group was ogranized abroad, in Geneva (Switzerland), in 1883 by Plekhanov. Among the members of this group were Vera Za sulich, Pavel Axelrod and others. In 1884 the first Marxist Social Democratic group arose in Petersburg under the leadership of Bla goyev, the future leader of the Bulgarian Communists. Blagoyev's group carried on activities in Bussia simultaneously with and inde pendently of Plekhanov 's group.

George Valentinovich pleUianov (1856–1918), the well-known Bussian Marxist, was first a Narodnik. Tsarist persecution drove him into emigration. His researches into the causes of Narodism's failure and the experience of the struggle of the West European workers, as well as the success of revolutionary propaganda among the Bussian workers and his own studies of the works of Marx and Engels turned Plekhanov into a Marxist.

In 1883 Plekhanov published his book Socialism avd the PoliU ical Struggle^ and in 1885, a second one entitled Our Differences,

Plekhanov 's works dealt, a severe blow to Narodism. He showed that Bussia had already taken the capitalist path of development^ and thus refuted the basic postulate of the Narodniks alleging that Bussia could avoid the capitalist path of development. Eurther, Plekha nov proved that side by side with the development of capitalism in Bussia there was growing its gravedigger — the proletariat, the most revolutionary class of modern society.

The case was different with the peasantry. With the development of capitalism the peasantry not only does not grow as a class but, on the contrary, breaks up from year to year into the bourgeoisie (the kulaks) and the poor (the proletarians and the semi-proletarians)* while the number of middle peasants decreases. Thus Plekhanov shat* tered the second false thesis of the Narodniks who claimed for tha peasantry the role of leader of the revolution. Finally, Plekhanov shattered the mistaken theory of the Narodniks regarding the dominate ing significance in history of the individual "'hero" and proved it to be an idealistic theoiy having nothing in common with concretar historical reality.

The "Emancipation of La bour" group paved the way theoretically and ideologically for the Social-Democratic move ment in Russia, It published a number of works by Marx and Engels {The Manifesto of the Communist Party^ Wage-La bout and Capital ^ Socialism^ Utopian and Scientific and others), which contributed great ly to the spread of Marxism in Russia, Plekhanov himself was a brilliant popularizer of the materialist conception of history and a profound critic of all idealistic theories in Russia and in Western Europe. Gen erations of Russian Marxists were educated on his philo sophical works, plekhanov 's struggle against Narodism and the propaganda of Marxism paved the way for the rise of a Marxist Social-Democratic Party in Russia. Ihe "Emancipation of Labour" group, however, re pudiated the peasantry as a revolutionary force capable of becoming the ally of the proletariat. The "Emancipation of Labour" group errone ously regarded the liberal bourgeoisie as the ally of the proletariat fnthe revolutionary struggle. Already in the ^eighties the leaders of the group expounded views which subsequently to Menshevism.

The group was completely isolated from the struggle of the work ers in Russia. V. I. Lenin characterized this stage in the struggle for a Marxist party in the following words: "Social-Democracy existed without a labour movement; it was, as it were, in its period of gesta tion."

The Morozov Strike in 1885

The working-class movement in Russia continued to develop during the industrial crisis of the 'eighties. It was still spontaneous and put forward only economic demands. With the beginning of the 'eighti^ strikes occurred at the Yartsev Mill (Smolensk gubernia), the Ivanovo-Voznesensk, 2irO'rd6w (Po land)and Krenholm Mills. The Morozov Mills at Orekhovo-Zuyevo employed over 8,000 workers. The exploitation at these mills was particularly ruthless. Morozov began to cut wages in 1882 when the crisis set in and by 1884 had made five wa,gQ outs. At the same time the workers were being plagued by fines, which amounted to as much as a quarter of the pay-roll (24 kopeks for every ruble earned). The fines on some workers absorbed as much as half their earnings. The average wage of a weaver in 1884 was 41 kopeks a day. But the worker did not receive his wage in cash. He was obliged to take rotten prod nets in the mill store on account of his future earnings and pay high prices. Morozov made an annual income of half a million rubles on the exploitation of the workers. Not knowing how to fight, the workers bore this yoke, but unrest and discontent among them grew. In 1884 a new weaver; Pyotr Anisimovich Moiseyenko, came to work at the mills. He had only just returned from exile where he had been sent in 1879 as a member of the "Northern Union of Russian Workers" for participation in the St, Petersburg strikes. Moiseyenko, together with another former member of the "Northern Union, Luka Ivanov, and a young worker Vasili Volkov, started a revolutionary agitation among the workers of the mills. They jointly drew up demands which the work ers were to present to Morozov. After a preliminary secret discussion in a tavern where the leading workers had gathered ostensibly for the purpose of having a drink, the demands were finally accepted at a meeting of fifty workers.*

At six o'clock in the morning of January 7, 1885, one of the work ers, by a pre-arranged signal, cried out: "Today's a holiday. Stop work, put out the gas! Women, go out !" Che whole mills stopped work. The long pent-up hatred of the workers for their oppressors broke bounds. Despite Moiseyenko and Volkov's exhortations the workers smashed up the hateful mill store with its rotten products and wrecked the apartment of the mills manager. The soared administration called out the governor and troops.

The governor categorically demanded that the strike be called off immediately. Volkov, on behalf of the workers, presented him and the administration with their demands. Chief among them was the demand for the abolition of arbitrary fines. The workers told the gov ernor: "According to the state law an employer should not impose excessive fines which are a burden to his workers. We, the workers, demand and ask that the fines do not exceed 5 per cent of the ruble earned. We are on the verge of starvation. We want to work and will work, but give us a chance to feed our families,"

The administration refusing to concede, the strike went on.

Mass arrests among the strikers were then carried out on the per sona! instructions of Alexander III. Volkov, when being arrested, cried out to the assembled workers: "Am I for all or are you all for me?" "Everyone fer you," the workers answered him in chorus and rushed to free the arrested man from the Cossacks. Failing in this they went in huge crowd to the authorities demanding: "Free Vaska,h3"8 our man.'^

After resisting eight"" days, during which six hundred active strikers were arrested and sent back tc their native places, the strike was broken. P. A. Moiseyenko, Luka Ivanov, Vasili Vol kov and other leaders of the strike were brought to trial. Such monstrous condi tions prevailing at the Morozov Mills were brought to light at the trial that even the specially panelled jurymen were impressed and returned a verdict of not guilty. The tsarist court acquitted them.

However, Alexander III ordered Moiseyenko, who had been acquitted by the court, exiled administratively. Moiseyenko continued a revolutionary struggle all his life and was a partic ipant of the October revolution of 1917. During the Civil War he fought for the Soviet power in the ranks of the Red Army. Moiseyenko died in 1923, a member of the Bolshevik Party.

The Morozov strike caused Alexander and his ministers consider able alarm, and in 1886 a law was passed regulating fines and intro ducing pay-books. According to this law fines were to be converted to the use of the workers and were not to be a source of profit to the employers. The latter, however, evaded this law in every possible way. Prior to this a system of factory inspectors had been insti tuted.

The Morozov strike was an important factor in the development of the revolutionary struggle of the working class. It heralded the begin ning of a mass working-class movement. Spontaneous strike outbreaks began to give way to organized action of the workers. The demands of the strikers no longer bore the tone of abject pleadings, but sound ed as imperious demands of a new revolutionary class which had begun to be conscious of its social role. The Morozov strike showed the unity and solidarity that existed among the workers. The strike, in the words of the reactionary Katkov, showed tsarism that *Tt was dangerous to trifle with the masses." In this strike the proletariat of Riassia came forward as the leading force of the revolutionary move ment. For the first time in the history of Russia the revolutionary action of the workers compelled tsarism to make concessions and pass a law on the regulation of fines.

The First Social-Democratic Workers' Circles in Russia

The first Social-Democratic circles arose in Russia am<mg the ^litically advanced workers at the end of the 'eighties and the beginning of the 'nineties. These circles wore under the guidance of representatives of the Social-Democratic intelligentsia.

The workers in the Social-Democratic circles (under Fedoseyev in Kazan, Brusnyev in St. Petersburg, and others) studied the works of Marx, Engels and the history of the working-class movement. In 1891 a group of leading Petersburg workers, the first Sooial-Damo crats, presented an address to the dying writer, N, V. Shelgunov (an associate of N. G. Chernyshevsky) in which they thanked Shelgunov for his selfless struggle against tsarism. At his funeral the same group of workers placed a wreath in the name of the St. Petersburg workers on his grave and turned the funeral into a political demonstration against the government. The same group organized in 1891 in St. Petersburg the &st secret revolutionary meeting under the guise of a May Day outing. Several score workers met clandestinely on a wooded isle on the River Neva, Four workers made speeches calling for a straggle against the tsarist autocracy and capital. One of them, a weaver named Afanasyev, made a passionate appeal to the workers to organize and fight: "We shall learn, comrades, we shall unite, and organize our selves into a strong party."

The first Social-Democratic circles were not yet linked up with the mass working-class movement, which was developing spontane ously and in an unorganized way.

V. I, Lenin, writing about the historical significance of tha first political actions of the St. Petersburg workers, said: "rh3 year 1891 is marked by the participation of the St. Petersburg workers in the demonstration at the funeral of Shelgunov, the political spBeches at the May Day celebrations in St. Petersburg, We have before us the Social-Domocratic demonstration of the vanguard workers with no mass movement yet in existence.

The Growth of Capitalism in Russia at the End of the 19th Century and Its Place in the System of World Imperialism

The Industrial Boom of the 'Nineties

Russia in the second half of the 'nineties experienced an industrial boom which was a re sult both of the development of the home market and that of the world market which had drawn tsarist Russia into its orbit. A factor respon sible for this boom was railway construction, which was of tremendous importance to the development of the country's entire economic system .

Extensive railway construction had been going on in Russia since the 'seventies and 'eighties, which saw the building of big railways such as the Moscow.Kursk, Moscow-Voronezh and Mosoow-Nizhni Novgorod (now Gorky) lines. The opening of the ^nineties saw the termination of the Kursk-Kharkov-Odessa, the Kharkov-Sevastopol and Kharkov-Eostov railways. These lines linked wheat-growing Ukraine with the ports of the Black Sea and important waterways. The development of Eussia *s railway network is evident from the follow, ing figures: the total railway mileage comprised 26,024 kilometres in 1885, 30,596 in 1890 and 53,234 kilometres in 1900. The total length of railways thus doubled within 15 years (1885 to 1900). The average yearly accretion constituted over 2,000 kilometres. Neverthe less, in density of railways, Russia still lagged far behind Western Europe. European Russia in 1895 had only 9.7 kilometres of railway per thousand square kilometres of territory as compared to 106 kilo metres in England and 80 kilometres in Germany.

A line of great importance was the Siberian railroad, which took 15 years to build. The Siberian railway, called "the great way," having a total length of 7,000 kilometres, was started simultaneously at both ends — from Vladivostok and Chelyabinsk. The Siberian railway was practically completed by 1901 with the construction of the Transbaikal line. The building of this railway led to an increased influx of settlers to Siberia from European Russia. The railway in Central Asia con nected this important cotton area with the centre of the country. The extension of the railway system tended to strengthen the integral nation al market. Russian railways were built on foreign capital received by way of loans or by the granting of concessions to foreign railway interests.

Railway construction promoted the growth of industry in Russia. The growth of industrial output in Russia during the boom is illus trated by the following figures: in 1887 there were 30,888 industrial enterprises employing 1,318,000 workers, while 10 years later, in 1897, the number of enterprises had risen to 39,000 and the number of em ployed to 2 ,098,000. The value of output increased commensurately from 1 ,334,000,(K)0 rubles to 2,899,000,000 rubles. The number of big enter prises rose rapidly. In 1895 enterprises employing over 600 workers accounted for 46 per cent of the total number of workers employed in industry. Concentration in industry steadily increased, and by 1902 big enterprises employing over 1,000 workers accounted for 50 per cent of all the industrial workers. During these years the degree of concen tration in industry was higher in Russia than it was in Germany, where only 15 per cent of the total workers were employed at big enterprises. Russian industry, however, was considerably below the level of the advanced capitalist countries both in output and equipment.

During the period of industrial boom coal and oil production in Russia trebled, while that of pig iron more than trebled. Industrial progress was especially striking in the Ukraine and Transcaucasia. The Donets Basin became the centre of coal mining* The ^nineties saw the development of iron ore mining in Krivoy Hog which, with Donets coal formed a basis for the rapid development of Ukrainian metallurgy. A result of the investment of large French and Belgian capital in Ukrainian metallurgy was that it rapidly outstripped the mining and metallurgical industry of the Urals. Over half of the pig iron production in Russia since the 'nineties was supplied by the blast furnaces of the Ukraine. A feature of Ukrainian metallurgy was its high state of concentration. Seven Ukrainian works product over a third of the total pig iron output. Sixteen per cent of pig iron pro* duction in Russia were accounted for by two great Ukrainian works with an annual output of over 10,000,000 poods each.

Th6 salt lakes of the Ukraine near Slavyansk were utilized for the establishment of a chemical industry. The production of rock salt was developed at the Bakhmut mines (now Artemovsk) around which industrial settlements grew up.

Beginning with the 'nineties capitalism gained considerable ground in Transcaucasia. The oil industry, chiefly with the aid of foreign capital, began to make headway in the latter half of the 'eighties in Baku, which became the industrial centre of Transcaucasia.

An important economic factor was the conclusion in the 'nineties of railway construction in Transcaucasia which linked up the capital of the Caucasus, Tiflis, with Baku, Batum, Erivan and Kars. A railway line was built between Derbent and Petrovsk, establishing communi cation between the Caucasus and European Russia. A pipe line was laid between Baku and Batum. Datum's big kerosene works produced mostly for export. In Georgia the leading industry was manganese mining, concentrated at Chiaturi in the gubernia of Kutais. The output of coal in Tkvibuli increased. The biggest enterprises in Tiflis were the Railway Repair Depots of the Transcaucasia lines which employed over 3,000 workers in 1900. The bulk of Georgia's industry, however, was made up of petty handicraft enterprises. The condition of the work ers in Transcaucasia, who were subject to the double yoke of capi talist exploitation and colonial oppression, was more miserable than that of the workers in Central Russia. Russian factory legislation did not apply to the Caucasus, where the institution of factory inspectors was not introduced until 1902 after the incidence of a mass working, class movement in Transcaucasia.

The tsarist government was obliged to foster the" growth of capital ism in the country. Already in Alexander Ill's time a protective tar iff was introduced (1891) establishing high customs duties on im ports. This placed the home market under the exclusive control of Russian capitalists. Tsarism's policy, aimed at protecting the inter ests of the bourgeoisie, was proseoiated by Witte, the Minister of Pi nance, who succeed in greatly stimulating the growth of capitalist industry and consolidating the state finances.

The development of capitalism in Russia was hampered by the instability of the currency. Ihiring the Crimean war the exchange of banknotes for specie was suspended, and the only currency was fluctuat ing paper money. The absence of a stable currency had a deleterious effect on trade and industry. Witte in 1897 carried out a reform of the currency. Banknotes were secured by a gold reserve and made exchangeable for gold at the rate of 66 kopeks per paper ruble.

Witte introduced a government monopoly for the sale of alcohol, which yielded huge profits to the treasmy. Thanks to Witte's efforts the St. Petersburg banks began to play an important role in the coun try's economic life.

All these reforms were implemented by the tsarist government with the aid of foreign loans. Russia's annual payments on loans amounted to 276,000,000 rubles, comprising 20 per cent of ail the state expenditure. The influx of foreign capital during the industrial boom of the 'nineties considerably increased. Attracted by prospects of earn ing large profits from the exploitation of cheap and abundant labour power foreign capitalists readily exported their capital to Russia,

The 'nineties witnessed the beginning of monopolistic organiza tions in Russia and the fusion of industrial with bank capital. Eight big banks in 1899 owned more than half of the total bank capital which they invested in new enterprises and in promoting trusts and syndi cates. In the late 19th century syndicates were formed in the oil, met allurgical and coal mining industries.

Foreign capital investments in Russian industry during the in dustrial boom increased fourfold, attaining 1,000,000,000 rubles in 1900. Between 1896 and 1900, 190 joint-stock companies were formed, a fourth of which were foreign enterprises. Half of all foreign capital belonged to the French and Belgian bourgeoisie. These investments of foreign capital in Russian industry and the growth of Russia 's state debts to foreign capitalists which reached the huge figureof 4,266,000,000 rubles in 1899, made Russian tsarism and Russian capitalism depend ent on Western European capital, especially that of France.

Tsarist Russia became the vast reserve of western imperialism. She provided free access for foreign capital which controlled sack impor tant branches of the national economy of Russia as the fuel and met allurgical industries.

Industrial development, nevertheless, was retarded by the pre vailing survivals of serfdom in the countryside, the bulwark of which were the big latifundia of the landowners. Thirty thousand landowners owned 70,<^,000 dessiatine at the end of the 19th century, making an average of 2,330 dessiatine per estate. On the other ^nd ten mil lion peasant households possemed a total of 75,000,000 deeinatins, or an average, of 7 dessiatins per form. During the decade between 1890 and 1900 Russia experienced four years of famineand two years of serious crop failures. Especially terrible was the famine of 1891, which affected forty million peasants and caused mass epidemic diseases. Sjrstematic starvation, the cholera epidemic of 1892 and, chief of all, the increased plundering of the peasants by the landlords and the gov ernment reduced peasant economy to ruin and the peasant population to the verge of extinction.

Agriculture in Russia was furthermore hit by the world agrarian crisis of the 'eighties and 'nineties. But the principal causes of peas ant ruination and the disastrous state of agriculture were to be found in the survivals of serfdom, the ruinous methods of farming and mon strous exploitation of the peasantry which were an outcome of the reforms of 1861.

Summing up the results of capitalist development in the 'nine ties, Lenin pointed out that in comparison with the rate of develop ment prior to the reform this growth of capitalism in Russia was to be considered a rapid one. But if this rate of development be taken in comparison with what it might have been under the contemporary level of technique and culture it is admittedly a slow one. "Nor could it be anything else but slow," wrote Lenin in conclusion, "for there is not a single capitalist country in the world in which ancient insti tutions, which are incompatible with capitalism, which retard its development, which immeasurably worsen the conditions of the producers who suffer from capitalism as well as from the insufBi cient development of capitalism, have survived in such abundance as they have survived in Russia. "

Thus, tsarist Russia at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries was already drawn into the system of world imperial ism, occupying therein a subordinate position.

Nicholas II—the Last Russian Tsar (1894–1917)

The last Russian emperor was the eldest son of Alexander III — Nicholas II. He received his education under the direction of the arch-reactionary Pobedonostsev. During the first Russian census of 1897 Nicholas II

wrote in his questionnaire:

Name .... Bomanov, N. A.

Estate .... Emperor of All Bussia

Chief occupation .... Master of the land of Bussia

Subsidiary occupation .... Landowner

His wife, by origin a German princess, wrote also:

Name . • • « Bomanova, Alexandra Fyodorovna

Native language .... German.

Chief occupation .... Mistress of the land of Bussia

Th^se German-Russian self-styled "masters of the land of Russia"

were the richest landowners in Russia and in all the world. Nicholas II and his family owned about 100,000,000 dessiatins of land.

Intellectually limited and mediocre, this "Emperor of All Russia" was endowed with absolute power. He was weak-willed, vindictive, and cruel. He demanded that the revolutionary movement be sup pressed by ruthless shootings and executions. When a general who had been sent to crush an uprising reported to the tsar that the number of killed was small, the tsar angrily announced: "Not enough blood, gen eral!" and dismissed him.

Nicholas II was an unmitigated adherent of the inviolability of autocracy and Orthodoxy. At a reception of a zemstvo deputation in 1896 Nicholas declared: "There have been heard the voices of people lured by senseless dreams of representatives of the zemstvos sharing in the conduct of internal affairs. Let it be known to all that I will maintain the principle of autocracy as firmly and steadfastly as did my late father."

Nicholas II 's reign began with a bloody catastrophe. A popular fete had been arranged in Khodynka field during the coronation cere monies in Moscow in 1896. Attracted by rumours of royal gifts, huge crowds of people flocked to Khodynka. The ground, cut by ditches and gullies, had been carelessly levelled out. The government took no meas ures to assure the maintenance of order, with the result that a large number of men, women and children, estimated at some tens of thou sands, were crushed and trampled to death. This disaster earned for Nicholas II the popular epithet of The Bloody, In the morning after the catastrophe Nicholas II accompanied by his wife and foreign guests arrived on the scene. The dead bodies had already been removed, and sand sprinkled over the bloodstains. That evening Nicholas and Alexandra Fyodorovna danced at the ball as if nothing whatever had happened .

Nicholas II continued the reactionary policy of his father, whose ministers retained their posts. Particularly reactionary was tsarism policy towards the oppressed peoples.

The tsarist government launched a crusade against the autonomy of Finland. General Bobrikov, who proclaimed the autonomy of Fin land to be "an invention of pernicious elements" was appointed gover nor-general of Finland. Plehve, a rank reactionary, was appointed State Secretary for Finland, On the insistence of Bobrikov and Plehve, Nicholas 11 promulgated a manifesto in 1899 restricting the rights of the Finnish Diet, In Poland the tsarist authorities dealt ruthlessly with the main revolutionary force, the proletariat.

Tsarism prosecuted a harsh colonial policy in the Caucasus. The tsarist viceroy. Prince Golitsyn, persecuted the Armenians, The Arme nian schools were closed, the property of the Armenian church confiscated. Resistance on the part of the Armenian population was put down with armed force.

The peoples of Central Asia too were an object of ruthless oppres sion and exploitation by Russian tsarism in the 'nineties.

The increase in cotton cultivation was attended by the increased exploitation of the Uzbeks. The Ferghana Valley (formerly the khanate of Kokand) became the centre of cotton cultivation. Most of the cotton was cultivated by the chainkers as the landless peasants were called. They received land and cotton seed from the owners of the land, the beys. The chairikers worked as share-croppers, receiving only half of the harvest. Still worse off were the karandas who received only one* third or even one-fifth of the harvest. The chairikers and kamndaa were absolutely dependent on the buyers of cotton and on the beys, the owners of the land. In the 'nineties state taxation here was in creased threefold.

Increased colonial oppression provoked an uprising in Andijan in May, 1898. Preparation for it was carried on in all the large centres of Central Asia. The aim of the uprising was to overthrow the power of the Russian colonizers. Afghan merchants secretly supplied the dnsurgents with English arms. On the night of May 18, 1898, an armed detachment of 2,000 Uzbeks and Kirghiz attacked the Andijan gar rison in an attempt to seize Andijan. The ishan (a Mussulman scholar), Mahommed Ali, led the uprising. He proclaimed a hazavat (holy war) against tsarist Russia.

The uprising was very short-lived and tsarism meted out cruel reprisals on the insurgents. Twenty men were executed including the leader of the uprising, Mahommed Ali, and 348 Uzbeks were sentenced to penal servitude. In spite of its outward religious character^ the An dijan uprising was, in its class essence, a protest of the masses of the Uzbeks and Kirghiz against the predatory coloxual policy of tsarism in Central Asia. A punitive expedition razed three insurgent Uzbek villages whose lands were turned over to Russian settlers. The home villages of the insurgents were made to pay huge indemnities.

The Beginning of the Revolutionary Activities of Lenin and Stalin

The Centre of the International Revolutionary Movement of the Proletariat Shifts to Russia

A period of relatively peaceful development set in in West Europe after the defeat of the Paris Com mune in 1871 and there were no big revolutionary actions among the proletariat of Western Europe until the end of the first quarter of the 20th century.

The Social-Democrats had made considerable progress in all countries. The trade union and co-operative movements had expanded and strengthened. The activity of the Social-Democratic parties re solved itself ever more to a mere participation in parliamentary elec tions and parliamentary co-operation with the bourgeoisie. The parties of the Second International took a resolute stand against the dicta torship of the proletariat. They were opposed to the Socialist revo lution and advocated only reforms,

Engels died in 1895 and the Second International was left without a leader who could guide the proletariat in its struggle for a Socialist revolution and correct the mistakes and opportunist vacillations of the Socialist parties of the Second International. At the end of the 19th century the centre of the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat shifted to Russia.

An unceasing revolutionary struggle went on in Russia after the peasant reform of 1861. The peasants continued their spontaneous fight for the complete liquidation of landownersbip by the gentry. The young* but rapidly growing proletariat, began its historical struggle against capitalism and tsarism.

Marx and Engels even as far back as the 'seventies and 'eighties closely followed the development of the revolutionary struggle in Russia. They regarded tsarism as the m^n bulwark of reaction in Europe and hoped that the victory of the revolution in Russia would serve as_a signal for a proletarian revolution in the West.

The weakness of the Russian working-class movement of the 'eighties lay in its spontaneous character and in the fact that it was not yet linked up with the Socialist movement. The weakness of Social-Democracy lay in the fact that it was not backed by a mass working-class movement. The prcblem to be tackled was that of uniting the working-class movement with Socialism, a task the ground for which had been prepared by the preceding devMopment of the Russian working class. In 1895 the ^'League of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class/' led by V, I. Lenin, linked up the economic struggle with the political struggle against tsarism.

The Strike Movement of the 'Nineties

The industrial boom of the 'nineties activated the strike struggle in Russia. Between 1895 and 1899, 221,000 workers went on striae. Ilie working-class movement was becoming an important force in the political life of the country. The workers on strike in Yuzovka (now Stalino) in 1892 wrecked the factory. Not knowing who was really to blame for their misery, the workers turned the edge of their hatred not against the capitalists and capital, but against the factories and the machines. The strike was crushed by armed force, and bloody reprisals taken against the workers. In the spring and summer of 1895 the strike movement spread throughout the central industrial region. Ihe workers demand^ an increase in rates, a reduction of hours and the prohibition of fines. The strike at the Yaroslav Mills in 1895 was brutally crushed by troops. The officers of the Fanagorisky Grenadier's Regiment who led the reprisals against the workers received the tsar's thanks for their work. "You men of the Fanagorisky regiment are fine fellows I Thanks 1" the tsar telegraphed the officers.

In the autumn of 1895 the workers went on strike at the Thornton Mills in St. Petersburg (owned by an Englishman). This strike was led by the St, Petersburg "League of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class," headed by Lenin, Ips leaflet to the men and women workers raised the strikers' spirits and helped them win the strike.

V. I. Lenin

The great leader of the world proletariat, Vladimir Ilyich Lenin (XJlyiinov), was born in Simbirsk (now the city of Ulya novsk) on April 10 (22), 1870. His father was a schoolteacher. All the children of Ilya Nikolayevich^Ulyanov took part in the revolu tionary struggle. Vladimir Ilyich, ^under the guidwoe of his mother, learned to read at the age of five, and ever afterwards reading was bis favourite pastime. T^en he was ten he entered the gymnasium in Simbirsk. He was an excellent student and was award^ a medal |or good scholarship on graduation. The habit of systematic, persistent and thorough work acquired in childhood remained with Lenin through out his life. His exerdse-books were always in perfect condition. He worked flystematically and diligently over his school compositions: &st he sketched the plan of his composition in accordance with which he collected the material, arranged it accurately and worked it up carefully. Lenin used the same method subsequently when writing his great works. Under the guidance of his father (a follower of the ideas of Chernyshevsky and Nekrasov) Lenin studied all the works of the great Russian writers in his childhood and youth, and grew to entertain a deep love for Russian literature and the great Russian people.

Lenin first heard of the revolutionary movement from his oldest brother Alexander, a member of the Narodnaya Volya. Alexander Ulyanov was executed for organizing an attempt on the life of Alex ander III (1887), The death of his beloved brother made a deep im pression on seventeen-year-old Volodya Ulyanov. Ihen it was that he realized what harm terrorist methods were causing to the develop ment of the mass movement of the toilers. 'No, w© shall not take that path. That is not the way to go,*' said Lenin when news came of the execution of his brother.

V, I. Lenin entered the University of Kazan in 1887, at the age of seventeen. Soon after he was arrested for taking part in student demonstrations, expelled from the university and exiled to the village. The following conversation took place between him and Ihe police officer on his arrest: "What are you rebelling for, young man? Don't you see there's a wall before you?" "A wall, yes, but a rotten one, just prod it and it will topple over," answered Vladimir Ilyich.

During his exile in the country, and later, on his return from exilo to Kazan, V, I. Lenin made an intensive study of the works of Marx and Engels. After his arrival in Samara Lenin organized the first circle of Samara Marxists. In Samara V. I. Lenin made a study of the development of capitalism and the position of the peasantry in Russia.

In the autuinii of 1893 Lenin moved to St. Petersburg where he immediately assumed a leading position among the St. Petersburg Marxists. In 1894 Lenin read a number of lectures which were later embodied in his well-known work: What ihe ^^Frimds of the People^ Are and How They Fight the SocialDemocrats. In this work V. I. Lenin proved that the liberal Narodniks of the 'nineties re nounced the revolutionary struggle against the tsarist government which had been carried on by the Narodnik-revolutionaries of the 'seventies. Lenin put the finiBhing stroke to Narodism as the enemy of Marxism. The offsprings of Narodism had reconciled themselves with the tsarist government and were prepared "to vegetate under the wing of the humane landlords and liberal administrators." lenin proved that the program of the libera l Narodniks of the *nineties re flected the interests of the kulak elements of the village, that it was at bottom hostile to Socialism.

Already in this first work of his,

Lenin pointed out with deep in sight the historic role of the Rus sian proletariat as the leader of the coming revolution in Russia which it would bring about in alliance with the peasantry. This was the great Leninist idea of the alliance between the proletariat and the peasantry. What the

• ^Friends of the People^ Are avd

How They Fight the SocialBern ocrata ended in the following words, which came true with the Great October Socialist Revolu tion of 1917: "The Russian uwrfcer, rising at the head of all the demo cratic elements, will overthrow absolutism and lead the Bu a a i an proletariat (side by side with the proletariat of all countriea) along the straight road of open political struggle towards the victorious Gommunist Revolution,^* ♦

Lenin at the same time waged a struggle against the so-called "legal Marxists" (Struve, Tugan-Baranovsky and others). Legal Marxism was an attempt on the part of the bourgeoisie to adapt Marxism to its own ends. The "legal Marxists" cutting out the very core of Marxism — namely, the doctrine of the proletarian revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat — ^perverted the theory of Marx', glossed over the class contradictions of capitalist society and called upon the workers to support the capitalists unreservedly. "No, let us acknowledge our lack of culture and go to capitalism for schooling,'* wrote Struve. Lenin exposed legal Marxism as a bourgeois perversion of the teachings of Marx.

At the end of the 'nineties new agents of the bourgeoisie — ^the "Economists" — who had influence among the more backward sections of the workers, began to penetrate the labour movement. They said that the workers should confine themselves to an economic struggle, and leave the political struggle to the liberal bourgeoisie, whose j^olitical demands they should support. Rejecting independent polit ical demands and the political organization of the proletariat, the ^'Economists" strove to subordinate the interests of the working class to those of the bourgeoisie who sought a CMDmpromise with tsarism. In 1899 while in exile Lenin called a conference of seventeen exiled Social-Democrats who were living in the vicinity and they issued a trenchant protest, written by Lenin, denouncing the bourgeois views of the "Economists."

Lenin called the "Economists" the vehicles of bourgeois influence over the proletariat. Ihe Russian "Economists" advocated the same views as the opponents of Marxism in the West European Socialist parties. Therefore the denunciation of the "legal Marxists" and the "Economists" by Lenin was of tremendous international significance. In his famous work, What Is To Be Done% written in 1902, Lenin exposed and defeated Economism ideologically.

"Lenin did indeed restore the revolutionary content of Marxism, which had been immured by the opportunists of the Second Interna tional."

The St. Petersburg "League of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class"

In his struggle against the Narodniks, the "legal Marxists" and the "Economists," V. I. Lenin paved the way for the organization of a proletarian, revolutionary Maridst party in Russia. Its embryo was the St. Petersburg "League of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class," which, under Lenin's leadership, was first in Russia to unite Socialism to the working class movement. Until then Social-Democracy and the working-class movement in Russia had developed apart from each other, and were therefore weak, "With the establishment of Russian Social-Democracy (1883)," wrote Lenin, "the Russian working-class movement drew even closer to Russian Social-Democracy at every important step it made, striving to merge with it."** By bringing about this fusion, Lenin performed the task which, as he himself said, had been set by Marx and Engels themselves, the creators of "that revo lutionary theory which explained the need for this fusion and set the Socialists the task of organizing the class struggle of the; prole tariat." ***

Together with the politically advanced workers of St . Petersburg — Babushkin, Shelgunov and others — ^Lenin began to build up a Marxist party in Russia. In the beginning of 1895 the League started mass political agitation among the workers.

Beginning with the autumn of 1895 the St. Petersburg "Leegue of Struggle" organized and led strikes. Together with the wmkers lienin formulated the demands of the strikers. Led by the "League of Straggle" '30,000 St, Peters burg weavers went out on strike in 1896, during the coronation festivities. They demanded a reduction of working hours by legislation and the payment of wages for stoppage of work during the coronation. This strike of the St. Petersburg mill workers, interfering as it did with the coronation festivities and demonstrating by revolu tionary action before the assem bled representatives of all the foreign powers the instability of the autocracy, was an event of the greatest political signifi cance. Under the pressure of the strikers the tsarist government promised to reduce the working day. It did not, however, keep its promise. The "League of Struggle" thereupon organized a second strike in 1897 which

a law limiting the working day to eleven and a half hours.

These strit^, the like of which were unknown to the West European working-class movement, showed to the world that the proletariat had become the leader of the revolutionary movement in Ilussia. The International Socialist Cbngress in London (1896) sent a message of greetings to the Russian proletariat. In this message it said: "The Congress regards the organization of the Russian proletariat to be the best guarantee against the tsarist government which is one of the last bulwai*ks of European reaction."

Although Lenin had been arrested in December 1896, he continued to lead the "League of Struggle" from prison. In 1897 the tsarist government exil^ V. I. Lenin for three years to Eastern Siberia. He lived in exile in the village of Shushenskoye, Minusinsky uyezd, Yenisei gubernia, froiii 1897 to 19(X). During his imprisonment and exile, V. I. Lenin was engaged on his great work, The Development of Capitalism in JRttssiaf whidbi be completed in 1899.

Bdore his banidbment Lenin had taken up the task of uniting the depaoiate Sodal-Democratio organizations into a Russian Social D8moa:atie Labour Party. His arrest prevented him from completing this work. In March 1898, in V. L Lenin's alMsence, the Krst Congress of the ftussian Social-Democratic Labour Party (R.S.D.L.P.) was held in Minsk. The Congress proolaimed the formation of the Russian SooiaUDemooratic Labour Party. However, the attempt to form a party at this congress failed. The Central Committee and the major* ity of the participants of the congress were shortly arrested. But no persecutions on the part of the tsarism could check the growing revolutionary movement in Russia.

J. V. Stalin

In the 'nineties a working-class movement started to develop in Transcaucasia, where a revolutionary situation had been created as a result of the development of capitalism, oppressive land relations and the predatory colonizing policy of tsarism.

The proletariat grew rapidly in the developing industrial centres (Baku, Batum, Tiflis). Beginning with 1887 there were repeated strikes of the workers of the Tiflis railway workshops, who, like the Morozov Mills workers, fought against the arbitrary imposition of fines, and demanded that they be regulated by law. Most often these strikes were led by Russian workers, who had been banished to Trans caucasia for taking part in strikes in Russia. Not infrequently they were arrested by the police and sent back to their native places. In the 'nineties the number of strikes in Transcaucasia increased. Polit ically advanced Russian workers — members of Lenin's "League of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class," came to the head of the working-class movement. Under the influence of the Geor gian working-class movement, the (Jeorgian peasants also rose in struggle. Beginning with 1894 revolutionary outbreaks among the peasantry in Georgia were almost an annual occurrence.

Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin (Djugashvili) stood at the head of Ihe revolutionary struggle of the proletariat in Transcaucasia at the end of the 'nineties.

J. V. Stalin was born on December 9 (21) 1879 in the town of Gori, Tiflis gubernia, in a poor family. His father was a worker in a shoe factory in Tiflis and his mother went out to work by the day. Scalin since childhood lived among the workers and peasants who fought against tsarist oppression, against the capitalists and landlords. Even as a boy Stalin was stirred to indignation by the monstrous exploitation of the toilers and he explained to the workers and peasants their position.

J. V. Stalin's father did ail he could to give him an education and sent him to the church school in Gori. He showed remarkable ability at school, where he mastered his studies with great thoroughness. His leisure was devoted to reading and assiduous efforts to widen his education. At this period he becanxe acquainted with Darwin's theory and turned atheist. He propagandized atheism among his schoolmates, whom he used to tell that it was necessary to study in order to be able to help the workers and peasants. In 1894 Stalin graduated the school with honours. After graduation Stalin went to an ecclesiastical seminary in Tiflis. Here, at the age of fifteen, he associated himself with the un derground Tiflis groups of Russian Marxists and began to engage in revolutionary activities. During his seminary years Stalin worked hard over his Marxist education. Books Were his constant, inseparable companions, but the books he needed were very difficult to ob tain. The inspector kept a close watch to see that forbidden books did not fall into the hands of the seminary students. Stalin had no money to buy books and some times he would glance over the books at the second-hand book shops. He had such an excellent memory that he could then give a gist cf the contents of these bocks to his friends. Soon Stalin became the leader of two illegal Marxist circles at the seminary. A room was rented in the city for study purposes, the monthly rent of five rubles being pooled among the seminarists. In the circle they studied the works of Marx, Engels, Plekhanov, Chemyshevsky, Belinsky, Dobrolyubov, Pisarev and Herzen.

Having on one occasion with great difficulty obtained the first volume of Capital they copied it out by hand and then studied this copy in the circle.

In 1898 Stalin joined the Tiflis Social-Democratic organization and became a member of the first Georgian Social-Democratic organiza tion, **Messameh Dassy." In the same year he read Lenin's book The Economic Con'enfe of Narodism and he Criticism in the Work of Mr, Struve. Already at that time Stalin keenly desired to make Leninas ac quaintance. must see him at all costs," he said to his comrades. From that moment J. V. Sta lin became the loyal disci j*le and follower of Lenin.

In 1899 Stalin, to use his own words, was "thrown out of the Ortho dox ecclesiaiitical seminary for propagandizing Marxism/' After bis expulsion from the seminary he became a professional revolationary, giving himself up entirely to the fight for the cause of the working ^ass.

Soon J. V. Stalin came to the head of the revolationary wing of the Georgian Social-Demooiats, "Messamoh Dassy" (third group). It was called the third because it had been preceded by two other groups: one which banked on the intelligentsia nobility, the other— on the bourgeoisie. The third declared themselTes Marxists, But most of the members of the "Messameh Dassy" propagandized legal Marxism, which was opposed to the heg'^mony of the working class in the bour geois-democratic revolution and against the dictatorship of the prole tariat. On the national question the majority of the group adhered to the nationalistic standpoint which advocat^ the unity of interests of all Georgians. In 1895 this group was joined by the revolutionary Marxist, Alexander Tsulukidze, and in 1897 — ^by the splendid Marxist organizer, Lado (Vladimir) Ketskhoveli. In 1898 J. V. Stalin joined it. Stalin, Tsulukidze and Ketskhoveli formed a genuine revolutionary minority in the "Messameh Dassy," Stalin demanded the organization of an illegal press and an independent proletarian party, considering that it was essential to start mass agitation among the workers and an open struggle against the autocracy. Most of the members of the "Messameh Dassy" were opposed to this. These diflFerences led to a split in the "Messameh Dassy,"

In Tiflis at this time Stalin was directing eight workers' circles. He was able, by bringing in the immediate vital interests of the work ers, to lead them up to the basic tasks of the working-class movement. His talks with the workers were simple and interesting, always based on facts. Here is a striking illustration of his method of agitation. Taking advantage of the fact that the workers happened to be at tending lectures on popular astronomy Stalin, during one of his talks, said to a worker: "The sun — never fear, will not lose its way, — ^now you learn in what way the revolutionary cause should move and fix me up a little illegal jjrintshop."

Members of these circles relate in their reminiscences of Stalin's discourses: "Comrade Stalin always spoke interestingly, simply, always giving examples and facts. He demanded that we, on our part, hold i^imilar tallos in the factories with the othet workers."

Jn 1900 Stalin organized a strike at the Bepair Depots of the Trans caucasian Railway in Tiflis (now bearing his name). A number of strikes Were held in Tiflis under his leadership: at a tobacco factory, the Adelkhanov tannery, a printshop and elsewhereThe Iskra^ the illegal organ of the revolutionary Marxists edited by Lenin, found an ardent adherent in Stalin from the very moment of its publication.

J, V. Stalin, simultaneously with V. I. Lenin, waged an iireconcil able struggle against the Narodniks in (^rgia and against the Georgian "legal Marxists," who had a majority in the "Messameh Dassy." In the spring of 1901, Stalin, to. avoid arrest, went into hiding, and ever since, right up to the February Revolution of 1917, he led the heroic undergrotmd life of a professional revolutionary.

Bolshevik organizations, led by Stalin, arose and developed in Georgia and Transcaucasia in an irreconcilable struggle against the enemies of Marxism-Leninism.

In these activities Stalin had the energetic assistance of two remark able proletarian revolutionaries — ^A. Tsulukidze, who died in 1905 and Lado Ketsldioveli, who was treacherously killed in the Metekh Fortress in Tiflis in 1903.

Education, Science and Art at the End of the 19th Century

Russian Science in the Late 19th Century

The government of Nicholas II continued the policy of its predecessors against enlighten, ment. Growing capitalism, however, needed engineers, technicians and scientists. Foreign specialists employed in Russian enterprises jealously guarded their knowledge and did not share it with Russian engineers. The number of Russian specialists was negligible. To meet capitalism's demand for trained personnel the Minister of Finance, Witte, opened three polytechnical institutes and numerous secondary commercial and technical schools.

Science was hard put to it in the reign of Nicholas II, Eminent Russian scientists not only* received no recognition in tsarist Russia but were forced by persecution of tsarism to migrate in order to continue their scientific work abroad.

The famous Russian biologist, Ilya Ilyich Mechnibov (1845–1916) was obliged to resign his Chair at the Novorossiisk University (in Odessa) and migrate to Paris where he became one of the leading scientists of the world-famous Pasteur Institute. In 1908 Mechnikov was awarded the Nobel Prize for his splendid work on immunity. Mechnikov created and elaborated the the ory of phagocytosis — the phe nomenon of the ingestion'of alien bodies and bacteria by the phag ocytes, or "devouring cells."

Another great Russian scien tist, the physiologist Ivan Pet rovich Pavlov (1849–1936), was awarded the Nobel Prize for his classic researches in the physiolo gy of digestion, Pavlov won world fame for his remarkable studies in the field of the higher nervous system. Pavlov fur ther elaborated the theory of M. Sechenov on the reflexes of the brain. His work on the study

of the higher nervous system help^ the proletariat in its struggle against idealism and clericalism. Tsarism did all in its power to hinder these researches. It was only imder the Soviet government, which built a special scientific centre for the great scientist at Koltyshevo (near Leningrad), that Pavlov was given ample scope to carry on his work, Pavlov was a member of nearly all the scientific academies of the world.

The Russian inventor P. Y. Yablochkov (1847–1894) invented the first electric arc lamp in the world. To develop his invention he Was obliged to leave Russia and go to Paris where he took a patent in 1876, The Louvre stores and Place de POp^ra were illuminated by the so called "Yablochkov candles." The first electric light in the world was called "Russian light" by the French. Yablochkov offered his invention to the Russian Ministry of War but they did not even deign to answer him. Yablochkov 's enterprise received no support and the Russian inventor died in poverty.

Another Russian inventor, Ladygin, created the first incandescent electric lamp. In America during the hearing of rival claims by Fklison and Swan for priority in the invention of the incandescent lamp, both parties were turned down by the court which cited the priority of Lkdygin*s invention. In 1890 Ladygin produced a filament electric Ifi'inp from molybden and tungsten. But these inventions were

developed in America and not in Russia, Ladygin was compelled to go to work in a factory as a common fitter. Soon a similar lamp, invented by Edison, conquered the world.

A Russian electrical engineer, Alexander Stepanovich Popov (1859–1905), was the celebrated inventor of wireless telegraphy (1895). Shortly after the appearance of Popov's invention twenty-seven fisher men, carried out into the Baltic Sea on an ice floe, were saved by radio gram. However, Popov's wireless telegraph found no application in Russia, and the world credits this invention to Marconi who never mentioned a word of his Russian predecessor. When Popov applied to the government in 1895 for a grant of 1,000 rubles to set up an experi mental radiotelegraph the Minister of War replied: "I do not permit funds to be granted for such a chimera."

Russia's technico-economic and cultural backwardness was the cause of many scientific discoveries and inventions by outstanding Russian scientists failing to find application in their native country.

Historical science made considerable progress in the 'eighties and 'nineties. The lectures of one of the most outstanding bourgeois histo rians of Russia, V. O. Klyuchevsky, to cite only one instance, enjoyed great popularity.

The Struggle for a Marxist Science In Russia

The development of the working class rapidly advanced in Russia the Marxist theory of society. Marxism was fost propagandized in Russia in Ihe 'eighties, with the appearance of Plekhanov 's works against the Narod niks. Plekhanov's Marxist works, Our Differences and Socialism and the Political Struggle^ cleared the ground for the spread of Marx ism in Russia. Essays on ihe History of Materialism^ On the Development of the Monistic View of History^ The Question of the Mole of the Individual in History ^ and other theoretical works written by him, were, in the words of Lenin, "the finest of all the international literature of Marxism." ♦ But even the best works of Plekhanov were not free from idealistic errors.

The theories of Marx and Engels were elaborated and raised to a still higher plane by the great leader of the world proletariat, V. I. Lenin, and his faithful disciple and associate J. V. Stalin.

Lenin became the creator of Marxism in the epoch of imperialism and proletarian revolutions, the founder of Leninism.

Tie classic works of Lenin What ihe '^Friends of the People^ Are and How They Fight the SocialDemocrats^ and The Development of Capitalism in Russia are masterly examples of the unity of revolu tionary theory and practice. In these works Lenin laid the foundation for Leninism. His works on the history of capitalism in Russia in which he admirably applies materialistic dialectics to the phenomena of social life, are classic Marxist works in the field of history.

Lenin's remarkable work What the ^^Friends of the People^* Are and How They Fight the SociaUDem-^ ocrata was first published ille gaily. A section of this work has not been found while the first and third parts were found only in 1923. Lenin's first work About the So-called Question of Markets (1893) was regarded as lost for ever and was found only after the lapse of forty-four years. It was published in 1937.

Russian Literature

One of the most outstanding Russian writers of the 'eighties and 'nineties was Anton lavlovich Chekhov (1860 1 904). His satirical works unmasked the representatives of the intelli gentsia of the 'eighties, the impo tent whimperers, futile people, wal lowing in the trivialities of life. Chekhov branded this intelli gentsia, calling it "hypocritical, false, hysterical, ill-bred, lazy."

Chekhov bore a passionate hatred for the bourgeois liberals and ridiculed them bitterly. The Russian philistine found Chekhov an enemy who knew no mercy. Chekhov also exposed the tsarist regime. He portrayed tsarist Russia imder the guise of a mental hospital {Ward No. 6), Emphasizing the fact that Chekhov was the "accuser of vul garity," A. M. Grorky wrote of him: "Vulgarity was his enemy. All his life he fought it, ridiculed it and portrayed it. . . Chekhov died at the age of forty-four from tuberculosis, at the height of his creative powers.

One of the greatest writer-democrats was V. G. Korolenko (1853 1921). In the 'seventies he became a Narodnik and constant inmate of prisons and places of exile. Korolenko won fame by Drcaw,

a story illustrating the ruthless exploitation of the defenceless Yakuts by the Russian merchants and the tsarist administrators. The works of Korolenko {The Blind Musician, Without a Tongue, and many others) are filled with a passionate love for his people. His A History of My Contemporary is one of the finest examples of memoir literal ture. In his works Korolenko, as he himself has said, aimed "to defend the rights and dignity of man wherever it was possible to do so by pen."

The young working class of the 'nineties produced its literary genius in the person of the great Russian writer, A. M. Gorky (1868–1936). Alexei Maximovich Peshkov, who wrote under the pen-name of Maxim Gorky, was born on March 16, 1868 in Nizhni Novgorod (now the city of Gorky). He began to work at the age of ten, leading a life full of hardships in a variety of callings, from cook's help on a ship to stevedore, etc. Gorky was so poor, he could not even com plete his elementary education. The hard and joyless childhood and youth of the great writer are de scribed in his books Childhood, and Into the World. The life of

Gorky was portrayed in Soviet films of the same name, adapted from these books. In his book My Universiliea, the chief part of his A M G i

trilogy, the great writer deals with * *

one of the most important phases

of his life — the period when he became a man, a writer and a revolutionary. As a youth Gorky roamed throughout the country, earning his bread at casual jobs. His first story was Makar Chudra, which appeared in 1892.

In 1901 his famous The Song of the Stormy Petrel sounded like a tocsin. It was a passionate call for revolution. "Let the fury of the storm break higher," wrote the poet, who has been named the "Stormy Petrel of the Revolution."

In 1902 Gorky had already won universal recognition as a writer. The Academy of Sciences elected him an honorary member, but aroused by this "insolence" Nicholas II ordered the name of Gorky to be deleted from the list of academicians. Tsarist reprisals against the revolutionary writer evoked a protest from Chekhov and Korolenko both of whom resigned their membership on the academy.

Gorky's plays Philistines and The Lower Depths, performed by the Moscow Art Theatre, achieved tremendous success. His works sounded as a call to the struggle against tsarism and capitalism. Gorky became the favourite writer of the proletariat not only in Russia but in Western Europe and America as well. Gorky was imprisoned in tsarist Russia more than once and was exiled for active participation in the revolutionary movement.

The Literature of the Peoples of Tsarist Russia

Ivan Franko (1856^1916), the son of a Galician blacksmith, was a great Ukrainian writer of this time. Like the Russian Narodniks of the 'eighties Franko gave first place to the task of peaceful activities in industry and education. "The plough — ^there lies our power; education — ^there lies our future," said Pranko. The works of Franko played a very impor tant part in fostering Ukrainian literature. His realistic stories, giving a vivid and faithful description of the life of the workers and peasants of Western Ukraine, brought him the fame he merited. Franko trans lated the works of dozens of authors into Ukrainian, including several works by Marx.

The 'eighties saw the beginning of the literary career of the Ar menian writer Shirvanzade (the pen-name used by A. Movsesyan). In his works he was a follower of Balzac and exposed, using the history of the Armenian bourgeoisie as his material, the vices of bourgeois society. Subsequently Shirvanzade enthusiastically hailed the estab lishment of the Soviet government in Armenia. Shirvanzade has been awarded the title of People's Writer of Armenia and Merited Writer of Azerbaijan.

Kosta Levanovich Khetagurov (1859–1906), the great Ossetian poet, revolutionary-democrat, creator of the Ossetian literary language and the founder of Ossetian literature, b^gan his literary career in the 'eighties. Poet, artist, pla 3 rwright, critic and publicist, Kosta Khetagurov 's works reflected the cherished hopes of his people and the best traditions of the culture of the Russian people, linked with the names of Chernyshevsky and Dobrolyubov. Tsarism dealt cruelly with the poet and repeatedly banished him from his. native land.

Russian Art

llie artist V. I. Surikov (1848–1916) was the founder and the greatest representative of Russian historical painting. His famous pictuies Morning of the ExecuiioUf Boyarynya

M<yrozova, Subjugation of Siberia^ Menshikov in Beryozovo^ Suvorov Crossing the Alps, faithfully recreate the past. Surikov portrayed the movement of the masses, arousing a profound sense of sympathy for them among the spectators. The people in Surikov 's pictures are not a passive mass, but a real force, rising up against social injustice.

V. A. Serov (1866–1911) was a first-class master of portrait paint ing. His portraits as well as his historical pictures of the epoch of Peter I and Catherine II are distinguished for their great artistic power of characterization.

The landscapes of I. I. Levitan (1861–1900), a close friend of Chekhov, are remarkable interpretations of the nature of Central Russia. Vladimirka, showing Vladimir Ghauss6e, the along wMch revolutionaries were driven to Siberia, is particularly realistic.

A vital part in the development cf Russian theatrical art was played by the Moscow Art Theatre (now named after Gorky) founded by K. S. Stanislavsky and V. I. Nemirovich-Danchenko in 1898. This theatre of profound artistic realism staged the best plays of Chekh ov, Gorky, Ibsen and other progressive writers. By staging the plays of M. Gorky the theatre raised its voice in protest against the persecu tion by tsarism of the great proletarian writer and won the love and gratitude of the Russian people.

Fyotr Ilyich Chaikovsky (1840–1893) — one of the greatest compos ers of the world, reached the height of his power in the ^eighties and the beginning of the 'nineties. His magnificent operas {Eugene Onegin^ The Queen of S'padea) and ballets {Swan Lakey Sleeping Beauty ^ Casser noisette) are part of the permanent repertoire of Soviet theatres. Eugene Onegin is the most popular opera in the U.S.S.R. Chaikovsky is equally great as a master of symphonic music. His symphonies and symphonic poems (among the latter Romeo and Juliet an^ Francesca da Rimini) are favourites with the public and are included in the repertoire of Soviet symphony concerts. The songs and romances of Chaikovsky are characteristically lyrical and sincere. In one of his letters Chaikov sky wrote about himself: "It seems to me that lam really gifted with the quality of being able to express truthfully, sincerely and simply the thoughts, feelings and images inspired by the text. In this sense I am a realist and a true Russian."

The Ukrainian composer, N. V. Lysenko (1842–1912), began to compose in the 'nineties. His great merit lies in the publication of a number of collections of Ukrainian folk songs. Lysenko made use of Ukrainian songs on which he based his operas A Night in May^ Christmas Eve and Taras Bulba, The latter was first performed only under the Soviet government. Lysenko wrote a number of symphonic Works based on popular Ukrainian songs. He has composed music to a number of works by T. G. Shevchenko.

The rise of an admirable Ukrainian theatre, founded by M. L. Kropov nitsky, dates to the 'eighties. A number of celebrated actors, headed by the great Ukrainian actress, M. K. Zankovetskaya, were members of this group.

In 1917 the great proletarian writer, A. M. Gorky, summed up the grandiose creative achievements in the field of Russian art in the 19th century as follows: "The Russian people revealed a wonderful force, creating under the most terrible conations a splendid literature, amazing paintings and an original music which excites the admiration of the world."

"The colossus Fushkin," wrote Gorky, "is our greatest pride and the fullest expression of the spiritual forces of Russia and, side by side with him are the magic-working Glinka and noble Bryullov, Gogol, knowing no pity for himself or for others, the melancholy Ler montov and the sad Turgenev, the wrathful Nekrasov, the great rebel Tolstoy, and our sick conscience Dostoyevsky; Kramskoy, Repin, the inimitable Musorgsky, and Leskov who spent all his life and energy creating a positive type of a Russian; and finally, the great lyric Chaikovsky and the verbal magician Ostrovsky, as unlike each other as only men in Russia can be where one and the same generation contains people, as it were, from different ages, so different are they psycho logically, so unfusible. All this greatness has been created by Russia in less than a hundred years. It is with a keen joy and overwhelming sense of pride that one views not only the abundance of talents born in Russia in the 19th century but also the startling differences among them, differences to which the historians of our art do not pay sufficient attention."

Important Dates in the History of the U.S.S.R. in the 18th and 19th Centuries

1682–1726 Reign of Peter I

1682 Uprising of the Streltsi in Moscow

1700–1721 Russia's War with Sweden

1700 Introduction of New Calendar

1705 Uprising in Astrakhan

1707–1708 Uprising on the Don under Leadership of JCon

drati Bulavin

1708 Introduction of New Russian Secular Type

1709, June 2'! . . . . Victory over the Swedish Army at Poltava

1711–1766 Lomonosov, Mikhail Vasilyevich

1714 Victory over the Swedish Fleet at Hango udde

1726 Founding of the First Academy of Sciences

1728–1730 First Bering Expedition

1730 Attempt of the "Councillors" to Limit the Au

tocracy

1731 Oath of Citizenship Taken by the Kazakhs of the

Small Horde to Russia . >

1739 Uprising of Karasakal in Bashkiria

1740 Conquest of Central Asia by Nadir, Shah of Persia

1741–1761 Reign of Elizabeth Petrovna

1765 Founding of the Moscow University

1769 Victory of the Russian Army over Friedrich II at

Kunersdorf

1762–1796 Reign of Catherine II

1768–1774 First War with Turkey under Catherine II

1768 Uprising Against Poland in the Ukraine (Koliivsh

china)

1773 First Partition of Poland

1773–1775 Peasant War under Leadership of Emelyan Pu

gachev

1776 Gubernia Reform

1783 Aimexation of the Crimea

1785 New Municipal System

1787–1791 Second Turkish War

1793 . Second Partition of Poland

1794 Polish Uprising under Leadership of Koscjuszke

1796 Third Partition of Poland

1796–1801 Reign of Paul I

1797 Ukase on Three Days* Corvee

1799 Suvorov's Italian Campaign

1799–1837 A. S. Pushkin

1–1826 Reign of Alexander I

1801 Incorporation of Georgia into Russia

1803 Ukase on Free Peasants

1806–1807 ....... War Against Napoleon in Alliance with Austria,

England and Prussia

300 IMPORTANT DATES IN THE HISTORY OF THE U.S.S.R.

1806*18t2 War with Turkey

1806–1813 War with Persia

1807 Tilsit Treaties with France

1808–1809 War with Sweden

1812 Peace Treaty with Turkey in Bucharest

3812 National War with Napoleon

1812, August 26 ... . Battle of Borodino

1813–1814 War Against Napoleon in Alliance with Austria,

England and Prussia

1825, December 14 . . . Uprising of the Decembrists

1826–1855 Reign of Nicholas I

1830–1831 Uprising in Poland

1837 First Railway in Russia

3863–1856 Crimean War

1855–1881 Reign of Alexander II

1856 Paris Peace

1869 Defeat of Shamyl

1861, February 19 . . . Abolition of Serfdom 18G3 Polish Uprising

1864 Zemstvo Reforms

1864 Judicial Reforms

1870, April 10(22) . . . Birth of V. I. Lenin

1870 Municipal Reforms

1874 Introduction of Compulsory Military Servioe

1874, Spring "Going to the People"

1875 "The South Russian Labour Union"

18771878 Russo-Turkish War

1878 Berlin Congress

1879, December 9 (21) , Birth of J. V, Stalin

18781880 "The Northern Union of Russian Workers"

1881, March I . . . , Assassination of Alexander II

1881–1894 Reign of Alexander III

1881 Law Strengthening the Police Force

1883 Organization of the "Emancipation of Labour" Group

1885 Morozov Strike

1886 Law on Employment of Workers in Factories and

Mills

1889 Law on Zemstvo Chiefs

1890 New Law on Zemstvo Institutions

189^–1893 Conclusion of Franco-Russian Alliance

1894–1937 Reign of Nicholas II

1895 Organization by V. I. Lenin of the Petersburg

"League of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class"

1897–1900 V. I. Lenin in Exile

1898 First Congrooj of the R.S.D.L.P. in Minsk

Part Three (1900–1946)

The First Bourgeois-Democratic Revolution

The Eve of the Revolution

Russia's Transition to Imperialism

Tsarist Russia in the System of World Imperialism

By the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth centurj', the development of capitalism had finally brought it to its highest and last stage, that of imperialism.

Under imperialism the concentration of lirodnction achieves its utmost development. Almost the entire industry of a given countrt^ is concentrated in a small number of gigantic enterprises. Individual capitalists and cajDitalist combines enter into agreement with each other to eliminate free competition, which is thus superseded by the rule of the monopolies. Lenin defined imperialism as monopolist capi talism.

At the same time an intense centralization of capital takes place. A considerable part of the free capital of a country is concentrated in a few banks which, from humble intermediaries in the exchange process become transformed into all-powerful monopolies. The banks utilize their enormous capital for the purpose of promoting the development of industry. Bank capital merges with industrial capital. Lenin called this new form of capital, which by the beginning of the twentieth century became dominant in all the biggest capitalist coimtries, finance capital.

Under imperialism the struggle for markets leads to an acceleration of the export of capital to backward countries, colonies and semi-colo nies. The capitalists strive to monopolize the sources of raw materials. This inevitably gives rise to a struggle for the redivision of the world, to a struggle for new territories . Comrade Stalin has defined this most impor tant feature of imperialism in the following terms: "Imperialism is the export of capital to the sources of raw material, the frenzied struggle for monopolist possession of these sources, the struggle for a redivision of the already divided world, a struggle waged with particular fury bynew financial groups and Powers seeking a 'place in ilic K\in' against the old groups and Powers which cling tightly to what they Iiavo grasped" (J. Stalin, Problems of Leninism ^ Moscow, 1945, p, 15).

Imperialism intensifies all the contradictions of capitalism to the utmost degree; those contradictions can bo solved only by the proletarian revolution. Under imperialism the contradictious be tween capital and labour become extremely intensified. The exploita tion of the working class assumes such a character that it realizes that the only way out is to overthrow the rule of the imperialists.

The contradictions between the various financial groui)s aiui imperialist Powers also become so acute as to lead to armed con flicts — imperialist wars. The contradictions between ruling nations and colonial and dependent peoples also become intensified to the utmost'. The inhuman oppression of the inhabitants of colonial and depen dent countries compel these vast enslaved masses to fight for their independence and freedom.

The process of formation of the imperialist system was completed all over the world by the beginning of the 1900'a.

In Russia, too, capitalism dcvolo 3 )ed into imperialism, but in Russia imperialism boro numerous distinctive features, Lenin and Stalin called it militarist-feudal imperialism. Mililarisi-feudal impe rialism bears all the characteristics of the imperialist system: in tense concentration of production, formation of mono])olioB, export, of capital, the merging of bank capital with industrial capital, struggle for the division and rodivision of the world, and the extreme intensi fication of class contradictions. Thus, militarist-feudal imperialism in Russia was, above all, imperialism, a part of the world imperial ist system.

The distinctive feature of imperialism in tsarist Russia was that Russian imperialism was enmeshed in a close not of feudal survivals. Remnants of feudal relationships survived in both industry and in agriculture and influenced the development of the various classes in society as well as the entire system of society and of stale in twen tieth century Russia.

Besides capitalist methods of exploitation, militarist and feudal methods wore employed in tsarist Russia. The country was ruled by the representatives of the big feudal landowners. Owing to the restrict ed nature of the home market, the Russian landlords and capitalists strove to conquer foreign markets, and with this object they seized the best lands in the border regions of Russia and plundered the native inhab tants.

In describing the nature of militarist-feudal imperialism in Russia, Comrade Stalin wrote: "To begin with, tsarist Russia was the of every kind of oppression — capitalist, colonial and militarist — in its most inhuman and barbarous form. Who does not know that in Russia the omnipotence of capital coalesced with the despotism of tsarisiUa the aggressiveness of Russian nationalism with tsarism's role of executioner in regard to the non-Russian peoples, the exploitation of entire regions — Turkey, Persia, China — ^with the seizure of these regions by tsarism, with wars of conquest? Lenin was right in saying that tsarism was ^militarist-feudal imperialism.' Tsarism was the (ioncontration of the worst features of imperialism raised to the second power" (J. Stalin, Problems of Leninism, Moscow, 1945, pp. 16-17).

Industry in Russia was very highly concentrated, but the methods of ])roduction remained backward. As regards concentration of production, Russia, at the begiiming of the twentieth century, occupied one of the foremost places in the world. In 1900, seven huge plants in the south of Russia produced 37.6 per cent of the entire pig-iron output of the country. Five huge firms in Baku produced 42.6 per cent of the entire output of oil in Russia. Factories employing over a thousand workers (constituted 11 per cent of the total number of factories in the country, and they employed about 50 per cent of the total workers in Russia.

The high concentration of industry was facilitated by the development of banks and joint-stock companies. By the beginning of the twentieth (Century eight big banks controlled 55.7 per cent of the total bank capi tal in Russia. The banks controlled 50 per cent of the capital invested ill the iron and stool industry, 60 per cent of that invested in the coal industry and 80 per cent of that invested in the electrical engineering industry. Bank capital merged with industrial capital.

Largo joint-stock companies occupied an important placse in the industrial life of the country. Trade, and to some extent industry, was controlled by syndicates, which began to arise in Russia at the end of the nineteenth century and were the typical form in this country of tho monopolist capitalist combine. Already at the end of the nineteenth (jentury the Sugar Syndicate compelled all the sugar manufacturers of the country to combine.

At the beginning of the twentieth century many of the Russian banks were under the control of West-European banks. In 1901, French banlrs established the Northern Bank in Russia. The Deutsche Bank, one of the largest banks in Germany, controlled the Russian Azov-Don Bank. West-European capitalists invested about a billion gold rubles in Russian industries and banks and began to concentrate in their own hands vital branches of industry, such as iron and steel, fuel, chemicals and also several branches of the transport industry.

Cheap labour power, high prices of manufactured goods in the home market and the system of subsidies and protection introduced by thci government ensured huge profits for both Russian and foreign capital, in the period from 1895 to 1904 foreign firms drew profits from Russia tio tho amount of over 830,000,000 gold rubles, a sum exceeding the capital they iuv^cfcifcecl during that decade. Kruiu iorcign linanciers, mainly French, the tHarist government obtained what for that tim<^ wore huge loans. In lOOJl tsarist Russia's foreign debt stood at tlu? enormous sum of 3,000,000,000 gold rubles. Ink*, rest alone on thest* loans amounted to 130,000,000 gold rubles per annum, and this im posed a heavy burden upon the working ])0ople of tlie cH)mitry. As a. result of the intense inlliix of foreign capital into llussia, llussjan tsarism and Russian capitalism became (l(*])cndeut upon West-Muro ]}ean hnper ialism .

The Russian and foreign ca])italivsts, aided and supported by tsarist authorities, sid)jected the workers of Russia to monstrous ex 2 )loitation.

The Industrial Crisis at the Beginning of the 1900's

TiiC' economic crisi^which broke out in Western Europe at tlic cud of tht^ nineteenth and iDeginning of the twentieth century very soon spread to Russia, The influx of foreign capital sharply diminished. Owing to the poverty of the mfcses of the peasantry and tlie low wages earned by the workens, the purchasing power of tlie po])ulation w'as low. This aggravated the crisis. Production diminished c uis'dorably, ])arb]e.nlarly in the iron and steel and fuel industries: in 1002, the output of ■|)ig iron, for example, dropped 16 ])er cent below that of J00().Th<% crisis mosi <lisasfcrously alTcetod.the more highly capital istieally-tlovoloped regions (the Douetz Basin and others), where as many as 3,000 plants were closed down. Railway construction greatly dim'inislied. Thtis, from 1805 bo 1900, ever 3,000 versts of railwa^'^ line were laid down annually, whereas in 1903 only 453 versts were laid down.

Only the largest entet'iJrises were able to sxirvive* thes t'r.isis. During this period huge capitalist monopolies were formed in Russia under tlu^ control of foreign finance capital. In 1902 the Prodam ot was formed. This was a huge syndicate for tlio sale of the products of the iron and steel industry which controlled 80 per cent of the entire iron and steel industry of Russia. In the oil industry there were two iaonoj)olist* groups — Nobel Brothers and Rothschild. In this ]xeriod too a sewing cotton syndicate wasfoimccl, consisting of only two firms which mouoj) olized the Russian sewing-cotton market. Jn 1004 the Prodvagon Syn dicate was formed which monopolized nearly the entire sale of railway cars in Russia.

Taking advantage of the droj) of share ]}ric;os during the (Jrisis, foreign banks bought up the shares of Russian enterprises and banks and thus became the owners of these enteiprises. This still further increased the clependeucc of Russian capitalism ui)on WestEuropean imperialism.

During the j)oriod of the crisis the number of factory workers great ly diminished. At some of the plants in the 'Donotz Basin more than half of the workers were discharged. This increase in unemploymont led to a worsening of the conditions of labour. The employers took advantage of the crisis to rob the workers of tlio gains they had won during the industrial boom. Every wliore piece rates were cut and the working day lengthened. Adult workers were rc])laccd by youths and children who received only a half, or a third, of the pay which adults had re ceived. The steady influx into the towns of starving peasants who const'tutod cheap labour-power also served to woi^seil the conditions of the workers.

The Beginning of the Mass Political Struggle in Russia

The Political Awakening of the Working Class and the Part Played by Iskra

The crisis hastened the political awakening of the working class. Their want and lack of riglits, the unbridled tyranny of the employers, who always received the support of the police, and the oppression to which they were subjected by the tsarist autliorities set the workers thinking about the causes of their hard conditions and compelled them to seek a way out. Tlianks to the propaganda carried among them by the revolutionary Social-Democrats, they began to understand that tlie worst enemy of the 3iooplo was the autocracy, which supported and encouraged the oruolost exploitation of the work ers by the capitalists. An enormous part in the political odneation of the working class and in the organization of its struggle against the autocracy was played by the all-llussian Sooial-Domoeratic newspa per Ishra, which was founded by Lenin.

Lenin, while still in exile in Siberia, drew up a plan for the publication of a proletarian newspaper which was to help in building up a revolutionary Social-Democratic party, for without such a party the prole tariat could not fight for its emancipation.

Emphasizing the important part a newspaper could play in the work of organizing a party,

Lenin, in an article entitled "Where to< Begin?" wrote: "A paper is not merely a collective propagandist and collective agi tator, it is also a collective organizer" (V. I. Lenin, Select ed Works, VoL II, Moscow,

1934, p. 21).

The newspaper was ceaselessly to expose the crimes of tsarism and the treachery of the liberals.

It was impossible, however, to publish such a newspaper in tsarist B/Ussia. Lenin therefore decided to publish the paper abroad, where, at that time, conditions were more favourable for conducting revolu tionary activities. The first issue of Iskra appeared in December 1900. On its title page it bore the motto "The spark will kindle a flame, words taken from the reply which the Decembrists in exile made to Pushkin's appeal to continue the struggle. This motto was Iskra^s pledge to carry to the end the revolutionary struggle that had been initiated by preceding generations.

Lenin edited Iskra in conjunction with Plekhanov and other Social Democrats. It was printed on tissue paper, smuggled into Russia, and there distributed among the advanced workers. Workers caught read ing Iskra were liable to imprisonment and exile, but this did not daunt the class-conscious workers. They became extremely devoted to Iskra, which they regarded as their guide in their political struggle. They impatiently awaited the appearance of every new issue of the paper, and when they received it they read and re-road it until it was literally worn to tatters. A weaver from St, Petersburg wrote to the paper saying: "When you read the paper you understand why the gendannes and the jx^bce are afraid of us workers and of those intollectiials whoso load we follow, • . . In the past every strike was a great event, but now everybody knows that strikes alone are nothing, that now we must win freodom by fighting for it" (Iskra No. 7).

Workers in different towns acted as J,s'7cm'.v corrospondonts. Among these wore I. V, Babushkin and other advanced workers whom Lenin had trained in Social-Democratic study circles in the 1890 's. In tlio beginning of 1901, copies of the first issue of Loniu's lakra reached Tifiis (now Tbilisi). On Comrade Stalin's proposal tho Tillis Committee of the Social-Democratic Party announced its solidarity with the policy of Iskra. In September 1901 tho first issue of an illegal Georgian newspaper entitled Brdzola {The Sfrvggle)^ edited by Comrade Stalin, appeared. This newspaper was printed in an underground printing plant that was set up in Baku by a colleague of Comrade Stalin, Lado Ketskhoveli. Brdzola was the best Iskra-ist newspaper in Russia. Pur suing the political line advocated by Lenin's Iskra, it undeviatiiigly fought for the unity of the working-class movement of Georgia with that of the whole of Russia.

After tho Tifiis Committoo had declared its solidarity with Iskra, other Social-Democratic Oomniittccs in Russia did tho same.

The First Political Demonstrations in 1900 and 1901

As a result of tho industrial crisis and thei)ropaganda (jouductod by tho revo lutionary Sooial-Domoorats, tho mass working-class movoinont took another step forward and i)assod from economic strikes to political strikes and demonstrations.

The first to como into tho vStroots with rod Hags and the slogan ^"Down with the autocracy!" were tho workers and students of Kharkov. This demonstration occurred on May Day 1900 and created a profound impression upon the workers all over Russia. In August 1900, after a strike of the workers employed in tho Tifiis railway workshops, Com rade Stalin issued a leaflet calling upon the workers to commenco an open revolutionary struggle. Tho first open revolutionary demonstra tion of the Tillis workers was organized by Comrade Stalin in April 1901, and about 2.000 workers took part in it.

In 1901, May Day demonstrations and strikes took i)laoo all over the country. Of exceptional importance were tho events that occurred at the State Obukhov Munitions Plant, near St. Petersburg (now tho Bol shevik Works), which have gone into history as the "Obukhov dofonco."

On May 1,' 1901, as a result of the propaganda conducted by the Social-Democrats, of the 6,000 workers employed at tho Obukhov Works, 1,200 stayed away from work. The management dis charged the most advanced and active workers at tlio ])laixt. This gave xiso to a protest strike which commenced on May 7. Tho workers dc^ mauded the roinstatomont of tho discharged worktu's and tho dismissal of a number of foremen whom they detested. In answer to tins demand the assistant manager said with a couteini)tuous sneer: "Next thing, perhaps, yon will demand the discharge of the Cabinet Ministers!" "Not only the ministers, but also the tsar!" retorted the workers. Police and troops were called out against the strikers. To bar their way the workers oroctod barricades, and when the soldiers arrived they wore greeted with a hail of stones, logs of wood and chunks of iron. The police and tho troops could not take tlio workers' living quarters exce])t by storm. An active part in tho defence was played by women, Tlie workers in neighbouring plants joined the strikers. The liglit lasted throe hours. The troops occupied all the streets and side streets adjacent to the fi^oto^y. Eight hundred workers wore arrested, of whom thirty-seven were put on trial. At the trial, the workers delivered vehement speeches denouncing .the autocracy. Several of them wore condemned to penal servitudck^d to terms of imprisonment; tho rest wore deported from the capital. These sentences evoked protests from workers all over Russia.

Appraising the "Obukhov defence" as a new form of the mass pro letarian struggle, Lonin wrote: "Street fighting is possible, it is not the position of tho fighters but the position of tho government thfit is hopeless if it has to deal with larger numbers than those employed in a single factory" {V. I. Lenin, Golhoied Work^, Vol. IV, Book I, Now York, 1020, p. 121).

Political Strikes and Demonstrations in 1902 and 1903

The mass working-class movement to an incroasiiig dogroo assumed a po litical character. In Transcaucasia tho political struggle of tho workers was led by Comrade Stalin. On tlio iiistrucjtions of the Tiflis Committees he went to Batmn (now Batumi), and taking up his quarters in thc» working-class suburbs ho conducted revolutionary activities among the Batum workers.

In Batnm, Comrade Stalin organized eleven study circles and formed a Social-Domncratic organization in that town. On tho night of December 31, 1901, in tho guise of a Now Year's Eve party, tho first Social-Democratic Conference was hold in Batum; at this coniorono(? the Batum Committee of tho Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party was elected.

In January 1902 Comrade Stalin organized and led the first strikes at the Batum oil plants. In tho beginning of March 1902 a fire broke out in the storehouse of the Rothschild plant. The workers spent two days and nights extinguishing tho fire, but tho management refused to pay the workers for this time. Tho workers threatened to go on strike and the management yielded. Encouraged by this victory, the work ers in other plants went on strike in support of economic demands. On tho night of March 7, tho police arrested thirty-two strikers. On March 9 a workers' demonstratioix was hold in response to Comrade Stalin's appeal. Tho workers marched in columns to the doT)ortatioa centre whore the arrested strikers were detained, and demanded, their roloaso, Soldiers, their rifles at the ready, barred the way of the demonstrators.

Comrade Stalin delivered an impassioned spooelx to the workers call ing upon them to resist. Just thou volleys of rifle firo rang out; fifteen men wore killed and fifty-four wore wounded. The funeral of the vic tims of this massacre that was hold next day developed into an immense political demonstration against tsarism. The j)C)lic(i arrested 450 work ers and made intense efforts to find Copirado Stalin, but the workers concealed him in their homos. As ho moved from one worker *s homo to another, the press used for the printing of passion ate appeals to the Batum workers anti to tho Ajar ])easants was re moved also. From time to time ho arranged mootings in the cemetery, the watchman of which S3unpathized with tho working-class move ment. Soon, however, it became impossible for Comrade Stalin to hide in Batum any longer and so, taking his printing press with him, he moved to. the village of-MalAmudia, near Batum, where an old Abkhazian peasant named Hasliim concealed him in his garret. Old Hashim was inspired with profound respect for tho young revolutionary and began to help him. Every day ho would take a large basket filled with vegetables and fruit, under which wore concealed pamphlets and leaflets, and taking up his stand at the factory gates to sell his produce he would wrap tho vegetables and fruit in those loalh^ts and hand them to workers whom ho know. Those, in turn, gave thorn a wide circulation. The m^^^sterious activities that wont on in Hashim 's house attracted the attention of neighbouring peasants and one day they came to Comrade Stalin and asked him what ho was doing. Comrade Stalin answered: "I print leaflets in which I describe what hard lives you arc loading and how tho trouble can bo mended." "That's fine," said the old peasants. "What you are doing is for our good. , . . Until today Hashim alone hid you . . . now wo shall all hide you and your work to the host of our power and ability."

Nevertheless, in Aju'il 1002, tho police managed to discover Com rade Stalin's hiding place and arrested him. In November 1903 he was exiled to tho village of Novaya Uda, in tho Irkutsk Gubernia; but^two months later ho escaped from there and returned to Tiflis to resume his revolutionary activities.

/. j The political struggle of the proletariat in 1902 and 1903 assumed ^vide dimensions in other towns of Russia too. In May 1902, a demon stration was held in Sormovo, near Nizhni Novgorod (now called Gorky) . The demonstrators were arrested and tried. At the trial tho banner bearer, a worker named Zalomov, delivered a passionate speech in which he described the conditions of tho workers and called upon them to wage a struggle against tho autocracy. Subsequently, this speech was illegally printed and distributed. The Sormovo demonstration is described in Maxim Gorky's novel in which Zalomov figuros^

under the name of Pavel.

An important factor in the political education of the work ing class was the railway strike in Rostov-on-Don in 1902, which developed into the first general strike in Russia. The workers of nearly all the trades and fac tories in the city were involved. The conditions of the workers in the Central Workshops of the Vladikavkaz Railway were extremely hard. All the workers, even those who had worked there for over twenty years, were regard ed as day workers, and according to the tsarist laws they could be discharged at any moment without notice. The payment of wages, low though they were, was systematically delayed. In the beginning of November 1902, the 4,000 workers put forward demands, drawn up for them by the Don Committee of the R.S.D.L.P., for a 9-hour day and a 30 per cent increase in wages.

The management rejected the cla m and the workers went on strike. The workers of other factories in Rostov joined the strike and about 30,000 were involved. The Don Party Committee organized meetings in a ravine outside the city at which Social-Democratic orators spoke and read out Social-Democratic leaflets. For the first time in the his

tory of Russia the views of the Social-Democrats on the tasks of the working class wore openly proclaimed at public meetings. The workers displayed fine staunchness and solidarity. At one meeting a Colonel of Gendarmes appeared and ordered the workers to disperse. The speaker who was addressing the meeting asked: '"'Shall we obey this order?" "No, we shall not!" came the loud and unanimous reply, "In that case remain where you are and let us continue our talk," said the speaker. Meetings continued to be held. The authorities were dis concerted by the organized resistance of the workers and called out the Cossacks from the near-by villages. But when the Cossacks attempted to disperse the meetings the assembled workers and their wives and children lay ilat on the ground. The horses would not step upon the prostrate people and the Cossacks were obliged to retire.

Several days later soldiers fired upon a crowd assembled at a meet ing and killed and wounded several workers. So incensed were the workers by this outrage that they turuod the funeral of the victims into a revolutionary domoiisiTation. Only after mustering troops from neighbouring towns did tho authorities succeed in suppressing the strike. The police arrested many of the advanced workers and deported them from Rostov.

Tho Rostov strike, which developed into a political demonstration, was an extromoly important fiictor in stimulating tho class conscious ness of the workers. As Lenin wrote: "For tho iirst time tho proletariat is standing up as a class against all the other classes and tho tsarist government" (V. Gollecdcd VoL VII, Moscow, 1937,

Russ, ed., pp. 105-106).

The workers were 1 aught by their own oxporionco tliat an armed struggle against tsarism was necessary.

They were led to this conclusion also by tho general strikes in Transcaucasia and in the Uluraino, in tho summer of 1903. At tho end of May 1903, a strike broko out among tho oil workers in Baku, The workers in the engineering shops and railway depots joined the strike. In June, 45,000 workers wore involved in tho strike, now a general strike. Even the bakers, bootmakers and tailors went on strike; shops wore closed and no newspapers ap peared. Tho workers demanded an B-hour day and an increase in wages. The strikes wore led by tho Baku Social-Domocjratio Committee. Meetings wore held at which political speeches wore deliv ered and revolutionary leaflets wore distributed. As there wore few troops in Baku, tho employers resorted to a manoeuvre and protended to accede to tho workers' demands; but as soon as more troops arrived they withdrew their concession. TIxo Caucasian Party Committee called upon the workers of Tiflis and of other towns to back the de mands of the Baku workers by moans of a solidarity strike. On July 14, a general strike broke out in Till is which lasted ton days. Soon this strike spread to all tho industrial centres in Transcaucasia and over 100,000 workers were involved. In a number of places the workers came into collision with the Cossacks and the police. At Mildiailovo (now Stalinisi) the workers tried to stop a train but wore shot down by the soldiers who wero guarding tho railway. This massacre resulted in the outbreak of new protest strikes.

The general strike spread to the XJl?:raino — to Odessa, Kiev and Ekaterinoslav (now Dniep^'opetrovsk). Noting the characteristic features of this general strike of 1903, Lenin wrote: "The strikes aifoot an entire area^ over 100,000 workers are involved, mass political meet ings are repeatedly held during strikes in a number of towns. One feels that we are on the eve of barricades, . . (V. I. Lenin, Coh

leoted Works^ Vol. VII, Moscow, 1937, Russ, od., p. 106.)

The working-class movement rousod other strata of tho popula tion, From 1899 onwards, student unrest and strikes wore an annual occurrence, and at their meetings the students put forth political demands. Bogolepov, the Minister of Education, issued 'Temporary Regulations" ordering that students who were involved in this unrest be conscripted for the army. Notwithstanding the repressive measures taken against them, the student movement grew. In 1901, following the example of the workers, the students and radical intelligentsia in St. Petersburg held a demonstration near the Kazafi Cathedral. The demonstrators were brutally assaulted by the police. In 1901-1902 a general students' strike affected all higher educational establishments and 30,000 students were involved.

The Zubatov Stratagem

The tsarist government realized that it could not cope with the working class by means of repressive meas ures alone. Scared by the steady growth of the revolutionary working class struggle it tried to check the mass working-class movement with the aid of police-formed workers' organizations. Playing upon the economic needs of the workers, agents of Zubatov, the Chief of the Moscow Secret Police, called meetings of the more backward sections of them and told them that the tsar would support their peaceful eco nomic demands if they refrained from organizing strikes and took no part in political struggle.

Zubatov societies were formed in Moscow, Minsk and Odessa. In Mos cow Zubatov 's agents succeeded, on February 19 , 1902, the anniversary of the abortion of serfdom, in organizing a monarchist demonstration of workers to the monument of Alexander II. Soon, however, this insid ious movement utterly collapsed. The revolutionary Social-Democrats, followers of Lenin, exposed the fact that the police were behind the Zubatov organizations. In spite of the opposition of Zubatov 's agents, the workers backed their economic demands by strikes. Fearing that he would lose his influence over the workers, Zubatov sent police offi cials to the factory owners and compelled them to make concessions to the workers. This roused the ire of the Moscow factory owners and they protested against Zubatov 's activities. One of them, a Frenchman named Goujon, complained to the French Ambassador that Zubatov was supporting a strike at his plant. The ambassador communicated this complaint to the Russian government and soon after the Zubatov ' organizations in Moscow were dissolved.

The failure of the Zubatov stratagem as an attempt on the part of the government to "harmonize" the economic needs and demands of the workers with the "aims of the Russian autocracy" was most vividly revealed by the general strike in Odessa in 1903. Here an economic strilco which had been organized with the help of Zubatov agents devel oped into a political strike. Even the most backward workers became convinced that the Zubatov organizations wore a police affair and began to go ovor to the side of Social-Democracy. Plehve, the Minister of the Interior, made haste to dissolve these organizations. The chief reason for the failure of tlio Ziibatov organizations, however, was tho growth of tho working-class movement, which was not to bo checked by means of a barrier like tho Zubatov stratagem.

The Peasant Movement in 1902, The revolutionary struggle waged by the workers aifocted tho peasantry, among whom discontent continued to grow. Tlio chief reason Ibr this discontent was that when they wore "liberated" in 18()1 the landlords do])rivod them of the best parts of tho land which they had cull/ivatod. Hence, tho ]ioasants were obliged to rent land from the landlords, mak ng iiayment in tho shaj)© of work on tho landlord's estate or of half tho crop raised on tho land rented. Tho huge estates of tho landlords — ^tho latifundia — continued bo hinder tho dovolopment of peasant farming. As Lenin wrote: . .The sum and substance of tho matter is that at one pole

of Russian agriculture we have 10,500,000 households (about 50,000,000 inhabitants) with 75,000,000 desyatins of land and at the other polo we have thirty thousand families (about 150,000 inliabitants) with 70,000,000 desyatins of land" (V. I. Lenin, Golkcied Works, Yol. XII, Moscow, 1937, Russ, od., p. 224).

Thus, on the average, one peasant family had se\'en desyatins of land whereas the latifundia of a single squire amounted to 2,333 desyatins, i, e., 333 times as much. Tho old serf form of (^xjdoitation crushed and ruined tho peasants. After tho frightful famine of 1801-1802 the peasants, up to 1900, experienced another three famine years and two that were almost such. In the autumn and winter of 1001-1002 there was another famine , The kulaks took advantage of fcho liard straits of the peasantry to got tho poorer section of them into their clutches. In this way nearly hah' tho area of peasant lands, passed into their hands.

Owing to the growth of the peasant poxmlati on, the average peas ant allotment by the beginning of tho twentieth century was only half the size it had boon in tho past. Tho land hunger of the ]ioasants increased and obliged them to rent land from the landlords and kulaks at exorbitant rents. In some places the rent oxcood ed the income that could bo derived from tho land because, while rents, rose, income from the land dropped, particularly in bad harvest years.

The impoverishment of the bulk of the peasantry increased and this caused an increase in arrears in tho payment of taxes. In some counties the peasants were as much as three or four years in arrears. The ruined and impoverished peasantry began to fight for tho aboli tion of landlordism.

In the spring of 1002 considerable peasant unrest broke out in the Ukraine — in the Kharkov and Poltava (jubemias whore tho jieasants' land hunger was particularly acute. By tho beginning of the twen tieth century the average peasant allotment in tho I'oltava Gubornia. had shrunk to one desyatin, whereas tho landlords owned as much as 60 per cent of the entire land in the gubernia. The industrial crisis still further aggravated the poverty of the peasants as it deprived them of the opportunity of finding work in the towns. The peasants rose in revolt, raided the landlords* estates and shared their grain stocks and cattle among themselves. Landlords were killed by peasants who set fire to their farm buildings and other property.

Troops were called out against the peasants. After a wholesale flogging many of them were put on trial and sentenced to long terms of imprisonment. Pines were imposed upon them for the benefit of the landlords amounting to 800,000 rubles. Notwithstanding the stern punishment that was infl cted upon the peasants in the Ukraine, the revolutionary peasant movement spread to other gubernias and was particularly intense in the Saratov Gubernia. Here the peasants fought the landlords by setting fire to their mansions, trespassing on their land, cutting down their trees, setting fire to their crops, and so forth. Peasant riots also broke out in the Tambov, Voronezh and Ekaterinoslav Gubernias, and also in the Caucasus.

In 1903 the peasant movement assumed an exceptionally mass and militant character in Guria where, influenced by the Transcaucasian Bolsheviks, it assumed a political character. The peasants refused to de liver half their crops to the landlords, refused to pay the tithes for the maintenance of the clergy, refused to pay taxes, would not recog nize the tsar*s officials and refused in a body to perform labour rent. To assist the Transcaucasian landlords the tsarist government sent in Cossacks who dealt cruelly with the peasants; it also deport ed many of the peasants to Siberia

Taken on the whole, however, the peasant revolt of 1902 did not yet assume the character of an organized mass movement. Lenin attrib uted this failure to the following reasons: "The peasant revolt was crushed because it was a revolt of an ignorant, unconscious mass, a re volt without definite and clear 'political demands, i. c., without de mands for a change in the system of state. The peasant revolt was crushed because it took place withoiU 'preparation. The peasant revolt was crushed because the rural proletarians had not yet formed an alliance with the urban proletarians. These are the three rea sons for the first failure of the peasants" (V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. V, Moscow, 1937, Russ, ed., p. 312).

Lenin dealt with the conditions of the peasants in Russia in his pamphlet To the Rural Poor in which he called upon the peasants to wage a determined struggle under the leadership of the workers against the tsar and the landlords.

The Struggle to Create a Revolutionary Proletarian Party

Preparations for the Formation of a Party of a New Type

In the epoch of iniporialiKin tho utter incapability of tho old Social-Democratic parties of Western Europe to organize tlio workers for a revolutionary struggle for tho proletarian revolution was clearly re vealed. Hence, Lenin anjl his supporters launchod a struggle for tho formation of a party of a now typo.

As Comrade Stalin wrote subsequently, the conditions prevailing under imperialism reveal '^tho necessity for a new party, a militant party, a revolutionary party, one bold enough to load the proletar ians in the struggle for power, sullicdontly oxporioncod to find its bearings amidst the complex conditions of the revolutionary situation and sufficiently flexible to steer clear of all submerged rocks in the path to its goal" (J. Stalin, Problems of Laninim,, Moscow, 1945, p. 81).

The new party that Lenin and Stalin and tlieir closest colleagues built up was armed with the weaj)on of Marxism-Loniiiism— tho most advanced revolutionary theory extant.

The most important task that confronted Lenin 's Ishra was to draw up a program around which the Party was to unite. This ])rogram indicated first and foremost tlie ultimate aim of tlio proletarian class Struggle Socialism. This was tho maximum program. It also formulated tho demands for which tho proletariat fought while on tho road to tlio ultimate goal. This was the minimum program.

Lenin unfolded his plan for building a party of a now typo in What Is To Be Done? In this work of genius he urged that tho nucleus of tho Party should consist of professional revolutionaries for whom Party work would be their main profession. Ajnidst the conditions prevailing under tsarism, theParty could not bo other than a strictly secret organization, but at the same time it must not isolate itself from the working class, of which it was the vanguard. The members of the Party must be united ideologically and organizationally; they must be united in their advocacy of Marxian theory, uphold the pro gram and tactics of tho Party, take an active part in the work of the Party organization and maintain Party discipline. Lenin pointed out that the task of the Marxist party was to combine Socialism with tho working-class movement. Only by disseminating tho great teachings of Marx among the working class, urged Lenin and Stalin, could the Party infuse socialist consciousness into tho spontaneous working-class movement and make the proletariat understand its world historic mission to build the new socialist society.

The Second Congress of the R.S.D.L.P.

Mm rallied around itself a compact organization of professional revolutionaries led by Lenin and Stalin. Among Iskra^s agents, as the supporters of Lenin were then called, were N. E. Bauman and I. V. Babushkin. After winning the support of the majority of the Social-Democratic Committees in B.ussia, the Ishra organization set to work to prepare the Second Congress of the Party. This congress took place abroad in July and August 1903, (in Brussels, and later in London).

The congress adopted the Party program as presented by Ishra. The opportunists at the congress opposed this program, in particu lar, the demand for the dictatorship of the proletariat. But Lenin answered them with crushing efiect. The sharpest disagreements at the congress arose over the formulation of point 1 of the Party Rules. Lenin's formulation of point 1 read as follows: "A member of the Party is one who accepts its program, and supports it both financially and by his personal participation in the work of one of its organizations." The formulation proposed by the opportunist Martov called merely for the acceptance of the program and the rendering of financial support, but did not make it obligatory to participate in the work of one of the Party organizations. Unlike Lenin's formulation, the one proposed by Martov opened the door of the Party to unstable non-proletarian elements. With the object of preventing the Party from being swamped by petty-bourgeois elements the Leninists made strict demands on those who wished to join the Party.

In appraising the essence of that struggle Comrade Stalin wrote: ^'By their formula on Party membership the Bolsheviks wanted to set up an organizational barrier against the influx of non-prole tarian elements into the Party. The danger of such an influx was very real at that time in view of the bourgeois-democratic character of the Russian revolution" (J. Stalin, Problems of Leninism ^ Moscow, 1946, p. 381).

The Leninists stood for a militant revolutionary proletarian party; the Martovites stood for a petty-bourgeois opportunist party.

At the elections of the central bodies of the Party, Lenin's support ers obtained a majority and from that time onwards were called Bolsheviks. The opportunist Martovites were left in the minority and were thenceforth called Mensheviks,* The Mensheviks, who took the place of the Economists, reflected the interests of the non-proletarian,

. petty-bourgeois strata of society.

The Second Congress of the Party played an extremely important role in the history of the Russian and international proletariat. At this congress was formed the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party (R.S.D.L.P.)j revolutionary party of the working class in our country.

To combat tho efforts of tlie Menshevilcs to turn the Party back to the old road of amateur and study-circle methods, Lenin wrote that splendid book Om Step Forward, Two Steps Back, in which, for the &st time in tho history of Marxism, ho expounded tho doctrine that the Marxist party is the proletariat's chief weapon in its struggle for the proletarian revolution.

Tsarism and the Bourgeoisie on the Eve of the Revolution

The Bourgeois Liberal Opposition

Tho mass movement of the proletariat and the peasantry in the beginning of the twentieth century helped to rouse the bourgeois liberals and the petty-bourgeois intelligentsia to political activity.

The stronghold of the liberal landlords wore the Zemstvo achninis trations which dealt with the local affairs of the rural population. The Zemstvo liberal landlords wore, connootod with tho liberal bour geoisie and were almost merged with them, for they themselves wore beginning to introduce capitalist methods in agriculturo. Political groups of tho liberal bourgooisio arosc^ and in tho Hummer of 1903 those groups united to form tho lioague of KmancipaLion, which claimed as its object tho ostablishinent of a constitutional monarchy in RmsHia. They accused tho workers and peasants who wore fighting for thoir economic and political emancipation;, of displaying "class egoism," and they attributed the poverty of tho peasants and the agrarian move ment to the "ignorance of tho peasants," Tho bourgeois liberals were hostile to revolution and wanted to achieve tho constitutional mon archy by peaceful moans.

In the columns of Iskra Lenin constantly denounced tho treachery and cowardice of the bourgeois-liberal opposition.

As a result of the peasant movement, Narodnilc organizations began to spring up again among a section of the potty-bourgoois intelli gentsia. In 1902 these groups united to form tho Socialist-Revolution ary Party (known for short as tho S.R.s), which revived the tactics of individual terrorism against the tsar's ministers. In April 1902 tho Minister of the Interior Sipyagin was assassinated. His place was taken by the arch reactionary Plehvo, who for many years liad been at the head of tho secret political police. Tho terrorist tactics of tho Socialist-Revo lutionaries caused enormous harm to the revolutionary movement, par ticularly in view of the development of the mass struggle. The terrorist section of tho Socialist-Revolutionary Party was hoailod by Azof, who was subsequently proved to bo an agent provocatenr. Ho direotod tho ■ entire terroristic activities of tho Socialist-Revolutionary Party under the instructions and in the interest of the tsarist secret police and betrayed the participants in projected acts of terrorism to the gendarmes.

The Socialist-Revolutionary Party claimed to be a socialist party and to champion the interests of the "working people" as a whole, drawing no distinction between the peasant poor and the kulaks. Actually, the Socialist-Revolutionaries were not socialists at all, but represented the Left wing of the bourgeois democrats. The 'bour geois liberals secretly supported and financed the terrorist activities of the Socialist-Revolutionaries.

In 1902, Lenin wrote that the Socialist-Revolutionary Party was a party of ."revolutionary adventurism" that stood apart from the working-class movement. He also said that "without the working people bombs are utterly useless." The Socialist-Revolutionaries picked out and adhered to everything that was fallacious in the theory and practice of the former Narodniks.

The Second Congress of the. Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party adopted a 'resolution on the Socialist-Revolutionaries which stated that it "regards their activities as harmful not only to the polit ical development of the proletariat but also to the general democratic struggle against absolutism."

Tsarism in the Struggle against the Movement for National Liberation

Influenced by the development of capitalism and the pro letarian class struggle at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth century, the oppressed non-Russian nationalities which constituted 57 per cent of the entire population of Russia began to awaken to active political life. This awakening found expression in the formation of bourgeois and petty-bourgeois nationalist parties.

Tsarism cruelly suppressed the nascent movement for the libera tion of the oppressed nations in Russia. Towards the begimiing of the twentieth century national oppression became still more intense: the remnants of the cultural institutions of the oppressed nationalities were destroyed, instruction in the native languages in schools was pro hibited, and the national organizations of the non-Russian peoples were persecuted.

Characterizing the colonial policy of tsarism, Comrade Stalin wrote: "Tsarism deliberately cultivated patriarchal and feudal oppres sion in the border regions in order to keep the masses in a state of slav ery and ignorance. Tsarism deliberately settled the best areas in the border regions with colonizers in order to force the natives into the worst areas and to intensify national enmity. Tsarism restricted and at times simply suppressed the native schools, theatres and educational institutions in order to keep the masses in intellectual darkness. Tsar ism frustrated the initiative of the host members of the native population. Lastly, tsarism siip])rcssod all activity on tlio part of the massoK of the border regions" (J. Stalin, Mamm avd the National and Colonial Question, Moscow, 10*40, p. 71).

In all the non-Tliissian national regions the tsarist govornmoni pursued a policy of forcible Russification. This ])o]ioy found most viv id expression in the splicre of public education. Jn the Caiu^asus, at the end of the ninotoonth century, thoro was an average of one school for every 800 Russians, but the average for the native inliabit ants was one for every 4,800 Georgians, one for every 5,400 Armenians and one for every 17,300 Azerbaijanians. Instriuition in clemonlary schools was conducted exclusively in Russian. Thoro wore villages in which the entire population was illiterate. Thoro wore no higher edu cational establishments.

To crush the movement for national liberation the tsarist author ities incited the various nationalities against each other. In Transcau casia the tsarist police systematically fomented national strife between Armenians and Azerbaijanians. The Minister of the Interior Plohve took a direct hand in instigating bloody pogioras against the Jews. In April 1908 the police organized a frightful pogrom against the Jews in Kishinev. This crime of the tsarist clicpio evoked tlio loud protest of progressive people all over the world.

Finland was dein*ivod of her autonomy. By a law passed in I90J Finns were conscripted for the Russian anny and the Finnish national units wore abolished. Russian officials wore ap])ohitod to all ad ministrative posts in Finland and they pursued a ])oli('y of Russifica tion. In its struggle against the movement of the Finnish people for national liberation tho tsarist govornmont rtdied on the su})port of the Finnish and Swedish feudal landlords in l^'inland. The working class movement in Finland was led by tlio Finnish Social Democratic Party, of which the policy was similar to that of the Russian Mensheviks, and which was united in a bloc with tho Finnish bourgeoisie.

In Poland, in the middle of tho 1890's, two nationalist parties were foimcd: a party of the bourgeoisie and nobility known as tho People's Democratic Party ("'Narodovtsi") and tho petty-bourgeois Polish Socialist Party (P.P.S.). Fearing that if Poland became independent the Russian market would bo lost for Polish goods and that they would bo deprived of the support of Russian tsarism in their struggle against the workers and peasants of Poland, the ""Narodov tsi" (known as ^'Endeki") gave xrp tho demand for indopondonce in favour of autonomy within tho Russian empire. The aim of tho Polish Socialist Party wto to establish a botirgeois Poland indopond ent of Russia.

In Byelorussia a potty-bourgeois party knowii as tho Byelorus sian Socialist Gromada was formed and was entirely under the iufluonoe of the' P.P.S. It demanded autonomy for Byelorussia and her amalgamation with Lithuania.

In 1897, a Social-Democratic league, known as the Bund, was formed among the Jewish artisans in Poland, Lithuania and Byelorussia. The Bund was represented at the Second Congress of the R.S.D.L.P. and there it demanded recognition as the sole repre sentative of all the Jewish workers in Russia, no matter where they resided. Had this nationalistic demand been conceded, it would have meant isolating the Jewish proletariat from the Russian pro letariat and subordinating it to the influence of the Jewish bourgeoisie. The Second Congress rejected the demand and the Bund withdrew from the Party.

In 1900, thanks to the influence of the Ukrainian nationalist or ganizations in Western Ukraine, a bourgeois nationalist party was formed in the Ukraine known as the Revolutionary Ukrainian Party (R.U,P.). This party demanded Ukrainian independence under the protectorate of Austria.

In Georgia there was a party of Georgian Mensheviks, headed by Noah Jordania, which advocated unity among all Georgians irre spective of the class they belonged to.

All these bourgeois and petty-bourgeois nationalist parties adopted national-reformist programs, and wkile striving for increased political rights and privileges for their native landlords and bourgeoisie they fought against the workers and peasants of their respective na tions. Only the Bolsheviks led the revolutionary mass struggle of the working people of all the oppressed nationalities in tsarist Russia and demanded the complete abolition of all national oppression. They issued the slogan of the right of nations to self determination, including the right to secede from tsarist Russia and to form independent states.

The Bolsheviks incessantly maintained that the oppressed national ities could achieve genuine national liberation only as the result of the overthrow of tsarism and the abolition of the power of the land lords and cajpitalists. Hence, they called upon the working people of all the nationalities in Russia to rally round the Russian proletariat, the vanguard fighter and leader of the revolution ary struggle of all the numerous nationalities inhabiting Russia. Lenin and Stalin denounced the efforts of the nationalist parties to turn the working people of the oppressed nationalities away from joint struggle with the entire Russian people for democracy and for Socialism.

The Russo-Japanese War and the First Russian Revolution (1904–1907)

The Russo-Japanese War

Preparations for the Russo-Japanese War

TJio dovolopmont of imperialisiu at the end of the nineteenth and tlie beginning of the twentieth century caused an extreme intonsificatiou of the struggle among the imperialist countries for a redivision of the world.

Particularly intense became the struggle for the command of the Pacific and for the partition of China, the territory of which had not yet been seized by the imperialists, A participant in this struggle was Russian tsarism, which came into conilict with Japanese imperialism in Manchuria. The beginning of the construction of the Trans-Siberian Railway which would greatly strengthen Russia's position in tlu^ Par East, prompted Japanese im])erialism to make liasto to carry out its long cherished designs of armed conquest at the expense of China.

In the SinoJapanese War of 1804-lS!)r> China was defeated and was conipollod to sign a peace treaty whicjli obligated her to i)ay Jai)an an enormous indemnity and to code to her the whole of the south coast of Manchuria, together with Liao-tung Peninsula, including Port Arthur and Korea.

Russia, however, jointly with Germany and Prance, compelled .Japan to modify these oppressive terms and in the end Mancluiria with the Liao-tung Peninsula and Port Arthur, and also Korea remained under Chinese rule. In 1896, Witte, tho tsar's Minister of Finances, concluded a treaty with China for tho construction of the Chi * neso Eastern Railway, which was to run through North Manchuria to shorten tho route to Vladivostok. The construction of this railway facilitated tho seizure of Manchuria and Korea by tsarist Rus sia. In 1898 Russia secured a lease of tho Liao-tung Peninsula, including Port Arthur, and thus secured an outlet to tho China Sea. Measures wore taken to speed up the construction of tho railway from Harbin through South Manchuria to Port Arthur.

Germany, by an agreement arrived at between Wilhelm II and Nicholas II, occupied tho port of Kiaochow, Groat Britain occupied the port of Weihaiwoi. Prance rounded off her Indo-Ohinoso posKses sions at the expense of China. Tlio United States of America domandcKl the "open door" in China, that is to say, equal freedom for all the capitalist countries to exploit China.

The systematic plunder of China by tho imperialist countries gave rise, in 1900, to a mass popular revolt against tho foreign invaders. This revolt was Imown as the Boxer, or Big Fist, Rebellion. The united forces of the imperialists, including those of tsarist Rus sia, were flung against the rebels, captured Peking and sacked the city. While crushing the rebellion, tsarist troops, on the pretext of protecting the Chinese Eastern Railway, occupied the whole of Manchuria, which the tsarist high government officials had already given the derisive nickname of "Yellow Russia."

A group of adventurers belonging to the circle that was close to Nicholas II formed a company which obtained a timber concession on the Korean River Yalu bordering on Manchuria. This con cession was intended to serve as a pZuce d^armes for the seizure of Korea, Port Arthur was converted into a naval fortress and base for the Russian Pacific Fleet, for the construction of which the tsarist government in 1899 allocated 90,000,000 rubles.

Meanwhile, Japan, which in 1902 concluded a military alliance with Great Britain against Russia, was actively preparing for war. Imperialist Japan strove not only to squeeze tsarist Russia out of Korea and Manchuria, but also to seize Sakhalin and the whole of the Russian Far East. British diplomacy set out to activize Russian policy in Europe and in the Near East, where the conflict between the German and Austro-Hungarian imperialists and Russia would inevitably bring about a rap]iroohoment between Russia and Great Britain against Germany. Wilhelm II, in his turn, tried hard to tempt Nicholas II with the prospect of the advantages to be gained from friend ship with Germany, in the hope of intensifying Anglo-Russian antag onisms and of destroying the alliance between Russia and Prance.

Among other things Russian tsarism regarded war as a means of diverting the attention of the workers and peasants of Russia from their real enemies, the landlords and capitalists. The police dictator Plehve said: "To avert a revolution in Russia we need a little victorious war."

The Outbreak and the Course of the War

Knowing that Rus sia was unprepared for war, Japan decided to strike a sudden blow. Spies provided the Japanese High Command with an exact plan of the disposition of the Russian warships in Port Arthur, On the night of January 26, 1904, when the entire commanding personnel of the Russian fleet were at a ball to celebrate the birthday of the wife of Admkal Stark, the Commander-in-Chief, Japanese destroy ers, without a declaration of war, stole up under cover of darkness to the outer roadstead of Port Arthur where the Russian squadron was lying at anchor, and blew up three of the finest Russian warships; the battleships Retmzan and Cesarevich and the cruiser Pallada. In the morning of January 27 the Japanese bombarded Port Arthur from the sea and damaged four more warships. That same day a Japanese squad ron damaged two Russian warships that were trying heroically to light their way out of the Korean port of Clio-ixiiihpo into the opoii sea. Notwithstanding the severe damage inflicted upon them, the two ships — the cruiser Varyag and tlio gunboat Koreyetz — entered into unequal combat with the Japanese squadron and perished heroically off the Korean coast. After weakening the [Russian (loot by this ti'cach erous attack, Japan secured command of the sea.

Japan had prepared herself well for wa?*. She Kcciired for herself international syiupatliy, assistance from the U.S.A. in protecting her rear, and financial assistance from her ally, Croat Britain, German instructors helped to train the Japanese army, which was equipped with weapons of German pattern: machine guns and riilcs, field and mounted artillery, and heavy Kruj;)p siege guns.

Hostilities on land did not commence immediately on the out break of war. Japan's main object was to destroy the Russian fleet and gain complete command of the sea routes. She therefore tried to isolate the Vladivostok squadron from the Port Arthur squadron and to impose a complete blockade upon Port Arthur. Meanwhile, the Russian High Command slowly mustered its forc*<ns in Manchuria. The transportation of troops, arms, ammunition and pi'ovisions tens of thousands of kilometres across the Great Siberian Road was a long and difficult task. Tho railway ended at Lakc^ Baikal and men and freight had to bo shipped across in boats or ic-ebrea leers, and further on Rus sian carts andhoims liad to struggle over the bad roads of Manchuria.

Tho army lacked mountain artillery and grenades, there was a shortage of machine guns, rifles and shells, and telegraph and tele phone communication wore extremely ])oor.

From tho very beginning of tlio war tsarist Russia sustained defoai» after defeat. General Kuropatkin, tho Commander-in-Chiof of tlu^ Russian land forces, carried with him to tho front several carloads of small icons which he distributed among tho troops to raise their spirits, but there was a shortage of shells with which to conduot tho war. The aims of tho wav were alien to tho soldiers wlio had been transported 10,000 versts from tho heart of Russia. All this made the war extremely unpopular.

After the first battles the Russian squadron found itself shut up ill Port Arthur; the Japanese warships blockaded tho port from the sea. The other small cruiser squadron was in Vladivostok, out off from Port Arthur.

The talented Admiral Makarov was ajjpointod Oommander-iu Chief of the Fleet in Port Arthur. The son of a sailor, his promotion was due entirely to his outstanding military capabilities. In Port Arthur he worked successfully to improve tho lighting efficiency of tho fleet with the object of engaging tho Japanese; but on March 31, 1004, as the fleet was glutting out to moot tho ommiy, his flagship, tlie battleship Pel/ito'pavlovsk, struck a mine and sank. Makarov ijorished together with 600 of the 700 men who constituted the crew. The famous Russian battle scene painter V. V. Vereshchagin, who was on board the Petropavlovsk at the time, perished too.

In April 1904, in a battle on the river Yalunear Chiu -Lien-Ch 'eng, a Russian force of 20,000 men that was barring the Japanese advance into Manchuria was defeated. In May the Japanese cut the lines of communication between Port Arthur and Manchuria and the fortress was thus invested on both land and sea. A Japanese army of 80,000 men conducted operations against Port Arthur and another army moved north into Manchuria. In August 1904 the Russian fleet that was blockaded in Port Arthur left the fortress and engaged the Japanese fleet in an endeavour to break through to Vladivostok. At first the battle went in favour of the Russians, but in the end the numerical superiority of the Japanese forces told and part of the fleet returned to Port Arthur, while those vessels which succeeded in breaking through made for neutral ports.

In Augusb 1904, a battle lasting several days was fought near LiaoYang. The Russian troops repulsed all the furious attacks launched by the Japanese upon the main LiaoYang positions. The Japanese command was already preparing to retreat southward when Kuropatkin,. having received false information to the effect that the Japanese were out flanking the Russian army on the left, himself ordered a retreat in spite of the fact that he still had two fresh a,Tmy corps ill reserve, whereas the Japanese had already expended all their reserves.

In September and October 1904, a second big battle took place near the river Shaho which lasted for nearly two weeks. The Rus sian troops held their position, but this time too the Russian Command failed to take advantage of the situation to achieve victory.

Port Arthur continued its resistance for eleven months. The defence of the fortress was organized by the talented General Kondratenko, a military engineer, who was appointed chief of the land defence. On his initiative improved fortifications and blindages were erected and the manufacture of grenades and observation balloons was organ ized on the spot. The guns and ammunition were removed from the sunken warships and utilized for the land defences, and the crews of these ships were transferred to the land. General Kondratenko appre ciated the enormous political and military importance of Port Arthur and devoted all his skill and resourcefulness to the task of holding it. He was popular among the soldiers, roused their fighting spirit, and awarded military decorations to those who displayed heroism. General Stcssol, the Gommander-in-Chief of the fortress, how ever, proved to bo a traitor and did all in his power to hinder the defence. On December 20, 1904, he treaclierously surrendered Port Arthur. During the period of the siege the defenders of the fortress inflicted heavy casualties upon the enemy amounting to about 130,000 killed and wounded. Considerable damage was also iu^l■i(^ted upon the Japa nese coastal fleet by the Russian coastal artillery and mines.

In this war too the Russian soldiers and sailors displayed heroism and high fighting qualities. Characteristic of this was the case that occurred in February 1904, when the destroyer SiwgmhcM engaged four Japanese destroyers and cruisers and sank one of them* On being called upon to surrender the crow refused. When the Ja]iancso ships closed in on the vessel in order to capture it, two sailors whoso names have remained unknown, ran below and opened the valves and thus flooded the ship to prevent it falling into the hands of the enemy. A monument to the memory of these two heroes of the SieregmlicM now stands in Leningrad. Many feats of heroism wore i>orformod by the soldiers and sailors in the battles of Shalio, LiaoYang and Mukden and during the defence of Port Aj'thur, but the blunders of the com manders nullified the heroic efforts of the army and ileot.

Significance of the Fall of Port Arthur

The fall of Port Arthur signified the inglorious end of the war against Ja]mn, although the tsarist government still made cjfforts to continue it. Tsarist Russia had held Port Arthur for six yoai's and had s])cnt millions of rubles on its fortification, but this stronghold was capturod yitliin a few months.

The condition of the army and the situation on the various fronts wore a reflection of the general rotiouness of the tsarist regime. General Grippoiiburg, tlio commander of one of the armies, after fosing a battle, deserted the army and lied to St, Polersbuig. Other geiici* als were concerned only with their own welfare. Gencial Stackle berg, while at the front, thought more of his own comfort than of any thing else. Ho had a special freight car attached to his train in which he kept a cow so that ho might have fresh cream with his morning coj'^ec . The officers of the army wore no bettor. Tho Commandcr-in-Chief Kuropatkiii wrote concerning them: "Large numbers of officers arc tired of the war, and many of them, oven those of high rank, feign sickness and try to get sent to tho roar." In speaking of tlic rank and file, Knropatkin could not help admitting that "the war is alien to them." Embezzlement, theft and corruption were rife in tho army. The military equipment of tho tsarist anny was far inferior to that of the Japanese. Port Arthur did not even have a radio telegraph, although it had been invented by tho Russian scientist A. S. Popov as far back as 1895, A whole series of available military inventions were not employed in the tsarist army. Tho army and its rear tconu^d with Japanese spies and saboteurs. Certain Polish socialists rendered Japan direct assistance by acting as spies for her, and a similar rol<ik was played by certain members of the Finnish bourgeoisie who re ceived financial assistance from Japan. In an article entitled "The Fall of Port Arthur" published on January 1, 1905, Lenin, summing up the military and political bank ruptcy of tsarism, wrote: "The fleet and the fortress, the field forti fications and the land forces proved to be obsolete and useless.

"The connection between the military organization of the country and its entire economic and cultural system has never been so close as it is at the present time" (V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. VII, Moscow, 1937, Russ, ed., p. 48).

Lenin drew the conclusion that the military defeat of Russia must become the starting point of a revolutionary crisis in the country and that the capitulation of Port Arthur was the prologue to the capitu lation of tsarism. He directly connected the further development of the revolution with the defeat of tsarism. "The cause of Russian freedom and of the struggle of the Russian (and world) proletariat for Social ism," he wrote, "depends on the military defeats suffered by the autoc racy" (V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. VII, Moscow, 1937, Russ, ed., p. 49). He called upon the revolutionary proletariat tirelessly to oppose the war. In this predatory and shameful wot, Lenin and the Bolsheviks stood for the defeat of the tsarist government, for such a defeat would facilitate the victory of the revolution over tsarism.

Comrade Stalin urged the need for the defeat of Russian tsarism in this war. In one of the leaflets he wrote against the war, he said: "We want this war to be more lamentable for the Russian autocracy than was the Crimean War. . . . Then it wras serfdom that fell, now, as a result of this war, we will bury the child of serf dom — ^the autocracy and its foul secret police and gendarmes!" (Beria, On the History of the Bolshevik Organizations in Transcaucasia, Moscow, 1939, p. 46.)

The Revolutionary Crisis on the Eve of 1905

The Russo Japanese War greatly aggravated the economic situation in Russia. The war called for the expenditure of enormous funds, and this expend iture was met by foreign loans obtained on exorbitant terms and by the raising of indirect taxes. As a consequence the cost of living rose considerably. The calling up of the reserves for the army struck a heavy blow at the peasant farms, for it deprived them of man power.

The industrial crisis became more acute, particularly in the textile industry. The capitalists cut wages. Strikes became more frequent.

The growth of the working-class movement and the defeat tsar ism sujBFored in the Far East revived the opposition of the liberal bourgeoisie, because, for one thing, they were afraid that the govern ment would not be able to cope with the gi^owing working-class and peasant movement. In 1904, Finnish nationalists assassinated Bobri kov, the dictator of Finland. In July of that year Socialist-Revolu tionaries assassinated Plehve. After its defeat in the battle of Liaoyang tlie tsarist govoruinout tried to win over to its side the moderate liberals, particularly the Zemstvo liberals, and in November 1904, it sanctioned the convocation of a Zemstvo congress. The majority at this congress ox])ressod itself in favour of the establishment of a parliament with legislative powers; the minority wanted a ])arliam(5nt with only advisory povVers. The Zemstvo liberals believed that the tsar would assemble the representatives of the Ziunstvos and town councils, who in their turn would form a })arliameut.

The Zemstvo liberals and bourgeois iiitelleetiials began l-o or ganize banquets at which, proposing toasts drunk in eham])agno, they timidly expressed the desire to receive political rights. The Mensheviks supported these political banquets, but the Bolsheviks denounced the traitorous conduct of the liberals and the policy of compromise pursued by the Mensheviks. In a pamphlet ho wrote entitled The. Zeinsivo Campa.i(jn and the Iskra Plan, Lenin pointed out that the main task of the proletariat was not to iiid nonce the liberals, but to prepare for a decisive battle against tsarism. He called upon the workers to ann and prepare for insurrootioii.

In November and Douembor 1904, the Bolslieviks organized street demonstrations in St. Petersburg, Moscow, Kharkov and other cities under tlie slogans of ^'Down witli the autocraty !*" 5 "\Dowu with the war!"

In that same ycuu* the Bolsheviks in TVanscaucasia developed considerable activity under Comrade Stalin's leadcu'ship. In Decem ber 1904, Comrade Stalin led a huge strike of the oil workers in Baku which lasted from December 13 to the end of the month and involved 8,300 workers employed in 21 plants. The Baku ])rolotarians drew up a series of demands which in the beginning of 1905 became the mili tant program of all the revolutionary workers of Russia. At the head of this list were th(5 demands for the convocation of a Constituent Assembly and for an 8-hour working day. During the strike the workons held numerous demonstrations under the slogans: "Down with the autocracy !'% "Down with the war!"

The police tried to disrupt the strike by fomenting national strife between the Azerbaijan and Armoniaii workers, but all their efforts in this direction failed.

The Baku strike ended in a brilliant victory for the workers. For the first time in the liistory of Russia the workers compelled the capi talists to conclude a collective agreement concerning the hiring of workers. The agreement established a 9-honr day (eight hours on the eve of holidays). "The Baku strike, ■"* wrote Comrade Stalin, "was the signal for the glorious actions in January aud February all over Russia" {History of the Communist Party of the /Soviet Union | Bol sheviks], Short Course, Moscow, li)45, p. 50).

At the end of 1904, the government, in its dccrcn* of December 12f promised to make some slight concessions, but declared that it would not permit any changes in the autocratic state system. But tsarism was incapable of averting the revolution.

January 9, 1905—The Beginning of the Revolution

Bloody Sunday

The approach of the revolution compelled the tsarist government to seek every possible means of diverting the workers from the political struggle. One of their instruments for the achievement of this object was the priest Gapon, an agent provo cateur, who, on the instruction of the secret police, attempted to repeat the Zubatov experiment and in 1904 formed the Assembly of Russian Factory Workers. This association organized pro monarchist lectures, theatrical performances and concerts for workers.

On January 8, 1905, the management of the Putilov Works (now the Kirov Works) discharged four workers. Next day 12,000 of their fellow-employees came out on strike in protest against these dismissals. The workers of other plants in St. Petersburg joined the strike and on January 8 the strike became a general one, involving 150,000 workers.

To keep the workers away from the revolutionary struggle the priest Gapon put forward a treacherous plan to draw up a petition to the tsar in the name of the St. Petersburg workers and to get all the workers to march in a body to tlic Winter Palace to present it. He infoi'inocl the sc(*ret police of this plan and ibo latter approved of it. The government decided to shoot down ilio workers and to drown the growing revolutionary movcuneiit in blood.

Tho petition read as follows: "Wo, tbo workingmen of St. Peters burg, onr wives, our ohildroii and our bolpk'ss old parents, have (jomo to Tlico, our Sovereign, to seek trtitb and ]>rotoetion. Wo are poverty-stricken, avo are o])pressed, wo are burdened with unendurable toil; wo suffer hiuuiliation and are not treated like human beings. . , . Wo have suffered in ]mtionce, but wo are being driven deeper and deeper into tho slough of poverty, lack of rights and ignorance; wo arc being strangled by despotism and tyranny, , . . Our patience is exhausted, Tho dreaded moment has arrived when we would rather die than bear these intolerable sufferings any longer "

Then followed a series of economic and political demands for the workers, chief of which was the demand for tho convocation of a Constituent Assembly.

In the original draft of the petition there were no political demands whatever; they wore introduced on tho proposal of tbo Bolsheviks when the petition was discussed at workers' mootings. TJie Bolsheviks urged tho workers to give up tho idea of marching in ])rocessiou to tho tsar and told them that freodoiu could not bo obtained by means of petitions, but a largo section of tho workers still believotl iii tho tsar. "Wo 'll try. Tho tsar cannot reject our just demands," they said.

Early in the morning on Sunday tlauuary 9 (22), 1005, 140,000 workei's carrying portraits of tho tsar, Hags and icons marched to the Winter Palace, ohautiug prayers on the way.

The tsarist government had decided to greet tho workers with bul lets and bayonets. Tho entire city was divided U]) into military areas, and police, Cossacks and troops wore posted every whore. Troops posted at the city gates began to fire at the workers, to ])re vent them penetrating into tho city. Nevertheless, large num bers of workers reached tho Winter Palace Square. The brutal tsarist troox)s shot d 9 wn tho approaching crowds of peaceful workers, and what is more, picked off children, many of whom were perched on the trees in tho Alexander Park adjacent to the square. That day over a thousand workers were killed and over two thousand were wounded. The Bolsheviks marched with the workers and many of them were killed or wounded.

The workers gave to January 9 tho name of Bloody Sunday. On that day even tho backward workers lost all faith in the tsar. "Wo have no tsar," said aged workers, destroying tho portraits of tho tsar that hung in their homes.

The Bolsheviks issued lea (lots headed: "To Arms, Comrades!" whereupon the workers raided gunsmiths' shops and workshops and seized the arms. In the afternoon of January 9, the first barricades were erected on Vasilyevsky Island, a district of St. Peters burg. The workers said: "The tsar gave it to us; weTl now give it to him !" Collisions with the police occurred in the streets. Cries were raised: '"Down with the autocracy!"

On January 9, 1905, the working class received a great lesson in civil war. As Lenin wrote: ". . . The revolutionary education of the proletariat made more progress in one day than it could have made in months and years of drab, humdrum, wretched existence" (V. I. Lenin, Selected Works, Vol. Ill, Moscow, 1934, p. 289).

Lenin heard of the events of Bloody Sunday in Geneva, where he was living at that time in exile. In an article entitled: "The Beginning of the Revolution in Russia," he appraised these events in the following terms: "The eyes of the proletariat of the whole world are turned with feverish impatience towards the proletariat of the whole of Russia. The overthrow of tsarism in Russia, begun so valiantly by our working class, will be the turning point in the history of all coun tries" \lhid,, p. 292). Lenin called upon the Party and the work ing class immediately to commence preparations for an armed insurrection.

Protest Strikes Throughout the Country

This massacre of the workers by order of the tsar called forth protest strikes all over the country. In January alone 440,000 workers were involved in strikes, compared with only 430,000 throughout the whole of the preceding ten years. As Lenin wrote: "It is this awakening of tremendous masses of the people to political consciousness and revolutionary struggle that marks the historic significance of January 22, 1905" (V. I. Lenin, Selected Works, Vol. Ill, Moscow, 1934, p. 2),

On January 11, strikes broke out in Moscow whence they spread to the textile districts around Moscow and to Ivanovo-Voznesensk,

Strikes also broke out in Poland, Finland, the Ukraine, the Caucasus and Siberia. In one of the leaflets he issued in the beginning of 1'905, Comrade Stalin wrote that as soon as the signal was heard from St. Petersburg the workers of all nationalities, "as though by common consent, responded with unanimous fraternal greeting to the call of the St. Petersburg workers and boldly challenged the autocracy" (Beria, On the History of the Bolshevik Ori^anizaiions in Transcaucasia, Moscow, 1939, p. 65).

On January 18, a general strike of the Tiflis workers commenced under Comrade Stalin's leadership. Bolshevik agitators distributed among the strikers leaflets in the Georgian, Armenian and Russian languages, calling upon thorn to prepare for an armed insurrection. In response to the appeal of the Caucasian Fade* al Committee of the Party, the workers of Baku, Batum, Chiaturi and other industrial centres in Transcaucasia also came out on strike. Everywhere meetings and demonstratioiis wore held, during which tlioro %vcro c.olliBioiis with tho police and troops.

At tho head of tho revolutionary movciuont inarehod the motal workers, and they were followed by workers of tho textile and other industries, lii declaring their ])rotest. striki^s, tho workers also put forward economic doniands. This conibinai-ion of economic demands with political doniands lent the strikes tremendous for(^o.

The massacre of tho workers on January 0 roused the indignation among tho working people in Western E\iropo too. Tho workers of Paris, London, Vienna and Brussels demonstrated outside ihe Rus sian embassies, their watchwords being: "Down with lsarisml'% "Down with the assassins !" "Long live tho revolution!"' The workers of Prance and Italy sent the Russian 'w^'orkci's fratorjial greetings and promised them their assistance.

Tsarism and the Bourgeoisie after January 9

To combat the incipient revolution, the tsar ap]iointod Tro]mv, formerly Chief of Police in Moscow, Governor General of St. Petersburg. Practically, Trepov became the militajy dictator; ho lu'oclaiincd martial law in the capital.

The tsar received a deputation of "workers*' wlio had boon espe cially picked by tho i)olico and tol<l tluMii that, ho believed in tlu^ "unshakable devotion of tho working ])oo]d(^"' and tlioroforo "forgave them." This cynical statonicut of the assassin-tsar roused indignation even among tlv » most backward workoi's.

In tho endeavour to divert tho worktu's from revolution, the tsarist clique resorted to downriglit clocoptiou. In rJaniiary 1005, a com mission was set up, under the chairmanship of Senator Shidlovsky, to in quire into the "causes of the discontent of tho workers in tho capital.*'*

It was intended to include several roprosoiitativos of the workers in this commission, in addition to government officials and capitalists. The Mensheviks wore ready to act on this tsar's oomniission, but the workers, on tho proposal of the Bolsheviks, boycotted tho election of representatives to it. Tho Bolsheviks took part only in tho first stage of these elections in order to i)ut forward political demands. After revolutionary manifestations of tho workers, who would have nothing to do with tlie (commission, the government dissolved it.

In tho endeavour to split the raiiliS of tho revolutionary workers the tsarist axithorities deliberately fomented strife among tlio various nationalities in Russia. The result of this was the frightful Armoni an-Azerbaijanian massacre in Baku on February 0 and 7, 1005. This pogrom was stopped by tho efforts of tho clasB-conscians workers undcjr the leadership of the Bolsheviks. In February, the ])olico, aided by hired bandits, organized an antiJo wish pogrom in Foodosia. In Kursk the police boat up highschool studontH in order to intimidate the radically-minded youth. But these pogroms and assaults only served to intensify popular hatred of tsarism

In February 1905, tsarism sustained military 'defeat in the battle of Mukden. On this occasion, too, the tsarist army command failed to take advantage of a series of partial successes which the Russian troops had achieved in the battle. The Russian army lost 120,000 men (out of a total of 300,000) in killed, wounded and taken prisoner. It was evi dent that tsarism had lost the war against Japan. Terrified by the steady growth of the revolution, and losing support even among the prop ertied classes, which did not believe that tsarism was capable of coping with the revolution, the autocracy endeavoured to strike a bargain with the bourgeoisie by offering slight political con cessions. In February 1905, a tsar's rescript, addressed to Bulygin, the Minister of the Interior, was promulgated, instructing the latter to convene a conference to draw up a scheme for the establishment of an advisory Duma.

The liberal bourgeoisie readily entered into this deal with the gov ernment and submitted its extremely moderate proposals for a con stitution. The constitutional proposals of the ^'Liberation" group and of the Zemstvo congress (held in April 1905), left the monarchist form of government intact and provided for the creation of a two-chamber parliament, the upper chamber to consist of representatives of the propertied classes. The liberals were willing to abandon universal suffrage. At the Zemstvo congress, 54 delegates out of the 120 voted against universal suffrage. *

Lenin denounced this "constitutional haggling," as he described this bargaining between the liberals and tsarism, and again and again called upon the workers to prepare for an armed insurrection.

The Mass Revolutionary Movement in the Summer of 1905

The Third Congress of the R.S.D.L.P.

The effect of the disrup tive tactics that were pursued by the Mensheviks was that at the deci sive stage in the development of the revolution the Party was split in two and lacked a single leadership and a common Party line in tac tics. Formally, the Party was imited, but actually the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks very much resembled two separate parties, each having its own central body and its own leading newspaper.

For the purpose of drawing up the Party's tactics in the revolution and of setting up leading bodies for the Party, the Bolsheviks convened the Third Congress of the Party. This congress was held in London in April 1905. The Mensheviks convened a conference of their own which was at bottom the party congress of a section that had broken away from the R.S.D.L.P.

Before tlio Third Coiigross Lonin wrote series of articles in the Bolshevik news])aper Vpcryod {Forward) in wliieli lie explained the character and the driving forces of the Russian revolution. Ho said this was liie hist bonrgoois-democratic revolution to take place inthoo])och of imporialisni. Its main task was to destroy the Russian autocracy and its econoinic foundation, serf-based landlordism. Hence, the slo gans of this revolution were: a democratic republic, confiscation of all landlords' estates and thoir transfer to the ])oasauts for cultivation, and the introduction of an 8-hour day in industry.

The Russian bourgeois-democratic revolution of 1905 differed radically from all bourgeois revolutions that had taken place in Europe. Those revolutions wore led by the bourgeoisie; the peasantry constituted the reserves of the bourgeoisie, while the proletariat was still weak and could not act indopoiidently. The driving forces of the Russian bourgeois-democratic revolution, however, wore the proletariat and the peasantry, and its leader was the ])roletariat. The jpeasants wore the allies of the proletariat, for the proletariat alone could helj) the peasants to solve the agrarian problem in a revolutionary way. The Russian bourgeoisie was counior-revolut ionary; it feared tlio prole tariat and wanted to strike a bargain with tsarism with a view to limiting the j)olitical rights and damaging the economic interests of the workers and peasants. It was therefore iKu^ossary to isolate the bourgeoisie from the masses of the ])easantry and to exi:)lain to the latter that the bourgeoisie were their cltiss cMioinios and that they were opposed to all the fundamental demands of the workers and peasants.

Lenin taught that after overthrowing tsarism, tlie i)rolotariat would not rest content with this victory, but would utilize it for the purpose of immediately passing, together with the i)oorost sec tions of the peasantry, to the socialist revolution. "From the democrat ic revolution," he wrote, "wo shall at once, according to the dogroo of our strength, the strength of the class-conscious and organized prole tariat, begin to pass over to the socialist revolution" (V. I. Lonin, lected Works, Vol. Ill, Moscow, 1934, p. 145). Basing itself on Lenin's appraisal of the revolution in Russia, the Third Congress of the Party adopted a resolution "On the Provisional Revolutionary Government," which affirmed tliat after the victory of the bourgeois-democratic revo lution, this provisional revolutionary govermnent would become the organ of the revolutionary democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasantry. The task of this government was to carry the bour geois-democratic revolution in Russia to complete victory. Lonin and Stalin taught that the rovolutionary-dcmooratio dicjtatorslup of thoso two classes alone could ousiiro fundamental revolutionary changes in Russia and help the proletariat to pass on to the socialist revolution.

The Third Congress also laid down the Party's tactics, based on the Bolshevik appraisal of the character and prospects of the revolution. It resolved to sujiport the agrarian demands of the peasantry, including that for the confiscation of all the landlords' land.

The congress called upon the peasants to set up peasant committees for the i)ur2)ose of seizing the landlords' land in a revolutionary man ner. It particularly emphasized the importance of the general strike as a weapon in the struggle. Urging the necessity of an armed insur rection for the purpose of achieving the victory of the revolution, it called upon the Party organizations to proceed forthwith to prepare for such an insurrection.

The congress elected a Bolshevik Central Committee, headed by Lenin, and adopted the newspaper as the central organ of the

Party.

Thus, the Third Congress set up a Bolshevik general staff to lead the revolution, armed the Party with a strategical plan for developing the bourgeois-democratic revolution into a socialist revolution, and formu lated the main tactics of the proletarian party in the bourgeois-demo cratic revolution. Herein lies the enormous historical importance of the Third Congress of the Party.

Lenin expounded the Bolshevik tactics in a work of genius Tioo Tactics of Social-Democracy iii the Democratic Eevohitioii, which ap peared in July 1905.

The Mensheviks and Trotsky ite agents of the bourgeoisie tried to frustrate Lenin's plan for developing the bourgeois-democratic revolution into a socialist revolution.

The view spread by the Mensheviks was that as the revolution in Russia was a bourgeois revolution it must be led by the bouigeoisie, as had been the case previously in the West. The proletariat, asserted the Mensheviks, should ally itself not with the peasantry, but with the liberal bourgeoisie; it should march not at the head of the peasantry, but at the tail of the bourgeoisie.

Tsushima

Before Port Arthur fell the Baltic Fleet was sent on a long voyage to the Far Bast round the coast of Africa.

In an article entitled "A Debacle" Lenin wrote: '"A great armada, as huge, as unwieldy, as absurd, as impotent and as monstrous as the entire Russian empire itself, set out on its voyage, squandering heaps of money on coal and maintenance, and evoking universal ridicule in Europe" (V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. VII, Moscow, 1937, Russ, ed., p. 335). This "great armada" was destroyed by the Japanese fleet on May 14, 1905 (the anniversary of the coronation of Nicholas II) in a battle off the island of Tsushima, in the Korea Straits.

In tliis unequal battle, which was more like a massacre, the Russian sailors fought with unexampled staunchness and courage. The obsolete cruiser Dimitri Donskoy bravely held at bay ten up-to-date Japanese cruisers and put two of them out of action. It was called upon to surrender, but it refused, and continuing to bombard the enemy, it proudly sanlc into the depths of tlio sea.

The Revolutionary Struggle of the Proletariat In the Summer of 1905

The defeat which tsarism sustained at Tsushima gave an added impetus to the proletarian revolutionary struggle. Strikes broke out continuously all through the spring, summer and autumn. ]{lconomic strikes became interwoven with political strikes and dovolopod into mass revolutionary strikes. The lirst strike wave (January to Aj)ril) afFectod 659,400 workers. The second (in the spring of 1905) affected 362,600 workers. The third, covering the period from July to Sep tember, affected 264,800 workers.

The rh'st of May celebrations worc>> accompanied by strikes affecting 220,000 workers and developed into a huge demonstration against the autocracy.

The vanguard of these political strikes and demonstrations consist ed of the metal workers. The textile workers at first organized mainly economic strikes, but gradually they too entered the political struggle. A vivid example of this is provided by the strike of the textile workcu-s in Ivanovo-Voznesensk, lb began on May 12, 1905, with the presenta tion of economic doniands and soon affected the whole of the Ivanovo Voziiosousk textile region. The strike lasted a long time and about 70,000 workers, including many women, wore involved. To load the strike a Joint Strike Committee was oloctod in Ivanovo-Voznesensk, This ooiu mitteo was called Council of Reprosontativos, and it was in facst thcr first Soviet of Workers' Deputies in history. This eounoil formotl a workers' militia to guard the textile mills, established a strike fund to assist the families of strikers, demanded the closing of vodka shops, undertook the supply of provisions for the workers and made a' range ments for thisimrjjoso with the shopkeepers, and maintained order and discipline among the strikers. The strikers usually assembled on tlu*f bank of the river Tallca to hoar reports from members of tiio council on the progress of the strike. Here they also discussed political questions, and after the meetings they learned and sang revolutionary songs. One of their favourite speakers w^as the Bolshevik worker Dunay<n^ The general direction of the strike came from ilus Northern Commit tee of the Party, headed by Comrade Frunze and Py odor Afanasyev, au old weaver who had been one of the speakers at the First of May demon stration in St. Petersburg in 1891, and who was known as "Father."

These meetings wore broken up by the police and troops, and in tlie collisions scores of workers wore killed and many wounded . The work ers remained staunch, however, and continued tlio strike. Flungor alone comxiolled them to return to work, and this tJioy did in an or ganized manner.

This strike steeled the workers; it served as a militant scliool for their political education. In a leaflet they issued at the end of the strike, the Social-Democratic workers summed up the struggle as fol lows; "The strflse has taught us a great deal. Before it many of us were so ignorant that we did not want either to understand, to appreciate or to think about our conditions....

Do we not now see who is helping our enemies, the masters? We have realized that as long as power is in the hands of the tsar, who thinks only about the capitalists, we shall never be able to improve our con ditions."

A determined struggle against tsarism was also waged by the work ers in the industrial towns of Po land, The general strike which broke out in Lodz in June 1906, developed into an armed clash. Barricades were erected in the streets and for throe days a regular battle was fought between the workers and tho tsar's trooi)s. Lenin regarded the Lodz battles as the first armed action of the workers of Russia. In August a collision between police and demonstrators occurred in Byelostok, during which thirty-six per sons were killed and many were wounded. The strikers took to arms to wage a determined struggle against tsarism.

Thus, in the course of the strike movement the conditions were created for passing to the highest form of struggle — armed insurrection. The bourgeois-democratic revolution of 1906 was proletarian both in the methods by which the struggle was conducted and in the fact that the proletariat played the leading role in it.

The Peasant Movement

The strikes of the industrial workers aft er Bloody Sunday stimulated the revolutionary movement in the rural districts. In the beginning of 1905, the Bolsheviks conducted extensive propaganda work among the peasants and widely distributed leaflets among them. The peasant movement broke out almost simultaneously in the central regions of Russia, in Georgia and in the Baltic Provinces. In Pebruary 1005, tho peasants in the Orel, Kursk, Chernigov and other gubernias began to seize the landlords' estates. In the spring of 1905, the mass jioasant movement began to spread all over the country. The peasants wrecked landlords' mansions, seized their meadows and hay crops, and ploughed up their lands. Often, at night, the tocsin wa& sounded, or a haystack burst into flames — ^this was the signal for general action. Hundreds of peasants, armed with axes and clubs, marched to the landlord's estate, tore off the locks of the granary and took the corn, shared among themselves the landlord's cattle and poultry, \\Tecked the estate offices and burnt the office books, particularly the records of the peasants' debts and obligations. They burnt the land lord's mansion and farm buildings so that the landlord should have no place to return to. In most cases this movement bore a spontaneous character.

The Tliird Congress of the Party called upon the Party organ izations to conduct activities among the peasants, to hoi]) them in their struggle and to back their demands for the confiscation of the land lords ' land. The Party advised the peasants to seize the landlords ' lands, to expel the tsar's officials and to set up their own peasant committees, which were to be the embryo of the new revolutionary authority in thc^ countryside.

The struggle that was waged by the peasants in Guida under the leadership of the Bolsheviks was exceptionally determined and organ ized. Comrade Stalin had conducted Social-Democratic activities among

Georgian peasants, particularly the Ourian and Ajar peasants, as eaSly| as 1002. The tsarist authorities had deported many of the x^f^^i^lcii^ants in the Batum strikes and deinonstrations ol' 1902 to their homos in Guria. On arriving homo the dejiortees formed Social-Democratic organizations and under tho leadership of those organizations the Ourian peasants began to drive put the tsar's officials, refused to ])ay taxes and boycotted tho tsar's courts. All disputes tliat arose were tried by elected people's courts.

In March 1905, tho tsar's government sent General Alikhanov Avarsky to Guria with a force of 10,000 men of all arms to su])])r(^ss the revolt. At the same time a high official was sent to investigate tho causes of the revolt. The peasants everywhere |)resented the same demands to this official. The delegates from the village of Hidistavi said: '"Our demands can be expressed in tliree words: we want bread, justice and freedom. We are not asking for baked bread, all that wo are asking is that we should be allowed to enjoy the fruits of our labour." In another village a j)easant delegate delivered an impassioned political speech in the course of which he said: "We expect nothing from the government. We know very well how cruelly it treated the St. Petersburg workers. We are not so naive as to place any hopes in the government after these atrocities."

The punitive expedition headed by Alildianov-Avarsky failed to pacify Guria. At tho Third Congress of the Party tho delegate from the Caucasian Social-Democratic Federation, which 'was led by (Comrade Stalin, proudly related the story of the heroic struggle that was being waged by the Gurian peasants. The Gurian peasant movement was tins most organized and most politioally-conscious peasant movement in Eiussia. The revolutionary struggle of the Abkhazian peasants in Gudauti was led by Orjonikidze.

During the spring ploughing, strikes broke out among the agricul tural labourers. These strikes assumed particularly wide dimensions in Latvia, Estonia, Poland, and Byelorussia. The Latvian and Estonian labourers di*ove out the landlords, seized their estates and ploughed up the land for themselves. In the summer of 1905, the All-Russian Peasant Union was fonned. Notwithstanding the fact that the Socialist-Revolutionaries and lib era Ls had succeeded in capturing the central leadership of this Peasant Union, Lenin held that it was of great importance for the organization of the peasants. . Before the victory of the peasant insiirreotion, and for such a victory, the Peasant Union is a powerful and vital organization," he wrote. (V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, VoL IX, Mos cow, 1937, Russ, ed., p. 129.)

The peasants joined the Union in whole villages. The Socialist-Rev olutionaries wanted to subordinate the peasant movement to the lead ership of the bourgeoisie, but the Bolsheviks combated their efforts to do so. The j)easant movement did not, however, spread all over tho country at that time; in the spring of 1905 it had developed in only 85 counties, one-seventh of the total number of counties in Russia.

The Revolt on the Battleship "Potemkin"

Tsarism had but one proj) left — ^the armed forces; but the defeat in the war and the revolutionary struggle that was being waged by the workers and peasants stimulated revolutionary temper in tho army and in the navy. The revolt of the crow of the battleship Potemkin of the Black Sea Elect clearly revealed that even this prop of tsarism was shaken. The sailors of the navy, among whom there were many industrial workers, were the most class conscious and revolutionary section of the armed forces.

Li 1905 the Bolsheviks made energetic preparations for a general revolt in the Black Sea Fleet which was timed to break out during the assembly of the fleet for training purposes at the Island of Tendra, be tween Odessa and Sevastopol. The revolt on the Potemkin, however, broke out spontaneously on June 14, 1905, before the whole fleet had assembled. Its immediate cause was the issue to the men of borshch cooked with decayed meat that teemed with maggots. The crew refused to eat the borshcli. The commander assembled tho ringleaders, ordered a tarpaulin to be thrown over them and then ordered them to be shot. In protest against this order the whole crew mutinied. A colli sion occurred between tho officers and the men during which tho sailor Vakuliiichuk, tho leader of the mutiny, was killed by a senior ofidccr. Tho leadership passed to another revolutionary sailor named Matyushonko. Tho men killed many of tho officers and seized the bat tleship.

The PoUmhin made for Odessa where a general strike was in prog ress. The arrival of the revolutionary battleship flying the red flag stimulated the workers of Odessa to rise in armed revolt against tsarism, but the Mensheviks sabotaged the revolt and prevented tlie crew of the PoUmhin from landing a party to assist tjio workers. Tlio tsarist govern ment ordered the whole of the remaining ]7art of the Black Sea Fleet to attack the Poiemhin. The revolutionary battlcsliip wont out boldly to meet the fleet with the red flag at its masthead. The gunners of the other sliips refused to fire at the Potnnldn, and one battlcshij), the Georgi Pohedonosyets, went over to its side. The petty officers on this ship, however, intimidated and demoralized the crew hj assuring them that the revolt was hopeless. They ran the battleship aground and the PoUmhin continued to fight alone.

The revolutionary warship sailed the Black Sea with the red flag at its masthead for a whole week, but failing to receive support from the shore owing to the treachery of the Mensheviks, and rumiing short of coal and provisions, it was obliged to make for the Rumanian coast and surrender to the Rumanian authorities. The latter, in 1906, handed the revolutionary sailors over to the tsarist authorities, who had them either executed or sentoncod to penal sorvitudo.

Lenin attributed immenHo imj)ortanec to the revolt on the PoUth kin. ^'Por the first time," he wrote, "an importaiit unit of the armed forces of tsarism — an entire battleship — hm openly gone over to the side of the revolution" (V. I. Lenin, SelecUcl Works ^ Vol. Ill, Moscow, 1934, p. 311).

As soon as he received the first news of the revolt on the PoU7nhin, Lenin sent a Bolshevik to Odessa to give it guidance, but he arrived too late. The ship had already left for Rumania.

The revolutionary movement in the anny and in the navy contin ued to grow. In 1905, cases of mutiny among the reserves increased and not infrequently these were accompanied by the killing of officers. This unrest revealed that the rank and file of the army wot*o wavering and wore becoming an unreliable pro]^ for the autocracy. The Bolsheviks formed military revolutionary organizations for the ])urpose of conduct ing activities in the army with the object of uniting the soldiers with the workers and peasants and of leading them on to the armed insur rection against tsarism.

The October General Strike

The Bulygin Duma

The rising tide of the revolutionary move ment in the country forced the tsarist clique to manoeuvre. It was compelled, while continuing its policy of repression, to take a stop towards meeting the wishes of tlie bourgeoisie who, in their turn, were seeking an alliance with it. In other words, it was obliged to strike a bargain with the bourgeoisie. With this object the tsar's government, on August 6, 1905, passed a law for the convocation of a State Duma. In conformity with this law the proposed State Duma was to be not a legislative but an advisory body; it was to have the right to express an opinion on the bills submitted to it by the government, but not to pass or reject them. Thus, the law of August 6 left the autocratic system com pletely intact. This Duma was referred to as the Bulygin Duma, after Bulygin, the Minister who had drafted the law. The landlords, who were an insignificant minority in the country, were to receive 85 per cent of all the seats. The workers were given no electoral rights at all. The bourgeoisie welcomed this Bulygin Duma and called upon the people to take an active part in the elections. The Mensheviks supported the liberals. The Bolsheviks alone called upon the people to boycott the elections to the Bulygin Duma. The further development of the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat, led by the Bolsheviks, prevent ed the convocation of this Duma.

The Peace of Portsmouth

After the rout of the tsar's fleet at Tsushima, the international bourgeoisie, fearing the further growth of the revolution in Russia, strongly urged the tsar's government to con clude peace. In their opinion peace with Japan would help to restore ^'internal peace" in Russia, particularly if the tsarist government made some moderate constitutional concessions to the people. On the other hand, the United States was apprehensive that Japan would become too strong and therefore urged the Japanese government to moderate its demands upon Russia.

Greatly exhausted and weakened by the war, Japan herself was interested in the speedy conclusion of peace.

At Japan's request, Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, acted as mediator in the negotiations between Russig. and Japan.

To discuss the situation the tsar's government, on May 24 (June 6), 1905, called a council of war over which the tsar presided. The majority of those present at the council were in favour of concluding peace. "In ternal well-being is more important for us than victory. We are living in an abnormal condition: we must restore to Russia her internal repose," they said.

The government consented fco open peace negotiations and appoint ed a peace delegation, headed by Count Witte, who enjoyed the con fidence of the bourgeois governments of Europe and America. The peace negotiations were opened in the small town of Portsmouth, Maine, in the United States.

Japan presented very harsh peace terms. She demanded the Liao tung Peninsula, the South Manchurian Railway up to Harbin, the Is land of Sakhalin, and complete control of Korea. In addition, she coimt ed on receiving a large indemnity from Russia. The Russian delegation had received instructions not to yield' an inch of territory to the Japanes e and not to agre^ to the ]oaynient of any indemiiitios. The discussion of tho })eaco treaty became cxtrcnioly jn^otraotod . Roosevelt now exerted pressure upon tlio Japanese and now txpon the Russian delegation, urging tliem to make mutual concessions. At last, on August 23 (September 5), 1005, tho peace treaty was signed.

Tsarist Russia recognized Japan's predominant economic, military and political interests in Korea , ceded to Japan her lease of Port Ai'thur and Dalni, pledged herself to run tho Chinese Eastern Railway exclu sively for coininercial purposes and ceded to Japan tho southern part of SaHialin, with all its adjacent islands. In addition, she concluded a disadvantageous fishing convention with Japan. "'As wo know," said Comrade Stalin in an address to the people on September 2, 1945, "in the war against Japan, Russia was defeated. Jai:)an took advantage of tho defeat of tsarist Russia to seize from Russia the south ern part ofSaklialin and establish herself on the Kuril Islands, thereby putting the lock on all our country's outlets to the ocean in the East, which meant also all outlets to tho ports of Soviet Kani('.hatka and So viet Chukotka. It was obvious that tlapan was aiming to (lo])rivo Russia of tho whole of her Ear East" (J. Stalin, On the Omit Palrwiic War of the Soviet Unio7b, Moscow, 1945, ]>]). 208-209).

As Comrade Stalin obsorvofl in the same speech, tho defeat of tsar ist Russia in 1904-1905 . lay like a black stain upon our country.

Our people believed in and waited for tlio day when Japan would bo defeated and tho stain would bo wiped out."

Tho war with Japan cost tho Russian people dear: 400,000 men were killed, wounded and taken prisoner, and tho expenditure amounted to over 3,000,000,000 rubles.

The conclusion of peace with Japan was of considerable assist ance to the tsarist clique in its further struggle against tho revo lution. But the revolution was not to be halted. In the autumn and winter of 1905 the revolutionary movement rose to its peak.

The All-Russian Political Strike

On September 19, 1906, a gen eral printers' strike broke out in Moscow. The bakers, tobacco work ers and workers in other trades joined the printers. Cossacks and gen darmes broke up revolutionary demonstrations. The workers fired at the police with revolvers and wounded many of thorn. On September 25 a regular battle was fought in Tverskaya Street (now Gorky Street) out side Philippov 's bakery , A troop of Cossacks charged tho crowd that was blocking the street. Tho workers rushed into tho bakery, climbed to tho roof of this tall building and from there pelted tho troops with stones. Tho trooi^s surrounded tho whole block where tho bakery was situated and laid regular siege to it. Eventually, two companies of infantry got in through the back of tho house whore tho workers liad not placed a guard. Two of the workers were killed, eight were wounded and 192 were arrested.

The September strikes in Moscow raised the struggle to a higher :age. Lenin stated that the events in Moscow marked the beginning f the insurrection. "^The outbreak of the insurrection has been crushed gain. Again: long live the insurrection!" he wi*ote (V. I. Lenin, GoU 'Cted Works^ Vol. VIII, Moscow, 1937, Russ, ed., p. 282).

On October 7, the railwaymen on the Moscow-Kazanskaya Railway ent bn strike, and on October 8, the men on all the other railways in uussia joined them. On October 11, the railway strike developed into a ation-wido general strike in which the workers of all trades were in olved. The intelligentsia — schoolteachers, office employees, lawyers, igineers and students — ^joined the workers. The strikers demanded the Dnvocation of a Constituent Assembly. The tsar's government tried 3 suppress the strike by armed force. On October 14, Trepov, the Gov :nor General of St. Petersburg and virtual dictator of Russia, issued 10 order: "Don't fire blanli shot; spare no bullets.'" But the govern lont was already powerless to stop the strilce.

Nearly a million industaual workers, not counting railwaymen, and weral hundred thousand office employees, were involved in the October political strike. Tlie entire economic life of the country was brought to a standstill. Trains and ships stopped running, factories were idle, the post and telegraph ceased to function, no newspapers or magazines a])pcared. In the towns street traffic ceased, shops and restaurants were closed. The universities and high scliools were closed. Only the water supply, city drainage and the hos]ntals functioned by order of tlie strike committees. On the railways only troop trains which were car-, rying demobilized soldiers who were hurrying homo from Manchuria were allowed to run.

The October strike x)aralyzed the forces of the government and at the same time demonstrated the strength of the proletariat as the vanguard fighter and organizer of the nation-wide struggle against the •autocracy. In a number of localities the general strike began to develop into armed insurrection.

In Kliarkov barricades wore erected around the University and as many as a thousand armed workers mustered to defend them. In the streets collisions occurred with troops. Artillery was called out. During the storming of the barricades and in street fighting 147 workers were killed.

In Ekaterinoslav the entire population of the working-class suburb 'of Chocholevka took part in building barricades. They threw down tel egraph ])obs and erected barbed-wire ontanglemonts. The barricades wore demolished by troo])s. Collisions with troops also occurred in Odo.s sa, Saratov, Rostov and other cities.

The strike wave (the fourth in that year) reached its peak in the -autumn and in tlie beginning of the winter of 1906. While about a million workers wore involved in October, in Doeembor only several hundred thousand wore affected.

The Tsar's Manifesto of October 17

Scared by the general strike, the tsar, on October 17, issued a manifesto, which had been drawn up by Count Witte who, shortly before that, had been ap]')ointed Chairman of the Council of Ministers. In this manifesto the tsar promised to grant freedom of speech, press, association and assembly, extension of the franchise, etc. The State Duma was proclaimed a legislative body. But this manifesto was only intended to deceive the masses. The tsar hoped by means of it to gain time to muster his forces for the purpose of crush ing the revolution. In appraising the tsar's manifesto, and utteiing a warning against exaggerating its importance, Lenin wrote: ^'The tsar's concession is indeed a very great victory for the revolution, but this victory does not yet by a long way decide the fate of the entire cause of freedom. The tsar has not yet by any means capitulated. The autocracy has not yet ceased to exist. It lias only retreated, . . (V, I. Lenin, GoU

lected WorJes^ Vol. VIII, Moscow, 1937, Russ. ed., p, 362.)

The manifesto of October 17 fully satisfied tlio bourgeoisie who, frightened by the nation-wide strike and the incipient insiirroction, began openly to oppose the revolutionary masses. The big industrial and commercial bourgeoisie formed an organization called the Union of October Seventeenth (laiown as the Octobrists). The Eightwing Zemstvoites and the various commercial and industrial ^^parties" that .sprang up in 1905 joined this organization.

The liberal Zemstvo-ites and the members of the Emancipation League officially inaugurated the abeady legally existing Constitution al-Democratic Party (known as the Cadets). The Cadets expressed the strivings of those sections of the bourgeoisie which were less interested than the Octobrists in feudal methods of exploitation. Unlike theavow 'Odly reactionary Octobrist bourgeoisie, the Cadets tried to manoeuvre between the revolution and the autocracy. When the tsar's manifesto was promulgated, the Cadets declared the revolution at an end and 'Called for co-operation with the Witte government.

The Mensheviks were also pleased with the manifesto of October 17 . The leaders of the Georgian Mensheviks in Tiflis even stated at meet ings: '^There is no longer an autocracy, the autocracy is dead. Russia is entering the ranks of constitutional monarchist states."

Comrade Stalin emphatically denounced this piece of Menshevik •deception. On the day the manifesto of October 17 was promulgated he said at a meeting in Tiflis: "What do we need in order to really win? We need three things: first — arms, second — ^arms, third — ^arms and arms again."

Tlie Bolsheviks urged the masses to place no confidence in the tsar 's Jinanifcsjo and to prepare for armed insurrection.

Stricken by mortal fear of tho revolution, Nicliolas II began to seek supjiort in Kaiser Germany and among the Baltic German barons. During tho general strike of October 1905 several Gorman destroyers appeared in tlu^ I'oadstcad off Fotorhof with tho objecrt of taking Ni cholas II and his lamily to Germany in the event of tho revolution being victorious. At this time the tsarist government conducted negotiations with Germany for intervention in Bussia for tho ]mrpose of siijiprc^ssing tho revolution and of restoring tsarist absolutism. Tl^his cons])iracy against tho revolution was ex])osed and frustrated by tlio proletariat of St. Petersburg.

In Poland martial law was declared as a consequoneo of tho growth of tho revolutionary movement. German troops were moved to tho Bus sian frontier in readiness to invade Bussia. Tho proletariat of St, Pe tersburg retaliated to this threat on tho part of German imperialism to intervene in tho internal affairs of Bussia by declaring a general strike. The result was that martial law in Poland was rescinded and intervention was rendered impossible. The satirical journals at that time published a cartoon depicting tho Governor General of Warsaw, Scalone, who was a German, zealously cleaning tlio boots of an army ofHccr whoso face was concealed, l)ut wlmso figure could bo recognized as that of Williohii II. The ca'})tiou to tlie cartoon rea<i: 'TTnfortunatoly wo had to rescind martial law, hut I shall continue to servo you ftiithfully and well."

Immediately after tho manifesto of October 17 was promulgated revolutionary demonstrations ocoiUTcd all over Bussia. Street mootings wore held at which impassioned revolutionary speeches were deliv ered. To combat tho revolution, tho government formed a hooligan or ganization called the Union of Bussian People, which united tlie cor rupt Black Hundreds which had already sprung U]) in many localities in tho beginning of 1905.

On tho direct instructions of tho tsar and the gendarmes tho Blade Hundreds, jointly with tho police, organized Jewish pogroms in over a hundred towns in all parts of tho country. Leaflets inciting to pogroms wore secretly printed in tho printing plants of tlie Department of Police. During a pogrom in Odessa several thousand Jewish working people were killed. In Tomsk, the Black Hundreds, with the blessing of the Bishop and in tho presence of the City Governor, surrounded the I'ail way administration ofi&ces where a workers' meeting was taking place and set fire to it. Many of the people present at the mooting perished in the flames, and it was only tlianlcs to tho heroic efforts of S . M. Kirov that some of tho revolutionaries were saved. In Tver (now Kalinin) tho Black Hundreds wrecked the promises of the Tver Zemstvo, which was a liberal body, and killed and injured many momberH of tlio ZcmiKstvo staff. In Ivanovo, the Black Hundreds brutally murdorod the veteran revolutionary worker and loader of tho textile strike, Fyodor Afanasyev, known as "Father." In Moscow the Black Hundreds arranged the assassination of the prominent Bolshevik N. E. Bauman, who had only just been released from the Taganskaya prison. Bauman's funeral devel oped into a huge revolutionary demonstration in which several hundred thousand people took part. These arrests, pogroms and assassination of revolutionaries served as striking illustrations of what the masses could expect from the manifesto of October 17. About this manifesto

the people sang the ditty:

The tsar caught fright, issued a Manifest: Liberty for the dead, for the living — arrest.

Soviets of Workers' Deputies

During the stormy days of the October general strike the working class created a new ty]>e of revolu tionary organization which played a leading role in the revolution. These organizations were the Soviets of Workers' Deputies. On OctoberlS, while the strike was in progress, the workers of St. Petersburg held meet ings in their factories and works and elected representatives to a Coun cil (Soviet) of Workers' Deputies for the purpose of leading the strike. Formed originally as a Joint Strike Committee, the St. Petersburg Soviet rapidly became the embryo of a new revolutionary authority. Thus, in November, the Soviet on its own authority proclaimed the introduction of an 8-hour day; it had its own organ, Izvestia, which was printed in the biggest printing plants of St. Petersburg and ap peared without the sanction of the tsarist censor. The Soviet began to in terfere in the orders of the tsarist administration. While the j)Ost and telegraph employees were on strike government telegrams were sent off only with the Soviet's sanction. The inliabitants of St. Petersburg came to the Soviet on every kind of business as if it were an official adminis trative body. Nevertheless, the St. Petersburg Soviet failed to take the lead of the revolution. The reason for this was that, taking advantage of the absence from St. Petersburg of Lenin, who was living abroad in exile, the Mensheviks captured the leadership of the Soviet and did all in their power to prevent it from becoming an organ of revolu tionary authority and, in particular, frustrated the preparations for armed insurrection.

Following the example of St. Petersburg, Soviets of Workers' Deputies were formed in all the other big cities of Russia during the period of October to December 1905. The Moscow Soviet was led by Bolsheviks and, as a consequence, it became an organ for the prepara tion of armed insurrection. In the Caucasus, in Latvia, and also in some parts of Central Russia (the Tver and Moscow Gubernia), representa tives of the soldiers, i. e., peasants in military uniform, were members of the Soviets. Thus, Lenin's idea of the revo ut ionary democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasantry began to take practi ('al shape.

When Lenin returned from abro<ad and studied the activities of the St, Petersburg Soviet, he pointed out to the Party the world his torical importance of the Soviets as the embryo of a new revolutionary popular authority. But in order that the Soviets might play their revolutionary role, ho urged, it was necessary to prepare to overthrow the rule of tlio tsar by organizing an armed insurrection. Purtlicr , in tlio course of the revolution of 1J)05 the Bussian ])roletariat ereatod a form of organization that was new in the history of tlio revolutionary movement, a form of organization that was the prototype of Soviet power, the embryonic foim of the ])roletarian socialist static, i. 6., the dictatorshix) of the proletariat. Tho Soviets marked a stei> forward compared with the Paris Commune of 1871. Comrade Stalin expressed his high axipreeiation of the historic im^iortance of the Soviets in the revolution of 1005 in the words . . the movement for the Soviets of Workers' Deputies begun in 1005 by the workers of Leningrad and Moscow led in the end to tho rout of cajiitalism and the victory of Socialism on one-sixth of the globe" (J. Stalin, Prohkms of Lenmism^ Moscow, 1045, ]>. 530).

The National-Liberation Movement of the Peoples of Russia in 1905

Finland's Fight for Autonomy

nio revolntiouary movement of the })rolotariat t'.ompolled the tsarist autocracy to make certain concessions on the national (piesbion. After Bloody Sunday (January 0) the struggle against tsarism liared up with exceptional vigour in thc^ regions inhabited by tho ox)prossed nationalities. Tho workers of Helsingfors, tho capital of Finland, wore among tho first to organize a general strike of xirotest against tho atrocities perpetrated by Nicho las II against the workers. The Fimiish bourgeoisie and its party of ^"active resistance" believed that tho tsarist autocracy would he eoin pellod by tho workers to make concessions and restore tlio Finnish constitution, which had boon abolished in 1002.

The tsar's government, however, made only slight concessions, for it calculated that the Finnish bourgeoisie wotilcl readily come to tenns in order to wage a joint struggle against the workers. Tho law of 1001 on comxiulsory military service was repealed and the regulation on the non-dismissal of judges was re-introduced. But these minor concessions failed to satisfy oven tho Finnish bourgeoisie. They <iemancled tho re:-torat'on of the Finnish Con-^titution.

The October x)olitical strike in Russia was backed by the Finnish worker, who xu'oclaimed a general strike in Finland. They formed a Rod Guard and x^i'oparcd for insurreebion.

The nation-wide strike of tho working class comptdled the tsarist autocracy to yield on the Finnish question as well. On October 22, 1 1)05, Nicholas II promulgated a manifesto restoring the constitution in Finland. The Finnish bourgeoisie was satisfied with this and began to make pieparations for the elections to the new Diet. The Finnish Mensheviks supported the bourgeoisie in everything; they spread constitutional illusions among the masses and assured the workers and peasants that the armed struggle against tsarism was over. Describ ing the opportunist stand taken by the Finnish Mensheviks during the revolution of 1905, Lenin said that *^they are not genuine Social Democrats."

The Struggle for National Liberation in Poland

After January 9, strikes were continuously in progress in Poland. Numerous mass meetings were held in the towns and villages at which resolutions weie adopted demanding autonomy for Poland. The peasants refused to pay taxes or perform military service, and expelled the Russian government officials and schoolteachers.

The Polish nobility and the Catholic clergy came out under the leadership of the nationalist parties which advocated the achievement of autonomy for Poland by means of a deal with the Russian bourgeoisie.

In the autumn the national movement in Poland assumed wide dimensions. The population proclaimed a boycott of the tsarist schools, and the educational society known as Matitsa collected voluntary contributions from the people and opened Polish schools. After the October general strike the revolutionary struggle of the Polish people reached the verge of armed insurrection. This frightened the Polish bourgeoisie, who betrayed the movement by entering into an agreement with the Russian liberals.

In the autumn of 1905 the tsarist autocracy proclaimed martial law in Poland, but the political strike proclaimed by the St. Peters burg workers compelled the government to rescind it. This demonstrated to the Polish people that the Russian proletariat alone was their faithful ally.

The National Movement in the Ukraine and in Byelorussia

Tlie revolutionary struggle of the workers of the Ukraine and Byelo russia in 1905 developed in complete unison with the struggle waged by the Russian proletariat.

Taking advantage of the weakening of the autocracy as a result of the revolutionary movement, the UlLrainians succeeded in publishing books and newspapers in the Ulcrainian language. A section of the Ukrainian petty-hourgeois nationalists who had formed the Revo lutionary Ula^ainian Party (R.U.P.) demanded autonomy for the Ukraine and the transfer of x:)Ower to an autonomous Ukrainian Sejm. In their program, which did not di.Ter from that of the Constitutional Democrats, they demanded the transfer of the land to the peasants with payment of compensation to the landlords. In addition to the R.U.P. thoro were in the Ukraine in 1005 the Ukrainian Social-Bomocratie Union, the Spilka (Loagno) wIiujIi was of a Menshevik trend, and the Ukrainian SocialistRevolutionary Party.

The Ukrainian nationalists were actually agents of Austria, whicli promised to sujiport their struggle for the "indopendonco" of the Ukraine. Th(^ nationalist slogans of those separatists {i, e., advocates of secession) found no favour among the Ukrainian workers and peasants wlio strove for the overthrow of Russian tsarism in fraternal alliance with tiic Russian workers.

In Byelorussia, the Byelorussian Socialist Oromada, which was supported by tlie kulak elements of the Byelorussian peasantry, tried to capture the leadership of the national movement. In January 1906, this party held a congress in Minsk at whicjh it demanded autonomy for Byelorussia and the formation of a federation consisting of Byelo russia, Lithuania, Latvia and the Ukraine with a common Sej in in Vilna. This party also demanded the allotment of land to the peasants with payment of comjicnsation to the landlords.

Both in tho Ukraine and in Byelorussia an important part in the national movement was ])layo(l liy t.ho schoolteaelHU's who formed their Spilki and Prosvity (eultiiral and educational societies). Tho Prosvity distributed litt'rafcure in tho Ukrainian and Byelorussian languages, opened village libraries and reading rooms ami organized theatrical performances, coiux^rts and literary evenings. Their main function was to conduct educational work in their native languages.

But tljose ])artios and gi'oipxs could not load tho broad movement for national liberation; they renounced the revolutionary straggle and a fighting allianco with tlio revolutionary Russian proletariat, and foiled to link tho aims of the national movomout with the struggle for land that was being waged by tho peasantry. While proclaiming the slogans of the national movement, they hid from tho masses the point that their chief enemy was tho tsarist autocracy , which could be ovei thrown only by tho joint efforts of tho workers and peasants of all nationalities.

The Revolutionary Struggle for Liberation of the Peoples of Transcaucasia

Tho national movement in Transcaucasia in 1905 assumed a more definitely class and revolutionary character than it did in the Ukraine and in Byelorussia. Thanks to the leadership of tho Social-Democratic organization, which had been trained by Com rade Stalin, the workers' and peasants' movement in Georgia, and particularly in Guria, rose to a considerable height. 0]3en prepara tions for an insurrection against tsarism wore made nob only in tlie towns, but also in tho rural districts.

All through 1905 mass strikes, demonstrations and meetings took place, funds wore collcotod for revolutionary purjioses and "Red Hundreds" and })oasant oommittoos wore formed in the villages, Tho peasants rose in revolt against the landlords and drove them from their estates. The landlords, assisted by the authorities, organized their armed squads known as "Black Hundreds." In many parts of Georgia the inhabitants refused to recognize the tsarist courts and j)olice.

The attempts of the Georgian nationalists, including the Georgian ]\Iensheviks, to capture the leadership of the movement failed. In 1905 the workers and peasants of Georgia followed the lead of the Bolsheviks.

In Azerbaijan the movement for national liberation was led by the Baku Bolshevilcs, who formed for this purpose a special organi zation known as Gummet (energy). This organization conducted extensive activities among the more backward and downtrodden section of the Azerbaijanian workers in Baku, As a result of the educa tional work conducted by the Bolsheviks, the more class-conscious of the Azerbaijanian workers, jointly with the Russian workers, succeeded, in February 1905, in putting a stop to the Armenian-Azerbaijanian massacres. During the oil workers' strike in August, the majority of the Azerbaijanian workers, for the first time, joined the strike, for they were beginning to understand that a united class movement was needed. The landlords and the rising local bourgeoisie tried to keep the Azerbaijanian workers and peasants away from the revolu tionary struggle. Intense religious and nationalist agitation was conducted in the towns and villages by the Pan-Islamists, who advocated the amalgamation of all Moslems in an independent Moslem state which was to be governed by the bourgeois-feudal upper classes 4md the clergy. This Pan-Islamist agitation received support from Turkey. The Gummet constantly exposed the reactionary plans of the exploiters of the Azerbaijanian people that were covered up by the flag of religion.

In Armenia the bourgeois party known as the Dashnacktsutyun tried to capture the leadership of the movement for national liber ation. In the endeavour to obtain the support of the Armenian bour geoisie and the clergy in the struggle against the revolution in Trans caucasia, the tsar's government repealed the church property law, which limited the revenues of the Armenian Church.

The National Movement among the Peoples of the Volga Region and Siberia

The revolution of 1905 roused all the nationali ties of Russia to political life. In the Volga Region and in Bashkiria the bourgeois nationalists formed a Moslem League, the object of which was to unite all Moslems. This league also extended its activities to some extent to the Moslem bourgeoisie in Central Asia and in Trans* caucasia. A prominent part in this league was played by the mullahs, who fomented religious strife between the Moslem and Russian popu lations. At the end of 1905 the Tatar bourgeoisie convened in Kazan the first Mosloii congress, which in a loyal ]>otition to the tsar ploatlod for the abolition of all Moslem disabilities and for political, religions and civil rights equal to those enjoyed by tlic Ivusslan population.

Tlio Chuv«ash national movement in 1005 assumed the pui*cly peasant character of a struggle for land and freedom. Activities among the Clnivash and Mari ])opulations of the Cheboksari district on tlu Volga wore conducted by members of the All-Russian Peasant Union. The peasants at their meetings passed decisions to seize the land of the landlords, and they also demanded the opening of schools to be conducted in their native language. TJie Buryats <umtinued tlieij* struggle against the })lunder of their lands by the tsarist govermnonl officials. A league of Siberian nationalities was formed. The awakening of the Yakuts was brought about by tlic Yakut League which was formed in 1905, but which was soon suppressed by the tsarist au thorities. Such were the first steps in the awakening to political life of the Siberian peoples who were oppressed and downtrodden by tsarism.

Ill the 1905 revolution the Bolsheviks fought for Lenin's ijrogi'anv on the national question. Comrade Stalin formulated this program in the following terms: "Complete (Uunocracy in the ('oiiutry is tlie ba^sis and condition for the solution of the national problem. . . . Thr right of sdf-iUUrminaUon is an esmUml clcmiml in tlu^ solution of the national problem . . . . autonomy, antonomy for such erystiilized

units as Poland, Lithuania, the Ukraine, l.heOau(uisns,cte. . , . Nationa! e.gmiliiy in all forms {^ianguagv.^ schoo ,s', vJ(\) is an cssvntml element in the solution of the national question*"' (rf. vStaliii, Marxism amf the National ami Colonial QwsHon^ Moscow, 3940, p]). 49-51).

The December Armed Insurrection

The Strike Develops into Insurrection

Experience taught the workers that they could not achieve victory over tsarism by strikes alone; they realized that armed insurrection was n(K'.essary for this.

The first to take to arms after the October wtrila^ were the sailors and artillerymen of Kronstadt. Por two days and nights — October 25 and 27 — ^Kronstadt was in the hands of the insurgents. But the sailors' movement was unorganized, it was accoin])anied by the wrecking of shops j nd the living quarters of the officers, and it lacked a j^lan and clearly formulated aim. On October 28, the insurrection was crushed and 200 of the participants and leaders of the insurrection were court martiallecl.

On November 1, 1905, the St, Potcu'sbnrg Sovic^t of Workers' Deputies proclaimed a general political strike in support of the demand for rescinding martial law in Poland and for the roloaso of the Kronstadt insurgents. Tho tsar's government was obligcnl to yield to the demands of the workers of Kt. P('t(*rsburg. Martial law in Poland was rescinded, and instead of trying the ICronstadt sailors by court martial, which had iDower to pass sentence of deaths they were tried by a military court and received comparatively light sentences: nine were sentenced to penal servitude, 123 to imprisonment, and 83 were even acquitted.

The November general strike of the St. Petersburg workers saved the lives of the insurgent Kronstadt sailors and was of enormous iDolitical importance, for it vividly demonstrated to the soldiers and sailors that the working class alone was their true champion and leader of their struggle. The Mensheviks had opposed this second general strike. Instead of fraternization with the soldiers and revolutionary propaganda in the tsar's army for the purpose of winning it to the side of the insurgent ]}eople they put forward the cotinter-revolutionary demand for the withdrawal of the garrison from St. Petersbiiig. Had this been done the soldiers would have been isolated from the St. Petersburg proletariat and left under tlie un divided influence of the army officers.

The Naval Revolt in Sevastopol

The Bolsheviks continued Avitli their work of j)roparing for an armed insurrection in the Black iSoa Fleet after the suppression of the revolt on the battleship PotemMn. The insurrection was started on Novennber 14 by the crew of the cruiser Ochakov, On November 15, 6,000 sailors on other ships and the workers omplo;y'ed in the fortress of Sevastopol joined tho insnrrection. The battleship Poiemhin, renamed the Panlehimon, again hoisted ilio rod Hag. The Sevastopol revolt was led by Lieutenant Schmidt. Being a bourgeois democrat in liis convictions he, instead of launching a vigorous attack against tlie tsar's forces, undertook no active operations whatever, but waited for the entire Hoot to join tho Ochakov, Naively believing that tlio tsar would make concessions, he oven sent tho latter a tolegi-am demanding political liberties. In spite of his confused political views, however, Lieutenant Schmidt was devoted to the revolution. On November 15, ho boarded the gunboat S^virepy and going fiom ship to sli p he urged the men to join the in surrection. Many of them hoisted the red flag, but Lieutenant Schmidt was unable to organize them for joint and speedy operations.

Tho authorities recovered from their consternation and drew troops to Sevastopol. Late in the afternoon of November 16, the bat teries and ships which had remained loyal to the govermnent opened fire on the Ochakov and the other revolutionary sliijis and continued all night. The OchuJeov caught fire. The crow tried to save themselves from the flames by swimming or rowing ashore, but they were shot down by machine guns that wore posted on tho beach. Schmidt and the other leaders of tho insurrection were captured and later court martiallod and shot.

The insuiToction in Sevastopol roused now forces for tho struggle in tho array and in tho navy.

Gommenting on the weaknesses of the revolts among the armed forces Lenin said that tho soldiers and sailors "'lacked a clear under standing of the fact that only the most vigorous continuation of the armed struggle, only a victory over all the military and civil authorities, only tho overthrow of tho government and tho seizure of power over tho whole state could guarantee the success of the revolution" (V. I. Lenin, Selected Works, Vol. Ill, Moscow, 1934, p. 10).

The Peasant Revolts

In November and December 1905, the struggle which the peasants waged against tho landlords became increasingly intense. Peasant revolts broke out in 170 counties, more than a third of the total number of counties in European Russia. In November there wert^ about 800 cases of peasants seizing landlords' estates. Of exceptional dimensions were the peasant revolts in the Saratov, Kursk and Tambov Gubernias and in tho Ukraine — in the Kharkov and Chernigov Gubernias, where tho peasants wrecked 272 landlords' country-seats. In Latvia tho peasants organized several hun dred revolutionary committees. In Guria the peasant "Red Hundn^ls" drove out all tho tsar's oflioials and established revolutionary rule. The peasants' struggle and preparation for armed insurrection in Trans caucasia proceeded under the direct leadership of Comrade Stalin.

Preparations for Armed Insurrection

In November 1905 Lenin, compelled till then to live the life of an exile abroad, returned to Russia, took charge of the Party leadership of the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat and set to work to prepare for an armed insurrection. While engaged in the colossal task of reorganizing the Party to meet the altered conditions, he at the same time edited Novaya Zliizn^ the first legal Bolshevik newspaper, and wrote articles for it on the fundamental problems of the revolution and the tactics and or ganization of the Party.

On Lenin's instructions the Party organizations procured arms, formed workers' fighting squads and organized their military training. The Bolsheviks also conducted extensive revolutionary propaganda among the armed forces.

In December 1905, a Bolshevik Party Conference was held in Tam merfors, in Finland. Here Lenin and Stalin met for the first time. The conference discussed the question of armed insurrection.While the con ference was in progress news was received of the outbreak of the insur rection in Moscow. On Lenin's proposal the conference broke up to allow the delegates to return to their respective localities in order to take the lead of the insurrection.

By tlie beginning of December the position of the tsarist autoc racy had improved. By this time the more reliable regular army units had been transferred from Manchmua to European Russia. The foreign banlteis hastened to the aid of tsarism, for they feared they would lose the capital they had invested in Russia and that a victory of the Russian revolution would kindle the flames of socialist revo lution in Europe, They helped the tsar's government to meet the more urgent payments of interest on loans and promised another large loan for the suppression of the revolution.

The immense sweep of the revolution frightened the liberals who, therefore, began to support the autocracy in its struggle against the workers and peasants. The Mensheviks continued their treacherous tactics and frustrated the insurrection where preparations were being made for it, or where it had already commenced.

On December 2, the St. Petersburg Soviet of Workers' Deputies adopted the so-called financial manifesto in which it called upon the inhabitants to demand their savings bank deposits and wages in gold. Next day the government arrested the Soviet. The St. Petersburg proletariat was unable to answer this challenge of the autocracy by an insurrection, for the treacherous policy which had been pursued by the Menshevilc and Trotskyite leadership of the Soviet had left them unprepared for such action.

The Armed Insurrection in Moscow

The Moscow/ Soviet, which was led by Bolsheviks, began actively to prepare for an armed insurrection from the very first day of its existence. As a result of the agilatiou c'oucliictod by t-lio 'JjolHlioviks, uiiroHi. broke out among tlu* troops of t.lio Moseovr garrison. Tlio iirsi to revolt was tho Jlostov llcgiinont. On Ooueinbei' !2, the men arreste<l their ohieors aiul clceted a HokUems' CJoinmittco to eoiulnct tiie regiiuoiit s aifains. 'J'lio otha?* niiits of ilio Moscow garrison, ho\vev<n*, failed to sn])port the rovolt and it vras crushed by the evening of ])ec<unber -t.

On .December 5 a eonlereiic.e of Mos(U)vv 1 bolsheviks resolved to urge the Moscow Soviet to procla-ini a general strike with the view of doveloj)ing it into an armed insurreetion.

Tile general strike eommeneed in the morning of December 7. Owing to tho shortage of firearms tho workers in tiio faetorios forged cold-steel weapons. Abpnt !2,000 Avorkers (almost half of them Bolshe viks) joined the lighting squads, ytreot demonstrations, meetings and collisions witii the police occurred in tiio working-class districts. The Astrakhan Bogiment came out in full fighting kit to assist tho insurgents, but it was intereex)t(^(l by the Cossaefe, completely sur rounded and eain])clled to return to barraeks, TJie other regiments were also tionliiKul to barraeks because tliey were 'hmreliable." Thc' Moscow garrison Avavenul. Of tho 15,000 men avIio constituted tlii' garrison only 1,300 Dragoons were on the side of tlie autocracy; the Governor tlonoral of Mcjscoav s('iit urgent messages to St. Petersburg pleading for the dispatch of otluu* troojis. The revolutionaries allowed tlio op])(>rtunity to sli]) by and the gOA'crnmeut sucecodod in coping with iho unrest in tht^ Moscow garrison.

The men of the Nikolayevskaya Bail way (uoav the October Rail way) did not join the strike. As a cousoqueneo, the tsarist goA^ci*umoiif was able to send ilie Semyouovsky Guards Regiment from St. Peters burg and artillery from IVcr (now Kalinin) to sup]iro8s the insurrec tion in Moscow. The police arrested the loader's of tho insurrection, wlio had been appointed by the Moscow Committee of the Party, and ilispersod a mass meeting that was being held in the Aquarium Park, by armed force.

In the ovening of December 9, troops surrounded Fiedler's School, where the fighting squads were assembled, and bombarded it with artillery. The demolition of the school infuriated the masses. In re sponse to the appeal of the fighting squads, and in many cases on their own accord, the peoj^le of Moscow erected barricades, using telegraph poles, sleighs, packing oases, barrels, wooden planks and so forth. That night Moscow was covered with barricades. On December 15, after the arrival of the troops from St. Petersburg, the barricades were bombarded by artillery; machine guns were posted on the belfries of the Moscow churches and monasteries. Unable to hold out against artillery and machine guns, the fighting squads retreated, but fought back, heroically defending every inch of ground, and concentrated in the Presnya District of Moscow (now called Krasnaya [E.ed* Presnya). The staff of the insurrection had its headquarters in a large textile mill knoAvn as the Trekhgornaya Mills, hut the leading body of the insuxTection — ^the Moscow Committee of the Party — had been arrested on the eve of the outbreak. Deprived of central leadership, the in surrection deteriorated into isolated district fighting. The workers waged a guerilla fight against the troops; they hesitated to fight their way to the centre of the city, and confined themselves to the rlcfcnsivo. This was the main i*easoii for the weakness of the Moscow insurreotLon.

Nevcrthcdcss, Presnya held out against the tsar s troops anuod with artillery, machine guns and rifJos, for ten wliolo days. Q-lio district was subjected to continuous bombardinont. Houses burned and col lapsed, but the workers remained siauncli. Fighting squads from other industrial centres in the Moscoav Itegion Jiastcncjd to i.ho aid of the Moscow revolutionaries. A workers' squad led by M. V. Frunze arrived from Ivanovo-Voznesensk. Feasants su])])lied broad to the lighters, who were aided by the entire ]) 0 ])u]ation of the Presnya District. But the workers of the other towns, and of St. Petersburg in particular, proved unable to ensure the victory of tlie armed insurrection in Moscow.

Weighing up the situation, the Moscow Committee of the Party and the Moscow Soviet of Workers' Deputies resolved to stop the armed insurrection on the night of December 18. In obedience to this order the squads operating in the Presnya District stopped fighting. Although all the railways were now occupied by tsarist troops, an engine driver named Ulvhtomsky offered to run a train carrying the fighters out of Moscow along the Kazanskaya Railway. The heroic railwayman, driving the train out of Moscow at terrific speed, through a hail of machine-gun and rifle I'ne, succeeded in saving the revolutionary fighters.

The tsar's troops dealt frightfully with the ])oaceful popula tion, the workers and their families, ilundroda of thorn wore shot without trial or investigation. Over a thousand workers perished in the ooui'so of the suppression of the insuiToction. A punitive expe dition on the Mosoow-Kazanskaya Railway shot hundreds of workers acooiding to a list which had been previously drawn upbyth'^ gendarmes. Engine driver Ukhtoinsky was also shot. Years later, when Soviet rule was established, onj of the stations on the Mosoow-Kazanskaya Railway and thj adjacent district of the Moscow Region Wv-re named after him.

Insurrections in Other Towns

The workers also rose to over throw tsarist rule in a number of other towns; and so too did the oppressed nationalities in Russia. In the Ukraine, the insurgent railwaymen, miners and metal workers in the Donotz Basin captured the extremely important Ekaterininskaya (now Stalin) Railway. In Gorlovka, the centre of the insurrection, the tsarist authorities were overthrown and replaced by representatives of the workers. The insurgents were armed with home-made swords and daggers and a small number of revolvers. Although so poorly armed, 4,000 revo lutionaries heroically fought a 5-hour battle with Cossacks, losing 300 men during the encounter. Battles with police and troops took place all over the Donotz Basin. In Lugansk, fighting squads were formed and the strike was led by K. E. Voroshilov. Tim gendannos had arrested Voroshilov in the summer of 1905, but in December thousands of workers marched to the prison where he was confined and released their "Eed General," as the workers, already at that time, called him.

In Novorossiisk power was captured by the local Soviet of Workers* Deputies, which was led by Bolsheviks. The City Governor and authorities fled. People's courts were elected and were recognized by the whole population. The burden of taxation was placed entirely upon the propertied classes.

In Sochi, in the North Caucasus, the insurgent people capturedi the garrison and the tsarist administration; and in the rural districts of the Sochi Region power passed into the hands of the people. Soviets were set up in all centres. The people of Sochi were helped by '"'Red Hundreds" sent from Guria.

In Vladikavkaz, the Ossetinian cavalry unit rose in revolt in December 1905, and it was only with the aid of Cossacks that the revolt of this national-minority unit was suppressed.

In Guria, the insurgent people in many districts seized power and the landlords' land. Here the insurrection was led by the Caucasian Bolsheviks, headed by Comrade Stalin.

In Tiflis, the Mensheviks, by arrangement with the tsar's Viceroy, undertook to maintain *'order" against the armed insurrection, and to enable them to carry out this police function the Viceroy provided them with 500 rifles and quantities of ammunition.

In Siberia — in Krasnoyarsk and Chita — troops joined the in surgent workers and, as a consequence, seats in the Soviets of these two cities were also occupied by Soldiers' Deputies. In Krasno yarsk, the soldiers, jointly with the workers, barricaded themselves in one of the railway workshops, and fighting a regular battle, bravely repulsed the attacks of the troops which were sent to suppress the insurrection.

The insurrection on the Siberian Railway was brutally suppressed by two punitive expeditions. One expedition, under the command of General Moller-Zakomelsky, moved up from European Russia, while the other, under the command of General Rennenkampf, moved to meet the former from Harbin. Shootings without trial or investi gation marked the trail of these punitive expeditions. One of those who were shot, by direct order of Moller-Zakomelsky, was the old Bolshevik and Lenin's pupil I. V. Babushkin, who was caught while transporting arms.

Ruthless operations by punitive expeditions were also conducted in Central Russia, in the Ukraine, in Poland, Latvia, Estonia, Trans caucasia and Siberia. '"Make fewer arrests, shoot more," "Don't argue, shoot," such were the orders issued by those butchers, the tsar's ministers, and by the tsar himself . Thousands were executed and tens of thousands were arrested and sentenced to penal servitude or exile. The peasants were subjected to wholesale flogging.

Tlio l>oiirgeoi,sio wolt'-oiiicd the su]>|)mswion of the iosurreobioii. The MonsheviliH ccoHiiml the inniurgont worhiM'H. Plokhanov wrote: "'They should not h«avc taken to orins/' To this Loniu rctortt^cl: "'On tlio eontrary, we Hhould have taken to arniMmoro rowolutely, onergot ically and aggi'OHsivtdy; w'c should have oxplaim^d to the masses that it was impossible to coniine oursclvc^s to a pc'atu'ful strila^ and that, a f<'a-rless iuul relentless arim'd light was indispensable'" (V. L Loiiin, Mected Works, Voi. HI, IMosoow, lOol-, p. lUS),

Tile l^cceinbor insurrection elided in defeat. 'Pho reasons i'or the defeat were tlio following: the peasants faih^d to siqiport the insurrec tion ill time. The major part of tJie army was on the side of tsarism. The insurrection was not sufficiently organized, and it broke out in different iilaccs at different ^times. The insnrgmits lacked suffioioni. arms. The insurgents pursuoci defonsiv'^e and not offensive tactics. Tho Mensheviks and Trotsky, together with tho Socialist-Revolutionaries, sabotaged tho insurrection and diil oveiything they could to hinder it. Tn the Caucasus — in Tillis — the Mensheviks openly helped tho tsarist authorities to suppress the insuri'cctiou.

Tlio December insurreetiou marked tho 'jieak of tho revolution. .After its (hdeat the revolutionary tide gradually subsided.

Retreat of the Revolution

The Revolutionary Struggle in 1906

After tho defeat of the December insurrootion the second period of tho first Russian revolution commenced. Tho workers and the revolutionary peasants ret/roated slowly, fighting all the time. In JOOG, fresh strata of workers entorod tho struggle. Theso wore tho workers omployod in tho unskilled trades in tho industrial centres, and those in the less in<lustrially-devoloped districts who had taken little part in tlie struggle in 1905. The number of workers involved in strikes in 1906 cxcu^cded 1,000,000 and in 1907 it amouiitcd to 740,000. In 1006 and 1907 tho strike movement was weaker than in 1906, but it was on a much .higher level than in tho jieriod before 1905,

The strike struggle waged by the agricultural labourers bore a revolu tionary character; the labourers organized a boycott of the landlords. Tho peasant movement spread very widely and affected about three hundred counties, including many that had not been affected by tho move ment in 1005. In many cases the peasants drove the landlords from their estates.

In tho spring of 1906 umost became more frequent in tho army .as well, and oven affected tJio tsar's guards.

Simultaneously with tlie X)easaut moviuncnt in nK)6, the movement for national liberation assumed wider proportions in the Ihiltic Provinces and iu Transcaucasia. Here regular battles took place between the peasants and the tsar's forces.

The Elections to the First State Duma

While crushing the revolution by armed force, the autocracy also began, as Lenin put it. "'to crush popular liberties bv means of a monarchist 'constitu tion.'"

On December 11, 1905, during the armed insurrection, a law was promulgated governing the elections to the State Duma. Th*s law was needed by the autocracy to deceive the people. It granted electoral rights mainly to the propertied classes — ^tlie landlords and the capitalists. As for the electoral rights received by the workers and peasants, they contained considerable restrictions. The suffrage was far fjom un*versal. Agricultural labourers, day labourers and many other categories of workers "were not granted the vote at all, nor were women, the men in the armed forces, students or persons under the age of twenty-five. The suffrage was not equal. For urban electors a high property qualification was fixed, which meant that they had to be in receipt of large incomes from the renting of liouses or from commercial or industrial enterprises. The voters were divided up into four curiae or voters' groups: landowning (landlords), urban (the bourgeoisie), peasants and workers. The rate of rexire sontation for the different curiae was not the same. The landowning groiij) could elect one elector for every 2,000 voters, the urban groui> could elect one for every 7,000 voters, the peasants' group one for every 30,000 voters and the workers' group one for every 90,000 voters. The elections were not direct, but went through a series of inter mediary stages. For the peasants there were actually four stages. First, the peasants in each village elected electors to a volost meeting which elected two delegates to a county meeting. The county meeting elected electors to a gubernia election meeting, w^hich at last elected the deputies to the Duma. Voting was^ in fact not secret.

Witte calculated that with the aid of the peasants, who still re tained some faith in the tsar, he would succeed in securmg the election of a monarchist State Duma, and therefore, in the electoral law he draft ed he allowed the peasant electors 40 per cent of the total number of seats. In February 1906, the government issued a supplementary regu lation governing the elections to the State Duma, which still further restricted the electoral rights of the workers and urban demoerati4* voters compared with the law of December 11 .

The elections to the State Duma took x>lace in March and April 1906, in an atmosphere of the most brutal police terrorism. The Bolshe viks adhered to the decision which was adoiited by the xinited Central Committee of the Party to boycott the elections. Nevertheless, they ^poko at election meetings and exx>osed the decox)tioii perxietrated by the tsar and tlio troacliorons role played by the liberals, and agitated for armed insurrection. The organized class-conscious workers took no part in the voting. The Mensheviks in the Caucasus violated the Party's boycott decision and secured the return of their leaders to the First State Duma. In BaJeu, however, the only largo industrial ceutro in tlu'. Caucasus, the Bolsheviks cllecfccd the boycott of the election.

The Fourth Congress of the R.S.D.L.P.

Working under the direct leadc^rship of Lenin, the St. Petersburg Committee of the Party steadily gained influence among the workers. Even tlic Mensheviks were obliged to admit that the proletariat had followed not their lead but that of the Bolsheviks during the December insurrectioiu The split in the Party, however, was preventing the establishment of working-class unity. And so, when the demand arose among the workers for Party unity it received the support of the Bolshe viks. The Mensheviks, unable to resist the pressure of the masses of the workers, were also obliged to agree to unity. To this end, the Fourth Congress (known as the Unity Congress) of the R.S.D.L.P. was hold in Stockholm in April 1900, At this congress the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks formally united, but luaintainod their independ ent organizational existence as two factions within the Party* The Bolshevik organizations had sufFcu'cd sovoroly from police raids and arrests after the December insurrection. The Menshe viks, on tho other hand, had gained strerngth by accepting int<> their ranks numerous roprosentativos of tho petty-bourgeois intelli gentsia who had nothing in common with tho proletariat. Tliat was why tho Mensheviks had a majority at this congress. When the congress discussed the agrarian question the Bolsheviks uphold Lenin's program for the confiscation of the landlords* estates and the nationalization of all tho land. Tho Mensheviks, however, sup ported a program for tho "municipalization of the land." This was aimed at a compromise with the remnants of serfdom and with tsarism, for it proposed that the land should be transferred to thc^ existing Zemstvos, which were to rent it to tho peasants.

Taking advantage of their chance majority, tho Mensheviks secured the adoption of their agrarian program.

The First State Duma

Although the December insurrection was suppressed, the tsar's government was compelled to convene the State Duma. The autocracy, 1 owevor, did all it could to restrict its powers. Thus, at the end of April 1906, three days before tho Duma was to open, so-called "Fundamental State Laws," were published, in which it was affirmed that "'supremo auto cratic state power is vested in tho Emperor of all tho Russias." The tsar retained the right to amend tho fundamental laws and to issue a number of exceptionally important laws without submitting them to tho Duma. Furthermore, the State Council was given equal powers with the Duma. The Council was reformed and made to consist half of high government officials appointed by the tsar and half of elected lepiesentatives of the nobility, the Zemstvos, the universities and the clergy. Bills passed by the Duma had to be passed by the State Council before they could be sent to the tsar. He, in his ,turn, had the final say as to whether to accept or reject them. Thus, the legislative rights of the Duma promised in the Manifesto of October 17, were almost nullified. Witte, with whose name the Manifesto of October 17 was associated, could not be used to carry out this avowedly reactionary policy and he was there fore dismissed. Goremykin, a representative of the reactionary bu reaucracy, became President of the Council of Ministers.

Nevertheless, although the rights of the electors and the scope of activity of the State Duma were severely restricted, the Duma did to some extent limit the powers of the tsarist autocracy.

The composition of the Duma after the elections also proved to hf' unfavourable for the tsar's government. Of the 624 Deputies 204 were peasants, hut these were not the sort of peasants Count Witte had counted on. The majority of the peasant Deputies formed what was called the Trudovik group, or Group of Toil, which, at first, the workers' Deputies also joined. The Social-Democratic group in the Duma numbered 18 Deputies. The largest single group in the First State Duma was that of the Constitutional Democrats (Cadets) who numbered 179 D puties. In their hunt for peasant votes during the elections, the Cadets had described themselves as the "Party of Popular Freedom." The Rights (from the Black Hundreds to the Octobrists) had 44 Deputies.

As a result of the constitutional illusions spread among them by the Cadets, Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries, the peasants be lieved that they would be able to get land by peaceful means through the Duma and had therefore elected their Deputies with keen expectations. The Cadets proposed that only a part of the landlords* land be trans ferred to the peasants, and then only at a "fair assessment. "The peasants kn^w from their own experience that the "fair assessment" of the land lords was two or three times higher than the market price of the land, and as the attitude of the government and of the Cadets, as the leading party in the Duma, towards their urgent demands for land became clear, their constitutional illusions were dispelled. The awakening of the class consciousness of the peasant Deputies was quickened by the unceasing propaganda of the Bolsheviks who, by their policy, enabled the work ers' Deputies in the Duma to take a correct proletarian class stand on a number of questions. '

Lenin and Stalin denounced the Cadets as enemies of the working peasantry and called upon the peasants to act in unison with the work ers, to form and strengthen a proletarian and peasant alliance, for, they urged, only hucIi iin iilliioice conJd bring the p(JAsantM victory iii tlicir struggle for land . As a result of the ju'opagauda conducted by tlie Social Democrats, the Trudovik group introduced a land bill in the Duma '[)ro-. viding for the coni]>uls()ry alienation of all landlord laud; it proposed tlie uatioiialization of all the land, including peasant allotments. Tlio im])as sumeds])ecehes delivered by the peasant Deputies during the discussion of the agrarian question in tlio Duma I'cvcTberatod tliroughout the country and had a rousing elTcct upon the ]u>asantry. In the ])eriod from May to August 1000, ])oasant unrest siiroad to 50 })cr cent of all the coun ties in the country. The growth of revolutionary activity among the jicasants greatly alarmed the tsarist govennnont. It issued an official statement to the peasants in which it declared that while it would nev er agi'oe to tlie comxuilsory alienation of tlie landlords* land, it was willing to buy at state expense plots 'of land voluntarily sold bv' landownersandrcselltlieseplotsto the peasants at a jirice within their means. In answer to this declaration of war -upon the peasantry the Tru dovik grou]> tried to get carried through the Duma an a])peal to the peo ple, but this was defeated .by the Cadets. The government was scared by the turn which the discussion of the land question liatl talnm and deeidod to disj)orso the Duma. On duly 8, 14)0(), it ])roclaiine(l the dissolution of the Dinna on tlio grounds that tiie peasants "in a number of gubernias, had taken the ])uth of o])eii plunder, the seizure of other jicoxile^sprop <^rty and disobediencse to th('> hw and the lawful authorities." After the disioersion of the First State Duma, the Minister of the Interior Stolypiu was ap])ointcd Frosideut. of tlie Couneii of Ministers in ])lace of Goremykin, who was (umshlered incapable of waging a deter mined struggle against the revolution, Lenin summed up Btolyjiin's political biography iu the following brief terms: '"A landlord and a mar shal of thonobilty, he was appointed governor in 1002, under Plelive. gained 'fame* iu the eyes of the tsar and the reactionary court clique by his brutal rojirisals against tlie peasants ami the cruel punishment he meted out to them (in the Saratov Province), organized Black Hun <ired gangs and pogroms in 1005 (the iiogrom in Balashov), became Min ister of the Interior in JOOG and Presulent of tlio Council of Ministers after the dispersal of tlio First State Duma" ( V. 1 . Lenin, Selected W orks^ Two-Vol. ed., VoL I, Moscow, 1940, p. 486).

The situation in the country remained revolutionary. In the sum• mor of 1006 large-scale revolts of soldiers and sailors broke out in »Sveaborg and Kronstadt. The Bolshevik military organization made extensive preiDaratious for an insuiTCction among the naval and military forces stationed in Finland, but the iusurrootioiH in Svoaborg and Kron stadt broke out ^irematurely, before these ])reparations wore eomplotod. Warships and artillery were sent against the insurgent saihws and the insurrections wen^ crushed. The insurgents were eourt-juartialled and executed.

To punislitlie revolutionaries, Stolypin, in August 1906, instituted field courts-martial, which up to April 1907, sentenced over a thousand men to death. Execution on the gallows became a common practice.

In an, endeavour to split the ranks of the peasantry who had been united in their struggle for land during the revolution, Stolypin, on November 9, 1906, in the period between the First and the Second Du mas, issued a decree granting the peasants the right to leave the peas ant communities and to acquire definite ownership of their allot ments.

Owing to the intensification of the peasants' struggle for land, the tsar's government again entered into negotiations with the govern ments of Germany and Austria for their intervention in Russian affairs.

On July 7 (20), 1906, on the very eve of the dispersion of the First State Duma, the Bolshevik newspaper Echo published an article by Lenin entitled "The Plots of the Reaction and the Threats of the Po-' grom-mongers" in which he exposed the machinations of the tsar and of his German and Austrian friends. After quoting the rapture the govern ment newspaper Eossiya had expressed over the forthcoming interven tion, Lenin went on to say: "These measures consist in preparing the armed forces of Germany and Austria for the invasion of Russia if the cause of freedom is victorious or on the point of victory. The Berlin government is already in communication with the Austrian govern ment on this question. Both governments have admitted that 'under certain circumstances active intervention in the internal affairs of' Russia with the object of suppressing or restricting this [Lp., revolu tionary] movement may become desirable and useful. . . .'

"Thus, there can be no doubt about the plot that is being hatched by international counter-revolution. The Russian government is call ing in the aid offoreign troops against the Russian people. Negotiations for this have been and are being conducted, and have aheady resulted in a fairly definite agreement" ('V. I. Lenin, Collected Worhs, Vol. IX, Moscow, 1937, Russ, ed., p. 411).

This article helped still further to expose the counter-revolutionary designs of tsarism.

The Second State Duma

The experience of the First Duma showed that the Duma could be used as a platform from which to expose the crimes of tsarism and the treachery of the liberals, and also to fight for the leadership of the peasants. Consequently, on Lenin's proposal, the Bolsheviks decided to take part in the elections to the Second State Du ma.Theresult of the part^'cipation of the Left-wing parties in the elections was that the Second Duma was more radical than the First. The Cadets won only about half the seats they had held in the First Duma (98 as against 170). TheTrudovik group, together with the Socialist-Revolutionaries, bad 157 scats, compared with 94 in the First Duma. The

Sooial-Domocrats won 65 seats compared with 18 in the First Duma. But although the Second Duma was ihoro radical than the First, it was weaker than tlio latter .The revolutionary tide was subsiding. The Bolsheviks, however, sot tliomselves the task of utilizing the Duma to expose tsarism and the treacherous liberals. The activities of the Boh shovik Deputies in the Duma wore directed by Louin, and he formulated the main points of their speeches on the most important questions. The Mensheviks, however, wanted to engage in peaceful legislative work in alliance with the liberals, under the government of Stolypin, the hangman.

At the Fifth Congress of the R.S.D.L.P. which was hold in London in April and May 1907, the Bolsheviks strongly denounced the treach erous tactics which the Mcnshevilcs pursued in the Second State Duma. At this congress the Bolsheviks were in the majority, and the congress adopted the Bolshevik resolution calling for the systematic exposure *of the counter-revolutionary tactics of the liberals.

Tho election to the Second State Duma had shown that the ex isting electoral law, oven though it did greatly restrict the franchise for tho working })eoplo, could not ensure tho election of a Duma that would satisfy the tsarist autocracy. Consequently, the government made preparations to dissolve tho Second Duma and to amend tho electoral law with tho object of still further restricting the franchise for the workers and peasants. To provide an excuse for dispersing the Duma, the tsar's govornmont resorted to outright provocation, accusing the Social-Democratic group in the Second State Duma of hatching a "plot against tho state." The char.^o was a deliberately false one, and had been fabricated by the secret police. On June 1, 1907, Stolypin demanded the impeachment of tho Social Democratic Deputies. Tlie Cadets were already willing to yield to the government's demand, but on Juno 3, 1907, the government dissolved the Duma and promulgated a now electoral law that was calculated to ensure a majority in the next Duma for a bloc of tho landlords and the big bourgeoisio. Since then that day has been known as tho coup d'itat of June 3, for tho tsar's government had violated its own Manifesto of October 17, 1905, according to which no laws could be passed without the consent of the Duma. The Social-Dem ocratic Deputies in the Second Duma were arrested and tried by a tsarist court and sentenced to penal servitude and exile.

Reasons for the Defeat of the Revolution of 1905

Tho coup d*4tat of Juno 3, 1907, signified the temporary defeat of tho revo lution.

Already at that time the Bolsheviks attributed the defeat of the first Russian revolution to the fact that a linn alliance between the workers and peasants had not yet been formed. As Lonin wrote: "This alliance was si3ontaneous, not formulated, and often unconscious" (V. I. Lenin, Gollected Works, Vol. XIV, Moscow, 1937, Russ, ed., ]). 15). The peasants did not yet sufficiently understand that the tsar and the landlords constituted a smgle gang of the bitterest enemies of the people, and that in order to overthrow the landlords it was necessary to overthrow the tsar too. Nor did they yet realize that the only faithful ally and leader they had was the working class. As a consequence, a large section of the jieasantry failed to support the armed straggle of the workers against tsarism. Even those peasants who fought against the landlords and tsarism lacked sufficient political consciousness and organization.

The army, which consisted mainly of peasants and reflected the inadequate class consciousness of the peasantry, had not yet gone over to the side of the insurgents, and the bulk of it helped tsarism to crush the revolution.

Nor were the workers sufficiently united in their activities. The strike wave reached its peak in 1905, but the intensity of the strike * movement varied according to districts. While in industrial regions like St. Petersburg, Baku, Riga and other places, every worker went on strike no less than four or five times in 1905, in the districts of the Moscow Gubernia every worker went on strike only once in the year, and in a number of industrially less-developed gubernias, some work ers had not struck at all. In 1906, the number of strikers dropped in the more-mdustrialized gubernias, whereas in the least-industrialized gubernias, the backwoods, as Lenin called them, the number of strikers rose. But by that time the vanguard of the working class had already been weakened.

In the period of 1905 to 1907, the working class still lacked the unity necessary for the victory of the revolution. At first the Party was split into two factions; later it united, bub only formally. The Bolsheviks pursued a consistent revolutionary policy, but the Men sheviks still exercised influence among a certain section of the workers and retarded the development of the. revolution.

Thus, m the first Russian revolution its three main forces: workers, peasants and soldiers, had not yet merged in one common torrent.

The tsar's government received the assistance of the foreign impe rialists, who were apprehensive about the fate of their investments in Russia and feared that the revolution would spread to Western Europe.

In the spring of 1906, the French bankers granted the tsar loans amounting to a billion francs. Wilhelm II mustered a whole army to invade Russia in support of the tsarist autocracy. An important factor that helped tsarism was the conclusion of peace with Japan, which strengthened the position of the tsar's government. Moreover, to suppress the revolution the tsar could use the military forces that were released from Manchuria.

The Significance of the Revolution of 1905–1907

The heroic struggle which the workers and peasants waged in the revolution of 1905-1907 dealt a heavy blow at tsarism, it sa])ped its foniKlations and compelled it to make concessions. All its iittcjiupts to restore the oonditious that had existed in llnssia hetoro tlu^ nwohd-ion ]>rovod futile, it could not recover from the blows which tlu^ revolution inflict ed n])on it.

For the workers and iu\isauts of Itiissia, the revolution of 1005 1907 served as a great schooling in ])olltical struggle, it roused millions of working people to political life and riw<ialed to them the relations of all classes to each other. The masses acquired enormous exjierionco in employing the general strike and armed in surrection, and this they utilized in their subsequent struggles. The working class created the Soviets of Workers' Deputies, the embryonic form of the dictatorship of the proletariat. This experience helped the workers and peasants to achieve victory twelve years later, in October .November 1917. Hence, the revolution of 1905 was the dross rehearsal of the Great October Socialist Rovolubiou.

The international signiiicaiieo of the revolution of 1905 was also very groat. The first Russian revolution took place thirty-five years after the sup])rossion of tlio Paris Oommnne. It took jilacc in the e])och of imiiorialisin. As Comrade Stalin wrote: "Tims, the revolution against tsarism verged on and had to pass into a revolution against imperialism, into a proletarian revolution" (J. Stalin, Problems of Leninisyn^ Moscow, 1945, p. 37). A direct result of the Russian revolu tion was the development of the political struggle in Austria in October 1905, in Germany in January 1900, in France in May 1900, and in Asia (the i evolutions in Peasia, Turkey and China).

Millions of woikeis and peasants all over the world have boon and ai e being taught by the experience of the fii st Russian revolution of 1905.

The Stolypin Reaction (1908–1912)

The Third of June Monarchy

The Industrial Depression of 1904–1908

By the time of the defeat of the first Russian revolution the capitalist world was entering into another economic crisis (1907-1909), which followed on the heels of the temporary industrial revival of 1903-1907.

In tsarist Russia the crisis of the early 1000 's lasted much longer than the ordinary periodical crises in Europe, and in 1904 it was . followed by a depression.

Tte unsuccessful war against Japan, the falling o/f in government contracts and railway construction, and a series of crop failures which eaused the already restricted home market to shrink still further, had all served to prolong the industrial crisis of the early 1900's. The new world economic crisis aggravated the industrial depression in Russia.

The course of the crisis may bo illustrated by the output of pig iron in that period. Taking the output of pig iron in 1900 at 100, the index number of the output in 1903 was 84. As a consequence of the increased demand created by the war against Japan the index number rose in 1904 to 102, but in 1905-1906 it dropped again, to 93, and in the period of depression from 1907 to 1909 it did not rise above 97. Only in 1910, after a ten years' state of crisis, did the output exceed that of the beginning of the century.

All the basic industries, including the oil industry, were in a state of stagnation. The coal industry of the Donetz Basin alone was some what less aifected by the crisis and the depression. The textile industry, the output of which had risen somewhat by 1907, remained stagnant during the period of the depression.

After the revolution of 1905, important changes took place in industry. The concentration of industry increased. Capitalist com bines — trusts and syndicates — ^grew rapidly. During the period of the industrial depression the big banlcs became more powerful and took a direct part in the reorganization of industry, strengthening and enlarg ing some plants, closing down others, and combining and reorganizing still others. For the pimpose of financing Russian industry the French banlters promoted the formation of a banking S 3 mdicate known as the Russo-French Finance Company. Capitalism in Russia became in creasingly monopolistic, imperialist capitalism.

In many cases the factory owners closed down their plants for a time in order to install new machinery, to reorganize the management and to combine with other plants. The unemployment that was created by the crisis assumed a spasmodic character, and this gave rise to a feeling of insecurity among the workers. Male workers were dismissed wholesale and!" replaced by cheap female and child labour. The material conditions of the workers sharply deteriorated. The employers tried to force the workers back to the conditions of labour that had existed before the revolution of 1905. The working day was lengthened to ten and even to twelve hours. Piece rates for all categories of work were re duced, and fines again became the rule. The cost of living steadily rose.

The large federations of employers that sprang up in 1906 and 1907 in St, Petersburg and Moscow formed a united front with tsarism against the workers. The employers' organizations discharged the more class-conscious and militant workers. These workers were blacklisted and could not fi.nd employment anywhere. The factory owners often practised wholesale dismissals of workers.

Counter-Revolution Rampant

After tlireo years of revolution, Russia passed thro\ijfj;li years of blootlshod and rani])aiit cpimtcr-rcv olution. Lon ill described this period as years "of tiio black Duma, rampant violence and opju'essiou, the onslauglit of the ea])italists upon the workers, tJie Joss of tJio gains wliich ilu* workers had won'"' {V. 1. Lenin, Collected Ifo-rfe, Vol. XiV, Moscow, HKl?, Russ, cd., p. 391). TJio tsarist government, the landlonls an<l tlie capitalists wreaked vcngiaiice upon the vvorJeers and ])(^asants for the revolution.

In Siberia, in the Caucasus and in the Raltic rrovinccs, punitive expeditions continued their atrocities, sotting lire to and destroying scores of villages, killing thousands of Avorkers and ])oasants without trial, and flogging women and children . For a long time the tsarist government feared to return to tlieir regular stations the troops which had been sent to suppress the revolution. Tlio troops in the central gubernias wore reinforced with ti'oops drawn from the frontier regions, as the tsarist axitocraoy believed that the '"^internal enemy" was more dangerous than the foj'oigii foe.

Tlie field courts-martial that o])oratod in 1 000 and 1 907 Avere replaced by military courts. The entire country Avas dotted with gallows, which the people dubbed "^Stolypin ne<}kties," iiftor the head of the tsar's govo 3 'nment, Stolypin. Lenin wrote regarding this period; "There has never before been in Russia such rampant ])orsoeution by tsarism, and during these Jive years tlu^ gallows boat tlu^ record of three centuries of Russian history." Rundmls of thousands of people Avero flung into prison, and there the revolutionaries wore siibjecsted to torture and limtal ill-treatment, I^or having j)articipatod in strikes or revolution ary demonstrations woi'kors Avero sonteiieod to long years of penal servitude.

After the coup (Velai of June 3, the Black Hundreds, who were organized by the League of the Russian People, intonsiliod their pogrom activities. Black Hundred outrages Avore iiarticularly rife in Odessa, Avhere organized gangs of hooligans marched through the town carrying rubber truncheons and revolvers and boating up ])assers-by. Not a year passed but what the Black Hundred hooligans organized a bloody pogi'om against the Jews. Throughout the country x^i^^datory raids by the police and gendarmes upon the workers' organizations became more frequent. In 1907, 169 trade unions wore sujjprcssed, in 1908, over 100 wore sux)X)resscd, in 1909, 96 Avere siq^xwcssed. Workers' newspapers and magazines were banned. The workers' cultural and educational organizations that managed to survive dragged out a miserable existence.

Tsarism acted as the bitterest enemy of the jiooplo. In a general description he gave of tho 3rd of Juno monarchy, Lenin wrote; . The tsarist monarchy is tho rallying centre of that gang of Black Hundred landlords (first among whom is Romanov) which has turned Russia into the terror not only of Europe, but now also of Asia, the gang which has developed tyranny, robbery and embezzlement of state funds by government officials, systematic violence against the ^common people/ torment and torture of political opponents, etc., to absolutely excep tional dimensions" (V. I. Lenin, Collected Worhs, Vol. XV, Moscow, 1937, Euss. ed,, p. 247).

The Third State Duma

The cou'p d'etat of the 3rd of June marked the opening of the offensive which tsarism launched against the gains won by the revolutionary masses; but it could not return entirely to the conditions that prevailed before the revolution. Although the revolution of 1905 sustained defeat, the revolutionary struggle which the working people had waged made it impossible for tsarism to rule by means of the old methods. After dispersing two Dumas, Nicholas II was obliged to convene the Third Duma. Another reason which dictated the necessity of maintaining the semblance of a representative institution in Russia was the growth of capitalism, the growing strength of the Russian bourgeoisie, and the unstable inter national position of tsarism, wffiich was compelled to manoeuvre and give Europe the impression that Russia was a constitutional country. Above all, however, tsarism aimed at making the Third Duma a new class bulwark for itself by forming a bloc with the counter-revolu tionary Russian bourgeoisie.

In the endeavour to "retain power and revenues" for the rul ing class of feudal landlords, tsarism — following the 1905 revolu tion — took the second step (the first was taken in 1861) towards establishing a bourgeois monarchy, by consolidating the bloc with the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie. The political expression and embodiment of the 3rd of June bloc between the landlords and the bourgeoisie was the Third State Duma, convened on the basis of the new electoral law of June 3, 1907,

In conformity with this law, the landlords were allowed to elect one elector from every 230 voters, the bourgeoisie one from every thou sand, the peasants one from every 60,000, and the workers only one from every 125,000. This law increased the number of landlord elec tors almost fivefold, that of bourgeois electors sevenfold, compared with that provided for by the law of December 11, 1905, while the number of the worker and peasant electors was more than halved. The franchise for the non-Russian nationalities in Russia was still further restricted. The peoples of Central Asia were totally deprived of representation in the Duma. Poland was entitled to send only 12 Deputies instead of 35, and of these, two — ^the represent atives of Waisaw and the Kholm Region — ^had to be Russians. European Russia was granted 403 seats in the Duma, but the "border regions" were given only 39,

Thus, the new electoral law ensured that the Third State Duma would consist of landlords and the bourgeoisie. In other words, it was not so much an olocted body as a body carefully chosen to suit the interests of tsarism. Of the members of the Tuird Duma, 202, or 46 per cent of the total, wore landlords.

The state of the parties rejircsontod in the. Duma also clearly proved that it was a bourgeois and landlord body. Tho Right-wing parties had 40 per cent of the seats, tho Octobrists 25 ])cr cent, the Cousti tutional-Domoorata (Cadets) 23 per cent and tho Left-wing parties a little over 7 per cent. Tho rest of tho Deputies declared themselves to be non-party. No single party had an absolute majority in the Duma.

This latter fact enabled tlie tsarist government to manoeuvre and to base itself on the Black Hundred and Octobrist majority at one moment and on the Octobrist and Cadet majority at another, without having to fear serious op])osition from either of them. The obedient Octobrists voted for all the govoniinent projiosals either in alliance with tho Right-wing Black Hundreds or in alliance with the Cadets,

Tlio head of tho govormnnnt during tho 3rd of June bloc was Stoly pin, one of tho most jmunincut rojirosontativos of the landed nobility, who were organized in the countor-rovoliitiouary organization known as tho Council of the United Nobility. With tho support of tho Octo brists and Constitutioual-Domoorats, Stolypin launched an offensive against the workers and peasants and tJio working people in tho non Russian national regions. The keynote of Stolyj)iii's domestic policy was: "First pacification and then reforms." Stotyxiin achieved "paci fication" by moans of tho criiolost terrorism. Fearing another outburst of revolution, however, ho was obliged to introduce an agrarian refonn.

Stolypin's Agrarian Reform

The State of Agriculture

The agrarian, or laud question, was, as Lenin expressed it, the j^ivot of tho Russian boui*gcois-domocratic revolution. Tho problem was to break up tho vast landlord latifundia which were tho basis of the mediaeval bondage in which the peasants still found themselves and the major obstacle to tho development of caj)italism. After the revolution of 1905, 30,000 big landlords still owned 70,000,000 desyatins of land, while an almost equal amount belonged to 10,600,000 poor peasant households. The distribution of the land in this fashion kept agriculture in a state of extreme back wardness.

Tlio landlords found it more profitable to rent land to tbo ])casants than to farm their land themselves on modern linos. Tho ])e.asants cultivated their own allotments and tho land which they rented from fjhe landlords with thoir primitive implements. As a rosuit, the general level of agriculture in Russia in the beginning of the twentieth century was as low as ever it was before. As far as yield is concerned, Russia stood almost at the bottom of the list of all the countries of the world. In the x^criod from 1909 to 1913 the average yield of grain in Russia was 45 xioods X)er dosyatin compared with 90 in France, 152 in Germany ajid 192 in Denmark. In respect to the mechanization of agriculture, Russia was equally far behind the advanced countries. The greater part of the peasants' lands were ploughed with wooden ploughs, and grain was sown and threshed by hand. In 1910, there were employed in agriculture throughout the empire 3,000,000 primitive wooden ploughs, 7,000,000 wooden-handled ploughs, 6,000,000 wooden harrows and only 27,000 steam threshers. Tractors and electric ploughs were not even thought of.

After the revolution of 1905, the utter destruction of the old mediae val system of landownei ship in Russia became particularly urgent. Still more acute than in 1861 became the struggle for one or the other of the two possible paths of development of capitalism in agriculture — the Prussian or the American. In 1907, Lenin wrote that there were two possibilities: "Either the Prussian type of evolution: the feudal landlord will become a Juiil?:er. The power of the landlords in the state will be consolulated for decades. Monarchy. ^A military despotism clothed in })arliamentary forms' instead of democracy. The utmost inequality among the rural and among the rest of the population. Or the American tyx^e of evolution. Abolition of the landlord system. The peasant becomes a free farmer. Sovereignty of the people. A bourgeois-democrat ic system. The utmost equality among the rural population as the stai'ting point and condition for free capitalism" (V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. XI, Moscow, 1937, Russ, ed., p. 188).

The peasant revolts in the period of the revolution showed that the peasantry refused to tolerate their present conditions any longer, wanted to sweep away the old system of landownership by revolu tionary means, and were in fact taking the American path of develop ment of capitalism in agriculture.

The tsarist government, the landlords and the counter-revolu tionary bourgeoisie wanted to bring about this change in a way that would serve the interests of the landlords, they wanted the Prussian way. The govermnent therefore decided to split the peasantry, even at the cost of ruining the countryside, and to encourage the rise of a pros perous class of small landowners — "new landlords" who would fight for the protection of private property in land and for the preservation of the tsarist autocracy.

The government, therefore, abandoned its former policy of preserv ing the village C' minunities and the mediaeval forms of land tenure connected with it, such as tying the peasants to the village community, collective rosiionsibility of the community for the payment of taxes, etc. The aim of the autocracy in destroying the village communities was to strengthen the position of the kulaks and to transform the buUc of the peasants into a vast reserve army of labour, thereby ensuring cheap labour power for large-scale industry and for the landlords estates.

While the "reform" ("emancipation of the serfs") of 1861 enabled the landlords to rob the peasants of their land, the new reform provided the kulaks with the opportunity to do so.

Destruction of the Village Community

Stolypin devised three groups of measures with which he hoped to avert an agrarian revolu tion and strengthen the rule of tsarism. These groups were: 1) destruc tion of the village community, 2) introduction of "kiiufcor" and ^'otrub" farms in the countryside, and 3) resettlement of the peasants in other regions.

Stolypin 's ukase of November 9, 1906, which initiated the destruc tion of the village community, became, after it was amended by the Third State Duma, the law of June 14, 1910, which was to complete this destruction. The ukase of November 9, 1906, granted the peasants permission to leave the village community if they so desired; the law of June 14, 1910, made it obligatory for them to do jo. In those village communities where there had been no redivision of the land since the time when the peasants were allotted land, the plots became the private property of householders. Where the land had been redisr tributed,. householders were allowed to run their allotments as separate farms.

The Stolypin land law destroyed the community system of land tenure. It allowed the peasant to leave the village community and to sell his allotment, which he had no right to do before. This enabled the rich peasants, or kulaks, to buy up the allotments of the ruined poor peasants at low prices. A peasant who broke with the village community could remain in the village and become permanent owner of his plots, which could be exchanged for one continuous plot, the "otrub." Or he could transfer his home and his property to a plot of land outside the village, and set up a farm there, a "khutor." In either case the setting up of a farm entailed expend iture. The government granted loans io kulaks to purchase land and organize "khutor" farms. It demanded that thebest of the vil lage community's land be allotted to the kulak "khutor" -farmers. The establishment of "khutor" and ""otrub" farms was frequently ef fected by force, with the help of the rural prefects. The tsarist govern ment sent a whole army of mounted police to the rural districts and gave Provincial Governors power to send troops to suppress the peasants who resisted land assignment from community land. However, among "khutor" -farmers the kulaks were in a minority^ There was a majority of another category of "khutor "-farmers, the ruined and impoverished peasants who, having no means to escape from want, said: "There's nowhere to go, so let's take up a "khutor' farm." But having no means with which to make such farms work, they would sell their allotments to the kulaks. In this way the kulak farms within and without the villages grew into real estates where wage labour was employed on a large scale. The process of dijfferentiation of the peasantry into classes was acceler ated. A section of the peasants who had been deprived of their land went to seek a livelihood in the towns and became proletarians.

During the ten years the Stolypin law was in operation over 2,000,000 householders, with an area of land amounting to 18,000,000 hectares, left the village communities and took over the land ls their private property. Of this number, 54.7 per cent set up "khutor" and "otrub" farms, but threejfifths of these subsequently sold their allotments.

The buying and selling of land was transacted through the Peasant Bank. Prom 1906 to 1910 the peasants acquired through this bank a total of 6,000,000 hectares of land. The bank concerned itself exclu sively with the setting up of "khutor" and "otrub" farms, and during the ten years it was in operation, from 1906 to 1916, it helped to form 200,000 of these. The Peasant Bank operated in the interests of the nobility and the kulaks. It purchased allotment land at a ridiculously low price compared with that of landlord land. Where landlord land was assessed at 121 rubles j)er hectare, allotment land was assessed at 79 rubles, but the bank sold the latter at 140 to 150 rubles i^er hectare. When it sold land to be paid for in instalments it demanded high interest on the mortgage. Frequently pleasant s who had become "khu tor" -farmers fell into arrears in the payment of interest and principal on loans received from the bank. In such cases their property was sold under the hammer and they were compelled to seek a livelihood in the towns.

Stolypin also extensively applied the policy of resettlement. His aim was to form a class of "sturdy" and "prosperous" peasant owners in the Central regions of Russia and to shift the discontented poor and middle peasants further out — to Siberia and other border regions* From 1906 to 1910, 2,500,000 peasants were resettled in Siberia, the Far East, Central Asia and other outlying regions.

In the pursuit of political aims the Stolypin government rodi* roughshod over the interests of the settlers and the rights of the native inhabitants.

The task of carrying out the resettlement policy was entrusted to resettlement commissions, Prefects and Provincial Governors. The commissions packed off whole contingents of poor and middle peasants in cattle trucks which bore the inscription: "Forty persons, eight horses." The settlers with their wives and children, healthy and sick, travelled for months to their new places of settlement, living in thesis cattle trucks, in which they cooked their food and did their washing; and when they reached their destination they were bundled out and left ill the open field, in the rain or snow. To create some shelter for themselves they hastily dug dugouts, and then began a veritable martyrdom in their quest for land and loans with which to start their farms. Most of the land that was allotted them was situated in remote and inconvenient places, where there was no water, meadows and no pastures. The loans that were granted were inadequate. What the settlers suffered, left to their fate in these remote districts, can be seen from the following excerpt from the report of Prince Lvov, whom the Z3m3tvos sent on a mission of inspection to the Far East. 'Tsolabion from the world, living as if on an uninhabited island among the marshes in the dense taiga, in the marshy valleys and muddy hills, absolutely wild conditions of life, labour and sustenance, naturally crush the weak-spirited and poor settler. He becomes apathetic after exhausting his small stock of energy at the very beginning of his struggle against stern nature in building his wretched habitation. Scurvy and typhus attack his exhausted frame and carry him to the graveyard. In many settlomfiiits, in 1907, the death rate was posi tively incredible, amounting to 25 and 30 per cent. In the settlements there are as many gravestones as there are households, and many of the settlements will have to bo shifted to new sections otherwise they will be transformed into graveyards."

Miny of the settlers abandoned their newly acquired allotments in despair and returned to their former places of habitation utterly ruiued. Settlers who but recently had been middle peasants wore reduced either to working as agricultural labourers or going into the towns to seek work.

This settlement policy spread ruin among the native inhabitants of the border regions. The land intended for colonization was forcibly taken from the natives. The Kirghiz, for example, were driven wholesale from their winter pastures. The Caucasian highland ers were pushed from their fertile lands into the rocky gorges. In Central Asia, magnificent orchards, that were situated in an area intended for cultivation by settlers, were simply destroyed.

The ruined and impoverished native inhabitants of the border regions became revolutionary and augmented the ranks of the fight ers against tsarism.

The Result of Stolypin's Agrarian Reform

When he introduced his agrarian reform Sbolypin stated that his object was to wi*est tlie peasantry out of the hands of revolution and to convert the kulaks into a class of "small landlords" which was to serve as a firm bulwark for the autocracy in its struggle against the revolution.

"Give me twenty quiet years and I will reform Russia," he said.

In an article entitled "The Last Safety Valve," Lenin showed that Sbolypin's agrarian policy brought neither "reform" nor quiet." In 1910, an outbreak o£ cholera in the south of Russia carried away 100.000 persons. Plague broke out in the steppes of Astrakhan. Ruination, poverty and starvation roused the anger of the peasants and imbued them with the spirit of revolution.

Another crop failure in 1911, and the famine which affected

30.000. 000 peasants showed that the Stolypin reform had not abol ished the fundamental causes of the backwardness of agriculture. Tj^hus and other epidemic diseases ravaged the famine-affected areas.

Stolypin 's reform did not abolish mediaeval landownership. The royal family, the landlords and the monasteries still retained over

150.000. 000 hectares of the best and most fertile land in the country. The landlords continued to keep the peasants in bondage, compelling them to cultivate their, the landlords', land with their wretched horses and primitive implements. "This is not capitalism," wrote Lenin, describing the state of landlord and peasant farming that resulted from Stolypin 's reform. "This is not the European method of farming. . . . This is the old Chinese way. This is the Turkish way. This is the feudal waif^ (V. I. Lenin, Selected Works^ Voi. IV, Moscow, 1934, p. 239).

The reform did not even abolish the open-field system and other survivals of serfdom which reduced the productivity of the peasants' labour. The peasants, with bitter irony, described Stolypin 's policy of land settlement as "land unsettlement."

Stolypin 's reform merely postponed the doom of serfdom; it did not eliminate the profound contradictions that constituted the basis of the Russian bourgeois-democratic revolution. It still further accel erated the process of differentiation among the peasantry and intensified the class struggle in the rural districts. The agrarian ques tion, the fundamental question of, the Russian revolution, could be set tled only by abolishing the landlord latifundia and by transferring the

70.000. 000 hectares of landlord land to the peasants without compen sation. But only another revolution could do this.

The Working-Class Movement in the Period of Reaction

In the winter of 1907, the Stolypin government issued an order for the arrest of Lenin. The tsarist sleuths hmited high and low for the leader of the revolution. On the proposal of the Party, Lenin, who was living in Finland at the time, went abroad. To board the ship unobserved by the police he, one night, crossed the ice in the Gulf of Finland on foot to a near-by island, accompanied by two Finnish peasants. The Decem ber ice was frail and Lenin was almost drowned in an icehole, out of which he managed to extricate himself with diifioulty. He got safe on board at last and left Finland for Switzerland. His second period abroad as an exile lasted nearly ten years.

While abroad, in February 1908, Lenin resumed the publication of the Bolsheviiv newRpax)er Proletary, in the colmnns of which he began to prepare the Party and the working class for another revolution.

In 1907, Comrade Stalin left Titiis for Baku, where he led the rev olutionary struggle of the Baku 'proletariat.

Under the blows of reaction the strike movement in Russia con tinued to subside. In 1908, 176,000 workers were involved in strikes, in 1909, the number was 64,000, and in 1910, it was only 46,000. The strilces were of a defensive character. Only in Baku did the working class movement, led by Comrade Stalin, bear a clearly expressed polit ical character. To divert the workers from the revolutionary struggle, the oil employers invited the workers in the oil plants and oil fields to elect delegates to a conference with employers to discuss the terms of a collective agreement. The Bolsheviks called upon the workers to boycott this conference.

At the end of 1907, when reaction was raging throughout tlie coun try, a sort of worl^ers ' parliament was in session fur nearly two weeks in Baku, at which the workers drew up their demands to be presented to the oil employers. When these demands were rejected the Bolsheviks called for a general strike. During the preparations for this strike the twenty-two-year-old Azerbaijan worker Hanlar, a splendid orator and leader of the masses, was foully assassinated. Hanlar 's funeral developed into a powerful political demonstration. Speaking at the graveside of the fallen fighter, Comrade Stalin called upon the Azer baijan workers to continue the struggle. Hanlar, he said, was the first sacrifice the Azerbaijan people had made for the Russian revolution.

Commenting on the militant character of the Baku strikes, Lenin wrote: "In 1908, at the head of the list of gubernias showing a large number of strikes stands Baku with 47,000 strilters. The last of the Mohicans of the mass political strike!" (V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. XV, Moscow, 1937, Russ, ed,, p. 33.)

In March 1908, Comrade Stalin was arrested by the gendannes, but even in prison he continued to lead the movement and sent out articles for publication in the newspaper Qudok, One day a group of Bolsheviks was sent off from the prison to penal servitude. From his prison window Comrade Stalin called out to them as they went: "Keep your manacles, we shall want them for the tsar's government!"

In the autumn of 1908, Comrade Stalin was sentenced to two years ' exile in Solvychegodsk, but in tho summer of 1909, he escaped from there.

Ideological Confusion among the Intellectuals

Describing the po litical life of Russia dining the period of the Stolypin reaction, Com rade Stalin called it "an abomination of desolation." "Fettered public opinion," he went on to say, ^"general weariness and apathy, want and despair among the workers, a downtrodden and intimidated peasantry and with the policelandlord-cax)italist hounds running riot — such are the characteristic features of Stolypin's Opacification.'" ("On the Occasion of the Tenth Anniversary of Pravda,"^ Stalin's article pub lished in Pravda No. 98 of May 5, 1922.)

The defeat of the revolution caused disintegration and degeneration among the intellectuals. Some of the bourgeois fellow-travellers of the revolution deserted to the camp of its open enemies. Others found jobs for themselves in the legal working-class organizations, condemned all revolutionary activity, and called upon the workers to adjust them selves to reaction and reconcile themselves to tsarism. This section of the intellectuals believed that Stolypin's reforms had already con verted Russia into a bourgeois state and had made revolution super fluous. More hostile to the revolution than any other section of the intellectuals was the bourgeois (Cadet) intelligentsia who united around the symposium entitled VeJcM (Lmidmarhs) which was published in 1909. The contributors to this symposium were prominent repre sentatives of the bourgeois intelligentsia, former legal Marxists and Constitutional-Democrats. They proclaimed war on Marxism, re nounced the struggle for democracy and called for conciliation with tsarism. VekJii advocated the doctrines of the Orthodox Russian Church, mysticism and obedience to God and the powders that be, and chamx3ioned the Great-Power and imperialist foreign policy which the Cadet bourgeoisie began to advocate after 1905.

Ideological confusion and collapse were particularly rife among the petty-bourgeois parties (Mensheviks, Socialist-Revolutionaries and others) in which numerous factions, groups and coteries were formed.

The Mensheviks were of the opinion that the revolution was over and that Stolypin had put Russia onto the path of bourgeois develop ment. They tried to adjust themselves to the Stolj^in regime and urged that the old militant Social-Democratic Party, which tsarism had driven underground, should be liquidated. For this reason the Menshevilcs were called Liquidators. Lenin called the Liquidators the "Stolypin Labour Party" because they had become the servants and coadjutors of the 3rd of June monarchy.

The Socialist-Revolutionary Party split in two. The Right Social ist-Revolutionaries had as early as 1906 formed a semi-Cadet Work ing People's Socialist Party and were referred to briefly as Popular Socialists. The Popular Socialists advocated the payment of compen sation for landlords' land alienated for the benefit of the peasantry and entered into a bloc with the Cadets. The "Left" wing of the Socialist Revolutionary Party formed a semi-anarchist group known as the Maxi malist Socialist-Revolutionaries. They proposed economic and political terrorism as the j)rincipal wea]ion in the struggle and soon deteriorated into an unprincipled group of exproiiriatora.

During tlie period of reaction and police terrorism treachery and provocation became widespread. Agents provocateurs wormed their way into the Party organizations and some of them, on the instructions of the secret police, engaged in political murder wliich brought scores of innocent people to the gallows. A sensational event of that period was the exposure of the agent provocateur Azof who, since 1903, had been at the head of the 'hnilitant organization" of the Socialist-Revolu tionary Party. The Azef a. 'fair vividly demonstrated that the terroristic tactics of the Socialist-Revolutionaries were useful to the secret police and harmful to the masses.

The Bolsheviks during the Period of Reaction

The Bolsheviks Fight to Preserve the Party

The Bolsheviks alone were able to retreat in perfect order. They were aware that the vic tory achieved by tsarism was a temporary and unstable one and contin ued to rally the forces for another revolution. They were fiercely persecuted by the tsarist government and were liable to be sentenced to penal servitude if caught by the police; but they wont underground and tirelessly continued their revolutionary activities. They formed Bolshevik cells in factories and, combining legal with illegal forms of activity, they made use of every legal possibility, such as trade un ions, workers' clubs, adult Sunday schools and co-operativo societies, for the purpose of maintaining contact with the masses. The Bolshevik Deputies in the State Duma utilized the tribune of the Duma to further the interests of the revolution. The aim of the Bolsheviks was still, as in 1905, to overthrow tsarism and to complete the bourgeois democratic revolution in order to pass on to the socialist revolution. They continued to advocate the old and tried slogans: A democratic republic, conJBsoation of the landlords' estates, and an 8-hour day.

Amidst the stern conditions of the Stolypin reaction the Bolshe viks waged a struggle on two fronts — against the Menshevik Liquida tors and against the Otzovists. The latter term was applied to a section of former Bolsheviks who demanded the recall (i-n Russian — otozvat) of the workers* Deputies from the State Duma and the cessation of all work in legal organizations, Lenin called the Otzovists "Liquidators inside-out," because their tactics would have resulted in the Party becoming isolated from the masses and, consequently, in the liquidation of the revolutionary Party. Por this reason the Otzo vists were expelled from the Bolshevik organization,

Trotsky and the Trotskyites took a Liquidatorist stand on all ques tions . Lenin said that Trotsky was more despicable and harmful than the avowed Liquidators because he deceived the workers by asserting that he was "'above factions/' whereas actually he supported the Menshe vik Liquidators. It was in that period that Lenin called Trotsky "Judas Trotsky," In 1912 Trotsky organized the so-called "August bloc," which consisted of all the anti-Party elements which were united in their struggle against Bolshevism.

Trotsky was supported in his opposition to Lenin by Kamenev, Zinoviev and Pv.ykov. Concealing their alliance with Trotsky, they succeeded in getting the Bolshevik newspaper Proletary closed down and in securing support for Trotsky's newspaper. Kamenev joined the editorial board of Trotsky's newspaper and tried to turn it into the organ of the Central Committee of the Party.

Despondency and lack of faith infected a section of the intellectuals who regarded themselves as Marxists but who had never taken a firm Marxian stand. They launched a "criticism" of the theoretical prin ciples of Marxism. Some of the intellectuals who had deserted Marx ism even began to urge the necessity of creating a new religion (the so-called "God-seekers" and "God-builders").

In his famous book Materialism and Empirio^Criticism, which ap peared in 1909, Lenin trounced these degenerates in the sphere of Marxist theory and fully substantiated the basic theoretical principles of the Marxist party.

The Bolsheviks Form an Independent Marxist Party

The fight against the Liquidators, Otzovists and Trotskyites confionted the Bol sheviks with the task of uniting all the Bolsheviks and forming them into an index^endent Marxistparty.This was necessary in order to be able to prepare the working class for a new upward swing of the revolution.

Por the purpose of forming the independent Bolshevik Party the Sixth All-Bussian Party Conference was held in Prague, in January 1912. This conference was equal in importance to a Party congress. The Prague Conference elected a Bolshevik Central Committee of the Parly, headed by Lenin. J. V. Stalin and Y. M. Sverdlov, who were in exile in Siberia at the time, were elected to the Central Committee in their absence.

The Bolshevik Party did not adopt a new name after defeating the Mensheviks both ideologically and organizationally, and after expelling them and the Otzovists from the Party; it retained the old name of Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party but added the word "Bolshe viks" in brackets. This name it retained up to 1918.

In its decisions the Prague Conference pointed to the inevitability of another revolutionary upsurge and urged the necessity of intensifying activities among the masses. For th.r puipoae of diiecting the Par ty's revolutionary activities in Russia, a centre for practical work was set up known as the Russian Bureau of the Central Committee. This Bureau was headed by Comrade Stalin. On Lenin's instructions. Sorgo Orjonikiclzc travelled to the })]ace where Comrade Stalin was in exile in order to infonn him of the conference's decisions and to arrange for his escape. In February 3912, Comrade Stalin escaped from exile for the fourth time. Ho visited a number of cities in Russia and headed tiie growing revolutionary movement in iSt. Petersburg.

The Bolshevik Iron Guard

Under the guidance of Lenin and Stalin many of the Bolsheviks who were active underground during the stern period of reaction dcvclo])od into outstanding professional revolution aries and Party leaders.

One of these was the indomitable revolutionary Yakov Mikhail ovich Sverdlov, whom Lenin described as "the most finished type of lorofessional revolutionary." Sverdlov commenced his underground revolutionary activities at the early age of fifteen among the workers of Nizhni Novgorod and Sermovo. In 1902, after organizing a polit ical demonstration in Sormovo, he was arrested and imprisoned for the first time; after that the whole of his life consisted of strenu ous revolutionary activity, ever dogged by danger, and frequently interrupted by arrests, exile and escape from exile. In 1905 ho engaged in Bolshevik activities in Kazan and in the Urals wliere he became the beloved leader of the masses of the workers. For two years after the defeat of the revolution ho was incarcerated in a fortress. His sentence expired during the period of reaction and soon after his release he was arrested again and exiled to the district of Maximkin Yar, in the Narjnn Region. Five times lie tried to escape from this remote place where even the mails wore received only twice a j^-oar. In the autumn of 1912, he tried to cross the river Yenisei in a canoe and was nearly drowned. At the end of 1912, he reached St. Petersburg.

Another staunch Bolshevik fighter was Mildiail Vassilyevich Frun ze. In 1905, he led the strike of the Ivanovo-Voznesensk workers. In March 1907, he was arrested and put in prison to await trial on a charge that made him liable to sentence of death. At the trial his counsel said to him: "Renounce your proletarians and you will be pardoned forthwith." Frunze indignantly told the court that he refused to have a lawyer like that to defend linn. The tsarist court sentenced him to ten years' penal servitude.

In this period extensive Party work was also conducted by Sergei Mironovich Kirov. Kirov joined the Bolshevik Party in Tomsk when still a youth of eighteen and took a most active part in the revolution of 1905. He was arrested three times. On the third occasion he was arrested on the charge of conducting revolutionary activities and of organizing a secret printing i^lant. He was tried and sentenced to confinement in a fortress. Immediately he was released from prison he flung himself with his customary energy into Party work in Vladikavkas, WiiCre he organized and trained new cadres of revolutionary Bolsheviks.

A no less ardent and outstanding young revolutionary of that time was the pupil of Lenin and Stalin — Grigori Konstantinovich Orjonikidze, whose Party pseudon;VTn was Sergo. The son of a Georgian peasant' he commenced revolutionary activity at the age of seventeen. In 1903 he joined the Bolslicvik Party. During the first Russian revolution he took part in preparing the armed insurrection but was arrested in December 1905 wliilo unloading a eousignment of arms which had been received . He succeeded in esca]nng abroad but subsequently re turned to Baku. In 1900, ho made his way into Persia and took part in tlic Persian revolution. After lepeated a. rests Sergo Orjonikidze went to Lon'n in Paris, where he attended a Party schooi organized by Lenin, At the Prague Conference he was elected a member of the Cen ri*al Committee of the Bolshevik Party and he returned to Russia to conduct underground Bolshevik activity. He was arrested shortlv after this, however, and sentenced to three years ^ confinement in the Schliisselhurg Portress. In this }}eriod too, Vyacheslav Mikhailovich Molotov became a ]>rofessional revolutionary. He joined the Bolslicvik Party in 1006 while still a high-school student, and at the age of sixteen already conducted Marxist ])ropaganda among the student youth. This activity he continued during tlie ])eriod of reaction. At the age of ninotoeii, not having yet gimluatol from high sebooh he Wtis depoi'ictl to Vologda (hibeniia, but lie continued his revolu tionary activities evi-n while in t^xile and cojiiliated the views of the iMcnslieviks and So(*ialist-Revolubionaries. Like the other Bolsheviks, V. M. Molotov sjient liis tinu^ in ('xile inqiroving his knowledge of rev olutionary theory and in studying the classical vwks of Marxism. In Vologda he established contact with and conducted revolutionary •jiropaganda among the railway w'orkers. When his iieriod of exile ex })ircd he returneil to St. Pctcu'sburg to conduct underground Bolshevilv activity and took an ae,tivc part in all the im^iortant measures under taken by the St. IV'tersburg Bol lievik organization. During tlu'])criod of i'ea,(l.ion the w'orkingmen Bolsheviks Mikhail Ivanovich Kalinin and Kliment Efromovich Voroshilov worked as professional underground rovolutionarms. M. 1. Kalinin, a metal turner by ti*aclo, had led tlie arduous life of a professional rcvoliitiouary since the 1890 's and had known the in side of many jirisous in tsarist Russia. Ho had been a member of the »St. Petersburg Li'agiio of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Work ing Class and one of the active agents of Iskm. In 1910, after com ])loting a prison stmtonco, bo went to work at an ordnance works in St. Petersburg, and in 1911, lie became the leader of the Bolshevik organi zation in the Vyborg District of that city. At the Prague Conference he was eloctod as an alternate member of the Bolshevik Central 0onvmittt'(^ of tlu* Pai'ty.

Equally arduous was the life of K. E. Voroshilov, who was a fitter in Lugansk. He started work in the factory at the age of fifteen and by the end of the 1890 's he was already an active participant in illegal meetings and workers' demonstrations. In 1903, he joined the Bolshevik Party. During the 1905 revolution he prepared the workers of Lugansk for insurrection, formed fighting squads, procured arms, and taught the workers to handle firearms. At a meeting he addressed in 1906, he urged the workers to learn the art of armed fighting and to train their own commanders. One of the workers at the meeting called out: "We appoint you our Red General." "You are going too far," answered Voroshilov laughing. "I don't know anything about military matters." None of the workers, nor Voroshilov himself, then suspected that the "Red General" whom the workers appointed in 1906 would become a Marshal of the most powerful army in the world and a foremost expert in military matters.

Voroshilov was arrested after the revolution of 1905, and in 1907 he was exiled for three years. Three months later he escaped to Baku and together with Comrade Stalin took part in the strug gle that was waged by the Baku workers. He was again arrested and deported to the Archangel Gubernia, but he escaped again and with great difficulty succeeded in reaching his native Donetz Basin in 1912,

Self-sacrificing and heroic work under the severest conditions of tsarist reaction was also conducted by other leaders of the Bolshevik underground in preparing the working class for another revolutionary upsurge.

The Foreign Policy of the Stolypin Government

The Anglo-Russian Agreement

The defeat of tsarism in the Russo Japanese War led to a further decline of its international prestige and importance. After it had concluded the Portsmouth Peace Treaty with Japan, the autocracy wanted to muster its forces for the purpose of crushing the revolution, but it could do that only on two conditions: that it received a huge foreign loan, and that it secured itself against foreign attack. At first, Nicholas 11 placed his hopes upon an alliance with Germany which Wilhelm II was urging him to conclude. This plan, however, was frustrated by a group of Cabinet Ministers headed by Witte. Witte was aware that if Russia concluded an alliance with Germany, financial assistance from Prance would cease, the Pranco-Russian alliance would be broken, and Russia would become completely dependent upon Germany in Europe and upon Japan in the Par East. As a consequence of his opposition, the secret treaty which Nicholas 11 and Wilhelm n had signed in Bjdrke was annulled.

In 1906, Great Britain and JVance granted the tsarist autocracy loans amounting to 2,500,000,000 francs and thereby saved it from financial bankruptcy. These countries also helped the autocracy finally to settle its relations with Japan, which, on the pret xt of impl menting certain clauses of the Portsmouth Treaty, continued to present Russia with unacceptable demands and threatened to resume the war. After the recent losses, however, and after the demobilization of the Russian army in the Far East, tsarist Russia was totally inca pable of waging another war with Japan. The British and French gov ernments took advantage of Japan's need of a foreign loan to compel her to make concessionsto Russia and to conclude, in the summer of 1907, an agreement guaranteeing the security of Russia's Far Eastern fron tiers. The tsarist government, in its turn, pledged itself to support France in her struggle against Germany over Morocco, and agreed to a demarcation of spheres of influence between Great Britain and Russia in the Middle East (Persia, Afghanistan and Tibet). Thus, simultaneously with the signing of the Russo-Japanese agreement, a political agreement between Russia and Great Britain was signed. By the treaty of 1907, Northern Persia, the most densely populated part of the country, was recognized as Russia's sphere of influence, and Southern Persia, the strategical cover of the approaches to India, with its naval ports and rich oil deposits, was proclaimed Great Britain's sphere of influence. Central Persia was proclaimed a neutral zone.

The Anglo-Russian agreement suppl mented the Franco-Russian Treaty of 1893 and the Anglo-French agreement of 1904 and thus con summated the formation of the Triple Entente between Great Britain, France and Russia. Herein lay its immense political importance. This Triple Entente was directed against the Triple Alliance that was headed by Germany.

The Bosnia Crisis

The definite formation of these two coalitions brought the prospect of a European war very much nearer.

From the very outset Russian tsarism occupied a subordinate posi tion in the Entente. Russia's national interests called for the strengthen ing of her influence in the Balkans and in the Near East to counter balance the growing Austro-German menace. But Russia was hindered by the international treaties which prohibited Russian warships from passing through the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles. Russia failed to receive the diplomatic support of her allies, who preferred to leave the question unsettled in order to keep Russia dependent upon . them.

In May and June 1908, a meeting between the King of England and the Tsar of Russia took place in Revel at which the two monarchs agreed to make joint preparations for war against Geimany. They also agreed on the joint introduction of reforms in Macedonia, which, in fact, nieatit prej)iiriii!^ to wrest that rcg'ou from Turkey. As regards the question of the Htraits, however, the meeting in Jlcvel failed to produce t]\o results the Russiau government desired.

First and foremost in accoieratiiig the outbreak of the European war wore Gornuiny, who w'as bc^tter ariued tlian any other country,, and her satellite Austria-Hungary. Tiio latter, a iiiultinational state, was su'fering from internal disintegration and iioped i.o strengthen h('r position by pushing into the Balkan Peninsula,

Jn tlie autumn of 1908, a meeting took placid between tlie Russian and Austro-Hungarian Foreign Ministers at whicli it was agreed that the tsarist govorranonb would raise no objecitioii to tlu^ annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary, who had occupied those regions since the Berlin Congress of 1878. In return for this, Austria-Hungary promised to support the Russian government's dt' mand for the free ]>assage of Russian warshi] is through the Turki"jli Straits.

Tsarism's claims in the Balkans, however, were strongly 0[)posed by Great Britain. Omijileicly ignoring her promise to llussia, Austria Hungary hastened to pnic.laim the annexation of Bosnia aiul Herze govina, which wore iiihahitod by Herbs. ^Jhis caused an outburst erf jiatriotio indignation in Serbia. Tsarist lliissia, whieb regardetl lierself as Serliia's prote('tress, demanded that the annexation of Bosnia an<l Herzegovina anrl the question of the Htiuits bo discussed at a con ference of the Kiin)])eau Powers, but in March 1909 Germany intervened ill the conflict and in terms that sounded like an ultimatum demand ed that Ivussia and Serbia should o'jficially recognize the u-iuiexation »if Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Bosnian crisis of 1908-1909 almost led to an armed confl ct biitween the Powers; but tsarism was imt ])re[>ared for another war and therefore gave way itself and compel let I Heiliia to do the same. The Eights in the Third Buma deseriheil this defeat sustained by tsarist diplomacy as a "diplomatic Tsushima/*'

Tsarism's Policy in the Orient

The tsartst government also lost its independence iii pursuing its policy in ivlation to the eountries of tlu' Orient. In Persia, Turkey and Cliina, Russian tsarism played the i'ea.e tionary role of suppressor of movements f^ir national liberation anil oi' revolutions.

The Russian revolution of 1906-1907, the. first bourgois-democrat ic revolution in the epoch of imperial ism , had wide rcpercuss ions among the colonial and somi-colonial peoples which wore o])i)ressed by impe rialism, primarily among the Oriental peoples who lived in ]U'opiu(iuity to Russia. Ill 1900, the bourgeois revolution in Persia began. Yield ing to the demand of the people, the Shah of Persia instituted a parlia ment (the Mejlis); but Russian tsarism, whom the western imperialists allowed "freedom of action" in Persia, decided to (*rush the Persian revolution. In the summer of 1908, Colonel Lyakhov, who was in command of a Cossack brigade in Persia, bombarded the Mejlis with artillery and established a reign of White terror in Teheran. The tsarist government compelled the Shah to dissolve the Mejlis; many members of the Mej lis were executed and others were flung into prison. But the Persian revolution continued in spite of this, and in 1909, the Shah was obliged to flee to Russia, leaving a boy successor. Great Britain and Rus sia instituted a financial blockade of revolutionary Persia. In December 1911, the Persian reactionaries, supported by Great Britain and Rus sia, carried out a counter-revolutionary coup. The Persian revolution was crushed. By agreement with Great Britain, Russia retained her troops of occupation in Northern Persia.

In 1908, a military coup, led by the party known as the Young Turks, was brought about in Turkey with the object of saving the integrity of the Turkish empire. This coup resulted in the introduction of a constitutional form of government. The flrst blow at the Young Turk revolution was struck by Austria-Hungary, which annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina. The tsarist government too helped to strangle the Young Turk revolution by the Balkan policy it pursued. In 1909 it consented to Italy's annexation of Tripolitania and Cyrenaica, Turkey's provinces in Africa. It also supported the claims of Prance and Great Britain to Arab territory. Under the leadership of Russia, a league of Balkan countries was formed to attack Turkey. All this served to weaken the Young Turk revolution and to turn the Young Turks towards rapprochement with German imperialism.

The biggest revolution in the Orient was the Chinese revolution of 1911, which was directed against the feudal rulers of China and against the foreign imperialists.

Russian tsarism also acted as the supp'^essor of the Chinese rev olution by entering the bloc of six Powers (Great Britain, France, Russia, Germany, Japan and the United States), which subjected rev olutionary China to a financial boycott and helped the counter-revolu tionary President Yuan Shih-kai to suppress the revolution.

Tsarism, the Reserve ot Western Imperialism

Although Russian tsarism pursued its own imperialist aims in the world war that was in preparation, the subordinate and dependent place it occupied in the Triple Entente converted it into the military reserve of Western imperialism.

The operations of the tsar 's army in the impending war were deter mined by the military interests of Great Britain and Prance. At a con ference of Chiefs of General Sta.Ts held in 1911, the representative of Prance saidt "The object which the Russian forces must pursue is to compel Germany to maintain the largest possible forces on the Eastern Front." The Russian Army was to launch an o.Tensive against Germany simnltaueonsly with the Anglb-Prench offensive. At a conference of Chiefs of General Staffs held in 1912, France demanded that; in conformity with the Franoo-Russian military con vention of 1892, Russia should concentrate no less than 800,000 men on the Austro-German frontier, and that she should launch an attack on the sixteenth day of mobilization irrespective of what the situation on the Anglo-French front might be. To transport troops to the Ger man frontier. tsarist Russia was to build new strategical railways, and it was stipulated that the next loan to bo granted the tsarist government was to be used exclusively for this purpose.

All this indicated that tsarism was gradually losing its independence even in purely military matters.

Emphasizing Russia's dependence upon the WestEuropean im perialists, Comrade Stalin wrote: "Tsarist Russia was an immense reserve of Western imperialism, not only in that it gave free entry to foreign capital, which controlled such basic branches of Russia's national economy as the fuel and metal industries, but also in that it could supply the Western imperialists with millions of soldiers" (J. Stalin, Problems of Lenmism>^ Moscow, 1945, p. 17)

The Growth of National and Colonial Oppression during the Period of the Stolypin Reaction

Tsarism's National Policy in the Period of Reaction

The law of June 3, 1907, drastically reduced the franchise of a number of non Russian nationalities and the Third State Duma passed a series of laws which still further restricted their elementary rights. The Stolypin government decided first of all to restrict the rights of those "border regions" where the movement for national liberation was strongest at that time — ^Finland, Poland and the Caucasus. ♦

In 1910, the Third Ktate Duma, on the proposal of Stolypm, passed a law which i rovided that all fundamental questions affect ing Finland should be discussed in the Duma, and that the meas ures passed in conn otionwith them should receive the sanction of the tsar's government. Thus, the Finnish Sejm was converted into a mere advisory b dy on matt* rs of legislation.

The Polish bourgeois nationalist parties in the Third State Duma had fo msd a separate Pol'sh bl-^o, but this bloc oiffeied only passive resistance to a bill introduced in the Duma frr the institution in the western gubernias of Zemstvos, in which the Russian landlords were to be predominant.

Tsarism was able to rob Finland and Poland of the liberties they had won thanks to the her ic struggle waged by the Russian proletariat in 1906 because of the treache ry of the Finnish and Polish bourgeoisie, whose hatred of the revolution united them with tsarism. As Lenin wrote; *'The experience of the 1905 revolution showed that even in these two nations the ruling classes, the landlords and the bourgeoisie, are re nouncing the revolutionary struggle for freedom and are seeking rap prochement with the ruling classes in Russia and with the tsarist mon archy out of fear of the revolutionary proletariat of Finland and Po land" (V. I. Lenin, Collected Works^ VoL XVI, Moscow, 1937, Russ, ed., p. 508).

The Third State Duma also discussed a bill providing for the ex tension to the Caucasus of the regulation of 1881, by which all peasants working under temporary obligation were released from serf labour with payment of compensation to the landlords.

Thus, serfdom in the Caucasus was abolished only in 1912; sur vivals of it continued right up to the revolution of 1917.

In the period of reaction the tsarist autocracy dropped its former policy of protecting the Moslem clergy who cultivated ignorance and fanaticism in their schools. The Rights in the Third State Duma demand ed that all Moslem schools be closed in order to "Russify all the non Russians, and to bring all the unorthodox into the Orthodox fold." The tsarist ofiS.cials and the Orthodox Church intensified their perse cution of Moslems, and Moslem schools and charitable institutions were banned.

The Black Hundreds in the Duma also succeeded in depriving the Ukrainians, Byelorussians and Jews of the right to have schools con ducted in their own languages. In the Ukraine all the "Prosvity" were closed, and concerts and theatrical performances in the Ukrainian lan guage were prohibited. High-school teachers and college professors suspected of having a 'TJkrainian trend of thought" were dismissed. Minstrels were even prohibited from singing Ukrainian folk songs at fairs. Exceptionally fierce, however, was the Stolypin government's persecution of the Jews. It deliberately fomented anti-Semitism among the backward sections of the population. Six million Jews were herded in the "Pale," or ghettos, and yet the Black Hundreds in the Third Duma let loose a campaign about "the impermissibility of giving equal rights to the Jews" and demanded still further restric tions for the Jewish population in Russia. The pogrom-mongers among the higher tsarist officials staged the antiJewish trial known as the Beilis case. This case was framed up in the following way. In 1911, a gang of thieves in Kiev killed a Russian boy. The tsarist officials pounced upon this murder as a pretext for increasing the persecution of the Jews. The Public Prosecutor, supported by official experts who had been bribed for the purpose, charged a Jew named Beilis witn the murder, alleging that he had committed the crime for "religious ends." This trial, which took place in 1913, roused a storm of protest among the entire progressive population of Russia and in all other countries. The jury acquitted Beilis.

Explaining why tsarism resorted to pogroms against the Jews and to the savage persecution of Jews, Lenin wrote: "The monarchy had to defend itself against the revolution; and the semi-Asiatic, feu dal Russian monarchy of the Romanovs could not defend itself by any other but the most infamous, most disgusting, vile and cruel means. The only honourable way of combating the pogroms, the only rational way from the standpoint of a socialist and a democrat, is not to express high moral condemnation, but to assist the revolution selflessly and iti every way, organize the revolution for ihQ overthromal of this monarchy" (V. I. Lenin, Selected Works, Two-Vol. ed., Vol. I, Moscow, 1946, p, 488).

Years of Revolutionary Advance (1912–1914)

The New Upswing of the Revolutionary Movement

Growth of Monopolistic Capitalism in Russia

In 1910 the pro longed depression in Russia began to give way to an industrial boom. This was brought about by the considerable accumulation of home capi tal in the country and the growth of the home market due, partly, to th(^ operation of Stolypin's agrarian reform. The kulak upper stratum of the peasantry which had established itself after the reform was intro duced created an increased demand for iron goods, building materials, leather, textiles, sugar, etc. In 1909, a series of relatively good harvests began. Peasants' savings-banlc deposits increased and from 1900 to 1914 rose by over a billion rubles.

The growth of the war industries, and of shipbuilding in particular, ensured the heavy industry of big government contracts. Prom 1905 to 1913, the government placed army contracts to the amount of 2,600,000,000 rubles; in two years of the boom period over 3,600 kilo metres of railway were laid and a corresponding amount of rolling stock was built. Such were the main reasons for the industrial boom in Russia. The boom was also facilitated by the general economic re vival in the western capitalist countries, due largely to the race for armaments and increase in war contracts.

During the period of the boom the monopolist organizations — trusts and syndicates — continued to grow and gain strength. The predominant form of monopolist organization in Russia was the syn dicate. During the decade from 1900 to 1910, these syndicates gained control of the major part of the mining and metallurgical industiy in Russia. The Prodamet, which combined from twelve to fifteen of the largest metallui'gieal plants in the country, controlled two-thirds of the sales, of the entire metallurgical industry. The Produgol, the abbreviated name of the Russian Company for Trading in the Mineral Fuel of the Donetz Bn-sin, which was formed in 1906, gained control of about 60 per cent of the coal output of the Donetz Basin. The Prodarud Syndicate, which was formed in 1908, controlled fourfifths of the ore output of the south of Russia. The growth of syn dicates in light industry was slower and feebler. In 1908 the syn dicate known as the Cotton Manufacturers' Company (in Moscow) con trolled 4;7 cotton mills. The organization of syndicates was accompa nied by a rise in the prices of the goods manufactured by the indus tries they controlled.

The banks increasingly became the owners of the manufacturing enterprises. The small and medium banks merged and formed powerful banking combines. In 1908, for example, the St. PetersburgAzov, the Orel, and the South Russian Banks combined to form the United Bank. In 1910, the Northern Bank merged with the Russo-Chinese and RussoAsiatic Banks. More than half the total bank capital in Russia was controlled by seven big banks.

The concentration of industry and the banks was accompanied by the rapid fusion of bank capital with industrial capital. The banks financed joint-stock companies and helped them to reorganize. This had been exceptionally marked during the crisis. The biggest industrial and financial magnates were simultaneously chairmen of bank di rectorates and directors of syndicates. Thus, Putilov, the owner of numerous metallurgical plants, was chairman of the Board of the big Russo-Azov Bank and also director of the Prodamet, to which his plants were affiliated. In the textile industry enormous influence was exercised by the finance capital magnates Ryabushinsky, Prokhorov, Morozov and others.

In this period too finance capital rapidly merged with the state ap paratus. The financial magnates felt quite at home in the Ministries of Finance, Industry and Trade, while prominent government officials, and even members of the royal family, held shares in banks and in in dustrial undertakings. Many retired ministers left then ministerial armchairs to take up positions* as directors of the banks and joint-stock companies of which they were shareholders.

The influence of foreign capital in the Russian banks and industry increased after the revolution of 1905-1907. By 1914, out of a total cap ital amounting to 435,500,000 rubles belonging to eighteen of the chief joint-stock banks, 185,500,000 rubles, or 42.6 per cent, was foreign capital, divided as follows: German capital 17 per cent, SVench capital 21.9 per cent, and British capital 3 per cent. Thus, British and French capital tog 3 ther constituted the largest share. Foreign capital gained control of Russian industry by forming joint-stock companies through Biissian and sometimes directly through foreign banks. Foreign capital gained control of nearly the whole of tha Russian fuel industry and of the whole of the metallurgical industry.

The Economic Backwardness of Russian Industry

Although large scale capitalist industry made considerable progress in Russia during the period of the boom, it nevertheless lagged behind the industry of Western Europe. As regards output of pig iron, Russia occupied fifth place in the world; as regards the technique of production and, in partic ular, consumption per head of the population, she was almost at the bottom of the list. Describing the backwardness of Russia, Lenin wrote: '"During the half century that has passed since the peasants were liber ated, iron consumption in Russia has increased fivefold, but still Rus sia remains an incredibly, unprecedentedly backward country, poverty stricken and half savage, equipped with modern implements of produc tion to the extent of only one-fourth of that of England, onefifth of Germany and one-tenth of America" (V. I. Lenin, Oollected Wo7*IcSt Vol. X^, Moscow, 1937, Russ, ed., p. 543).

One of the indices of the technical and economic backwardness of tsarist Russia was the state of railway transport. The total length of railways in Russia in 1913 was about 65,000 kilometres. Of this, 43,500 kilometres belonged to the state and over 19,000 kilometres belonged to private companies. As regards density of railways, Russia was almost at the bottom, of the list.

In 1910, the total industrial output in Russia was one-ninth of that of the United States, and the average wage of the Russian worker was one-fourth of that of the American worker.

Stolypin and the Minister of Finance Kokovtsev made it a practice to borrow from the Paris bankers and hospitably opened the door wide for foreign capital, for they hoped, with the aid of French and British gold, to save landlordism and the tsarist system in the country in which capitalism was rapidly developing. To pay the interest on these loans the tsarist government annually squeezed hundreds of millions of ru bles out of the population. Before the First World War Russia *s national debt amounted to 8,800,000,000 rubles. Tsarist Russia's chief creditor before the war was France.

In tsarist Russia a number of leading branches of industry, such as electr cal engineering, turb'ne building, machine-tool building, heavy -engineering, and the automobile and chemical industries, did not exist.

The oil industry was controlled by foreign capital, who stopped at nothing in exploiting the rich deposits of Russian oil, wastefully utilizing only "gushers" and eschewing deep boring, extensive explo ration of new fields, etc.

The Lena Shootings

The industrial boom was accompanied by the growth of the Russian proletariat and of the working-class movement. The general upswing of the revolutionary proletarian struggle was stimulated by the events that occurred in the remote gold fields in Siberia that belonged to the Lena Gold Fields Company. This company was formed in 1908. Three-fourths of the shares belonged to British capitalists and the rest belonged to big Russian capitalists and high tsarist officials. Among the shareholders were capitalists like Putilov, bank directors like Vyshnegradsky, and a number of high St. Peters burg dignitaries. The British and Russian shareholders in the Lena Gold Fields Company drew profits amounting to over 7,000,000 rubles per annum. The gold-field workers were cruelly exploited and, in addi tion, were totally bereft of rights.

The gold fields were situated in the remote taiga, 1,700 kilometres from the railway. It was possible to get away from the place only during the navigation season on the river Lena. Ihe conditions of labour were fixed by harsh contracts, and although the workers had no right to leave their jobs before the expiration of the contract they could be discharged at any time. Wages were paid only on the expiration of the contract; the provisions issued to the men at the company stor3s on account of wages were of the worst quality. The working day was fixed by contract at 10 to 11^/2 hours, but it was often extended at the arbitrary will of the management. The workers were completely in the power of the management who, to keep the workers in hand, had at their command a police force paid by the company. The Lena Gold Fields Company behaved like a feudal ruler. Byelozerov, the manager of the Lena Gold Fields, was called the uncrowned king of the taiga. In 1912, the gold fields were, as Lenin described them, one of "those corners where it seems as though serfdom existed -but yesterday."

The atrocious conditions of labour, the holding up of wages, the sale of bad-quality provisions at exorbitant prices and the violence and tyranny of the management and the police often gave rise to unrest in the gold fields.

At the end of February 1912, a strike broke out on one of the sec tions where the conditions of the workers were exceptionally hard. It would have paid the management to close the section, but that would have meant breaking the contract, which was due to expire only in September. The management therefore set out to provoke the workers to break the contract themselves. The immediate cause of the strike was the issue of bad horse meat. The workers downed tools in protest and sent dele gates to the other fields to bring the men out there. On March 1, the strike spread to a number of other sections. A strike committee was set up with the object of making the strike general. Strike committees were also set up in all the fields, and stewards were appointed in the living quarters. The Central Strike Committee opened negotiations with the management. Tulehinsky, the Regional Engineer, received the deputa tion with great courtesy and persuaded the Menshevik delegates to agree to call off the strike. Tlic BoLshevik-niimlccl members of the Strike Committee condneted propaganda among the masses against calling off the strike. .

It was decided to settle the question by a secret ballot of the work ers. In the morning of March 25, two sugar barrels were ])laeed opposite each other in one of the fields, one bearing the inscription "Will go back to work" and the other the inscription "Will not go back to work." The workers filed between the barrels holding a pebble in one hand. As they passed they dipped their hands into both barrels and dropped the pebble into one barrel or the other. Soon the barrel bearing the inscription "Will not go back to work" was full to the brim. In the other barrel only seventeen pebbles were found.

On March 27, the strike became general and over 6,000 workers were involved. Under the leadership of the Bolslievik-minded workers the strike proceeded in a unanimous and organized manner; but notwith standing the peaceful cliarfeicter of the strike the management called for troops, and a largo force was sent to the gold fields. For the delib erate purpose of creating disorders Captain of Gendannes Tresliehenkov ordered the i^rrest of the members of the Strike Committee and told the troops not to hesitate to "use force" against the workers if they attempt ed to release their comrades. On April 4 (17), 3,000 workers sigiaed a statement to the effect that they had gone on strike on their own ac cord and had not been instigated to do so by anybody, and they marched in procession to the Nadczhdinsk Section of the gold fields to hand this statement to the local prosec'.uting attorney.

On this frosty morning of April 4, long lines of workers streamed from various parts of the gold fields » to Nadezhdinsk, and on nearing that centre they linked up in one long, dark ribbon stretching for three or four kilometres. The road along which the procession wended its way was flanked on the one side by the steep bank of the river Bodaibo and on the other by stacks of timber. Near Nadezhdinsk the road was blocked by a cordon of treoj^s in full fighting kit. Engineer Tulchinsky stepped out to the workers and told them to disperse. The workers at the head of the procession halted, but the rest, stretched out along the narrow road, continued to press forward. Suddenly shots rang out, volley after volley; 260 workers were killed and 270 were wounded.

This new atrocity committed by the tsarist autocracy roused a unanimous outburst of anger among the workers. A wave of protest strikes swept the country. Revolutionary demonstrations took place in the cities. On the demand of the Social-Democratic Deputies the State Duma was compelled to (liscuss the Lena events, but Makarov, the Minister of the Interior, explained the matter to the Duma in his own way. He said: "So it was, and so it will bo."

This insolent statement of the tsar's minister, was answered by the rise of an immense mass political movement of the working class in protest against the I/ena shootings. As Lenin wrote: "The Lena shootings . . . were an exact re fleet ion of the regime of the Third ofJune monarchy." He went on to say that it was not the demand for certain particular rights but the general lack of rights that prompted the workers to enter into decisive struggle against tsarism. "It is precisely this general tyranny in Russian life," he wrote, "it is pi ecisely the hopelessness and impossibility of waging a struggle for particular rights, precisely this incorrigibility of the tsar's monarchy and of its entire regime, that stood out so clearly against the background of the Lena events that they fired the masses with revolutionary ardour" (V. I. Lenin, Selected Works, Two-Vol. ed., Vol. I, Moscow, 1946, p. 550).

Emphasizing the historical significance of the Lena events, Comrade Stalin wrote in the Bolshevik newspaper Zvezda in 1912:

"The Lena shooting has broken the ice of silence and the river of the people's movement has begun to flow.

"The ice is broken! , . .

"All that was evil and pernicious in the present regime, all the ills of much-suffering Russia, were focussed in the one fact, the events on the Lena.

"That is why it was the Lena shootings that served as a signal for strik<='S and demonstrations."

The Mass Revolutionary Movement During the Revival

The wave of political strikes called in protest against the shooting down of the workers in the I^ena gold fields swept over the whole country with ex traordinary rapidity. Hundreds of thousands of workers downed tools. In St. Petersburg the strikes were accompanied by street demonstra tions. The struggle of the St. Petersburg workers was led by Comrade Stalin, but soon he was again arrested. Protest strilces against the Lena diootings merged with a powerful First of May movement. The Lena events revealed that the working class had accumulated enormous rev olutionary energy. In April 1912, over 300,000 workers were involved in strikes, but the First of May strike affected about 400,000 workers. The movement spread and affected even the most backward strata of the workers. Strikes took place in every district in the countiy. At the head of the stiike movement marched the revolutionary proletariat of St. Petersburg; then came the workers of the Baltic Provinces, Moscow, the Ukraine and the Caucasus. According to official figures, the total number of workers involved in strikes in 1912 was 726,000 and in 1913, 861,000, Actually, the number was considerably higher. Economic strikes were interwoven with the political strikes. Lenin described these mass strikes as revolutionary strikes, for they were directed against the autocracy and were of nation-wide importance. The strikes enjoyed the sympathy of the majority of the working population. They stimulated the peasants to fight against the landlords and tsarism. The factory owners retaliated to the strikes by lockouts. The police and the secret police intensified their persecution of the strikers.

The strikes proceeded under the Bolshevik slogans of: "An 8-hour day, confiscation of the landlords' estates, and a democratic republic." These slogans were calculated to rouse for the struggle against tsarism not only the workers, but also the peasants and the men in the army.

The peasant movement, which had subsided after 1907, began to flare up again. The introduction of the Stolypin reform accelerated the process of class diTerentiation among the rural population. The conditions of the rural poor still further deteriorated, partic ularly after the famine of 1911 which a,Teoted about 30,000,000 peasants. The peasant movement directed against the landlords and the kulaks assumed the militant forms of incendiarism, trespass, tree felling, refusal to pay taxes, etc. Collisions between poor peas ants and kulak "khutor^-farmers became more and more fre quent.

Revolutionary outbreaks occurred also in the army. In 1912, a revolt broke out among the troops who were stationed in Turkestan, and fierce reprisals were taken against the mutineers. In June 1913, 62 sailors of the Baltic Fleet were tried by naval court-martial in Kronstadt on the charge of conspiring to cause a revolt. Strikes in protest against this trial of the revolutionary sailors broke out, and this indicated that the class-conscious working-class movement in tsar ist Russia constituted a powerful political force.

As Comrade Stalin said, the mass revolutionary strikes showed that ". . . in Russia a tremendous popular revolution was rising, headed by the most revolutionary proletariat in the world, which possessed such an important ally as the revolutionary peasantry of Russia" (J. Stalm, Problems of Leninism^ Moscow, 1945, pp. 17*18).

The Bolshevik "Pravda"

The struggle that was waged by the pro letariat was led by the Bolsheviks and proceeded imder Bolshevik slogans. The revolutionary upswing created the urgent need for a mili tant daily political newspaper that could be read by the broad masses of the workers. Under the direction of Comrade Stalin, who had escaped from exile in Vologda, preparations were made for the publication of a popular daily newspaper, the Pmvda.

In January 1912, the workers began to contribute funds for the purpose of starting such a workers^ newspaper. Contributions came in from all parts of Russia. As Lenin wrote . the creation of Pravda remains outstanding proof of the class consciousness, energy and solidarity of the Russian workers" (V. I, Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. XVI, Moscow, 1937, Russ, ed., p. 46).

Tlio tilvt ir^aiio uf Pravda, vyhiclj Cojiirade Staliu edited, appeared on April 22 (May 5 new ntyle). That is why wo now o'.dcbrate May 5 as Workers' Press Day. The work of tht^ Pravda was gnided from abroad by Lenin. Its first editor was Comrade Staliu and its first editorial secr^taiy was V. M. Molotov, who devoted much time and energy to the paper. Among the mem hers of the staff wore K. E. Voroshilov, M. 1. Kalinin and Y. M. Sverdlov. Maxim Gorky also eontribiiied to tlie paper.

Fmvda was the organizer of the revoiutionary masses and directed all the mass campaigns that were organized by the Bolsheviks. Of considerable ijnportance among these eampaigtis was the insurance campaign. In Juno 1912, an act was ])assed to insure the workers in (5ase of sickness and accidents. The insurance Lmd was to be managed by insurance boards on which the workers wore to be represented. Notwithstanding the grave defects of this law, Pravda called ni)on the workers to take j)art in the election of the insurance boards and the elections ])assod n.T successfully. This insurance campaign was of gi*eat importance l>ecauso it helped to organize very wide masses for the revolutimmry siruggle.

Pm?Y/a. trained a whoh^ generation of worker-Bolshcvike who liel)>ed Ijenin and Wtaliu to rei^reate the mass Bolsluwik .Party in the pcwiod of the revohition.ary ujmwing. As Oomnide Staliu wrote: "The old Pravda was undoubttully the hai'bingor of tlie coming of glorious victories of the Russian ] proletariat"" ("On the Occasion of the Tenth Anniversary of Pravda Stalin's article publislied in PrnrdaNo. 08 of May T), 1922).

Pravda w^as eonstantly subjected to the ]Pcrsecution of the poli(ie. In the lirst year of its oxistonco the police raided the ] printing })lant and destroyed the current issue of the pa[)er no less than forty times. To prevent this, the workers would come to the jprinting plant at niglit and take the fi'eshty printed iicwsjpapcrs away b('fore the police arrived. The newspaper often had to change its name. In July 1914, just before the First World Wai*, Pmrda's jpremises wore wrecked and its staff was arrostfnL.

The Fourth State Duma

The Elections to the Fourth State Duma

In 1912, the fcerm of the Third State Duma expired. The tsar's government dissolved it and appointed elections to tlie Fourth Duma. These elections took place in an atmosphere of repression and persecution, which had become exceptionally intense after the assassination of Stolyiiin in 1911.

The Bolsheviks decided to utilize the elections for the purpose ■of conducting a new mass campaign against tsarism. To be nearer to Russia, and to direct the election campaign, Lenin, in the summer of 1912, removed from Paris to Cracow. In Russia the Bolshevik election campaign was led by Comrade Stalin who, in Sep tember 1912, had again escaped from exile and had returned. to St. Petersburg. The editorial ojSces of Pravda were used as stafr head quarters for organizing the working class for the campaign. The Bolsheviks issued a document, drafted by Comrade Stalin, entitled "The Mandate of the Workingmen of St. Petersburg to Their Worker Deputy."

At election meetings the Bolsheviks denounced and exposed the compromising tactics of the Liquidators, and emerged victorious at the elections. Often the police came to the assistance of the Liquida tors and baimed meetings of workers' representatives. The workers voted in their separate curiae, apart from the rest of the popula tion. Pive Bolsheviks were elected by the workers to the State Duma — ^in the St. Petersburg, Moscow, Vladimir, Kharkov, Ekate rinoslav and Kostroma gubernias. A sixth Deputy elected on the Bolshevik panel turned out to be an agent provocateur. The Menshe viks secured the election of seven of their candidates, but these were in gubtrnias where there were no workers' curiae.

Tiie Fourth State Duma, which assembled at the end of 1912, was as much a Black Hundred and Octobrist Duma as the Third Duma had been. Of a total of 410 Deputies, 170 were Eights. The Octobrists, who constituted the government party and had nearly 100 Deputies, were adherents of the Eights. The Cadets had 50 Deputies. They differed from the Octobrists only in that they indulged in "Lfffc^ phrases and in the Duma they acted jointly with the Octobrists. The petty bourgeoisie was represented by ten Trudoviki and seven Men shevik.

The Bolsheviks in the Fourth State Duma

At first the Bol sheviks in the Fourth State Duma formed a single group with the Mensheviks, but the latter, taking advantage of their majority of one vote, systematically prevented the Bolsheviks from speaking in the Duma. In conformity with the decision of the Central Committee of the Party, the Bolshevik Deputies left the joint group and formed an independent Bolshevik group. The group maintained close contact with the masses of the workers and conducted extensive activities among them; it received numerous letters, declarations, reso lutions, instructions and greetings from workers in all parts of Russia. One of the most effective means it employed for using the floor of the Duma was to interpellate the government in cases of acts of lawless ness and tyranny. The Bolshevik Deputies conducted their activities in the Duma under the direction of the Party Central Committee and of Lenin. The Deputies used to receive directives from Lenin and on several occasions went abroad to consult with bim, Comrade Stalin, who was in St. Petersburg, directly guided the activities of the Bolshevik gi'oup in the Duma.

The Works of Lenin and Stalin on the National Question

The growth of jingoism among the bourgeois and petty-bourgeois nationalist parties duo to the intensification of national oppression during the period of reaction made it particularly necessary for the Bjlshevik Party to explain to the masses the essence of the national question and its role in the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat.

In 1913, two classical works on the national question appeared: Lenin's Critical Notes on the National Question, and Stalin's Marxism and the National Question. These two books provided the proletariat with the theoretical basis of the Bolshevik program on the national and colcnial problem.

In the autumn of 1913, Lenin convened a conference of the Central Committee in the village of Poronino, in Galicia, whe-re ho then lived, to discuss the national question. This conference adopted a resolution, which Lenin had drafted, and endorsed the slogan which had been substantiated in the works of Lenin and Stalin, namely, the right of nations to self-determination, including secession. The conference also emphasized that the preservation of the militant and solid Party of the proletariat, undivided by national barriers, was an essential condition for victory in the struggle for the liberation of the oppressed nations.

The Preparation of the World War

In the epoch of imperialism great changes took place in the relations between the capitalist coun tries. As a result of the process of uneven economic development, Ge.Tnany, at the beginning of the twentieth century, outpaced France and Great Britain in the sphere of industry. The magnates of German finance capital, in conjunction with the Prusso-German mili tarists, made energetic preparations for a European war. They dinned it into the minds of the German people that Germany's powerful war industry, the superior armament of her vast army and her navy would make victory certain, and held out the prospect of Germany becoming the ruler of the world. Tlie Pan-Gkrman League, the imperialist organization which they formed, was convinced that Ger many could achieve victory over France and Bussia as long as Russia was fettered by the autocratic system. The chief obstacle to German domination, particularly on the sea, in the opinion of the German imperialists, was Great Britain, and against that country they pre pared for a ruthless naval war. On the other hand, the chief obje ct of Groat Britain's foreign policy was to crush Germany's might with the aid jDf . France, with whom she had concluded an agreement on this soQre'in 1904;.

in the forefront stood the conflict of interests of British and Ge^an imperialism, of which the latter was particularly aggressive.

Second^ to that came the conflict of interests of imperialist Ger many and tsarist Russia.

^rman imperialism was driving towards the Near East, into Turkey. The German banks gained control of the building of the rail-^ way that was to link Germany with Turkey, and German military instructors directed the organization of Turkish military forces in preparation for war against Russia and Great Britain.

The growth of Germany's economic and political influence in the Turkish empire would have placed her in control of the Black Sea Straits.

Ruling circles in Russia became increasingly imbued with the thought that "the road to Constantinople lies through Berlin, " that is to say, through the destruction of the German empire.

Lenin described Great Britain, Germany and tsarist Russia as "three big highway robbers" and the chief factors in the world Wt'-.ir, while the other countries were merely "non-independent allies." He emphasized that while the war for the redivision of the world affected the interests of all the imperialist powers, the chief instigator was Germany.

In the struggle for the redivision of the world all the participants in the world slaughter drew up predatory plans.

The plans of the German imperialists included the creation of a great German empire that was to embrace so-called "Middle Europe," to seize the Baltic Provinces and Poland, dismember Russia, deprive her of the Ukraine, subjugate the Balkan Peninsula and Turkej^, deprive Great Britain of Egypt and India, and push France away from the English Channel, etc.

The plans of Austria, Germany's ally, were, with the aid of Ger many, to dismember Serbia, annex Russian Poland and to subjugate the Ukraine and the Balkan Peninsula.

Great Britain's plans were to crush her principal rival, Germany, to destroy her navy and mercantile fleet, to seize the German colonies, and also to deprive Turkey of Mesopotamia and Palestine and finally annex Egypt.

The plans of France were to regain Alsace-Lorraine and seize the left bank of the Rhine, to crush Germany's military power, share the German colonies with Great Britain, and take part in the partition of the Turkish empire.

The plans of tsarist. Russia were to gain possession of the Bospho rus and the Dardanelles, to seize Turkish Armenia, to dis member Austria-Hungary, and establish her influence in the Balkan Peninsula. . \

Japan's plans were to take advantage of the war in Europe, to seize China with the assistance of Russian tsarism, and in the.^s^ent. of Russia's defeat to seize the Russian Par East.

Notwithstanding fierce repression by the police and the gendarmes, the Baku workers, supported by the workers of St. Petersburg and other industrial centres, staunchly continued the struggle for two months.

In response to the appeal of the Bolsheviks, 90,000 workers in St. Petersburg struck work in solidarity with the Baku workers. On July 11, 200,000 workers were out on strike in that city. Meetings Avere continuously held under the slogans; ""Comrades of Baku, we arc with you!'*, "'Victory for the workers of Baku is victory for us," etc. One such revolutionary demonstration ended in the shooting down of workers at the Putilov Works.

In retaliation to this outrage, the whole of the working class of St. Petersburg rose in protest; the workers of all the big plants downed tools and poured into the streets for a revolutionary demonstration. Collisions occurred between workers and troops which developed into barricade fighting. The caj^ital was transformed into a military camj). Pravda was suppressed.

When these events were at their height Poincare, President of France, arrived in St. Petersburg to conduct negotiations with the tsar. During these negotiations the tsarist government agreed that France and Russia should jointly counteract Austria-Hungary's attack on Serbia, -which was likely to lead to a world war.

The Second Bourgeois-Democratic Revolution

Tsarist Russia during the First World War (1914–March 1917)

Russia's Part in the War

The Beginning of the World War

In July 1914, the world imperialist war, of which Germany was the instigator, broke out. This war was fought between two . groups of imperialist countries; one, headed by Germany, constituted the Quadruple Alliance (Ger many, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria and Turkey); the other, headed by the British and French imperialists, constituted the Triple Entente (Great Britain, France and Russia, and also Serbia and Belgium). In 1914, Japan joined the Triple Entente; Italy did the same in 1915, and the United States joined it in 1917. In alL 33 countries were involved in the war, and 74,000,000 men were mobilized for the various armies. The war cost 30,000,000 human lives and about 300,000,000,000 rubles in money.

As regards the number of cormtries that were involved all over the globe it was a world war, but in its aims it was an imperial ist war, a war for the forcible redivision of the world.

As Lenin wrote: 'Tn its real nature this war is not a national but an imperialist war.

, The war is being waged between two groups of oppressors, between two robbers, to decide how to divide the booty, who is to plunder Turkey and the colonies" (V. I. Lenin, Collectf^d WorJcs^ Vol. XIX, Moscow, 1937, Russ, ed., p. 200).

This predatory war for the redivision of the world was prepared for in the course of decades and affected the interests of all the impe rialist countries. Its immediate cause was Austria-Hungary's plan to crush Serbia, a plan that was supported by Germany, who counted on securing a redivision of the world in her own favour as the result of the development of the Austro-Serbian war into a world war. The spark that ignited the conflagration of the world war was the assassination of the Austrian Crown Prince Francis Ferdinand in Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia. Mae assassination was committed on Juno 28, 1914, by a nineteen-year-old student named Gavrila Princip on tho instructions of a Serbian army officers' nationalist organization. Austria-Hungary, instigated by Germany, presented Serbia wiiJi an ultimatum that was couched in terms that made its rejection by the Serbian government inevitable. On the advice of tlie Russian government, however, the Serbian government agreed to nearly all of the terms of the ultimatum, but in spite of this the Austrian Minister, who aheady had his trunlis packed, left Belgrade, and Austria-Hungary declared war on Serbia. After receiving the assur ances of President Poincare that France was ready to sujiport Russia and Serbia, the tsarist goveriunent intervened in tho conflict

Proclaiming her solidarity with Serbia, Russia began to mobilize. Germany called upon the tsarist government to stop mobilizing. Tlie tsarist government refused to do so, whereupon, Germany, on August 1, declared war on Russia. France began to mobilize. On August 3, Ger many declared war on France, and on that same day German trooiis crossed the Belgian frontier. Next morning the British government presented an ultimatimi to Germany demanding lier withdrawal from Belgian territory, but without waiting for a reply fche British govern ment, in tho aftenioon of August 4, issued an order to mobilize the British army. At midnight it declared war on Germany. Thus com menced tho first world imperialist war of 3914-1918.

The War on the Eastern Front

At the very beginning of August three fronts were formed in belligerent Europe: a Western Front, which stretched from the North Sea to Switzerland; an Eastern or Russian Front, which* stretched from the Baltic Sea to Rumania, and the Balkan Front, which ran along the Danube. The Russian Front was split up into two almost independent operative sectors — the Northwestern and Southwestern sectors. The Northwestern Front ran from the Baltic Sea to the lower reaches of the river Bug, and tho Southwestern Front ran along the Russo-Austrian frontier to Rumania. On the Balkan Front the Serbian army fought the Austro-Hungarian army.

After violating the neutrality of Belgium the German army made a drive towards Paris. The French government called upon Russia forthwith to launch an offensive on the Eastern Front with the object of diverting the largest possible number of German troops from the Western Front. Accordingly, two Russian armies, under tho com mand of Generals Samsonov and Rennenkampf, were sent to invade East Prussia. Rennenltampf's army launched a successful offensive and won a big victory in the battle of Gumbinnen, but this victory was not followed up. Rennenkampf 's army failed to develop its offensive and this enabled the German Command to throw the whole weight of its forces against General Samsonov's army. The oj)er ations of the two Russian armies were not co-ordinated. From inter cepted and decoded telegrams sent by General Samsonov and Rennen kampf, and also through its own spies, the German Command learned of all the movements of the Russian troops. A large part of General Samsonov's army was surroimded by the Germans in the marshy and wooded region of the Masurian Lakes and was wiped out. Tens of thousands of Russian soldiers perished. General Samsonov com mitted suicide.

After defeating Samsonov's army, the Germans hurled their troops against Rennenkampf's army, which had remained inactive. Rennenkampf retreated to Russian territory, losing 110,000 men. But Paris was saved. By taking the blow upon herself, Russia saved her ally France from defeat.

In August 1914, simultaneously with the unsuccessful offensive in East Prussia, four Russian armies launched an offensive against Austria-Hungary on the Southwestern Front. The armies commanded by General Brusilov and Ruzsky defeated the Austro-Hungarian armies, occupied Lvov and Gorlice and surrounded the fortress of Przemysl. Nearly the whole of Galicia was occupied by the tsarist forces.

In the middle of September the German armies came to the assist ance of Austria-Hungary by launching a wide offensive from the foothills of the Carpathians. In the middle of December 1914, the offensive was halted on both sides.

In the autumn of 1914, a new front was formed — ^the Caucasian Front. Two German warships, the Ooehen and the Breslau, stole their way from the Mediterranean into the Black Sea and bombarded Foo dosia and Odessa. After this, Turkey, who was bound by a military alliance with Germany, went to war against Russia. In December 1914, the Turkish army was defeated in the battle of Sari Quamish, after which the Russian troops on the Turkish Front slowly pushed forward. On the Austro-German Front, however, the belligerent sides were extremely exhausted and consequently passed over to trench warfare, meanwhile mustering forces for new decisive blows. At the end of April and the beginning of May 1916, a German army, under the command of General Mackenzen, supported on both flanks by Austrians, pierced the Russian Front between Gorlice and Tarnov thus compelling the Russian armies to beat a hasty retreat. The Austro Hungarian troops occupied Przemysl and Lvov. In July, another German army occupied the fortress of Ivangorod. At the end of July German troops occupied Warsaw and Brest-Litovsk. The Germans developed their offensive and occupied Grodno and Vilna. Thus, by the autumn of 1916, Poland, Lithuania, part of tlie Baltic Provinces a.nd VoUiynia had fallen into the hands of Germaiiy and Austria-Hungary. From May to October 1915, the Russian army lost over 150,000 men in killed and more than 1,000,000 in wounded and pris oners. Towa^rds the end of September 1915, operations on the Eastern Front were reduced to trench warfare. This front now stretched in an ahnost straight Ime from the river Dniester to the Gulf of Riga. Thus, in the first period of the world war tsarism sustained grave military defeats.

Military operations on the Eastern Front in 1914-1915 ended in the defeat of the Russian armies. This made the loss of the war by Russia a foregone conclusion. Thus, tsarist Russia's unprepar edness for war made itself felt at tlie very outset. The Russian ^army was inadequately supplied with ammunition, heavy artillery, air craft, materials for chemical warfare and equipment. There were cases when men went to the front without weapons and had to pick up ibose left by the men who were killed in battle. Sometimes a unit had' only one rifle for every three men. The army was supplied with boots with rotten-lcathor soles, with greatcoats which bebame useless after the first downpour of rain, with provisions thaWiad gone bad, and so forth. All sorts of sliarpers and swindlers speculated in war contracts and made fabulous i)rofits. Military headquarters, army supply departments and munition plants swarmed with spies, adventurers, scoundrels and j)rofiteers, incompetent generals and downright traitors.

A German and Austrian espionage organization, headed by Colonel of Gendarmes Myasoyedov, was already operating in Russia before the war. Even the War Minister Suldiomlinov was accused of espio nage. The effect of sabotage and espionage was severely felt at the very outset of the war. The stocks of military su]pplies were exhausted during the first month, and no new supplies were forthcoming. The Ministry of War had not supplied the army with shells and small arms ammunition. Output in the government small-arms factories had been reduced by three-fourths and of the ordnance works by one half. Treachery and espionage caused the death of thousands of men at the front. Sometimes vital orders were communicated by radio uncoded and were intercepted by the Germans, who were thus able to follow the movements of the Russian armies. Headquarters staffs were incompetent and the orders they issued only caused anarchy and confusion. But even under these conditions the Russian army, as always, displayed magnificent fighting qualities. The courage, endurance, heroism and initiative of individual soldiers and units often saved the situation and helped to extricate a force from encircle ment in which it was threatened by complete extermination.

The Treachery of the Second International

From the very first days of the war the imperialist bourgeoisie in all the belligerent countries tried to deceive the masses and make them believe that the war had been caused by the aggression of the enemy and was there fore a defensive war. The parties that were affiliated to the Second International betrayed the principles of internationalism and Sociah ism and helped the bourgeoisie to perpetrate this deception upon the masses. Playing upon the natural love of the common people for their country, they did all in their power to rally the masses for the impe rialist war by concealing its true character and lU'ging the necessity of defending the bourgeois fatherland.

On August 4, 1914 j the German Social-Democrats, in defiance of the resolutions passed at international congresses of the Second International, voted with the German bourgeoisie in the Reichstag in favour gi war credits. That same day, the French Socialists also voted for the war credits. "We are being attacked, we are defending ourselves," they assured the workers and peasants. In a number of countries ^(France, Belgium, Great Britain) the leaders of the socialist parties entered the upper ialist governments. Thus, as Lenin wrote:

Overwhelmed by opportunism, the Second International has died" (V. I. Lenin, Collected Worlds, Vol. XVIII, New York, 1930, p. 89). It broke up into separate social-chauvinist parties, engaged in war with one another. By the time the war broke out the opportunists degenerated into socialchauvinists.

The Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries as the Vehicles of Chauvinism in Russia

At the beginning of the war chauvinist fever ran as high among the petty bourgeoisie in Russia as it did in other countries. In Petrograd, as St. Petersburg was renamed after the outbreak of war, university students who were called up for mili tary service marched in procession to the Winter Palace to pay homage to the tsar. The Cadet-minded bourgeoisie called for the cessation of "internal controversy" for the duration of the war. At the very first session of the State Duma that was held after the outbreak of the war, the Socialist-Revolutionaries and the Trudoviki associated themselves with the solemn declaration made by the Octobrist Rodz yanko, the President of the Duma, who called for "unity between the tsar and his faithful people." Behind the guise of socialist phrases, the Socialist-Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks helped the bourgeoisie to deceive the people by calling upon them to "defend the fatherland," hence the term "Defencist" that was applied to the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries. In the autumn of 1914, the Belgian Socialist Cabinet Minister Vandervelde sent a telegram to the Russian Socialists calling upon them to help in the prosecution of the war. In answer to this the Mensheviks wrote; "By our activities in Russia we are not hindering the prosecution of the war." Thus, the Russian Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries, like all the social-chauvinists of the Second International, openly spread chauvinistic propaganda among the masses. The most dangerous to the* cause of the proletariat were the concealed social-chauvinists, the so called Centrists, like Kautsky, Martov, Trotsky and others, who, like the avowed social-chauvinists, stood for the defence of the hour geois "fatherland," called for the cessation of the class struggle against the bourgeoisie for the duration of the war and, deceiving the masses^ as regards the actual war criminals, covered up their own treachery with "Loft" phrases about fighting for peace.

The Bolsheviks' Fight against the War and the Social-Chauvinists

The only party in the International which saved the honour of the international proletariat was the Bolshevik Party, headed by Lenin and Stalin. Prom the very outset of the war the Bolsheviks ex posed its imperialist character and the treacherous conduct of the Second International.

Lenin was in Austria when the war broke out. The Austrian im perialists hastened to arrest the leader of the world proletariat and then deported him from the country. Lenin went to Switzerland and there launched a campaign to expose the predatory, imperialist char acter of the war, and also the treachery of international social-chau vinism.

"The Bolsheviks hold that there are two kinds of wars:

"a) Just wars, wars tliat are not wars of conquest but wars of liber ation, waged to defend the people from foreign attack and from at tempts to enslave them, or to liberate the people from capitalist slav ery, or, lastly, to liberate colonies and dependent countries from the yoke of imperialism; and

"b) unjust wars, wars of conquest, waged to conquer and enslave foreign countries and foreign nations" {History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union [Bolsheviks]^ Short Course, Moscow, 1945, pp. 167-168).

Lenin regarded the World War of 1914 as an unjust war of conquest and called for a determined struggle against it to the extent of over throwing the imperialist governments by means of revolution. Ho ad vanced the slogan of transforming the imperialist war into civil war and called upon the proletarians of each country to wage a revolutionary struggle for the defeat of "their own" government. The slogan "Por the defeat of the tsarist government" issued by the Bolsheviks meant not only the 'fulfilment of their international duty as Socialists. The Bolsheviks* fight for their slogans was one to save their country, to preserve its independence, which could be guaranteed only if the workers and peasants won victory over tsarism and imperialism. The Russian social-chauvinists and the Centrists headed by Trotsky ' opposed Lenin's slogan calling for the defeat of tsarism. Rebutting their arguments, Lenin said that . to justify participation in the imperialist war, to advance in this war the slogan 'against defeat^ means to act not only as an anti-socialist, but also as an anti-national politician" (V. I. Lenin, Collected Worlcs, VoL XVIII, New York, 1930, p. 190).

From the very outbreak of the war Lenin set out to form a new. Third International in place of the Second International, which had suffered a shameful collapse.

Lenin's poiicj'of a complete rupture with the imperialists and of waging a determined struggle against the social-chauvinists and Centrists was vigorously carried out in Russia by the Bolshevik mem bers of the Duma. They constituted the only legal group of Bolsheviks that had the opportunity of appealing to the masses, for with the out break of the war all the Bolshevik newspapers were suppressed, the prominent Partyworkers were arrested and exiled, the workers' orga nizations were wrecked and the more classconscious and advanced workers were called up for military seivice and bent to the fiont. The five Bolshevik members of the Duma toured the country, visiting factories, holding tail^is with the workers and explaining to them the aggressive and predatory nature of the war. In the Duma itself the il^lslievik nicinhers openly proclaimed their opposition to the war and refused to vote for the war credits.

In November 1914, all the Bolshevik members of the Duma were arrested by the jiolice just when they were holding a secret conference with Party workers, and in February 1915, they were put on trial. At the trial they conducted themselves like staunch fighters for the cause of the proletariat. Only Kamenev, who had been arrested with the Duma Deputies, behaved at the trial like a renegade. He declared that he differed fundamentally with the Bolsheviks on the question of the war and that he agreed with the Defencists. On receiving a report of this trial Lenin expressed his approval of the conduct of the workers' Duma Deputies and denounced the disgraceful, craven and despicable conduct of Kamenev.

The tsarist court sentenced the five Bolshevik members of the Duma to lifelong exile in Siberia.

But even while in exile the Bolsheviks continued to oppose the war and to combat social-chauvinism. Comrade Stalin who, in 1913, had been exiled (for the sixth time) to the remote Turukhansk Region, although cut off from Lenin and the central Party bodies, took Lenin's stand on the question of war, peace and revolution.

Tho hamlet of Kureika, whore Comrade Stalin lived, was two hundred kilometres from tho nearest village of Monastyrskoye and newspapers arrived there very rarely; the mail came once in two or three months and letters from comrades were delivered with great difficulty. Nevertheless, at the end of 3914, Comrade Stalin received Lenin's theses in which he formulated the Bolshevik attitude towards the war. In the summer of 1915, Comrade Stalin called a conference in Monastyrskoye of the Bolsheviks in exile. This conference denounced Kamenev's craven and treacherous conduct at the trial. In 1916 Com rade Stalin received copies of the Bolshevilc magazine Insurance Questions^ whereupon he sent greetings to the editorial staff of that magazine in which he emiDhasized that in his opinion the chief task of the Bolshevik press was ideologically to insure the working class of Russia against the corrupting, anti-proletarian, chauvinistic propa ganda of the Menshevik Defencists.

A similar attitude of imcompromising opposition to opportunism in every form was displayed by Y. M. Sverdlov, who was in exile with Comrade Stalin, by G. K. Orjonikidze, who was serving a sentence of penal servitude, and by the other Bolsheviks.

Brusilov's Breakthrough

The Military-Strategical Situation in the Beginning of 1916

Germany's plans for a blitzkrieg collapsed; the war became a prolonged one. Germany had less chance of winning a prolonged war than the Entente, as the latter possessed large resources of manpower and ma teriel. In 1915, the 6e man High Command concentrated its main forces on the Eastern Front and strove to defeat the Russian army and compel Russia to conclude a separate peace. Its aim was to rid it self, in this way, of the second front in the East and to concentrate all its forces for the struggle in the West. The Germans did succeed in capturing a large area of Russian territory, but they failed to rout the Russian armies and the second front was not liquidated.

By the autumn of 1915, the German High Command came to the conclusion that it was useless to continue active operations against Russia and therefore began to make preparations for decisive opera tions on the Western Front. Leading Entente circles also realized that the respite the. Entente had received in 1915 at Russia's expense had ended, and they too began to prepare for the anticipated German offensive on the Western Front. The military situation comj)elled the Allies to decide to smash their opponents in the Western and Eastern theatres of war by a series of successive decisive blows.

In the beginning of 1916, tsarist Russia intensified military oper ations on the Caucasian Front. In spite of the incredibly dijficult fighting conditions in mountain terrain the Caucasian army stormed and captured Erzerum in February and Trebizond in April. Another Russian army launched a drive in the direction of Persia. But the offensive against Turkey was not pressed home as the Allies did not wish Turkey to be utterly defeated by Russia.

The strategical position of the Entente countries had now consid erably improved. Their military technical forces had grown. The French and British armies were equipped with splendid artillery, and having succeeded in organizing the mass production of shells they now had a plentiful supply of these. Particularly well equipped was the for tress of Verdun, which covered the road to Paris. Lacking adequate forces for an offensive on other parts of the front the Germans, in Feb ruary 1916, launched a drive precisely against this fortress in the hope of breaking through and gaining a decisive success. Within a short space of time the Germans fired against the Verdun fortifica tions over 2,000,000 shells. At the crucial moment they even resorted to asphyxiating gases, for it was the Germans who first used poison gas in the First World War.

To divert some of the German forces from Verdun the Allies de manded that the Russian armies should launch an offensive on the Eastern Eront. This offensive had the added object of preventing the defeat of Italy, against whom the Anstro-German command was preparing to strike a blow at Trent ino.

The Russian Army's Offensive on the Southwestern Front

In conformity with the plans of the Russian High Command the offen sive operations wore to comniL'nce on the Russian Western Front from the region of Molodeczno and drive towards Oszmiana-Vilna. A supple mentary blow was to be struck on the Northern Front in the region of Dvinsk. The Southwestern Front was to kcc]) on the defensive. But General Brusilov, who shortly before had been appointed Commander in-Chief of the Southwestern Front, was stiongly opposed to this plan. At the conference held at General Headquarters in Mogilev on April 14, 1916, ho argued that all the fronts should launch an offen sive, and do so simultaneously. The war, he said, could not be won by defensive tactics, and the Russian army and its allies now possessed all the facilities for launching a general and decisive offensive.

Brusilov, an outstanding loader in the Russian army in the period of the First World War, held the view that military objectives could be achieved only by active methods. In this iCvspcct he was ono of the last representatives of the Suvorov school in the old Russian army. What distinguished him as a military leader was his constant striving to employ new methods on the basis of a study of the oxperien.co of war. He demanded thorough preparation for an operation and a clear understanding of the general strategical tasks. Hd was of the opin ion that preparations for an offensive should be made along the whole front and that blows should be struck on several sectors simultane ously so that the enemy should not know where the main blow was to be struck.

Brusilov drew up the following plan of operation. He decided to strike the main blow in the Luck direction, on the right flank of his front, which was capable of rendering most assistance to the Russian Western Front where offensive operations wore about to begin. Making clever use of camouflage, he did all possible to ensure that his preparations were concealed from the enemy. All troop movements were performed at night. No conversations about the preparations were conducted over the telephone. Not a single person unconnected with the forthcoming operations knew anything about them. All this ensured not only thorough preparation but also that the enemy would be taken completely by surprise.

Brusilov's army launched its offensive at dawn on June 4, 1916. After artillery preparation lasting twenty-nine hours, the infantry charged the AustroGerman positions. After ten days' fighting the enemy's defensive system was breached on a front of ninety kilomelTcs and Luck was captured. Within a few days the army captured the whole of Bukovina and part of South Galicia and reached the passes of the Carpathian mountains. Brusilov's successful offensive compelled the enemy to transfer his reserves from the Italian and French Fronts to the Eastern Front. The German High Command effected such a transfer.

Brusilov's blow saved the Italians from defeat and eased the position of the French at Verdun. The whole Austro-German Front from Pole sie to the Bumanian frontier was disorganized, and this created the possibility of inflicting decisive defeat upon the German coalition. But neither the Allies nor the Russian High Command followed up Brusilov's success in time. The Anglo-French troops failed to pass to the offensive at this crucial moment for the German army, thus enabling the German High Command to transfer considerable forces from the Western to the Eastern Front. Failing to receive the support of the other armies, Brusilov's offensive was checked, after fierce fighting involving heavy casualties, in the marshy terrain near the river Stokhod. This lack of co-ordination of active Allied operations v/as one of the factors which helped to prolong the war and to ease Germany's position in 1916.

Growth of the Revolutionary Crisis

Economic Chaos in the Country

Despite the successes the Russian armies achieved on the Turkish and Southwestern Fronts it was already evident that tsarist Russia had lost the war. The main reason for the defeat of tsarism was Russia's economic and technical backward ness. The technically backward war industry was incapable of sup plying the army with the munitions of war. In the rear, economic chaos reigned. Although the number of workers employed in industry almost doubled, the productivity of labour steadily declined.

Shortage of fuel led to the cutting down of production in the fac tories and mills. In 1916, thirty-six blast furnaces were blown out. The steel mills produced only half the metal that was needed for the war industry and metal deliveries to plants were rationed.

The railways could not cope with the traffic. The transport system was dislocated, as a result both of repeated militar^'^ withdrawals and of the flood of refugees who poured from the regions occupied by the Germans into the hinterland of Russia. During hasty retreats large quantities of rolling stock were left in the hands of the enemy. Wrecked cars and locomotives blocked the roads. To allow trains to pass, trains ahead of them were sometimes thrown over the railway embank ment. Owing to the lack of transport facilities even urgent supplies of war materiel obtained from the United States, Great Britain and France were not delivered on time. The military port of Archangel was so congested with war materiel that the lower oases literally sank into the ground under the weight of those on top of them.

The utter dislocation of the transport system intensified the food crisis. Over a billion poods of grain from preceding harvests lay rotting at remote railway stations while the population of the towns were living; on meagre bread rations. The army received only half the regu lation rations. The price of bread rose over 50 per cent. In the autumn of 1916, fixed grain prices were introduced, but the landlords and kulaks ignored them. Profiteering in grain increased, while long queues of starving people lined up outside the bakeries.

■ Agricultural output dropped considerably during the period of the war. About 14,000,000, or 47 per cent, of the adult male popula tion had been conscripted for the army, and it was the most able-bodied section of the rural population that was taken. Agriculture also suf fered from the continuous requisition of horses and cattle; during the period of the war the number of horses in the coimtry was reduced by 5,000,000.

Tn 1916 the sown area in the country was 85 per cent of that of 1909. Landlord farming, deprived of the cheap labour of day labour ers and peasants, deteriorated. The landlord farms were largely cul tivated by prisoners of war, but their labour was very unproductive.

Particularly disastrous were the effects of the war upon the cur rency of the country. The colossal expenditure entailed by the war was covered by the issue of paper currency. The value of the ruble dropped and the cost of living steadily rose. To meet the war expend iture the tsarist government floated internal loans and also appealed again and again for loans to the Allies. To pay for war contracts placed abroad it received from Great Britain, France and the United States sums amounting to 7,769,000,000 rubles.

The defeats at the front and economic chaos at home roused the alarm of the bourgeoisie. The bourgeoisie had been making unprece dented profits out of war contracts. Since tsarism proved to be inca pable of organizing a victorious war, the Russian bourgeoisie tried to take charge of the organization of the war effort and achieved great influence in affairs of state.

In the summer of 1915, the bourgeois representatives in rural and urban local government bodies formed an organization, known as the "Zemgor, " which demanded a voice in the distribution of sup plies for the army. At about the same time so-called War Industry Committees were set up which undertook to fulfil part of the war contracts. Proclaiming the slogan of "everything for the war, all for the war," the bourgeoisie launched a campaign to increase output in the factories.

The bourgeois opposition during the war years was led by a body set up in the State Duma in August 1915, and known as the Progressive bloc. It included nearly all the bourgeois parties, the Octobrists, Progressives, Cadets and part of the Nationalists.

Backed by the Mensheviks and the Trudovik ^^roup, tliis bloc demanded the" formation of a "Cabinet of confidence," that is to say, the ap pointment of Cabinet Ministers who would enjoy the confidence of the bourgeois majority in the Duma. The tsarist government, however, refused to make any concessions and in September 1915, it issued a decree to prorogue the Duma "for recess."

During the war Russia's economic dependence upon British and French capital greatly increased. In return for credits amounting to 3,000,000,000 rubles, Great Britain demanded that the tsarist gov ernment should transfer to London a part of Russia's gold reserve as security for payment on war contracts. At the same time the Allies continuously kept demanding fresh reinforcements fiom^Russia. In April 1916, the French "Socialists" Albert Thomas and Viviani were sent to Russia to demand the despatch of 400,000 Russian soldiers to France. Only a proletarian revolution could save Riissia from being utterly converted into a colony of foreign imperialism.

The Revolutionary Situation in the Country

At the end of 1915, a revolutionary situation began to develop in iche country. The war and the economic chaos caused extreme discontent among the masses of the working people who were obliged to bear the whole brunt of the war. The conditions of the working class had greatly dete riorated during the period of the war. The insignificant "war bonus"' was insufficient to cover the rising cost of living. High prices, shortage* of food and the eternal queues, particularly wore out the women workers who were obliged to maintain their children without the assistance of their husbands who were away at the front. About 40 per cent of the industrial workers had been conscripted for the war and it was the more class-conscious and j)rogrcssive workers, and also 3 ^oung workers, who were sent off first. Their j)laces in the factories were taken by work ers from the rural districts and by women and juveniles. To compel the workers to work harder and to rouse their supportfor the war, the War Industry Committees formed "workers' groups." In September 1915, at a meeting of representatives of the workers of the factories of Petrogr«^.d, the Bolshevilis secured the adoj^tion of a resolution against the election of such a gi'oup to the Central War Industries Commit tee. The result was that only an insignificant number of workers took part in the election of the "workers' group" which took place in No vember. The Menslievilvs, who advocated "class peace" between the workers and the bourgeoisie, supported the "workers' group," and the Menshevik Kuzma Gvozdev, an arrant Defencist, became the head of it.

Ill the spring of 1916, the strike movement began to assume wide proportions and the strikes in the central industrial region were exceptionally tiTrbulent, At the Novo Kostroma Linen Mills the work ers demanded an increase in wages and marched in procession to the offices of the mill to present this demand. They were met by troops who fii'ed at them, killing and wounding scores of them. The Commander of the Cor])S of Gendarmes sent a telegi'amto the Governor of Kostroma stating; "Apiirove your action. Find ringleaders. Court-martial them."

The same brulal treatment was meted out by troops and police to the workers of Ivanovo-Voznesensk who marched to the Town Hall to XDresent their demands. The shooting down of the workers in Kostroma and Ivanovo-Voznesensk called forth a wave of protest strikes. The strike of the workers of the Putilov Works, which was engaged on war orders, assumed a militant character, and was joined by the new work ers, among whom the Bolsheviks employed at the ]3lant had been very active. The Putilov strike was supported by the entire proletariat of Petrograd. In the autumn, mass strikes began to spread all over the country.

January 9, 1916, the anniversary of Bloody Sunday, was com memorated by the workers by a political strike. The political strike wave reached its peak in October 1916, when these strikes were accom panied by demonstrations in which the workers carried the revolution ary slogans: "Down with the war!", "Down with the autocracy!"

The movement among the workers stimulated the struggle of the peasants. The imperialist war had finally divorced the peasants from the bourgeoisie, for it revealed to them how utterly groundless were their hopes of receiving land and peace from the tsar and his bourgeois allies. The impoverishment and ruin created in the countryside by the war strengthened anti-war temper in the most backward and remote villages. The Department of Police noted the growth of propaganda conducted by peasants against the further recruitment of soldiers for the war. One such rural propagandii^t is reported to have said: "Our tsar is throwing the people into the war like an extrava gant cook throwing logs in the stove."

Information rhout the disastrous condition of peasant farming reached the army. Worn out by the protracted war and enraged by the ruination of their farms at home the soldiers refused to go into action against the enemy, voluntarily surrendered, inflicted wounds upon themselves and deserted in masses. In 1916 the number of de serters was estimated to have exceeded 1,500,000.

The Activities of the Bolsheviks During the War

The Bolshe viks developed extensive activities in the aimy and in the navy. They formed underground military organizations m the army units and printed and distributed revolutionarj'leaflets in which they called for fraternization between the soldiers of the belligerent armies and stressed that their common enemy was the imperialist bourgeoisie, and that the only way they could end the war was by turning their weapons against the bourgeoisie and their governments.

In the autumn of 1915, fraternization commenced at the front. The Bussian soldiers left their trenches to mingle with the enemy soldiers. Tlio soldiers of both sides treated each other to cigarettes and understood each other perfectly even though they did not know each other's language. This fraternization strengthened the international unity of the working people in both lines of trenches.

By the end of 1916, the letters vrhich the soldiers sent home from the front reflected their growing hatred of the vrar and of tsar ism. One soldier wrote: "The soldiers today are not what they were during the Japanese War; under the mask of slavish obedience there bums frightful anger. It is enough to light a tiny match for this mass to flare up." The conscripted workers, many of whom had taken part in the revolution of 1905, conducted propaganda in favour of another revolution.

A number of leading Bolsheviks were active in the army. M, V. Frunze, who escaped from prison in 1915, secured a situation in the Union of the Zemstvos under the assumed name of Mikhailov. He formed an underground Bolshevik organization in Minsk and established close contacts with the soldiers on the Russian Western Front. A. A, Zhdanov, mobilized into the armyj» conducted energetic Bolshevik propaganda among the troops. V. V. Kuibyshev was active in the pipe works in Samara, and S.M. Kirov was active inthe Caucasus, rousing the most backward and downtrodden highlanders for the struggle against tsarism. In Kiev, and later in Ekaterinoslav, L. M. Kaganovich conducted propaganda among the workers and soldiers. In the spring of 1915, V. M. Molotov arrived in Moscow to organize a Bolshevik conference. He was arrested and ex iled to Siberia, but he escaped shortly afterwards, went to Petrograd, and there directed the preparations for a new revolution.

Never had the lives of the Bolsheviks working underground been so full of danger as during the imperialist war, when those conduct ing revolutionary propaganda were liable to be coiirt-martialled and shot. But the Bolsheviks were not daunted by dijOSiculties or dangers; they knew how to be with, and at the head of, the masses, no ' matter what conditions prevailed.

In the endeavour to rally all the revolutionary forces for the struggle against the imperialist war the Bolsheviks conducted intense activity among the youths and workingwomen who had taken the places in industry of the men who had gone to the front.

The theoretical basis for the activities of the Bolsheviks during the period of the war was provided by Lenin's works on imperialism. In 1916, he wrote that work of genius, Im'periaUsm^ the Highest Stage of Capitalism in which he showed that imperialism is the last stage in the development of capitalism and is the eve of the proletarian revo lution. In this book, and in the articles he wrote in 1916-1916, he showed that imperialist wars weaken the forces of imperialism and ren der possible the breaking of the chain of imperialism at its weakest link. In his articles "The United States of Europe Slogan" and "The War Program of the Proletarian Eevolution" he showed that it was quite possible for the proletariat to break the chain of imperialism at some one point, that Socialism could not be victorious in all coun tries simultaneously, that it would iii'st achieve victory in a few coun tries, or even in only one country, while the other countries would for a time remain bourgeois countries. This was a new and complete theory of the socialist revolution, a theory the fundamentals of which were outlined by Lenin as early as 1906. This theory opened up a revolutionary perspective for the proletarians of the various countries, taught them to utilize the war situation for a revolutionary onslaught upon the bourgeoisie in the given country, and strengthened their confidence in the victory of the world proletarian revolution.

The Revolt of the Peoples in Central Asia in 1916

The National Question During the Period of the War

The bourgeoisie in all eountries proclaimed the imperialist war a war for the protection of weak nations, but actually, during the war the oppressed nationalities were forced into, greater dependence than ever upon the imperialist bourgeoisie. The colonial peoples served, as the source from which the belligerent armies received replenishments of "cannon fodder." During the period of the war the movement for national liberation was rapidly heading towards a revolutionary uprising against imperialism. Lenin and Stalin pointed out that the revolutionary movement for national liberation of the oppressed nationalities was a reserve of the proletarian revolution. The Bolsheviks waged a determined struggle against national oppression in Russia and in other oountries, and upheld the right of nations to self-determination and the international unity of the working class in its struggle for Socialism.

The Bolsheviks denounced the policy of national oppression pur sued by tsarism and the imperialist bourgeoisie. As far as Russia

is concerned," wrote Lenin at this time, "the war is doubly reaction ary and hostile to national liberation" (V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. XVIII, New York, 1930, p. 226).

The Revolt in Central Asia and Kazakhstan

The war imposed great suffering upon the oppressed peoples of tsarist Russia, la its quest for fresh sources of revenue for the purpose of financing the war, the tsarist government imposed additional taxes on the inhab itants of the outlying regions. The peoples of Central Asia were sub jected to exceptionally cruel exploitation. In the settled cotton-grow ing regions, the exploiters enmeshed the entire population in a net of enslaving contracts. During the period of the war the area under cotton increased 50 per cent, but the peasant growers could not enjoy the produce of their labour. They delivered the greater part of their crop to the landlords in payment for rent, and sold the remainder at ridiculously low prices fixed by the government to the disadvantage of the poor peasants . Meanwhile, the price of manufactured goods rose to an enormous extent. The Uzbek peasant cotton growers were threat ened by famine, as they grew scarcely any grain themselves and little grain was shipped into the region owing to the dislocation of the railways.

Conditions in the nomadic and semi-nomadic regions of Central Asia and Kazakhstan were even worse. The government continued to drive the Kirghiz and Kazakh herdsmen from their pastures in order to provide land for Russian settlers. In 1915, 1,800,000 hectares of the best land of the Kazakh and Kirghiz were granted to Russian land lords, government offtcials and kulaks. The continuous requisition of horses, cattle and wool for war purposes utterly ruined the herdsmen. The tyranny of the local authorities and the levies they imposed still further worsened the hard lot of the people.

The immediate cause of the extensive revolt of the working people in Central Asia was the order issued by the tsarist government in June 1916, conscripting the inhabitants from the age of nineteen to forty-three for the purpose of digging trenches and performing other work at the front, in spite of the fact that according to the laws of tsarist Russia the noii-Riissiau population was not liable to military service.

The Uzbeks, Ivazaldis, Kirghiz and Turkmen refused to obey thi.s harsh order, the more so that it was issued just when t]ie harvest was being taken in. The fii^st to rise in revolt were the peoples of Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan. Crowds of excited Uzbeks in the towns and villages of the Tashlient and Samarkand counties attacked the rural admin istration ofliccs and demanded that the conscription lists should be destroyed. By the middle of July 1916, the revolt had spread over the whole of Ferghana. Near Jizak, in the Samarkand Region, regular battles with the tsarist troops took place, in which the latter employed artillery. The rebels cut eommunications between Verny (now Alma-Ata) and Tashkent, caj^tured a trainload of arms that w^as being sent to be used against them , armed the peasants and entered into battle with the Russian troops. The revolt was suppressed only in October, after a punitive army had been sent against the rebels of the Somirechensk Region.

The revolt of the Kazakhs in the Turgai (now Aktyubinsk) Re gion which broke out in September 1916 was exceptionally iirolonged and stubborn. The revolt was headed by Aniangeldy linanov. When the Kazakhs of the Turgai Region refused to obey the tsar's conscription order, the Governor of the region went to them in person to jjorsiiade them to obey. Amangeldy turned to him and said: "Permit me, worthy chief, to put one question to you. In our ignorance we do not understand; whom shall we defend in this war?" The Governor ordered the arrest of Amangeldy, but he went into hiding among the poorest sections of the Kazakhs. Sliortly afterwards Amangeldy Imanov organized a large force of rebels which entered into battle with one of the punitive units at Lake Kizil-KuL The battle lasted a whole day and the troops were forced to retreat.

At the end of October 1916, the rebels headed by Amangeldy Imanov besieged the town of Turgai, but failed to capture it. Aman geldy retreated from Turgai and fortified himself in the village of Batbakara. Here workshops were set up where armourers worked day and night making swords and other side arms. The Ka zakhs were trained in the use of firearms and in military exercises. The local inhabitants supplied the rebels with food, and with fodder for their horses. A large punitive army was sent against Amangeldy, and in the middle of February 1917 this army captured Batbakara. The rebels retreated into the steppe. Later their brave leader Aman geldy took part in the revolution, joined the Bolshevik Party and died like a hero in the Civil War.

The revolt in Turkmenistan also lasted a considerable time. Tlie Turkmen herdsmen, moving from place to place, easily evad ed the tsar's troops sent against them. A special punitive expedition of Cossack troops sent against them succeeded in forcing the rebels to cross the frontier into Persia. The revolt was suppressed with ruthless cruelty. The punitive army burned down the herdsmen's encampments, and seized their property and cattle. In a number of counties more than half the population was wiped out. The Governor General, Kuropatkin, put 347 of the rebels on trial, and of these 51 were executed. In the case of the others sentence of death was commuted to penal servitude. Several hundred rebels were exiled without trial . After the revolt was sup pressed many thousands of Khghiz and Kazakli refugees, with their families and herds, wandered into China and Mongolia, while the Turkmens crossed over into Persia. On leaving their habitations the refugees sold the remnants of their jjroperty to the rich and to the bai (kulaks) for a mere song; but in the countries in which they had taken refuge they were also subjected to persecution. After Soviet rule was established in Kussia many of the refugees returned home.

Education and Culture in Russia before the Revolution (1907–1917)

Education and Science

The revolution of 1905-1907 had roused among the masses of the people a tremendous thirst for knowledge. During the period of the revolution a large number of educational societies were formed, and adult schools and study coxirses, libraries, people's universities, etc., were oj^ened. During the period of reaction, however, the tsarist government suppressed most of these educational societies and institutions. The first to suffer were the educational so cieties which had been formed by the workers and the iion-Russian nationalities. Among these were the Ehiowledge Is Strength Society, The Educational Society, The Self-Educational Society, The Voluntary High School, which had been organized by P. E. Lesgaft, a number of educational study courses, nearly all the People's xmiversities, and many of the elementary educational societies. But the tsarist govern ment was unable to crush the people's desire for knowledge.

The needs of developing capitalism, the growing economic and political intercourse with the more cultured European countries, and lastly, the steps which the tsarist government itself was taking towards a bourgeois monarchy, compelled the government to increase the extremely insignificant funds hitherto allocated for education in Russia.

The industrial boom of 1912-1914 confronted the bourgeoisie with the need for training technical personnel which were practically non-existent in tsarist Russia. The number of students in technical colleges in 1914 was twice that in 1903.

With funds provided by the Zemstvo and private capitalists teclinioal and commercial schools, and trade and agricultural schools were opened

Duriiig tho six years from 1907 to 1913 the 'estimates of the Min istry of Education were trebled, from 46,000,000 rubles to 137,000,000 rubles; but the latter was an insignificant sum considering the real needs of a civilized country. The tsarist government spent on educa tion 65 kopeks per head i)er annum, whereas Great Britain, Prance and Germany spent three to four rubles, and the United States nine rubles per head per annum. On the eve of the war the number of pupils attending educational establishments of all types was about 7,000,000, which was less than 60 per 1,000 ofthe population. Only about one-fourth of the children of school age attended school. Accord ing to official figures, before the revolution of 1917, only 21 per cent of the population of Russia was literate. In the non-Russian national regions the percentage of literacy was even lower: in Transcaucasia 12 per cent, in Central Asia about 5 per cent. Of Uzbek, Turkmen and Tadjik children only 42 per 1,000 attended school. This explains why entire nationalities, such as the Bashkirs, Kirghiz, Turkmens, Yakuts and many others were totally illiterate. As Lenin wrote: "No such barbarous country in which tho masses of the people have been so completely robbed of education, light and knowledge has remained in Europe except Russia" (V. I. Lonin, Oollected Works, Vol. XVI, Moscow, 1937, Russ, ed,, p, 410).

Lonin pointed to the conditions of schoolteachers as an index ofthe backwardness and barbarism of tsarist Russia. Teachers* salaries were miserably low, they wore continuously subjected to the carping crit iciam and persecution of the higher officials, and were constantly harassed by the police and secret service agents.

The tsarist school, "the school of drilling and learning by rote" as Lenin called it, dinned into the minds of the children knowledge of which nine-tenths was useless, while the other tenth was distorted. High-school students were prohibited from forming self-educational circles.

After defeating the revolution of 1906, the tsarist government came down heavily on the universities. In 1910 and 1911, in connection with the death of Leo Tolstoy, the students resumed their political meetings and protest demonstrations. In retaliation to this the tsarist government issued an order iabolishing university autonomy which had been won by the 1906 revolution, and suppressing student organizations which hitherto had been permitted to exist. Largo numbers of students were expelled from the universities and deported for taking part in tho students' movement. In 1910 the newly appointed Minister of Edu cation, the reactionary Kasso, dismissed all the liberal and radical professors and he also discharged the Principal of the Moscow University and his assistants for failing to take adequate measures against the "mutinous" students. In protest against this act of bureaucratic tyraimy 125 professors and lecturers of the Moscow University, among whom were K. A. Timiryazev, Professor of Physics P. N. Lebedev, and others, resigned.

To combat the revolutionary student movement the government encouraged the formation in the higher educational establishments of Black Hundred student organizations, such as the Academic Union, and others, which were connected with the Union of Russian People.

The state of the universities to some extent detennined the state of science in Russia. The university chairs trained an inadequate num ber of scientific research workers and there were few scientific research institutes in tsarist Russia. The Imperial Academy of Sciences pro duced no works of any great scientific value, and the President of the Academy was the tsar's uncle Konstantin Romanov, who knew nothing about science.

The genuine scientists who sprang from the ranks of the people received neither recognition nor assistance. The great genetics se lectionist, I. V. Michurin, was not recognized as a scientific researcher, in spite of the fact that scientists from other countries came to him to study his methods. The same applied to another great scientist, K. E. Tsiolkovsky, who constructed a dirigible airship ten years before the Zeppelin appeared, and who formulated the principles of the jet propelled engine; he was obliged to remain a teacher of mathematics in Kaluga and conduct his scientific researches with his own very modest resources. The outstanding mechanic, the father of Russian aviation, N. E. Zhukovsky, devoted himself to the study of aerial dynamics and the theory of the flight of aircraft, but the results of his work found application only under the Soviet regime. The first Russian airmen, Rossinsky, Utochkin and others, performed their flights at the risk of their lives in badly constructed aeroplanes provided by professional showmen for the purpose of public entertainment.

The plan proposed by the Arctic explorer, G. Y. Sedov in 1912, for an expedition to the Korth Pole was met with hostility and ridicule. It was only with great dijfiSlculty that Sedov, with the aid of private contributions, fitted out the St. Phoca and started out on his expedition, which was inadequately organized. Eventually, the ship was caught in the ice and Sedov, accompanied by two sailors, abandoned the ship and attempted to reach the Pole on foot, but they only succeeded in reacliing Rudolf Island, where, in the winter of 1914, the brave explorer died of hunger and cold. The remains of Sedov's grave on Rudolf Island were only recently discovered.

Thus, scientific discoveries, research and expeditions were treated by the tsiirist govoriiiiient and the bourgeoisie with cold indifference, and sometimes oven with ignorant contempt.

Literature and Art

The ideological disintegration that set in among the bourgeois intelligentsia found most vivid rejection in the decadence that cliaraoterized the literary world in the last decade be fore the revolution. Tlie Cadet proff^ssors and philosopliers, such as Bulgakov, Berdj^aev and others, intensified, in their philoso];>hical works, their attacks on Marxism and revolution and preached idealism and mysticism. Reactionary idealistic philoso])hy exercised considerable inlluenc(.'^ upon the Russian petty-bourgeois intelligentsia who frequently sought escape from reality in the world of abstract ideas and emotions. The individualist intellectual, disillusioned with life, became the lu'incipal hero in fiction. Social reaction opened the way for numerous literary trends such as the symbolists, futurists, acme-ists, etc., and while these various groups, schools and coteries were at loggerheads with each other, they all agreed in reimdiating realism in art. The predominating jirinciplc in literature was formalistic searching. The literature and poetry of that time was distinguished for its intellectual shallowness and }}essi inistio moods. Thus, tho works of Leonid Aiidrcyov breathed profound }>essimism and fatalism. Life for him was "madness and horror" and man was "a plaything in tho hands of fate." Artsybashev argued that a man "could do anything ho pleased since Death stood at everyone's back." Merezhkovsky and Zinaida Hippius advocated "seeking for a God" and denounced the Russian revolution. Undoubtedly talent ed poets like Balmont, Theodore Sologub and others, withdrew from; public life and sanli into extreme individualism, or into the world of abstract fantasy, "from constricting borders into a wonderful world, to unlmown beauty" as Balmont wrote. Pessimism even affect ed tho work of progressive poets like Alexander Blok and Valeri Bryusov. Tho Bolsheviks combated this state of decay in the literary world. Amidst the gloom of that period the wonderful stories that were written by the great proletarian author Maxim Gorky breathed cheer ful confidence and strength. "Man — ^there is a proud ring about that word," said Gorky. He had confidence in the new man and in his lofty mission as fighter for and builder of the new way of life. At that time Gorky came out as the bard of socialist democracy. In his novel Mother ^ he put into the month of his hero the following words about the new generation of Russian workers: ^VPhen you look at them you can see that Russia will be tho brightest democracy on earth." Maxim Gorky became tho favourite author of tho proletariat, and from his works the proletarians imbibed new strength for the struggle. Lenin wrote that "Gorky is undoubtedly the greatest representative of proleia^'ian art, who has done a great deal for this art and is capable of doing still more in the future" (V. I. Lenin, Selected Worhs, Vol. IV, Moscow, 1934, p. 36). Another challenge to the old decaying world was the poetry of the young poet Vladimir Mayakovsky. His poem "Cloud in Pants," written in 1914, was a hymn to life, love and the struggle, Mayakovsky proclaimed himself the "drummer boy of the revolution" and welcomed its coming. The call for the struggle for the new way of life was also sounded ill the works of the Ukrainian autlioress Lesj^a Ukrainlva, whose art reached its peak in the darkest years of reaction. The writer's fate was a tragic one: she was bedridden with tuberculosis in a severe form, but her work, which was strongly influenced by Puslikin's poetry, breathed ardent sjunpathy for the people who were rising against the autocracy, and sounded a call for the struggle against the oppres sors. In 1913, untimely death carried away another great artist in the field of literature in the person of M. M. Kotsyubinsky. Kotsyubinsky commenced his literary career in the 1880 's and 1890 's by ruthlessly denouncing the liberal Narodnik intelligentsia and the monstros ities of peasant life. In the period of the 1905 revolution he definitely became the mouthpiece of revolutionary peasant democracy. In his most important work, Fata Morgana, he describes with pro found sympathy the revolt of the peasants and reveals his hatred for the landlords and the kulaks. In 1916, the most popular of Jewish authors, Sholem Alechem, the nom de plmne of Sholem Rabinovich, died. Maxim Gorky described him as an "artist in melanchol 3 " and grave humour." In his series of humorous tales: Tobias the MUhtnan, The Memoirs of a Commer cial Traveller, and others, he described with great artistic realism and sincere sympathy the joyless life of the Jewish poor. Art in this period reflected the same ideas and moods as were reflected in literature. In painting, decorative themes came to the forefront (the "World of Art" group represented by Roerich, Benois and others). The same tendency to escape from realism into the world of inner emotions and external formalistic searchings was reflected in sculpture (P. P. Trubetskoy, Konenkov, and others). The work of the outstanding composer A. N. Scriabin (1871-1915)^ an innovator of musical form, contained elements of mysticism and' symbolism ("A Divine Poem," and others).

The February Bourgeois-Democratic Revolution

Overthrow of Tsarism

Two Conspiracies

Hie last years of tsarism in Russia were the years of its utter decay and decomposition. During the period of the war, the rascal Gregory Rasputin, formerly a peasant from Siberia, gained exceptional influence at the tsar's court. In his youth Rasputin had been a horse thief and later he roamed from monastery to monastery with pilgrims and alms-beggars. Skilfully posing as a "seer,^" he became extremely poxmlar among ignorant religious people and partic ularly among women. Rumours about him and the ^'"miracles" he performed reached the tsar's comt. The tsar and the tsarina who were extremely superstitious believed these rumours. The tsarina, who was fanatically religious, invited Rasputin to the court in the hope that he would bo able to cure the Crown Prince Alexei of the illness which the physicians had iDronounoed incurable. Rasputin was shrewd and brazen and gained enormous influence over the tsarina, and through her, over the tsar. The tsarina constantly induced Nicho las II to follow the advice of Rasputin, to whom, she believed, "God reveals everything." In obedience to Rasputin's illiterate messages the tsar appointed and dismissed ministers. With his assistance shady businessmen, profiteers, swindlers and foreign spies obtained important posts, profitable concessions, enormous subsidies and lucrative war contracts. The ascendancy of Rasputin most vividly reflected the obscurantism, the superstition, the intellectual poverty and mor al decay of the tsarist regime.

The defeats sustained at the front and the revolutionary situation in the country created panic in governmental circles. To have their hands free to crush the growing revolution, the tsar and the court clique wanted to conclude a separate peace with Germany, and arrange ments for negotiations for such a peace were made by the tsarina through her Geiman relatives. The scheme to conclude a separate peace with Germany was also supported by Rasputin,

Rumours that the court was secretly preparing to conclude a sepa rate peace with Germany leaked out and this, together with the fact that tsarism was obviously incapable of coping with the revolutionary movement in the country, stimulated the opposition of the bourgeoisie. At the Olid of 1915, the government began to meet with increasingly vigorous and sharp criticism in the State Duma. True, as Shulgin, one of the Deputies of the Right explained, this criticism was merely an attempt to transform "the seething revolutionary energy into words" and to "substitute resolutions for revolution." Nevertheless, bourgeois circles had lost their former "confidence" in the government. The government became panic-stricken and began to indulge in what was called "Ministerial leapfrog," i, e., constantly dismissing ministers and replacing them by others. During the period of the war there were no less than four Presidents of the Council of Ministers, six Minis ters of the Interior, four Ministers of War, three Ministers of Foreign Affairs, four Ministers of Agriculture and four Ministers of Justice. As was said in the Duma, the changes were so fast that it was impossible to "get a good look at the faces of the Ministers who fell."

In November 1916, the Fourth State Duma reassembled after the summer recess in an atmosphere of extreme political tension. The revolutionary crisis in the country was growing with catastrophic speed. The time had come when the ruling classes could no longer govern in the old way and the working people would no longer live in the old way. In its report on the political situation in the country, the Department of Police was obliged to admit that "opiDosition tem per has now reached such exceptional dimensions that it far exceeds that which prevailed among the broad masses in the turbulent period of 1905-1906."

Even the Grand Dukes and the higher aristocracy sensed the im pending collapse of tsarism and demanded the removal of Rasputin, whom they regarded as the chief cause of all the trouble in the country. On the night of December 17, 1916, Rasputin was killed by conspirators, among whom were relatives of the tsar, and his body was thrown into an ice hole on the river Neva. The assassination of Rasputin, however, could not, of course, alter the situation in the country. The tsarist government resolved to take drastic measures to crush the revolu tionary masses. Its plan was to conclude a separate peace with Ger many, dissolve the Duma, and then concentrate its main blow against the working class. It intended to draw troops, including artillery, to the capital and to do so in good time. The war factories were to be militarized in order to place the workers under military law. The Petrograd Military Area, which came within the area of the Northern Front, was formed into a separate military area under the command of General Khabalov, a most reactionary general. The police force in the capital was put on a war footing and supplied with machine guns. Maklakov, formerly Minister of the Interior, wrote to the tsar demanding that the sternest measures be taken to combat the revolutionary movement in order "to restore order in the state at all costs and ensure victory over the internal enemy who has long been becoming more dangerous, more fierce and more insolent than the external enemy." Concurrently witli this plot, another plot was being hatched by the imperialist bourgeoisie and the militarists. Giving up all hope of reaching an agreement with tsarism, the bourgeois plotters decided that the best means of averting a revolution would be a palace revolution. They plofcted to capture the tsar's train while it was on the way from Army Gonoral Headquarters in Mogilev to Tsarskoye Solo, compel the tsar to abdicate in favour of his son Alexei and appoint the tsar's brother, J\Tiehacl Romanov, who sjuapathized with "English ways," regent until Alexei came of age. A part in tliis plot to bring about a palace revolution was idaj^'ed by the British and French im perialists who were afraid that the autocracy would conclude a separate ]3oace with Germany.

But neither the plot of the tsarist autocracy nor that of the bourgeoisie fructified. They could not avert revolution. The working class and the peasants in soldiers' uniforms thwarted these plans by their mass revolutionary actions.

The Insurrection in Petrograd

At the beginning of 1917, the general crisis in the country became extremely acute. The railways almost ceased to function. The factories and mills failed to receive raw materials and fuel and came to a standstill. The food problem grew into an acute political problem. Ou January 9, 1917, the anniver sary of Bloody Sunday, a huge anti-war demonstration took place in Petrograd. Similar demonstrations took place in Moscow, Baku, Nizhni Novgorod and other towns. In Moscow two thousand workers came into the streets carrying red flags and banners bearing the slogan "Down witli the war! " Mounted police dispersed the demonstrators. In a number of towns strikes broke out, and in some, the people spontaneously began, to raid the baker shops. The government lost its head and began to intensify its measures of repression. The Mensheviks and the Socialist-Revolutionaries tried to prevent the revolution from developing by calling upon the workers to organize a demonstra tion in defence of the State Duma; but on February 14, the day on which the Duma was to open, a large section of the workers, in response to the call of the Bolsheviks, came into the streets, carrying the slogans "Down with the autocracy! ", "Down with the war!"

In the latter half of February the revolutionary movement in Petrograd grew with exceptional rapidity. On February 18, 30,000 workers employed at the Putilov Works came out on strike.

In the morning of February 23 the Putilov workers came out in a demonstration and were joined by the workers of other plants and by women waiting in the queues outside the baker shops. The Petrograd Committoo of the Bolshevik Party had issued an appeal for February 23 (March 8 new style) — International Workingwomen's Day — ^to be marked by a political strike. In all, 90,000 men and women workers struck work that day. The political strike began to develop into a general political demonstration against tsarism.

Next day, February 24, 200,000 workers were on strike. Revo lutionary meetings were held in all parts of the city. The police occupied the bridges across the Neva, but the workers streamed towards the centre of the city over the ice. On February 25, the political strikes in the different districts of Petrograd developed into a general political strike of the workers of the whole city. From General Headquarters the tsar sent the officer commanding the Petro grad Military Area the following order: 'T command you to put a stop to the disorders in the capital not later than tomorrow." The police began to fire upon the demonstrators with machine guns that were posted on the roofs of houses. The streets and squares in the centre of the city were occupied by troops. Large numbers of workers and Bol sheviks were arrested and flung into prison, among them members of the Petrograd Committee of the Bolshevik Party. The revolt at that time was directed by the Bureau of the Central Committee headed by Comrade Molotov.

V. M. Molotov had returned to Petrograd in 1916, after escaping from the Irkutsk Gubernia, where he had been exiled in 1915. On Lenin's instructions he was appointed to the Russian Bureau of the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party, which was directing the preparations for the February revolution. It was he who edited the leaflet issued by the Petrograd Committee of the Bolshevik Party on February 25, the last before the revolution — openly calling for insurrec tion. This leaflet ended with the words: "Ahead of us lies struggle, but victory awaits us. Let everybody rally under the Red flags of the revolution! Down with the tsarist monarchy!"

On February" 26, the Vyborg Side of Petrograd was entirely in the hands of the insurgent workers. The Vyborg District Committee of the Bolshevik Party called upon the workers to arm themselves by seizing the arsenals and disarming the police. Meanwhile the workers intensified their propaganda activities among the troops; they forced their way into the barracks and called upon the soldiers to join them. In the morning of February 26, some military units were still firing at the people, but by noon the soldieis w'ere firing not at the people, but at the mounted police who were attacking the workers. An important part in winning the soldiers over to the side of the people was played by the workingw'omen who ardently pleaded with the soldiers to help the workers to overthrow the hated autocracy.

On February 27, the troops in Petrograd began to go over to the side of the insurgents. Thg men of the Volhynsky and Lithuanian Regi ments joined the workers in the Vyborg District. The workers captured an arsenal containiug 40,000 rifles and armed themselves. Political prisoners were liberated from the prisons.

General Khabalov proclaimed martial law in Petrograd, but the tsarist authorities were no longer capable of checking the revolution. The insurgent workers marched to the Taurida Palace, where the State Duma met. During these daysRodzyanko, the President of the State Duma, had been sending the tsar at General Headquarters in Mogilev telegram after telegram begging him to make concessions to the people and thus "save the country and the dynasty"; but the tsar regarded the Duma as the principal hotbed of the resolution and therefore, on February 26, had issued a decree dissolving the Duma. The members of the Duma submitted to the tsar's decree, but they remained in the Taurida Palace.

The tsar at General Headquarters continued to receive reassuring telegrams from the tsaripa who was in the capital, "It is a hooligan movement," the tsarina wrote, "young boys and girls are running about and screaming that they have no bread — only to excite. ..." The tsar ordered troops to be withdrawn from the front and sent to Petrograd, but a troop train under the command of General Ivanov scarcely managed to reach Tsarskoye Selo, near Petrograd, where the soldiers fraternized with the revolutionary soldiers and want ed to arrest the General. The tsar left General Headquarters for Petrograd, but the royal train barely reached Dno, where it was obliged to turn and make ior Pskov, the Headquarters of the Northern Front.

Everywhere the troops went over to the side of the revolution.

The Dual Power

The Formation of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies

On February 27 (March 12 new style), the revolu tion triumphed.

Armed workers and soldiers liberated political prisoners from the prisons. The victorious workers and soldiers marched to the Taurida Palace where the members of the dissolved Duma were gathered. Hardly had the fighting ended than Comrade Molotov, member of the Russian Bureau of the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party, andved a-t the palace.

The idea of Soviets lived on in the minds of the people ever since the days of the 1905 revolution, and they put this idea into effect immediately on the overthrow of tsarism. Even while fighting was still in progress in the streets the workers in the factories and mills were already electing their first Deputies to the Soviets. Comrade Molotov sent Bolshevik soldiers to the various regiments of the Petrograd garrison with instructions to organize the election of Depu ties to the Soviet from each military unit.

Thus, unlike what occurred in 1905, when only Soviets of Workers' Deputies were formed, in February 1917, a joint Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies was formed. The &st meeting of the Petrograd Soviet took place in the evening of February 27.

The Petrograd Soviet and its Executive Committee proved to be under the control of representatives of the compromising parties — ^the Mensheviks and the Socialist-Revolutionaries — ^who managed to secure election while the Bolsheviks were in the streets leading the workers' insurrection. Another factor that infiuencedthe elections was that most of the leaders of the Bolshevik Party were still in prison or in exile. Tsarism had tom the leaders of the Bolshevik Party out of the ranks of the working class: Lenin was a political emigrant abroad, Stalin was in exile in distant Siberia. The Mensheviks, however, had remained at large, and posing as the champions of freedom they deceived the workers and soldiers and got themselves elected to the Soviets as their representatives. The rate of representation also helped the Mensheviks and the Socialist-Revolutionaries to obtain a majority in the Soviets; the rate of representation for large plants was one Deputy per 1,000 workers, but plants employing less than 1,000 workers could also elect one Deputy. The result was that the big plants, where Bol shevik influence was strongest, received only as many seats in the Soviet as the small plants in which Menshevik influence predominated. The army units, wliicli consisted largely of peasants, elected mainly Socialist-Revolutionaries or their sympathizers to the Soviet.

The Provisional Committee of the State Duma

On February 27, after backstairs negotiations between the bourgeois members of the Duma and the leaders of the Menshevik and Sooialist-Eevolutionary parties, a Provisional Committee of the State Duma was set up, headed by the President of the Fourth Duma, Eodzyanko. The latter en tered into communication with General Headquarters with the view to obtaining the consent of Nicholas II to the formation of a Cabinet that would be responsible to the Duma. The bourgeoisie were still trying to save the monarchy. As Comrade Stalin wrote in appraising the stand that was taken by the bourgeoisie at the time of the Feb ruary revolution, they "wanted a little revolution for a big war," The first thing the Provisional Committee of the State Duma did was to issue an order to the troops to retmn to barracks immediately and obey their officers. At a meeting of the Soviet of Workers' Deputies the soldiers' representatives raised a protest against this order. Yield ing to the pressure from the masses of soldiers the Soviet issued Or der No. 1, which defined the rights of the revolutionary soldiers. It provided for the elect'on of Soldiers' Committees in all units of the Petrograd garrison, abolished the rule of addressing officers and gener als as "Your Honour," "Your Excellency," etc., prohibited officers from using the degrading form, "thou," in addressing soldiers, and granted the latter the same political and civil rights as those enjoyed by officers.

Order No. 1 was an important factor in organizing the revolu tionary forces of the army and in finally swinging the soldiers at the front to the side of the revolution.

The Revolution Victorious Throughout the Country

Follow ing on the successful revolution in Petrograd, the revolution swept in triumph over the whole country. On February 27, the Moscow or ganization of t e Bolshevik Party called upon the workers and soldiers in that city to support the revolution in Petrograd. In the morning of February 28, the workers of the biggest plants came out on strike and were joined by the soldiers of the Moscow garrison. In the evening of March 1, the workers liberated imprisoned Bolsheviks. Among these was F. E. Dzerzhinsky.

The victory of the revolution m Petrograd was the signal for a revolt against tsarism also in the city of Nizhni Novgorod. The workers of the Soxmovo and other plants started a general strike, liberated political prisoners, disarmed the police and marched to the barracks and fraternized with the soldiers.

On March 2, the workers employed at the small-arms and ammuni tion factories in Tula rose in revolt, set up Soviets and arrested the local tsarist authorities. Similar scenes occurred in February and Marcli all over Russia. As Lenin figuratively expressed it, the blood-and mud-stainerl cart of the Eomanov monarchy was overturned at one stroke.

The Provisional Government

The revolution was brought about by the workers and the peasants in soldier's uniform, but they were robbed of the fruits of their victory. The Socialist-Eevolution aries and the Mensheviks were of the opinion that the revolution was already over and that the main thing now was to set up a '"normal" bourgeois government. On the night of March 1, behind the backs of the Bolsheviks, they reached an agreement with the members of the Duma to form such a government. In the morning of March 2, the appointment of a Provisional Government headed by Prince Lvov, a big landlord, was announced. Among the members of this government was Milyukov, leader of the Cadet Party, prof3ssor of history, who was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs; Guchkov, leader of the Octobrist Party, a manufacturer and banker, head of the War Indus try Committees, who was appointed Minister of War and Marine; Konovalov, member of the Progressive Party and textile mill ower, was appointed Minister of Commerce and Industry; and the millionaire sugar manufacturer Tereshchenko was appointed Minister of Finance, Of the eleven Ministers only one was a "Socialist," the Peo ple's Socialist (later Socialist-Revolutionary) Kerensky, a lawyer, who received the minor post of Minister of Justice.

In his first "Letter from Afar," Lenin described this government in the following words: "This government is not a fortuitous assem blage of persons. They are representatives of the new class that has risen to political power in Russia, the class of capitalist landlords and bourgeoisie, the class that for a long time has been ruling our country economically. ..." (V. I. Lenin, Selected Works, Two-Vol. ed., Vol. I, Moscow, 1947, p. 739.)

The first steps the new bourgeois government took were directed towards saving the monarchy. Behind the back of the Petrograd So viet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, Guchkov and Shulgin went to the deposed tsar in Pskov, and in the name of the Provisional Govern ment urged him to abdicate in favour of his son Alexei. The tsar con sented to abdicate in favour of his brother Michael. The bourgeoisie were willing to accept even this new tsar. On his return to Petrograd Guchkov addressed a meeting of the workers in the railway workshops and after reading the manifesto announcing the abdication of Tsar Nicholas 11 he concluded with the cry: "Long live Emperor Mi chael!" The indignant workers demanded Guchkov's immediate arrest. "Horse-radish is no sweeter than radish," they said.

Realizing that it was impossible to save the monarchy, the Provi sional Government sent a deputation to Michael Romanov to request him to abdicate and transfer power to itself. On March 3, Michael Romanov signed iiis abdication, and in a manifesto to the people he called upon them to obey the Provisional Government.

The Class Nature of the Dual Power

At the very outset of the revolution a dual power arose in the country; the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, rej)resented by the Provisional Govemment; and the revolutionary-democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasantry, represented by the Soviets of Deputies. Both these powers existed side by side.

After victory was achieved over tsarism Soviets of Workers' Depu ties were set up in all the towns of Russia, even in the most remote parts of the country. Somewhat later, in the latter half of March, Soviets of Peasants' Deputies began to spring up. At first, the Petro grad Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies served as the all Russian centre of the Soviets. The Soviets were virtually a second government. They controlled the armed forces of the revolution. Armed workers formed units of Red Guards. The Soviets enjoyed the undivided confidence and support of the army and of the masses of the working people. Nevertheless, the Soviets voluntarily surren dered all state power to the bourgeoisie and its Provisional Government .

Lenin wrote the following: "The class origin and the class signifi cance of this dual power consist inthe fact thab the Russian revolu tion of March 1917 not only swept away the whole tsarist monarchy, not. only transferred the entire power to the bourgeoisie, but also approached very closely to the point of a revolutionary-democratic dictatorship , of the proletariat ' and peasantry. The Petrograd and the otW, the local, Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies represent precisely such a dictatorship (that is, a government power resting not on law but on the direct force of armed masses of the population), a dictatorship precisely of the above-mentioned classes" {V. I. Lenin, Selected Worlcs, Two-Vol. ed., Vol. II, Moscow, 1947, pp. 27-28).

The existence of a dual power in 1917 was due to the fact that Russia was a petty-bourgeois country. During the revolution, millions of people who had had no previous experience in politics were awak ened to political life, and this petty-bourgeois tide swept to the political forefront the Menshevik and Socialist-Revolutionary parties which entered into a compromise with the bourgeoisie.

As a class, the bourgeoisie was better organized than the workers and peasants, who had not had the same legal opportunities to organize as the bourgeoisie had enjoyed. After 1906, and particularly during the war, the capitalist class was able to build up for itself the machinery of its future power, and it easily set this machinery in motion at the time of the revolution.

During the war the petty-bourgeois stratum of the proletariat also gained in strength as a consequence of the fact that numerous small property owners, handicraftsmen, shopkeepers and kulaks had poured into the factorit-s in order to escape military service. It was this petty-bourgeois stratum of the workers, together with the small "labour aristocracy," that served as the main prop of the Mensheviks and the Sooialist-E.evolutionaries.

The politically mature and most class-conscious section of the proletariat belonged to the Bolshevik Party; but during the war most of these were either in prison, in exile, or at the front.

The vast masses of the workers, soldiers and peasants, formerly downtrodden by tsarism, betrayed naive confidence in the Provisional Government, which, they believed, had been created by the revolu tion, and in the Socialist-Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks, who were the worst enemies of peace and Socialism.

The Great October Socialist Revolution

Preparations for the Great October Socialist Revolution

The Beginning of the Crisis of the Provisional Government

The Imperialist Policy of the Provisional Government

The masses of the working people expected that the government which came into power as a result of the revolution would put a stop to the war, transfer the land to the peasants, introduce an 8-hour day for the workers and take measures to combat hunger and economic chaos. But, as Lenin wrote, the Provisional Government could "give to the peoples of Russia (or to those nations to which we are bound by the war) neither peace, nor bread, nor complete freedom. . .

(V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. XX, Bk. I, New York, 1929, p. 24.)

The Provisional Government, which consisted of representatives of the landlords and capitalists whose interests were bound up with the war, had no intention of terminating the war. On the contrary, it tried to utilize the revolution for the purpose of stimulat ing military operations and of giving effect to the plans of the imperialists.

Russia's British and French allies also demanded that the Provi sional Government prosecute the war "to a victorious j&nish." The Brit ish government recognized the Provisional Government on the condition that it "remained faithful to the obligations undertaken by its prede cessors." The French government sent the Provisional Government a note wishing it success in its determination to prosecute the war "honestly and tirelessly to a victorious finish," but made no mention of official recognition.

With the assistance of the Mensheviks and the Socialist-Revolu tionaries, the Provisional Government deceived the masses by assur ing them that after the overthrow of tsarism the war had ceased to be an imperialist war and was now a war for a free and democratic Russia. The bourgeois, landlord, Menshevik and Socialist-Revolutionary newspapers proclaimed in different keys that "without victory at the front there can be no freedom."

The workers, soldiers and peasants, however, persistently demand ed the termination of the hated war, and as a result of their pressure the Petrograd Soviet on l\Iarch 14 issued an appeal to the peoples of Europe calling for a "just democratic peace without annexations or indemnities." This appeal did not, however, indicate any concrete measures for the struggle for peace; it merely fostered the illusion that an imperialist war can terminate with a "just peace" without the overthrow of the imperialist governments. But even this compromise appeal of the Soviet roused the protests of the Entente governments.

The Provisional Government hastened to assure the Allies of its readiness to prosecute the war to a victorious finish. Eor the purpose of continuing the war it floated a "Liberty Loan" to the amount of 6,000,000,000 rubles, and the Mensheviks and the Socialist-Revolution aries supported this measure.

The bourgeois Provisional Government tried to preserve the old order after the revolution; the land remained in the possession of the landlords, and the factories in the possession of the capitalists. Protect ing the interests of the employers, it refused to pass a law introducing an 8-hour day; the workers instituted the 8-hour day on their own accord. Protecting the interests of the landlords, the government, in March, sent troops to the Kursk, Mogilev and Perm Gubernias to suppress the incipient peasant movement there. In April it circulat ed an order to Gubernia Commissar calling upon them to crush revolu tionary actions of the peasants "by all means, including the calling out of military forces." At the same time it passed a law on the protection of grain fields, which provided for the payment of compensa tion to landlords for damage caused by "popular unrest." The Ministry of Agriculture, of which the Cadet Shingaryov was the head, set up Conciliation Boards consisting of peasants and landlords for the purpose of settling disputes between them "by voluntary agree ment." The Provisional Government introduced no reforms what ever; it postponed all reforms until the "convocation of the Con stituent Assembly," which, however, it was in no hurry to con vene.

The Provisional Government left intact the entire administrative machinery of the old regime. The Provincial Governors were replaced by Provincial Commissars, these posts being filled by chairmen of gubernia and county Zemstvo Administrations, most of whom were landlords and arrant monarchists. The Minister of Justice, the Social ist-Revolutionary Kerensky, left all the tsarist procurators in their posts. The former tsarist ministers and high government offieials contin ued to receive huge pensions. Neither titles (prince, count, baron, etc.) nor tsarist decorations were abolished. The nobility continued to enjoy all their caste and property rights and privileges. The Provi sional Government even tried to save the royal family by sending it to England, and it was only the determined intervention of the workers and soldiers that compelled the government to abandon this plan and arrest the tsar.

The imperialist Provisional Government neither could nor would give the people peace, land, bread and freedom; but a section of the workers and a considerable section of the soldiers and peasants still had confidence in the compromising parties — the Mensheviks and the Socialist-Eevolutionaries — ^whioh called upon them to support the Provisional Government. Lenin called these misguided people "honest Defencists" as distinct from the Menshevik and Socialist-Revolutionary" leaders who deliberately advocated the continuation of the imperialist war.

Lenin's April Theses

As a result of the victorious revolution Russia, which only recently had been the most oppressed country in the world, became a free country compared with other countries. The masses of the people made full use of the democratic rights and the freedom of speech, press, combination, demonstration and assembly which they had won.

All over the country the workers set up factory committees and formed trade unions; the peasants began to organize land committees; in conformity with Order No. 1 the soldiers democratized the army. To develop the revolution further, it was necessary to guide the activi ties of these broad masses who had just been awakened to political life and to help them to understand the situation that had arisen in the country. This was the task that the Bolshevik Party set itself after the victory of the Eebruary revolution.

On March 5, 1917, the first issue of the revived Bolshevik newspaper Pravda appeared. On March 12, Comrade Stalin returned to Petrograd from exile in Turukhansk, and on March 14, his first article on the Soviets appeared in Pravda, In this article Comrade Stalin urged that the Soviets should be strengthened in every way as the organs of the revolutionary power of the people. The change from •underground to legal conditions caused semi-Menshevik wavering among some of the members of the Bolshevik Party. Thus, Kamenev, on his return to Petro grad, took the Menshevik stand of supporting the Provisional Govern ment and the policy it pursued. But the Petrograd Bolsheviks, headed by Comrade Stalin, strongly combated the attempts of Kamenev and his group to divert the Party to the path of opportunism.

The entire Party eagerly awaited the return to Russia of the leader of the revolution, V. I. Lenin.

Lenin was an exile in Switzerland when he received the newsoftho second revolution in Russia. He wanted to return home at once, but the imperialist governments of Prance and Great Britain put every obstacle in his way. From this "accursed afar" as he called it, he closely watched the development of events in Russia, and in letters to com rades and articles in Pravda (his "Letters from Afar") indicated to the Party the fundamental tasks of the proletariat in the revolu tion.

It was not until April 3 (16), 1917, that Lenin succeeded, after overcoming great difficulties, in returning to Pi,ussia. At Byelo-Ostrov, near Petrograd, he was met by Comrade Stalin . Thousands and thousands of workers, soldiers and sailors assembled at the Finland Railway Sta tion in Petrograd to welcome the beloved leader of the revolution. The station square and the adjoining streets were crammed with people and scores of Red flags bearing the inscription "Welcome to Lenin" fluttered in the light of flaming torches. On his appearance outside the station Lenin was greeted with thunderous cheers. Mounting an ar moured car he delivered a brief speech of greeting which he concluded with the cry: "Lo7ig live the Socialist EevolutionV^

In the morning of April 4, Lenin attended a meeting of Bolsheviks at which he expounded his theses entitled "The Tasks of the Proletariat in the Present Revolution." These were Lenin's celebrated April Theses.

In these theses Lenin emphasized that "the specific feature of the present situation in Russia is that it represents a transition from the first stage of the revolution — ^which . . . placed the power in the hands of the bourgeoisie — to the second stage, which must place the power in the hands of the proletariat and the poorest strata of the peasantry" (V. I. Lenin, Selected WorJcs, Two-Vol. ed., Vol. 11, Moscow, 1947,

p. 18).

The Bolshevik Party came to the new stage with the plan for developing the bourgeois-democratic revolution into a socialist revolution which Lenin had worked out as far back as 1906. It launched its struggle for the new stage of the revolution on the basis of Lenin's theory that Socialism could be victorious in a single country. Formerly, Social-Democrats had regarded the parliamen tary democratic republic as the best political form for the transition to Socialism; now, however, Lenin proposed that the demand for a democratic republic should be superseded by the demand for a Soviet republic. In his theses he proclaimed the slogan: "A republic of Soviets of Workers', Agricultural Labourers' and Peasants' Deputies through out the coimtry, from top to bottom." As regards the Provisional Government he proclaimed the slogan: "No support for the Provisional Government."

In his theses Lenin also put forward the demand for the confisca tion of the landlords' estates and the nationalization of all the land, the immediate merging of all the •banks in one national bank to be controlled by the Soviets of Workers' Deputies, and the immediate institution of Soviet control over the social production and distri bution of products.

Another of Lenin 's pro posals was that the Bolshe vik Party should drop the name of Social-Democratic Party, which had been dis credited and disgraced by tfe opportunists, traitors to Socialism, and adopt the name of Communist Party, as Marx and Engels had called the proletarian party.

By adopting this name the Party emphasized that its ultimate goal was Communism.

Lenin also set the task of forming a neWj Third, Communist International.

Kamenev, Rykov and the other opportunists who were opposed to the transition to the socialist revolution joined the Mensheviks in opposing Lenin's theses. The entire Party, however, unanimously adopt ed Lenin's theses which outlined a masterly plan of the party s' struggle for the transition from the bourgeois-democratic revolution to the socialist revolution.

Lenin's April Theses served as the basis for all the decisions that were adopted by the Seventh All-Russian Conference of the Bolshevik Party that was held in April 1917 (hence known as the April Con ference). At this conference Kamenev, Rykov and Zinoviev opposed Lenin's plan for the development of the bourgeois-democratic into a socialist revolution. They repeated the Menshevik argument that Russia had not yet matured for a socialist revolution, and that only bourgeois rule could be established. The conference, however, supported Lenin's theses and denounced the enemies of Socialism.

The conference adopted a resolution demanding that the landlords' estates be confiscated and placed at the disposal of the Peasant Com mittees,

Comrade Staliir delivered a report on the national question in which he substantiated the Bolshevik program demands for the right of nations to self-determination, including the right to secede and form independent states. Pyatakov, who, with Bukharin, had taken a national-chauvinist stand during the imperialist war, opposed grant ing nations the right to self-determination. Pollowing the lead of Lenin and Stalin, the conference rebuffed this attempt at the oppor tunist revision of the Party's program on the national question. In the speech he delivered at the conference, Lenin advanced the slogan of "All power to the Soviets." The fact that the Party put forward this slogan meant that it was setting out to abolish the dual power and to secure the transfer of all power to the Soviets. The fulfilment of this slogan would mean expelling the representatives of the landlords and capitalists from the organs of power.

The Apxil Confeience was of tremendous significance in the his tory of the Bolshevik Party. It headed the Party for the fight to develop the bourgeois-democratic revolution into a socialist revolu tion, for the fight for the dictatorship of the proletariat.

The April Crisis

The Bolsheviks did not at this time call upon the masses immediately to overtlirow the Px'ovisional Government, in so far as it was still supported by the Soviets. They set out to win a majority in the Soviets, which were controlled by the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries and through the Soviets to bring about chan ges in the composition and the policy of the Provisional Government. The propaganda of the Bolshevik Party and experience itself soon helped the workers and soldiers to realize tliat the bourgeois Provision al Government was deceiving them on the most vital question, namely, the question of the war.

On April 18 (May I new style), when huge May Day demonstra tions were taking place all over the country in support of universal peace, Milyukov, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, sent a note to the Allies in which he pledged the Provisional Government "to continue the war until a decisive victory is achieved" and promised that the Provisional Government would honour to the full the obligations undertaken towards the Allies.

When, on April 19, Milyukov's note became known to the workers and soldiers it caused profound indignation among them.

On April 20, the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party called upon the working people to protest against the Provisional Govern ment's imperialist policy. In the morning of that day the "Finland" Regiment marched to the Mariinsky Palace, where the Provisional Government was sitting, carrying the slogan: "Down with the policy of conquest!" Late in the afternoon columns of workers marched to the palace carrying banners on which were inscribed; "All power to the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies!", "Down with the war!"

On April 20 and 21 (May 3 and 4) over 100,000 people took part in the protest demonstration against the 'Provisional Government's imperialist policy. The bourgeoisie in their turn organized a demonstration of armed officers, cadets^ university students and shopkeepers who carried the slogan: '"Confidence in the Provisional Government!" General Kornilov, Commander of the Petrograd Military Area, issued an order to the troops to fire on the demonstrating working people, but the soldiers refused to obey the order of this counter-revolutionary general.

The April demonstration showed that the masses were beginning to waver in their confidence towards the Provisional Government and the compromising parties, but that it was still premature to set the task of immediately overthrowing the Provisional Government.

The April demonstration of the masses signified a crisis of the Prov'-sional Government. When the bourgeoisie saw that they would be unable to secure complete power through the medium of the Cadet and Octobrist Ministers, they resorted to a manoeuvre: they removed from the government the ministers that were most hateful to the people and agreed to the appointment of several representatives of the compromising parties to posts in the government.

On May 2, Milyukov and Guchkov were removed from the Provi sional Government. The reorganized government consisted of represent atives of the bourgeoisie and a number of Mensheviks and Social ist Pevolutionaries . Thus, V. M. Chernov, the head of the Socirlist Revolutionary Party, became Minister of Agriculture, the Menshevik Tsereteli became Minister of Post and Telegraph, the Menshevik Skobelev became Minister of Labour. That was Low the first coalition Provisional Government was made up. The entry of Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries into the coalition government signified the open desertion of the compromising parties to the camp of the coxmter-revolutionary bourgeoisie.

As Lenin wrote: "The bourgeoisie has begun to use them [the compromisers] as its oat's paw; it has started doing such things through them as it could never have done without them" (V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. XX, Bk. 2, New York, 1929, p. 230).

The policy of the coalition government differed in no way from that of the Milyukov and Guchkov government. The '^Socialist" Minis ters acted in conformity with the instructions of the imperialist bour geoisie. The Socialist-Revolutionary Kerensky, who took Guchkov's place as Minister of War, on the demand of the Entente began to prepare for an offensive. The Socialist-Revolutionarj" Chernov, the Minister of Agriculture, ordered stronger measures to be taken to combat the seizure of the landlords' land by the peasants. The Men shevik Minister of Labour, Skobelev, while helping the capital ists, called upon the workers to display "self-denial" and complained that their "wages were too high." The People's Socialist Peshekhonov, Minister of Food, in every way protected the landlords and kulaks, who were proiiteering in grain, and dared not put into effect the law introducing a state grain monopoly which had been passed in March. Casting off all restraint, the landlords and the kulaks even sabotaged the census of grain stocks in the country which had been ordered. Profiteering in grain assumed vast proportions.

The June Crisis

The June Demonstration

Tlie policy directed against the in terests of the people that was pursued by the coalition government showed that the petty-bourgeois Menshevik and Socialist-Revolu tionary parties had become the most important social prop of impe rialism in Russia. Hence, the exposure and isolation of these compro misers became the fundamental aim in the activities of the Bolsheviks.

As Comrade Stalin wrote: "Naturally, the Bolsheviks at that time directed their main blows at these parties, for unless these parties were isolated, there could be no hope of a rupture between the labouring masses and imperialism, and unless this rupture was ensured, there could he no hope of the Soviet revolution achieving victory" (J. Stalin, Problems of Leninism^ Moscow, 1945, pp. 112-113).

In pursuance of the decisions of the April Conference, the Bolshevik Party launched an extensive campaign to explain the Bolshevik slogans and to expose the policy of the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries. The effect of this was that the workers began to carry through new elections of the Soviets, out of which they swept the Menshevik and Socialist-Revolutionary Deputies, replacing them by Bolsheviks.

The Bolsheviks also ousted the Mensheviks and the Socialist-Rev olutionaries from posts in the trade union organizations, particularly in the factory committees. On May 30 (June 12), the first conference of factory committees was held in Petrograd at which three-fourths of the delegates voted for the Bolsheviks.

Indicative of the growth of Bolshevik influence among the masses were the letters to Lenin and to Pravdu that were sent from villages, factories and the trenches. "Comrade, friend Lenin," wrote the sol diers to Lenin, "remember that we soldiers are prepared to a man to follow you anywhere, and that your ideas truly express the will of the peasants and workers." The growth of political consciousness among the workers and soldiers was exceptionally rapid in Petrograd.

In the provinces the liberation of the masses from the influence of the Mensheviks and the Socialist-Revolutionaries was slower. This is shown by the fact that of the 1,000 delegates who assembled at the First All-Russian Congress of Soviets that was held in June 1917, only 105 were Bolsheviks. But even though in the minority, the Bolsheviks were successful in exposing the compromising policy of the Mensheviks and the Socialist Revolutionaries .

The main item on the agen da of this congress was the ques tion of the attitude to be taken towards the coalition Provision al Government. The Menshevik Tsereteli tried to scare the con gress by stating that the rev olution would be doomed if the coalition with the bourgeoi sie were abandoned. "There is no political party in Russia at the present time," he said,

"that would express its readi ness to take entire power upon itself." Lenin at once shouted from his seat: "There is such a party!" And then, mounting the platform, he said: "I say there is! . . . Our party does not refuse it; it is prepared at any moment to take over entire power" (V. I. Lenin, Selected Works, Two-Vol. ed., Vol. II, Moscow, 1947, pp. 59-60).

Lenin strongly denounced the compromising policy that w^aa pursued by the Mensheviks and the Socialist-Revolutionaries, who were helping to prolong the war and assisting the bourgeoisie in every way, and he concluded his speech with the demand that all power be transferred to the Soviets.

While the congress was in session the Bolsheviks were making preparations for a demonstration of Petrograd workers and soldiers under the slogans of "All power to the Soviets!", "Down with the ten capitalist Ministers!", "Bread, peace and freedom!" Dreading the growing influence of the Bolsheviks, the Menshevik and Socialist Revolutionary leaders of the congress secured the passage of a resolu tion prohibiting all demonstrations for three days. At the same time the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet called for a general demonstration on June 18, with the intention of making its watchword "Confidence in the Provisional Government!" The compromisers anticipated that th*s would l^e a patriotic demonstration to mark the launching of the offensive at the front. The Bolsheviks called upon the workers and soldiers to join in this demonstration, but to inscribe Bolshevik slogans on their banners. Over four hundred thousand workers took part in the demonstration.

Comrade Stalin described this demonstration in Pravda in the following words: "A bright sumiy day. An endless string of demon strators. From morning to night the procession moves towards the Field of Mars. An endless forest of banners . ... A feature that struck the eye: not a single mill, not a single factory, not a single regiment displayed the slogan 'Confidence in the Provisional Government!' Even the Mensheviks and the Socialist-Eevolutionaries forgot (or rather did not dare) to display this slogan. . . . Only three groups had the courage to display the slogan of confidence, but even they found causo to regret it. These were a group of Cossacks, the * Bund' group, and Plekha nov's Yediifistm group. *The Holy Trinity! ' the workers on the Field of Mars ironically called them. Two of them (the Bund and the Yedinstvo) were compelled by the workers and soldiers to furl their banners amidst cries of 'Down with them! ' The Cossacks refused to furl their banner, so it was torn to shreds. And one anonymous banner of 'confidence' stretched 'in mid-air' across the entrance to the Field of Mars was tom down by a group of soldiers and workers amid the approving comments of the public: 'Confidence in the Provisional Government is hanging in mid-aiP^ (Lenin and Stalin^ 1917, Selected Writings and Speeches, Russ, ed., pp. 156-157).

Thus, the demonstration of June 18, turned into a demon stration of no confidence in the Provisional Government. It served as an index of the growing revolutionary spirit of the workers and soldiers of Petrograd, of their readiness to fight for the Bolshevik slogans. It was a de feat for the Menshevik and So cialist-Revolutionary parties which supported the Pj ovisional Government.

The June Offensive

On the demand of the Brit ish and French imperialists, the Provisional Government prepared to launch an offensive at

the front. In April 1917, the United States entered the World War, but considerable time was required to transport the Amer ican troops to the theatre of war. The governments of the Entente countries wanted at all costs to keep the Russian Front active in order to prevent the Germans from transferring troops to the Western Front, and they threatened to deprive the Provisional Government of loans and subsidies if it did not immediately launch an offensive and so draw German troops away from the Western Front. In addition, the Russian bourgeoisie saw in an offensive the only way of putting a stop to the revolution. They calculated that if it failed they could throw the blame on the Soviets and the Bolsheviks and crush them,

Kerensky, the Minister of War, speeded up the preparations for the offensive. Troop trains carrying reinforcements and trains loaded with ammunition and supplies were sent to the front lines, and Keren sky himself toured the different fronts haranguing the soldiers and urging them to fight. That was why the soldiers dubbed him "Persuaderin-Ohief. "

The offensive was launched on June 18, and at first proceeded successfully, particularly in the case of the Eighth Army, which pierced the Austrian Front and moved its divisions into the breach, A few days later, however, the offensive petered out. Reinforcements arrived slowly, and the army command w'as unable to develop the first suc cesses. The offensive came to a halt.

Shortly afterwards the Austro-German troops launched a counter offensive, inflicted defeat on the Russian army at Tarnopol and forced it to beat a rapid retreat. During the ten days of the ' offensive the Russian Southwestern Front lost about 60,000 men. War weariness and discontent among the troops, their desire for peace, and their distrust of and downright enmity towards the counter-revo lutionary officers were factors which contributed to the failure of the offensive.

The National-Liberation Movement of the Oppressed Nationalities in Russia after the Overthrow of Tsarism

The Provisional Government's National Policy

After it came into power the imperialist bourgeoisie pursued the same great-power policy of national oppression in the non-Russian regions as that pursued by tsarism, for it regarded the maintenance of its rule over the non-Bussian regions as one of the bases of its economic and political power. Backed by the petty-bourgeois parties, the Provisional Gov ernment advanced the old tsarist slogan of "Russia, united and in divisible,^' but covered it with the flag of "revolutionary democracy."

The Provisional Government met with hostility every attempt at self-determination on the part of the nations, and called upon all the oppressed peoples in Russia to wait until the Constituent Assembly decided their fate. It made an exception only in the case of Poland by adopting an official decision recognizing her independ ence; but Poland had been occupied by German troops since 1915,

The movement for national liberation in the former tsarist colo nies grew with increasing intensity in 1917,

Comrade Stalin wrote: "'Abolish national oppression' was the slogan of the movement. In a trice, 'all-national' institutions sprang up all over the border regions of Russia, The movement was headed by the national, bourgeois-democratic intelligentsia, 'National Coun cils' in Latvia, the Estonian Region, Lithuania, Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, the Caucasus, Kirghizstan and the Middle Volga Region; the 'Rada' in the Ukraine and in Byelorussia; the 'Sfatul Tsarii' in Bessarabia; the 'Kurultai' in the Crimea and in Bashkiria; the 'Auton omous Government' in Turkestan — such were the 'all-national' in stitutions around which the national bourgeoisie rallied its forces" (J . Stalin, Marxism and the National and Colonial Question^ Moscow, 1940, p. 60).

The bourgeois nationalist intelligentsia tried to capture the leader ship of the growing national movement and to take advantage of the February revolution to form "their own" national states.

The national bourgeoisie in the border regions, however, demanded not secession from Russia, but national autonomy within the Russian state, with the bourgeois government of which they hoped they could reach agreement.

The Provisional Government's Conflict with Finland

In the beginning of March 1917, the Provisional Govermnent issued a decree restoring the tsarist Constitution in Finland. Shortly after that a coalition Senate was set up in that country, consisting of six Social-Democrats and six representatives of the bourgeoisie. This Senate was to act as the government. The Finnish Sejm, which had been elected in 1916, was convened. But actually, neither the Sejm nor the Senate were given any power. The Provisional Government sent a Commissioner to Finland and refused to recognize her independ ence.

Finnish army officers opened negotiations with Wilhelm II with the object of obtaining his assistance in severing Finland from Russia. The Finnish bourgeoisie hoped with the assistance of the German imperialists not only to separate Finland from Russia, but also to launch a civil war against the Finnish workers. In the guise of athletic clubs they began to form reactionary "maintenance of order squads."

The Finnish proletariat were emphatically opposed to an alliance with German imperialism against Russia, where tsarism had .been overthrown, and ardently supported the Russian revolution.

In the endeavour to achieve Finland's independence, the Finnish Sejm, in July, passed a law defining the supreme powers of the Sejm. In retaliation to this, the Provisional Government, following the example of the tsarist government, dissolved the Sejm.

The Bolsheviks headed by Lenin and Stalin denounced the im perialist policy of the Provisional Government and demanded recognition of Finland's right to self-determination, including secession.

Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia after the February Revolution

By the beginning of 1917, the greater part of Lithuania was oc cupied by German troops. At a conference of representatives of Lith uanian kulaks, landlords and the bourgeoisie that was held in Vilna, a Taryba, or National Council, was formed. The German authorities tried to convert the Taryba into an obedient tool of their own, and wishing to entrench themselves in Lithuania they played up to the Lithuanian bourgeoisie and promised to recognize the independence of Lithuania if she officially seceded from Russia.

A considerable part of Latvia was also occupied by German troops during the world wa^r. Latvia was the most capitalistically-developed of the Baltic countries. The war had caused it great devastation. The Northern Front ran through Latvia; more than half the country was furrowed with trenches and affected by military operations. The crops were destroyed, and cattle breeding had declined. The commercial and economic life of the country was almost at a standstill and industry was severely damaged. On the outbreak of the war a number of the plants, and the workers employed in them, were evacuated to the interior of Russia, and after Latvia was occupied by the Germans the rest of the industrial plants were either wrecked or transported to Germany. The conditions of the masses of the working people were extremely hard during the occupation. Relying on the support of the Latvian barons, the German imperialists aimed at converting Latvia into a German duchy. But even in the imocciipied part of Latvia the workers and peasants suffered a great deal from the effects of the war and from exploitation by the tsarist authorities and the local landlords and capitalists.

Consequently, the February bourgeois-democratic revolution in Russia was welcomed with great rejoicing in Latvia. A movement for national liberation sprang uij in the country, but the Latvian bour geoisie, who were dependent upon the Russian market, counted on the Provisional Government granting Latvia autonomy, and there fore did not strive for the independance of that country. At the begin ning of the revolution a kulak party which called itself the Peasant Union was fonned, and in the middle of March 1917, this Peasant Union convened a National Assembly, which passed a resolution de manding Latvian autonomy within the Russian state. The Provision al Govermnent, however, gave a hostile reception even to this mod est demand.

The policy which the Provisional Government pursued agamst the interests of the people roused discontent among the masses of the Latvian working people. A conference of representatives of the Lettish Eifle Regiment passed a Bolshevik resolution condemning the Provi sional Government's policy and the imperialist war. A congress of landless peasants that was held at about the same time passed a reso lution demanding the confiscation of landlord and church land. The masses demanded the transfer of all power to the Soviets.

Estonia, situated near Petrograd, was the first of the Baltic coun tries to secure autonomy; the Provisional Government passed a law granting that country self-government in April 1917. Not withstanding this, however, the government continued to pursue the old policy of Russification, In the summer of 1917, a National As sembly consisting of representatives of the Estonian bourgeoisie, landlords and kulaks, was convened in Eevel. After securing a few political rights for the Estonian bourgeoisie this National Assembly entered into a compromise with the Provisional Government. The masses of the working people of Estonia were discontented with the compromising policy pursued by the propertied classes and began to go over to the Bolsheviks and demand the transfer of all power to the Soviets.

The Ukrainian Central Rada and the Provisional Government

The Provisional Government also very strongly opposed the movement for national liberation in the Ukraine. In the beginning of April 1917, the Ukrainian bourgeois and petty-bourgeois nationalist parties set up in' Kiev a Ukrainian Central Rada, or Council. The largest and most influential party in the Rada was the Ukrainian Socialist-Rev olutionary Party. The Rada had the support of the village kulaks. The leading members of the Rada were Grushevsky, Vinnichenko andPetliura. In the beginning of June, the Central E,ada issued an address to the Ukrainian people, proclaiming the autonomy of the Ukraine. The petty-bourgeois Central Eada did not dare to go to the length of a rupture with the Provisional Government, as it feared to remain alon3, face to face with the revolutionary masses of workers and peasants; it therefore sought a compromise with the Russian bour geoisie. On the other hand, the Provisional Government needed the support of the Ukrainian bourgeoisie during the offensive, and it therefore sent four Ministers, headed by Kerensky, to negotiate with the Eada.

The upshot of these negotiations was that in the summer of 1917, a new administrative body consisting of representatives of the Central Eada was set up in Kiev. This body was known as the General Secre tariat, and its ftinction was to co-operate with the Provisional Govern ment's Commissioner in the Ukraine as the representative of the supreme authority. The final settlement of the political structure of the Ukraine was put off until the Constituent Assembly.

Lenin was of the opinion that the demand for Ukrainian autonomy was 'Very modest and very legitimate." The Bolsheviks denounced both the great-power policy pursued by the imperialist Provisional Government and the compromising policy of the Central Eada, and called upon the Ukrainian workers and peasants to fight jointly with the Russian workers and peasants against the imperialist bourgeoisie for the dictatorship of the proletariat.

The Byelorussian Central Rada

In the middle of March 1917, the First Congress of Byelorussian nationalist parties and organiza tions was held in Minsk. These bodies were united in the Byelo russian National Committee headed by the landlord Skirmunt. In June 1917, this committee convened a congress of representatives of Byelorussian bourgeois and petty-bourgeois parties at which the Byelo russian Central Eada was formed. Under cover of national slogans, the nationalists tried to keep the Byelorussian workers and peasants out of the revolutionary struggle, but at the same time they expressed readiness to organize the administration of Byelorussia "in co-opera tion with the Provisional Government." Like the bourgeois national ists everywhere, those in Byelorussia concluded an alliance with the bourgeoisie of the dominant, Russian nation for the purpose of combat ing the revolutionary movement.

The Byelorussian Bolsheviks strongly combated the Byelorussian Central Eada. An exceptionally important part in this struggle against the bourgeois nationalists was played by M. V. Frunze, who was then at the head of the Executive Committee of the Soviet of Peasants' Deputies; at the First Congress of Peasants' Deputies of the Minsk and Vilna Gubernias he exposed the counter-revolutionary nature of the Byelorussian nationalists. The Bolsheviks established closer contacts with the front and the rural districts of Byelorussia, gained influence there and roused the B 3 "elorussian workers, peasants and soldiers to the fight, with the slogans of the self-determination of nations and the conversion of the land into the property of the people.

The Transcaucasian Committee and the "National Councils"

After the February revolution the leading position in Transcaucasia was held hy the Georgian Mensheviks. Like the bourgeoisie and the landlords, it was their aim to preserve the bourgeois system. When they received the telegram announcing the overthrow of tsarism they kept it from the masses, but hastened to express their loyalty to the Vice roy of the Caucasus, the Grand Duke Nicholas. The old tsarist ad ministration was allowed to remain intact. To govern Transcaucasia the Provisional Government set up a Special Transcaucasian Commit tee (pzahom) consisting of local bourgeois nationalists and Mensheviks. The leading position in this committee was held by the Georgian Mensheviks.

The Georgian Mensheviks, the Armenian Dashnaoks and the Azer baijanian Mussavatists called upon the peasants to refrain from "unauthorized action" and wait until the land question was settled by the All-Russian Constituent Assembly. To organize their forces and to conduct a struggle for power, the Transcaucasian bourgeoisie set up National Councils, which fought against the movement for national liberation of the Caucasian people being transformed into a mass revolutionary struggle against imperialism.

The Bolsheviks were the only party to fight for the complete abo lition of national oppression in Transcaucasia and to demand a com plete rupture with the imperialist policy that was being pursued by the Provisional Government.

The Provisional Government's Policy in Central Asia

On March 2, 1917, the railwaymen in Tashkent received the news of the overthrow of the tsar and thereupon elected a Soviet of Workers' Deputies; but the tsarist Governor General Kuropatkin, who had crashed the popular movement in 1916, remained in power. At the end of March, Kuropatkin was removed on the demand of the workers and soldiers. But it was not until the middle of April that the tsarist authorities were replaced by the Turkestan Committee, a body representing the bourgeois Provisional Government.

The national movement in Central Asia was led by the reactionary Moslem clergy. The dekhans (peasants) were downtrodden and igno rant and still believed the hai and mullahs. In the towns, however » the Moslem workers and other poor strata set up their Soviets of Moslem Working People. In most cases these Soviets were organized by Russian workers and soldiers, and also by active participants in the insurrection of 1916 who returned home from exile.

In Khiva and Bukhara the old feudal rulers, the Khan and the Emir, remained in power after the February revolution. The Provisional Government sent a Commissar to Khiva who acted hand in hand with the lOian. In Bukhara, the working people demanded the limi tation of the power of the Emir. Fearing a popular insurrection, the representative of the Provisional Government in Bukhara advised the Emir to issue a manifesto promising reforms, but shortly afterwards the Emir, with the knowledge of the Provisional Government, arrested and executed the advocates of reform.

Thus, the peoples of Central Asia failed to achieve either social or national liberation as a result of the February revolution.

Not only that. In Turkmenia the Provisional Government con tinued, until it was overthrown, the punitive policy which the tsarist government had pursued against the Yomuds, who rose in revolt in 1916.

The July Crisis

The Demonstration of July 3–5

The war was costing the country 40,000,000 rubles per day. To cover this expenditure the gov ernment issued a huge quantity of paper currency, the value of which steadily dropped while the cost of living rose. There was a shortage of raw materials and fuel for industry and of bread for the workers. The transport system was completely dislocated. Factories and mills closed down. In May, 108 plants employing 8,700 workers, in June, 125 plants employing 38,465 workers and in July, 206 plants employing 47,754 workers were closed. Iron and steel output dropped 40 per cent and textiles 20 per cent. Unemployment grew. The strike movement spread. The workers demanded an 8-hour day and higher wages. An agrarian revolution began to sweep the country. By July, 43 out of the 69 gubernias in the country were affected by peasant un rest; the peasants seized the landlords* land and set fire to their man sions. The movement of the workers and peasants was warmly welcomed in the army. The soldiers, war weary and enraged by the continuation of the war, threatened to leave the trenches and go home. The masses of the people became more and more convinced that the Provisional Government was deceiving them. The news of the launching of the offensive and of its subsequent failure roused a storm of indignation among the workers and soldiers in Petrograd.

At the end of June the situation in Petrograd became exceptionally strained. In this situation the bourgeois parties called upon the Pro visional Government to take determined measures to crush the revo lutionary workers and soldiers of Petrograd, The government decided to get rid of the revolutionary garrison of Petrograd and with this object sent larger contingents of the garrison to the front on the pre text that the units there needed reiuforceinents. In order to exert pressure on the compromising parties and to force them to agree at last to the formation of a "strong government" the Cadets, on July 2, resigned from the government and thereby created a governmental crisis.

The failure of the offensive, the govermnental crisis, and the pro vocative tactics of the bourgeois parties and organizations, filled the eup of bitterness of the workers and soldiers of Petrograd to overflow.

^ ing, and on July 3 (16), individual regiments and the workers of dif ferent factories demonstrated in the streets. Soon these demonstra tions grew into a general armed demonstration under the slogan of "All power to the Soviets!"

The Bolshevik Party was of the opinion that to seize power at that moment would be premature. Lenin and Stalin pointed out that the Bolsheviks could easily capture power in Petrograd but would be unable to hold it as they did not yet have a majority in the Soviets throughout the country. In spite of these warnings, however, on July 3, the Pirst Machine-Gun Begiment came out in full fighting kit and marched to the Bolshevik headquarters. On the way other regi ments, and also units of the workers' Red Guard, joined the Machine Gun Regim nt. At 11 o'clock at night the workers of the Putilov Plan came into the street. The demonstration assumed a mass charac ter. When it became evident that this spontaneous demonstration could not be stopped the Bolsheviks decided to take the lead of it in order to keep it within peaceful and organized bounds, so as to give the bourgeoisie no opportunity for provoking the workers and soldiers to premature action with the object of crushing them.

In the morning of Jul}?^ 4, no less than 500,000 workers partici pated in the demonstration. Strikes closed the . factories and mills. Ninety delegates, representing all the factories and regiments in the city, went to the Taurida Palace where the Central Executive Com mittee that was elected by the First Congress of Soviets was in session, and demanded that the All-Russian Central Executive Committee should proclaim the transfer of 'power to the Soviets,

Meanwhile, the Mensheviks and the Socialist-Revolutionaries fe verishly mustered troops for the purpose of suppressing the demon stration. Cossack units were called in from the front. In the evening of July 4, detachments of army cadets and Cossacks opened fire on the demonstrators. On July 5 demonstrators were still being fired on. After suppressing the demonstration of the workers and soldiers, the counter-revolutionaries attacked the Bolshevik Party. The editorial offices of Pmvda were raided and wrecked and all the Bolshevik newspapers were suppressed. A detachment of cadets ar rived at Lenin's lodgings with the object of arresting him and searched the premises. Foreseeing this, Comrade Stalin had opportunely ar ranged for Lenin's departure from Petrograd. After shaving off his beard and moustaches and disguising himself as a Finnish peasant.

Lenin safely reached Raz liv Station on the Ses troretsk E,ailway, where for several weeks he lived in a shack on the shore of a lake, hiding from the spies of the Provi sional Government.

The bourgeoisie were determined to crush the rising proletarian revolu tion, and with this object the authorities arrested a number of prominent Bolsheviks and wrecked the printing plant where the Party publications were printed. The Bol shevik Party became semi illegal. The government instituted proceedings against Lenin on the charge of "high treason" and of organizing an armed insurrection.

Rykov, Kamenev and Trotsky, the masked ene mies of the revolution, demanded that Lenin should attend the court, but Stalin emphatically opposed this treacherous proposal and warned that "the cadets will not bring Lenin to the prison, they will kill him on the way." It was proved subsequently that Stalin was right: the cadets had actu ally received instructions to kill Lenin, ostensibly "while attempting to escape." Thus, Comrade Stalin saved the life of the great leader of the working people for the benefit of mankind.

The events of July 3-5 marked the third political crisis in the country. As in the first two crises — in April and in June — the cause of the third crisis was, as Lenin put it "... the overflowing dissatisfaction of the masses, their indignation against the bourgeoisie and ifs government" {Lenin and Stalin, 1917, Selected Writings and Speeches, Moscow, 1938, p. 203), The July events marked the turning point in the process of the development of the bourgeois revolution into a socialist revolution. During the July events the Menshevik and the Socialist-Revolutionary leaders, in conjunction with the monarchist generals, organized the shooting down of the workers' and soldiers' demonstration; and the All-Riissian Central Executive Committee, which was controlled by the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, even issued a special order authorizing the Socialist-Revolutionaries Gotz and Avksentyev to assist General Polovtsev to "restore order."

After the July events the political situation in the country changed. The Soviets lost the confidence of the masses and became impotent. The dual power was superseded by the sole power of the bourgeoisie. Appraising the situation in the country at the time, Lenin vTote: "A peaceful development of the Russian revolution has now become im possible, History puts the question thus: either complete victory for the counter-revolution, or a new revolution" (V. I. Lenin, Collected Works y Vol. XXI, Bk. 1, New York, 1932, p. 58).

In view of these circumstances, it became necessary to withdraw the slogan of "All power to the Soviets! " for a time, because the Soviets, which were controlled by the Mensheviks and the Socialist-Revolution aries, were then acting as the accomplices of counter-revolution. The party was faced with the new task of winning a majority in the So viets and of converting the latter into organs of insurrection.

The offensive that was launched by the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie with the assistance of the Mensheviks and the Socialist-Revo lutionaries shook the confidence of the workers and peasants in those parties. Discontent grew among the masses of the soldiers at the fipont. Reports to headquarters read: "The masses are sullen. Hostility to wards the officers continues. The bulk of the soldiers do not want to fight. There are frequent cases of refusal to obey orders."

In the rural districts the peasants rose against the landlords. The "Red Chanticleer" (incendiarism) was on the rampage among the land lords' estates. Whereas in March, 34 counties had been affected by the peasant movement, in July, 325 were affected. The workers in the mills and factories went on strike and in many cases the}" drove out the hated directors and managers and introduced workers' control of production.

The Sixth Congress of the Bolshevik Party

On July 26, the Sixth Congress of the Bolshevik Party was opened in Petrograd. The congress was held in secret.

Lenin, who was in h'dlng, was unable to attend the congress, but Comrade Stalin kept him informed of its proceedings and received instructions from him. The congress proceedings were directed by Comrade Stalin.

Comrade Stalin delivered a report on the political situation in which he emphasized that the revolution "had begun to assume the character of a socialist vorkers' revolution," and that the only way to achieve the victory of the socialist revolution was to prepare for and carry out an armed insurrection.

The Bukharinites and Trotskyites at the congress opposed the line for a socialist revolution. In denouncing their treacherous policy, Comrade Stalin said: "The possibility is not excluded that Russia will be the country that will lay the road to Socialism, . . . We must discard the antiquated idea that only Europe can show us the way" {History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union [Bolsheviks']^ Short Course, Moscow, 1945, p. 197). *

The congress adopted a resolution that was submitted by Comrade Stalin and endorsed the Bolshevik economic program — confiscation of the landlords' estates and nationalization of all the land, nationali zation of the banks and large-scale industry, and workers' control of production and distribution. The congress also adopted a resolution on the Youth Leagues in which the latter were regarded as the re serves of the Party.

The Socialist Young Workers' League was formed in July 1917, and all its branches were directed by the Bolshevik Party. The Petro grad Committee of the Bolshevik Party set up a special committee headed by N. it. Krupskaya to organize the young workers and to concern itself with their interests.

The Sixth Congress of the Bolshevik Party was the congress of preparation for the armed insurrection against the bourgeoisie. It headed the Party for the socialist revolution.

The Suppression of General Kornilov's Counter-Revolutionary Revolt

The Bourgeois Counter-Revolutionary Plot

After the July demonstration the bourgeoisie began to mobilize its forces for the purpose of crushing the revolution. The petty-bourgeois parties which controlled the Soviets obediently carried out the program of the coun ter-revoluti onary bourgeoisie .

On July 8, 1917, the "Little Bonaparte," "the little braggart Ker ensky," as Lenin called him, became the head of the government. Kerensky introduced the death penalty at the front, and informed the Allies that he had taken all measures to restore the fighting efSiciency of the army. On the demand of the Allies, General Kornilov, who was notorious for his uncompromising hostility to the revolution, was appointed Supreme Commander-in-Chief. He issued an order prohibiting all meetings in the army. Field courts-martial intro duced a reign cf terror at the front. Kornilov demanded the introduc tion of the death penalty in the rear as well.

After Kornilov was appointed Supreme Commander-in-Chief the second coalition Provisional Government was formed. This government was headed by Kerensky and included members of the Cadet Party.

The counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie set out to establish a mili tary dictatorship and with this object organized a military monarch ist plot. The instigator of this plot was the Cadet Party. As Lenin wrote at the time; "The Cadet Party is the chief political force of the bourgeois counter-revolution in Russia" (LeTiin arid Stalin^ 1917, Selected Writings and Speeches, Moscow, 1938, p. 359). The plot was hatched at the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief Kornilov, who was mustering troops for the purpose of marching them against Petrqgrad.

On August 12, 1917, Kerensky convened in Moscow a Council of State, which served as a sort of general review of the counter-revolu tionary forces. Comrade Stalin characterized this council in the follow ing words: "The 'way out' for the counter-revolution lies in conven ing a conference of merchants and manufacturers, of landlords and bankers, of members of the tsarist Duma and already tamed Men^e viks and Socialist-Revolutionaries, in order, by declaring this con ference to be a 'National Assembly,' to obtain from it approval for the policy of imperialism and counter-revolution, and for transferring the burdens of the war to the shoulders of the workers and peasants"

• {Lenin and Stalin, 1917, Selected Writings and Speeches, Moscow, 1938, pp. 314-16).

The leaders of the counter-revolution intended to proclaim a mili tary dictatorship at this council, but events developed differently from the way they anticipated.

On the day the council was opened in Moscow the Central Committee of the Bol shevik Party called a general protest strike and 400,000 workers downed tools. The Coun cil of State sat without electric light; the tramways did not run.

Next day, August 13, Kornilov arrived in Moscow and the bourgeoisie organized an official reception for him; but the heads of the Council of State did not dare openly to proclaim a counter-revolutionary dictator ship; the situation in Moscow was too unfavourable for this. Kornilov left for General Headquarters in Mogilev and there continued his preparations for a counter-rev olutionary cowp. His plan was to capture Petrograd with counter-revolutionary troops that were to be drawn to that city and to establish a military dictatorship in the country.

A part in this plot against the revolution was also played by the British and French imperialists. After the fail ure of the June offensive, the ""allied" governments, who up to now had intervened in the internal affairs of Russia through the Provisional Government, now practically ignored that government and est ablished closer direct connections with the counter-revolutionary leaders of the Russian army. The representatives of the Entente promised Kor nilov a loan of 5,000,000,000 rubles as soon as a "strong government" was established in Russia.

On August 19, Kornilov treacherously surrendered Riga, thereby opening to the German troops the road to Petrograd. The surrender of Riga served as a new pretext for launching an offensive against the revolutionary masses.

Kornilov prepared for his counter-revolutionary cm/p with the knowledge and assistance of Kerensky, who ordered the revolutionary Petrograd garrison to be sent to the front in order to make it easier for the counter-revolutionaries to capture the capital. The Menshevik and the Socialist-Revolutionary leaders actively helped Kerensky and Korni lov to prepare for their cowp. When, however, Kornilov demanded that all military and civil power be entirely concentrated in his hands Ke rensky, fearing the anger of the masses, proclaimed Kornilov a traitor to the state and issued an order for his dismissal from the post of Su preme Commander-ia-Chief. Kornilov refused to obey this order and on August 25, 1917, sent the Third Cavalry Corps, under the command of General Krymov, against Petrograd.

The leaders of the compromising parties were terrified by this turn of affairs and turned to the Bolsheviks for assistance, for they were aware that the only force in the country that was capable of organizing the defeat of Kornilov was the Bolshevik Party.

Mobilization of the Forces of the Revolution

The Bolsheviks took the lead in the struggle against Kornilov. While calling for the suppression of the mutinous general, the Bolshevik Party denounced the Provisional Government, which consisted of masked Korni lovites, and the entire policy of which had served to strengthen the counter-revolution .

The proletariat rose to a man to defend revolutionary Petrograd. In the course of three days 25,000 workers enrolled in the Red Guard. The military organization of the Bolshevik Party enlisted the serv ices of 700 army instructors to train the Red Guards. In the munition factories the production of shells was speeded up and armoured cars were fitted out. Within two days the workers at the Putilov Plant, working 16 hours a day, turned out about 200 new pieces of ar tillery. The railwaymen diverted Kornilov's troop trains to sidings, blocked the stations with empty trains, tore up the rails on railway bridges and removed vital parts fi'om locomotives. Thousands of working people dug fortifications at the approaches to Petrograd.

Meanwhile, hundreds of Bolshevik agitators worked among Kor nilov's troops explaining to them the object of Kornilov's mutiny. Enormous influence upon Kornilov's so-called "Savage Division" which consisted of Caucasian highlanders, was exercised by a del egation of highlanders who, on S. M. Kirov's advice, were sent to the division to explain the true objects of the counter-revolution. The soldiers and Cossacks in Kornilov's force began to go over to the side of the workers.

The Kornilov adventure collapsed. General Krymov committed suicide. Kornilov, Denikin and other generals were arrested, but the manner in which these monarchist generals were "held in custody" was very strange. Kornilov and his accomplices were "imprisoned" m the premises of a school known as Bykhov's High School, and the Tekinsky Regiment which Kornilov himself had formed, and which was loyal to him, was appointed to guard them. Actually, Kerensky protected the mutinous generals from popular anger and judgment.

The civil war begun by the generals and the bourgeoisie rad ically changed the relation of forces in the country. As Comrade Stalin wrote at the time: "The Kornilov revolt merely opened the valve for the accumulated revolutionary anger, it merely unbound the hith erto fettered revolution, whipped it up and pushed it forward" (J. Stalin, On the Eoad to October, Moscow, 1925, Russ, ed., p. 206).

The suppression of the Kornilov plot revealed that the position of the bourgeoisie and of their stooges, the Mensheviks. and the Socialist-Revolutionaries, was a hopeless one. Their influence among the masses was completely undermined. The Bolsheviks unmasked the Mensheviks and the Socialist-Revolutionaries whose entire policy had facilitated Kornilov's counter-revolutionary plot.

The suppression of the Kornilov plot also revealed that the Bolshevik Party had become the decisive force of the revolution. The masses saw that the Bolsheviks were the only effective force that was capable of crushing the counter-revolution, and, as a result, the Bolsheviks gained undivided influence in the factories and mills. In the rural districts and at the front the influence of the Bolsheviks, grew as it had never done before. The soldiers demanded that stern retribution be meted out to the counter-revolutionaries. In connection with the contemplated trial of Kornilov, soldiers wrote from the front: "Dear comrades, don't make it a long trial; they betrayed us, they spilled our blood. Make it short — in twenty-four hours, just as they did to us."

Lastly, the suppression of the Kornilov revolt showed that after abandoning the policy of compromise the Soviets were beginning to revive and were becoming a great revolutionary force. A period of the Bolshevization of the Soviets began. On August 31, the Petrograd So viet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, by a majority vote, passed a resolution proposed by the Bolsheviks; on September 5, the Moscow Soviet did the same. The Bolsheviks gained control of the Soviets in the two capitals and also in the decisive industrial centres.

In view of the Bolshevization of the Soviets the Party, in Sep tember, brought forward again the slogan which had been withdrawn after the events of July 3-5, namely, "All power to the Soviets."

As Comrade Stalin has written: "The slogan 'All power to the Soviets!' was again put forward. But now this slogan had a different meaning from that in the first stage. Its content had rad ically changed. Now this slogan signified a complete rupture with im perialism and the passing of power to the Bolsheviks, for the majority of the Soviets were already Bolshevik. Now this slogan signified that the revolution must march directly towards the dictatorship of the proletariat by means of insurrection. More than that, this slogan now signified the organization and shaping of the dictatorship of the pro letariat as a state" (J. Stalin, Problems of Leninism^ Moscow, 1945, p. 115).

The slogan "All power to the Soviets!" was a call for insurrection against the Provisional Government for the purpose of transferring all power to the Soviets controlled by the Bolshevilis.

Terrified by the revolution, the Mensheviks and the Sooialist Bevolutionaries countered the slogan of "All power to the Soviets!" by convening a Democratic Conference with the object of diverting the revolutionary movement into a less dangerous channel. The Demo cratic Conference which was made up of representatives of the com promising parties, Soviets, trade unions, Zemstvos, army organiza tions and co-operative societies, met on September 12, and rejected the coalition with the Cadets. The Sooialist-Bevolutionaries and the Mensheviks thereupon proposed that the Democratic Conference should set up a Provisional Council of the Republic, known as the Pre-par liament, for the purpose, as they said, of controlling the actions of the government. Actually, however, their aim was to create another screen for their coalition with the bourgeoisie. While the Democratic Confer ence was in session, Kerensky obtained the consent of the Cadets Kishkin, Buryshkin, Konovalov and others to enter the government. The Pre-parliament remained a futile exercise in parliamenta rism. The workers derisively called it the "Pre-bathhouse."

The Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party decided to boy cott the Pre-parliament, but Kamenev and his supporters, wishing to divert the Party from its preparations for an insurrection, insisted that the Party should be represented in it. At a meeting of the Bol shevik group in the Democratic Conference, Comrade Stalin strongly opposed Kamenev's proposal and exposed the manoeuvre of the compromisers.

Organization of the Assault

The Maturing Revolutionary Crisis

Comrade Stalin has de scribed the months of September and October 1917 as the period of preparation for the assault upon the rule of the bourgeoisie. "We must regard as the characteristic feature of this period," he wrote, "the rapid maturing of the crisis, the utter consternation reigning in ruling cir cles, the isolation of the Socialist-Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks, and the wholesale crossing over of vacillating elements to the side of the Bolsheviks."

The revolutionary crisis matured while the imperialist war was still in progress. The war aggravated the economic chaos which in the autumn of 1917 assumed catastrophic dimensions.

The capitalists and landlords deliberately sapped the foundations of the economy of the country. In August and September the factory owners in Petrograd alone closed as many as 230 plants employing 61,000 workers. In the Donetz Basin, in the Urals, in Mos cow, all over the country, in fact, the capitalists declared lockouts and threw hundreds of thousands of workers onto the street. The food situation became exceptionally acute. The landlords and kulaks sabo taged the state grain monopoly in spite of the fact that to please them the government had twice raised the "fixed prices" of grain. The grain profiteers, so-called "bagmen," overloaded the aheady dislocated transport system. The workers' bread ration amounted to less than 200 grams per day and hunger was making itself felt more and more. The capitalist Ryabushinsky, one of the organizers of the hunger and ruin, openly stated that the revolution would be crushed only if "the gaunt hand of famine, the impoverishment of the masses, clutches by the throat the false friends of the people — the democratic Soviets and committees."

In his work "The Impending Catastrophe and How to Combat It," written in September 1917, Lenin showed that the hunger and ruin were due to the policy that was pursued by the Provisional Government in obedience to the will of the capitalists. Lenin foimu lated in this work the Bolshevik economic program, indicating the first steps toward Socialism.

"The result of the revolution has been," he wrote, "that the political system of E»ussia has in a few months caught up with that of the advanced countries. But that is not enough. The war is inexorable; it puts the alternative with ruthless severity: either perish, or overtake and outstrip the advanced countries economically as tvelV (V.I. Lenin, Selected Worhs^ Two-Vol. ed., Vol. II, Moscow, 1947, p. 117).

In August-September 1917, Lenin finished his book The State and Revolution in which he developed the fundamental propositions of Marx and Engels on the proletarian revolution and the dictator ship of the proletariat and expounded the doctrine of the Soviets as the state form of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

At the end of September 1917, the Mensheviks and the Socialist Revolutionaries made another attempt to check the revolution by forming a new coalition government. It included "six capitalist ministers as the nucleus of the 'Cabinet' and ten 'Socialist' ministers to be at their service as the vehicles of their will'^ (J. Stalin, On the Road to October^ Moscow, 1925, Russ, ed., p. 223). Kerensky re mained Prime Minister.

The counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie began secretly to plot another blow against the revolution.

Large counter-revolutionary forces were concentrated around the capital and shock battalions were formed of specially picked men who wore allowed to join only on the recommendation of officers. These battalions consisted of the sons of kulaks and the bourgeoisie. More than ten such battalions were posted on the Northern and Western Fronts, in proximity to Petrograd and Moscow. Cossack and cavalry regiments which were regarded as exceptionally "reliable" were withdrawn from the front to the rear. Polish soldiers serving in the Russian army in Byelorussia were formed in a separate Polish Corps under the command of General Dowbor-Musnicki for the purpose of cutting the Western Front off from Petrograd and of capturing all the railway jtmetions on the line to Petrograd. A simil ar corps was formed in the Ukraine of Czech and Slovak prisoners of war for the purpose of cutting off the Southwestern and Rumanian Fronts from the revolutionary capital if this was found necessary.

The Bolshevization of the Masses

In September and October 1917, the political influence of the Party of Lenin and Stalin grew day after day and its membership steadily in creased. Thus, in April 1917, the membership of the Bolshevik Party was 80,000, in the middle of August it had risen to 250,000, and in the beginning of October to 400,000. Under the leadership of the Bolshe viks a strike movement commenced among the proletariat. One hun dred thousand leather workers in Moscow went on strike and remained out for two and a half months. Over 300,000 workers were involved in the textile strikes in Ivanovo-Voznesensk and Kineshma. Strikes of printers spread over nearly the whole country. The Baku workers waged a long and stubborn struggle for a collective agreement. The very forms of the strike struggle changed. The workers not only downed tools butdrove the capitalists and their managers out of the factories and took over the management of production themselves. The movement for workers' control of industry spread over the whole country and faced the workers with the struggle for power.

All over the country the overwhelming majcrlty of the proletariat followed the lead of the Bolsheviks.

At the same time Bolshevik influence increased in the rural dis tricts and in the army. Delegations of soldiers arrived in Petrograd and called upon the Petrograd Soviet immediately to launch a struggle for peace. The only organization which the war-weary masses of soldiers trusted and now followed was the Bolshevik Party. Soldiers at the front wrote the following letter to a Bolshevik army newspaper: "Comrades, workers and soldiers! Keep your weapons. Let's go to Petrograd and flght the bourgeoisie and the coalition government. The soldiers have lost all patience with this miserable life in the trenches."

In regiments and divisions the men drove out the officers, elected new army committees and in a number of localities even killed the more detested of their officers. In their letters home the soldiers advised their fellow villagers to drive out the landlords and to get Peasant Committees to take over the land.

In the rural districts the relatively peaceful forms of fighting the landlords, such as refusal to pay rent and seizing meadows and pastures, we-'e superseded by the seizure of the landlords' land. Casting ofl the influence of the Socialist-Revolutionaries, the local Soviets of Peasants' Deputies adopted decisions to transfer all the land and all the landlords' farm property to the peasants. The poorest stratum of the peasants seized monastery and church lands. The peasant move ment grew into a peasant insurrection.

The Provisional Government sent punitive expeditions to the coun tryside to suppress the peasant revolts. From March to June there were 17 cases of the armed suppression of peasant revolts; in July and August there were 39, "and in September and October the number grew to 105.

All over Russia members of Land Committees were arrested en masse and put on trial for seizing landlords' land. This only served to excite the masses of the peasantry still more.

Referring to these incidents Lenin wrote: "It is obvious that if in a peasant country, after seven months of a democratic republic, matters have come to the pass of a peasant revolt, it is irrefutable proof that the revolution is suffering nation-wide collapse, that it is passing through a crisis of unprecedented severity, and that the forces of counter-revolu tion have gone the full (V. I, Lenin, Selected Works, Vol. VI,

Moscow, 1935, p. 227).

The peasantry began to cast off the influence of the Socialist-Revolutionary party which, had become, to use Lenin's words party hostile to the 'people, hostile to the peasants, and counter-revolutionary

In alliance with the poorest stratum of the peasantry, and with the bulk of the peasantry supporting the Bolshevik slogans, the proletariat inarched towards the proletarian revolution.

The maturing of the proletarian revolution caused wavering and confusion in the ranks of the petty-bourgeois parties. After the July events a "Left" wing calling itself '^Left" Socialist-Revolutionaries, sprang up in the Socialist-Revolutionary Party. A group of "Lefts" who called themselves Internationalists also sprang up among the Men sheviks. In the endeavour to retain the masses who were rapidly desert ing them, the Socialist-Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks came for ward with the proposal to establish a republic in Russia. Hitherto, the question of the form of government, like all other questions arising out of the revolution, had been put ofiE imtil the convocation of a Con stituent Assembly.

The confusion that reigned in the ranks of the Menshevik and the So eialist-Revolutionary parties indicated that these compromising parties — the main prop of the bourgeoisie — were becoming isolated from the masses, and this brought nearer the victory of the socialist revolution.

The oppressed nationalities in Russia also rose up to fight the impe rialist bourgeoisie; under the leadership of the Bolsheviks the movement for national liberation developed into a struggle for power. This was exceptionally evident in Central Asia. In September, a spontaneous mass revolt of the workers broke out in Tashkent, and for two weeks pow er was in the hands of the Soviet. The Provisional Government sent a punitive expedition to Tashkent under the command of General Korov nichenko, who dealt ruthlessly with the working population of the city.

In the Ukraine the Bolsheviks won over the masses and made vigor ous preparations for an armed insurrection. In Kharkov, Kiev and Ekaterinoslav, Red Guard units were formed.

In Latvia, the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies were Bolshevik. In Estonia the Bolsheviks had a majority at the Congress of Soviets that was convened in October. In Finland a Regional Congress of Soviets which was held in the beginning of September adopted resolutions submitted by Bolsheviks.

Not only Russia, but all the countries ofWestem Europe that were suffering from the protracted war were passing through a revolutionary orisis.

In France workers went on strike in protest against the im perialist war. The anti-war movement spread to the army and in some regiments Councils of Soldiers* Deputies were formed. Soldiers even talked about marching on Paris to settle accoimts with the capitalists and the government.

In Germany hunger riots were occurring all over the country. In the autumn, the crews of four battleships that were stationed at the naval fortress of Wilhelmshaven rose in armed revolt. The revolutionary pro letarian organization known as the Spartacus Union conducted exten sive activity among the masses.

Analyzing the events in Russia and abroad in an article he wrote at the end of September 1917, entitled "The Crisis Has Matured," Lenin said: "The end of September undoubtedly marked a definite turning point in the history of the Russian revolution and, to all appear ances, of the world revolution also" (V. I. Lenin, Selected Works, Vol. VI, Moscow, 1935, p. 224).

The Victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution

The October Armed Insurrection

Preparations for the Insurrection

In September Lenin lived in Helsingfors, Finland, hiding from the sleuths of the Provisional Gov ernment. From here he closely watched the development of the revo lution and sent directives to the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party.

Between September 12 and 14, Lenin sent two remarkable letters to the Central Committee, one entitled "The Bolsheviks Must Assume Power" and the other entitled "Marxism and Insurrection." In the first-mentioned letter he wrote that, having won the majority in the Soviets of the two capitals, the Bolsheviks can and must take state pow er into their hands. "The point is," he wrote, "to make the task clear to the Party. Armed insurrection in Petrograd and Moscow (with their regions), the conquest of power and the overthrow of the government must be placed on the order of the day" (V. I. Lenin, Selected Works Vol. VI, Moscow, 1935, p. 216),

In the second letter Lenin urged that insurrection must be treated as an art and that the conditions necessary for a successful outcome of the iusurrection must be seriously studied. He outlined a general plan for the organization of the insurrection in which he insisted that the decisive forces must be concentrated at the decisive points, and that the revolutionary forces should without fail take the offensive, for, he said, defence means the death of armed insurrection.

On September 15, Lenin's letters were discussed at a meeting of the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party. The only one to oppose Lenin's directives to prepare for insurrection was the traitor Kamenev. On Comi\ de Stalin's proposal, the Central Committee decided to send copies of the letters to the largest Party organi zations. During the latter part of September the Bolshevik Party developed extensive activities in preparation for the armed insurrec tion, and on October 7, Lenin secretly arrived in Petrograd for the purpose of directing it. Stalin informed him of the progress that was being made in the preparations.

On October 10 (23), Lenin attended a meeting of the Central Com mittee, for the first time since the July events, and delivered a report on the preparations for the insurrection in which he proposed that anj' suitable occasion be utilized for the purpose of launching it. He empha sized that the entire external and internal situation of the country, including the war situation, had prepared the ground for a political insurrection: the Provisional Government had decided to send the revolutionary garrison out of Petrograd and to surrender the capital to the Germans, and the Pussian bourgeoisie he^d opened negotiations for the conclusion of a separate peace with German imperialism in order to crush the Pussian revolution. He said it was time to fix the date for the insurrection and to make the military-technical prepa rations for it.

Stalin, Sverdlov, Dzerzhinsky and the other members of the Cen tral Committee supported Lenin's proposals. Those blacklegs of the revolution, Zinoviev and Kamenev, were the only ones to oppose him.

The Central Committee condemned these defenders of capitalism and passed a resolution, moved by Lenin, calling for the immediate organization of armed insurrection and the subordination of all the Party's activities to this task. The resolution read: "Considering therefore that an armed uprising is inevitable, and that the time for it is fully ripe, the Central Committee instructs all Party organiza tions to be guided accordingly, and to discuss and decide all practical questions (the Congress of Soviets of the Northern Pegion, the with drawal of troops from Petrograd, the action of our people in Moscow and Minsk, etc.) from this point of view" (V. I. Lenin, Selected Works, Two-Vol. ed., Vol. II, Moscow, 1947, p. 135).

After strongly rebuffing the capitulators, the Central Committee continued with its preparations for the armed insurrection. A Pevo~ lutionary Military Committee of the Petrograd Soviet was set up which served as a legal headquarters for the insurrection. The main force of the insurrection was to be the Petrograd Red Guard, which in October numbered 12,000 armed men. It was decided to call the sailors of the Baltic Fleet from Helsingfors to assist the revolution ary capital. Committees of Three were set up in every district of Petrograd to guide the insurrection in the given district. Meanwhile, congresses of Soviets were held in most of the regions throughout the country, and these passed resolutions calling for the transfer of all power to the Soviets, On October 16 (29), on Lenin's recommendation, a second meeting of the Central Committee of the Party was held to which representatives of the Petrograd Bolsheviks were invited in order that a larger circle of Party members could be informed of the plan for the insurrection. This meeting reaffirmed the decision to launch the armed insurrection. Kamenev and Zinoviev again demanded that the insurrection be postponed. Comrade Stalin spoke and denounced these traitors. He said: "Objectively, what Kamenev and Zinoviev propose amounts to giving the counter-revolution the opportunity to organize."

That same day a Party Centre was set up, headed by Comrade Stalin, for the purpose of exercising practical leadership of the insurrection.

After sustaining defeat at the meeting of the Central Committee, Zinoviev and Kamenev resorted to an act of unprecedented treachery. They sent a statement to the Menshevik newspaper Novaya Zhizn, which published it in its issue of October 18, declaring that they disagreed with the decision of the Central Committee of the Bol shevik Party to launch an insurrection. This was a downright betrayal. Concerning this action Lenin wrote: "Kamenev and Zinoviev have betrayed to Rodzyanko and Kerensky^ the decision of the Central Committee of their Party on armed insurrection and the fact that preparations for armed insurrection and the choice of the date for the aimed insurrection were being concealed from the enemy" (Lenin and Selected Writings and Speeches, Moscow, 1938, p. 605). Following in the footsteps of Kamenev and Zinoviev, Trotsky too di vulged the date of the insurrection by stating at a meeting of the Petrograd Soviet that the Second Congress of Soviets that was to be held on October 25 must take over power, Kerensky took advantage of this betrayal to take a series of military measures for the purpose of forestalling the insurrection.

The Bolsheviks intensified their activities in preparing for the armed insurrection. In conformity with the plan drawn up by Comrade Stalin, the workers of the Urals were to come to the aid of Petrograd, those of Ivanovo-Voznesensk were to go to the aid of Moscow, and in Byelorussia the soldiers at the front, in the event of being sent against Petrograd, were to be disarmed. In preparing for the insurrection Com rade Stalin was assisted by Y. M. Sverdlov, F. E. Dzerzhinsky, V. M, Molotov, G. K. Orjonikidze, M. I. Kalinin, A. A. Andreyev and other comrades.

In the provinces preparations for the armed insurrection were made under the direction of those tried and trusted pupils of Lenin,

K. E. Voroshilov in the Donetz Basin, Artyom (Sergeyev) in Kharkov, V. V. Kuibyshev in the Volga Region, A. A. Zhdanov in the Urals,

L. M. Kaganovich in the Polesie Region, M. V. Frunze in Ivanovo-Voznesensk and S. M. Kirov in the North Caucasus. The Bolsheviks intensified their activities in the Baltic Fleet and on the Northern Front, the nearest front to the capital.

In the factories feverish activities were conducted in arming and drilling the workers. Units of the Bed Guard were quickly formed. The workers of the Sestroretsk Small -Arms Factory delivered the weapons they made to the headquarters of the Bed Guard. The workers of the Schlusselburg Gun Powder Works sent by way of the Neva a bargeload of grenades to the headquarters of the Bed Guard in Petro grad. At the Putilov Works there was a Bed Guard miit of 1,500 men, ready for action.

Lenin called a conference of the leaders of the military organization and discussed with them what ships and troops should be called in from Kronstadt and Helsingfors. The Bevolutionary Military Committee sent its Commissars to all the army units for the purpose of preparing the soldiers for the insurrection.

The Insurrection in Petrograd

Forewarned by the traitors Kamenev, Zinoviev and Trotsky, the Provisional Government believed that the proletarian insurrection would commence on October 25, 1917, the day the Second Congress of Soviets was to open, and took measures to suppress it on that date.

The headquarters of the counter-revolution hastily drew up a plan to capture the Smohiy Institute, where the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party had its headquarters. Military forces were drawn to the capital and the cadet schools were prepared for action. The Provisional Government ordered the revolutionary cruiser Aurora, which was under going repairs on the Neva, to put out to sea immediately, as it was afraid to allow the ship to remain in Petrograd. The bridges that connected the working-class districts with the centre of Petrograd were ordered to be raised.

Early in the morning of October 24 (November 6), a detachment of cadets arrived in motor trucks at the premises of Eabochi Put (the temporary title of Pravda) with the object of confiscating the latest issue of that newspaper. The workers in the printing plant managed to inform Comrade Stal^ of this raid; soon a detachment of revolutionary sol diers arrived on an armoured car and the cadets beat a hasty retreat. The BabocJhi Put came out with an appeal for the overthrow of the Pro visional Government. In a leading article in that issue entitled "What Do We Need?" Comrade Stalin wrote: "The time has come when further delay will be fatal for the whole cause of the revolution. The present government of landlords and capitalists must be replaced by a new gov ernment of workers and peasants. . . (Lenin and Stalin, 1917, Selected Writings and Speeches, Moscow, 1938, p. 611.)

Towards the evening of October 24 (November 6), Lenin, on learning of the attack launched by the counter-revolution, sent the Central Committes of the Bolshevik Party his last letter demanding that the insurrection should be started forthwith, "We must at all costs, this very eve ning, this very night, arrest the government, first disarming the cadets (de feating them if they resist), and so forth," he wrote. "Under no circum stances must power be left in the hands of Kerensky and Co, until the 25th — ^not under any circumstances; the matter must be decided with out fail this very evening, or this very night" (V. I, Lenia, Selected ITor&s, Two-Vol. ed., Vol. II, Moscow, 1947, p. 159).

To prevent Kerensky from taking action on the 25th, the day the Congress of Soviets was to open, the Central Committee of the Bolshe vik Party instructed the Revolutionary Military Committee to start the insurrection at once.

In the morning of October 24 (November 6), the Revolutionary Military Committee ordered the military units to prepare for action; it also ordered that a close watch be kept on the army units that were approaching the capital, and that the guard at bridges and railway sta tions be reinforced. It decided to call in the assistance of the warships and sailors of the Baltic Fleet and with this object sent the Central Committee of the Soviets of the Baltic Fleet in Helsingfors a prear ranged telegram containing the words: "Send regulations"; this meant "the insurrection has commenced, dispatch ships and men."

That evening Lenin, disguised as a workingman, with his face tied up and wearing a wig, and accompanied by a comrade sent from the Central Committee, arrived in the Smolny. Men from the Lithuanian Regiment and detachments of Red Guards were called to the Smolny, where they took up their posts, supported by machine guns, at all the entrances and exits. Detachment after detach ment of Red Guards kept arriving. Earlier in the day the Red Guards were armed with weapons obtained from the arsenal in the Fortress of Peter and Paul which had gone over to the Bolsheviks.

In conformity with the prearranged plan, detachments of workers proceeded to occupy state buildings; after midnight t-he Central Telephone Exchange, the State Bank, the General Post Office, the railway stations and the principal government offices were occupied.

The Revolutionary Military Committee ordered the cruiser Aurora to move up from the Franoo-Russian Shipyards on the Neva to the Winter Palace. The commander of the Aurora refused to obey the order on the plea that the Neva was too shallow, whereupon the sailors took soundings, found that the fairway was suffi ciently deep, arrested the commander and steered the ship in the ap pointed direction. The Aurora's guns were turned on the last refuge of the bourgeois government — ^the Winter Palace.

The insurrection proceeded in an organized manner a-ocording to plan. By 9 a. m. on October 25 (November 7), seven companies of the Kexholm Regiment had occupied the approaches to the Winter Palace, where the Provisional Government was assembled. By this time it was evident that the government was completely isolated; not a single military unit supported it. On the morning of the 25th Kerensky fled from the insurgent capital in a motor car flying the United States flag.

At 10 am. on October 25 (November 7), the Revolutionary Mili tary Committee issued a manifesto proclaiming the overthrow of the Provisional Government, The manifesto, which had been drawn up by Lenin, stated;

"The Provisional Government has been overthrown. The power of state has passed into the hands of the organ of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers* and Soldiers* Deputies, the Revolutionary Military Commit tee, which stands at the head of the Petrograd proletariat and garrison.

"The cause for which the people have fought — the immediate proposal of a democratic peace, the abolition of landed proprietorship, workers* control over production and the creation of a Soviet govern . ment — is assured.

"Long live the revolution of the workers, soldiers and peasants!" {Lenin and Stalin, 1917, Selected Writings and Speeches, Moscow, 1938, p. 613.)

On October 25, a special meeting of the Petrograd Soviet was held. The appearance of Lenin, the leader of the revolu tion, was greeted with round after round of applause and cheers. Addressing the meeting, Lenin said: "Comrades, the workers* and peasants' revolution, about the necessity of which the Bolsheviks have always spoken, has taken place. . . . From now on, a new phase in the history of Russia begins, and this revolution, the third Russian revolution, should in the end lead to the victory of Socialism" {Lenin and Stalin, 1917, Selected Writings and Speeches, Moscow, 1938, p. 614).

The Petrograd Soviet adopted a resolution welcoming the pro letarian revolution and expressing the conviction that the Soviet government which the revolution created would march firmly along the road to Socialism.

By this time the insurgents controlled the whole city except the Winter Palace. Lenin ordered the Winter Palace to be captured before the opening of the Congress of Soviets. The Provisional Government was called upon to smrender forthwith, but it refused, whereupon, at 9 p. m., the assault on the Winter Palace was launched. After the prearranged signal, the firing of a gun from the Fortress of Peter and Paul and shots from the six-inch guns of the Aurora, the Red Guards, sailors and soldiers, led by the Bolsheviks, stormed the Winter Palace.

Almost the entire Petrograd Young Socialist Workers' League (the future Young Communist League) had joined the ranks of the Red Guard, and the young proletarians constituted more than one third of its strength.

The broad masses of the workers and soldiers were imbued with tremendous enthusiasm and confidence in victory. The Provisional Government that was besieged in the Winter Palace waited in vain for the assistance that had been promised from the front. Library:A History of the U.S.S.R./Part 3/Post-revolution

Death of Lenin

As he laid the foundation stones of social ist society Lenin dreamed of seeing backward, ruined, wretched and impotent Russia replaced by anew, mighty and happy land of flour ishing Socialism. He was destined, however, to see only the very first, comparatively small, successes of the grand reconstruction of the Soviet Union that he had planned. He who had caused such mighty transformations to take place was struck down by death at the very beginning of the historic road taken by our country towards the victory of » Socialism. From the beginning of his conscious life to the day ho drew his last breath, Lenin had devoted himself entirely to the cause of the revolution. The enormous, superhuman labours of this greatest man of our age had sapped his health, and his death wm hastened by the severe wounds that had been inilioted upon him by ihe vicious bullets of the enemies of the revolution. V. I. Lenin jmscd airay on Jannaiy 21, 1924. Tiie death of the leader filled the hearts of millions with grief. In its manifesto to the Party and to all the working people announcing the death of our great leader, the Central Coininittoe of the R,C.P.(B.) stated: "JSIover sinco Marx has the groat proletarian movement for emancipation produced such a titanic figure as our late leader, teacher and friend."

Briefly and concisely describing Lenin's greatness and the gigantic work he performed, the nia lifosto went on to say: "Lenin x^osscssod all the trul^r great and heroic virtues of the x^roletariat — b > fearless mind, an iron, inflexible and indomitable will which surmounts all obstacles, a holy and mortal hatred of slavery and tyranny, revolution ary ardour which moves mountains, boundless faith in the creativt* powers of the masses, and vast organizing talent. His name has be come the symbol of the new world fcomWest to East, and from South to North."

The Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party called upon the working class to mark the death of tlieir leader by mustering all tlieir strength to carry out Lenin's behests.

In the factories talks were delivered on the life of Lenin, after which the workers passed the curt but emjphatio resolution: "Wo vow to carry out Lenin's behests."

The workers of tl e Third Moscow Printing Plant, in sending a de legation to the funeral of the'r leader, handed it a banner bearing the inscription: "Lot us form a solid ring round the Communist Party and carry out Ilych's behests to the last!"

At a meeting held at the Moskvoretsky Textile Mills an old woman weaver mounted the platform and in a voice trembling with emotion said: "If I have wavered bill now, thinking that I was almost illit erate and w'thout trailing, then during these last days I have mihesitatingly decided to join the Party created by our infinitely be loved Ilyich, May ho rest in poace in his grave; we millions, the workers, will carry the cause begin by him to the end."

During those hours of grief hundreds of thousands of proletarians all over the country, like this old Moscow weaver, handed in applica tions to jom Lenin's Party.

At memorial meetings the workers passed resolutions pledging themselves to carry out Lenin's behests and to send their best sons to reinforce the Party.

The men in the Red Army passed similar resolutions. A meeting of Red Army men and commanders of the Sivash Division declared: "We must now guard not only our Red frontiers, but also the invio lability of the grave of our great leader and teacher."

Lenin's death caused profound grief and mourning in the settle ments of the Yakuts, in the camps of the nomad Nenets reindeer breeders, and in the villages of Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. The

working people in the most remote parts of the country sent delegations to Moscow to attend Lenin's funeral. The peasants in the Volga Region collected grain for a fund to build a monument to Lenin. The workers and peasants named towns, streets, factories and villages after Lenin. At the request of the workers, Petrograd, where Lenin had commenced his revolutionary activities as the leader of the proletariat and where he had led the working class in a victorious insurrection and to the capture of power, was named in his hon our, Leningrad.

On January 23, the peasants from the villages surrounding Gorki, where Lenin died, accompanied their friend and teacher on his last journey to Moscow. The workers of Moscow took their last leave of Lenin. For five days and nights a continuous stream of people flowed tlirough the Column Hall of the House of Trade Unions, where Lenin lay in state. Millions of working people waited their turn to bid their leader a last farewell.

Stalin's Vow

On the death of our beloved leader. Comrade Stalin, in the name of the Party and of the whole Soviet people, took a great vow .to carry out Lenin's behests.

At the Second Congress of Soviets of the U.S.S.R. on January 26, 1924, Comrade Stalin said:

"Departing jfrom us. Comrade Lenin adjured us to hold high and guard the purity of the great title of member of the Party. We vow to you. Comrade Lenin, that we will fulfil your behest with credit! . . .

"Departing from us, Comrade Lenin adjured us to guard the unity of our Party as the apple of our eye. We vow to you, Comrade Lenin, that this behest too, we will fulfil with credit! . . .

"Departing from us. Comrade Lenin adjured us to guard and strengthen the dictatorship of the proletariat. We vow to you, Comrade Lenin, that we will spare no efforts to fulfil this behest too, with credit! . . .

"Departing from us, Comrade Lenin adjured us to strengthen with all our might the alliance of the workers and the peasants. We vow to you. Comrade Lenin, that this behest too, we will fulfil with credit! . . .

"Departing from us. Comrade Lenin adjured us to consolidate and extend the Union of Republics. We vow to you. Comrade Lenin, that this behest, too, we will fulfil with credit! . . .

"More than once did Lenin point out to us that the strengthening of the Red Army and the improvement of its condition is one of the most important tasks of our Party. . . . Let us vow then, comrades, that we will spare no effort to strengthen our Red Army and our Red ISTavy. . . .

"Departing from us. Comrade Lenin adjured us to remain faithful to the principles of the Communist International. We vow to you, Comrade Lonin, that we will not spare our lives to strengthen and extend the Union of the toilers of the whole world — ^the Communist International!" {Stalin on Lenin, Moscow, 1946, pp. 30-36.)

Stalin's great vow became the program of action of the Party and the Soviet State which ensured our country's victorious progress along the road to Socialism.

At 4 p, m. on January 27, amid the thunder of an artillery salute, the body of Vladimir Ilyich Lenin was placed in the Mauso leum erected during those days in the Red Square, Moscow. A last and mournful salute to the leader was sounded by sirens and hooters. Life throughout the country came to a standstill for the space of five minutes. Trains stopped in their tracks, the buzz of ma chinery in the factories was silenced. Five minutes of silence was also observed by working people in all capitalist countries.

The End of the Period of Restoration in the U.S.S.R.

The First Year Without Lenin

On the death of Lenin the working class of the U.S.S.R. rallied more closely than ever around Lenin's Party. Thousands of workers handed in applications to join its ranlis in order the bettor to carry out the behests of the do]iarted leader. The Central Committee proclaimed a mass admission of advanced workers into the Party's ranks. Over 240,000 of the most class-conscious and revolutionary workers made up the "Lenin Enrol ment" into the Party. Interest in the study of Leninist theory increased to an enormous degree. "Lenin is dead, but Leninism lives!" said the workers, and souglit to acquire a better knowledge of the principles of Lenin's teachings.

To satisfy this urge, Comrade Stalin, in the beginning of April 1924, delivered a series of lectures on "The Foundations of Lenin ism" at the '"Sverdlov" Communist University. In these lectures, which shortly afterwards were published in book form, he gave a sys tematic exposition of Lenin's great teachings about the proletarian revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat, of the historical roots and theory of Leninism, of Lenin's teachings about the Party, and of his views on the peasant and the national and colonial ques tions, He emphas'zed that Leninism was not only a Russian but an international doctrine. Leninism not only revived the reyolut ionary teachings of Marx and Engels, which had been distorted by the oxDpor tunists of the Second International, but developed them further, enriching them with the now experience of the proletarian class sti'ug gle in the epoch of imperialism. "Leninism," said Comrade Stalin, "is Marxism of the era of imperialism and of the proletarian revo lution." This splendid book, which is a further development of the Marxian theory, armed ideologically the working class of the U.S.S.R and of the whole world in their struggle for Sooialism. Comrade Stalin's book The Foundations of Leninism^ also played an enormous part in

bringing about the ideological defeat of Trotskyism.

Remember, love and study Lenin, our teacher and leader. Fight and vanquish the enemies, internal and foreign — as Lenin taught ns.

Build the new life, the new existence, the new culture — as Lenin taught us.

Never refuse to do the little things, for from little things are built the

big things — this is one of Lcnin*s important behests.

In May 1924, the Thirteenth Congress of the Party was hold. At

this congress Trotsky hypocritically stated that ho and his followers were giving up the factional struggle. Actually, ho had instruefcod his followers to make declarations about renouno ng Trotskyism while ill fact forming a counter-revolutionary underground organi zation.

The Thirteenth Congi'ess emphasized that tlie operation of the Party line laid down by Lenin at the time of the adoption of the New Economic Policy had strengthened the alliance between the proletariat and the peasantry and had created the conditions for the speedy liquidation of economic ruin. The congress called for assistance for the rural districts, for the organization of the rural poor and for the for mation of peasant mutual-aid committees. While demandirg an inten sification of the struggle against the kulaks and an improvement in activity among the poor and middle peasants, the congress confirmed the line of developing the co-operative movement as a means of achieving Sooialism. The congress indicated measures for improving the work of the state trading organizations and co-operativo societies, 'which under the New Economic Policy were to help in establishing the link between industry and peasant farming.

The New -Economic Policy created a considerable revival in the country after the ruin which had been caused by war and interven tion.

From 1924 to 1925 total industrial output increased 60 per cent and the number of workers employed in industry increased 27 per cent. The material conditions of the working class improved.

The currency reform of 1924 introduced a stable currency in place of the former depreciated paper money and strengthened the finan cial position of the Soviet State.

The revival of state and co-operative trade increased the proportion of the socialist forms of economy in the total economy of the country. Soviet trade began to squeeze the private trader out of the market. Peasant farming showed a marked improvement. The Soviet govern ment rendered the working peasantry considerable assistance. In the period from 1924 to 1925 the state assigned out of its limited re sources 290,000,000 rubles for the purpose of assisting the loovev peasants.

The Soviet Union's successes during the four years of tho operation of the New Economic Policy were achieved in a stubborn struggle against the resisting capitalist elements. In an endeavour to exploit the discontent of the peasant masses caused by tho shortage of manu factured goods, the high prices of these goodB, and tho survivals of "War Communism" that persisted in some parts of the rural districts, the kulaks tried to organize revolts.

The elections to the Soviets which took place at this time revealed that in a number of districts the middle peasants were inclined to swing over to the side of the kulaks. Comrade Stalin set the task of rallying the middle peasants around the proletariat and of enlisting the masses of the peasants in the work of building up the Soviets. At a plenary meeting of the Central Committee of the Party held on October 26, 1924, he said: "All those who are active, honest, possess initiative and are politically conscious, especially former Red Army men, who are politically the most conscious and possess most initiative among the peasants, must be drawn into the work of the Soviets."

The Soviets are bodies which establish a bond between the work ing class and peasantry, with the proletariat playing the leading role. Hence, enlivening and strengthening the Soviets meant strength ening the alliance between the proletariat and the peasantry in the joint struggle for Socialism.

Strengthening the Alliance Between the Proletariat of the U.S.S.R. and the Peasants of the Non-Russian Republics

After the U.S.S.R. was formed, the Russian proletariat increased its assistance to the peoples of the U.S,S.R. and thereby strengthened its alliance with the peasants in the non-Russian regions. The task of uniting the peoples in a single, fraternal union of state was hindered by three factors, viz,^ the actual inequality existing between the different na tionalities, the dominant-nation chauvinism of a section of the Russian Communists, and local nationalism. The Tenth and Twelfth Congresses of the Party, after hearing reports by Comrade Stalin, adopted a program of measures for combating the still existing ac tual inequality between the peoples of the U.S.S.R.

Under the New Economic Policy there was a revival and growth of dominant-nation chauvinism, a reflection of the former privileged position of the Great-Russians. This chauvinism found expression in tl.e neglect shown by certain Soviet and Party officials towards the needs and requirements of the non-Russian republics, and theatened to underini .ethe confidence of the peasant masses of the non-Russian areas in the U.S.S.R. towards the proletariat, which was exercising its dictatorship.

At the same time, there was a revival of local nationalism among the peoples who had not yet forgotten the national oppression they had suffered from Russian tsarism and the Russian bourgeoisie. The local nationalists sowed distrust in everything Russian, and tried to disrupt She alliance between the peasants of the non-Russian republics and the proletariat of the U.S.S.R. which was leading the struggle or Socialism in all the Soviet Republics.

In June 1923, the Central Committee of the Party held a joint conference with responsible officials from the non-Russian republics and regions. This conference, which was directed by Comrade Sialin, emphatically condemned both dominant-nation chauvinism and the nationalistic tendencies of individual Party members. At this con ference there wore exposed a group of Tatar bourgeois nationalists and a group of Uzbek nationalists.

The bourgeois-nationalists had become agents of foreign imperial ism and conducted subversive activities with the object of disrupting the work of building up the Soviet system in the border regions. The Georgian Mensheviks, assisted by the foreign imperialists, even at tempted to rouse the peasants of Georgia to revolt against the Soviets. In the summer of 1924, they captured Chiatury, the centre of the manganese industry in Georgia, dispersed the Soviets in Guria and other districts, and began to organize kulak and landlord fighting detachments. The Georgian peasantry, however, far from allowing themselves to be drawn into this reckless venture of the Georgian Mensheviks, resolutely helped in liquidati ig it in the course of a few days. The organizers of this revolt — a group of prominent Georgian Mensheviks — were tried before a Soviet court and mot with well-de served punishment.

The Soviet government rendered the peoples of the non-Russian republics considerable economic, organizational and cultural assist ance. A number of factories, with all their equipment, were trans ferred from Moscow to Georgia, Bokhara and Uzbekistan. Loans were granted to the industries and co-operative societies in the various republics. In all the non-Russian regions a drive was launched to enliven and strengthen the Soviets.

The National Delimitation of Central Asia

When the Soviet Republics in Turkestan were firmly established their national delim itation was carried into effect. The tsarist government, in intro ducing its administrative division of the country, had taken no ao oount of the specific national features and the territorial distribution of the peoples inhabiting it. The result was that the old boundaii 'S of gubernias and regions brought together into administrative units territories populated by different nationalities, and split up ho mogeneous nationalities. Particularly scattered 9,bout were the peoples of Central Asia. Some of the peoples Kad no administrative centre, •republic or region of their own, and this hindered their economic and cultural development.

In 1924, all the peoples of Central Asia reached a voluntary agree ment and established an absolutely new political and administrative •division of Central Asia, one that took into account the economic and •political interests of each nation. Two Union Soviet Socialist Republics were formed — ^the Uzbek and Turkmen Republics. Later, a third one, .the Tajik Republic, was formed, being detached from the Uzbek S.S.R., of which it had till then been a part, as an autonomous republic. Two autonomous Soviet Republics were also formed, namely, the Kirghiz and the Kara-Kalpak Republics. The part of Northeastern Turkestan inhabited by Kazakhs was incorporated in Kazakhstan. In the autumn of 1924, the Congresses of Soviets of Bokhara and Khiva resolved to rename their People's Republics, Socialist Republics. The Second Session of the Central Executive Committee of the U.S.S.R. ratified the decision of the peoples of Central Asia regarding national delimitation. The Uzbek and Turk men Republics joined the U.S.S.R. as Union Republics.

In an estimation of the importance of national delimitation, Comrade Stalin wrote: 'The time has now come when these scattered fragments can be reiinited into independent states, so that the toil ing masses of Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan can be united and welded with the organs of government. The delimitation of frontiers in Tur kestan is primarily the reunion of the scattered parts of these coun tries into independent states. The fact that these states then desired to join the Soviet Union as equal members thereof, merely signifies that the Bolsheviks have found the key to the profound aspirations of the masses of the East, and that the Soviet Union is the only volun tary union of the toiling masses of various nationalities in the world" (J. Stalin, Marxism and the National and Colonial Question, Moscow, 1940, pp. 182-183).

Thus, for the first time in their history, the Uzbek, Turkmen and Tajik peoples were able to unite in their national states. This they did on the basis of Soviet power, which is cherished and understood by the masses. National delimitation strengthened the alliance be tween the proletariat of the U.S.S.R. and the toiling peasantry of Central Asia and stimulated the economic and cultural development of the peoi)les of Soviet Central Asia.

The Struggle for Socialist Industrialization (1926–1929)

Steering a Course for Industrialization

The Soviet Republic's International Position Is Strengthened

After the prolonged post-war revolutionary crisis, world capitalism entered a phase of temporary, partial stabilization. As a result of the defeat of the revolutionary movement in 1923, counter-revolu* tionary coups were carried out in Germany, Italy, Bulgaria and Poland. The tide of revolution temporarily subsided in Western Europe and capitalism partially stabilized its position. This partial stabili zation of capitalism intensified the antagonisms between the differ ent capitalist countries and also between the workers and capitalists in each country. A desire to form a united front against the offensive of capital arose among the proletarian masses in the capitalist conn tries. Delegations of foreign workers streamed into the U.S.S.R.

Comrade Stalin made the following comment: "At the one i)ole we find capitalism stabilizing itself, consolidating the position it has reached and continuing its development. At the other pole we find the Soviet system stabilizing itself, consolidating the position it has won and marching forward on the road to victory. Who will defeat whom? — ^That is the essence of the question" (J. Stalin, Lenin ism, Vol, I, Moscow, 1934, p. 162).

The successes which the working class of the U.S.S.R, achieved on the economic firont strengthened and consolidated the Soviet Union's international position. In 1924 and in the beginning of 1926, Great Britain, France, Italy, Japan and many other bourgeois countries ofidoially recognized the Soviet Union. In the summer of 1924, a "Gen eral Treaty between Great Britain and the U,S.S.R." was signed, but the reactionary British bourgeoisie launched a campaign against this, their argument being that "Great Britain had surrendered to Bolshevism."

The Program for Building Socialism in the U.S.S.R

The process of restoring the national economy of the U.S.8.R. was draw ing to a close. In 1925–1926, agriculture in the U.S,S.R. reached the pre-war level and produced 103 per cent of the pre-war output. The volume of industrial output also approached the pre-war level. But it was not enough for the Land of Soviets, which was building Socialism, merely to restore its economy, merely to reach the pre-war level, for that was the level of a backward and poverty-stricken country. It was necessary to go beyond that.

At the end of April 1926, the Fourteenth Conference of the Party was held. Guided by Lenin's thesis that Socialism could be victorious in one country, the conference passed a resolution which stated that the Party "must exert all efforts to build socialist society in the con viction that this work of construction can be, and certainly will be, successful if we succeed in safeguarding the country against all at tempts at restoration."

In substantiating Lenin's thesis that Socialism could be victo rious in our country, Comrade Stalin repeatedly emphasized that it was necessary to distinguish between two aspects of this question, namely, the domestic and the international aspect.

'The domestic aspect of the question was the relationships between the classes within the country: the country possessed all that was needed to build complete socialist society; the working class, which had established its political dictatorship and had converted the land, factories, mills, banks and means of communication into public prop- erty, could now further socialist construction and, relying on its? alliance with the peasantry, economically rout capitalism within the country.

But there was also an international aspect to the question of the victory of Socialism. For the time being the U.S.S.R. was the only socialist country in the world; it still existed in a capitalist encircle ment, and this was fraught with the danger of capitalist intervention. Complete guarantees against intervention could be provided only by the victory of Socialism on an international scale. Hence, the final victory of Socialism, meaning that it was guaranteed against inter vention, was possible only if the proletarian revolution was victo rious in a number of countries. If the world revolution was delayed, the proletariat of the U.S.S.B. could overcome the economic and technical backwardness of the country and ensure its independence only by its own internal forces and resources, by creating the indus trial basis for Socialism and reconstructing the national economy on socialist lines.

The Fourteenth Conference of the Party emphatically condemned Trotsky's theory that the victory of Socialism in the U.S.S.R. was impossible, and called upon the working class to work with the ut most strain to ensure this victory. In May 1925, Comrade Stalin de livered a report in which, summing up the proceedings of this confer ence, he substantiated and amplified Lenin's teachings regarding the possibility of the victory of Socialism, and formulated the pro gram for the building of Socialism in the following few words: need from fifteen to twenty million industrial proletarians; we need the electrification of the principal regions of our country; we need the organization of agriculture on a co-operative basis; we need a highly developed metal industry. Then we need fear no danger. Then we shall be victorious on an international scale" (Lenin and Stalin, Selected Works ^ Vol. Ill, Russ, ed., p. 27).

The decisions of the Fourteenth Party Conference served as the basis for the proceedings of the Third All-Union Congress of Soviets which opened on May 13, 1925. The congress discussed the following reports: the state of industry; measures to raise and strengthen peas ant farming; agricultural co-operative societies; building up the So viets, and the Red Army. The congress passed a series of measures to improve the work of the Soviets, It also ratified the admission into the U.S.S.R. of the two new Union Republics — ^the Turkmen S-S.R. and the Uzbek S.S.R. and in doing so emphasized that "the entry of the afore-mentioned republics into the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics is fresh proof that the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics is indeed a voluntary union of equal nations and a reliable bulwark of the formerly 0 ]jpressed nations" {The Congresses of Soviets of the U.S.S,M. — Decisions and Resolutions, Moscow, 1939, Russ, ed., p. 78).

The congress devoted special attention to the problem of strength ening the defensive capacity of the country and the Red Army. Jn the resolution adopted on the report of M. V. Frunze it emphasized the general strengthening of the international position of the U.S.S.R. and went on to say: "The Third Congress of Soviets of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics deems it necessary to declare to the work ing people of the Soviet Union and of the whole world that notwith standing the efforts of the Workers' and Peasants' Government, and notwithstanding the treaties and agreements already concluded with a number of countries, the Soviet Union is not guaranteed against attempts on the part of world capital to disturb the peaceful labours of the workers and peasants" {The Congresses of Soviets of the TJ.S.SM . — Decisions and Resolutions, Moscow, 1939, Russ, cd., p. 82).

The congress approved the reform of tlio armed forces of the TT.S.S.R. carried out by the People's Commissariat of Military and Naval Affairs and which helped still further to improve the fighting efficiency of the Red Army and the Red Navy.

In the congrefcs' decision on M* V. Frunze's report the government was instructed to strengthen the defensive might of the country by the following measures:

"a) Secure a corresponding expansion of tlie armaments industry and run all the rest of tlie state industry of the Union in such a way as will in peacetime take into account the needs of wartime; b) improve armaments and saturate the Red Army with them; c) correspondingly improve and build a network of ways of communication — ^luilways, freight and motor traction; d) develop all forms of communication; e) develop horse-breeding, with the object of supplying the needs not only of agriculture, but also of the Red Army, and of its cava by in particular; f) pay profound attention to tiic military training of the entire population. ..." {The Congresses of Soviets of the U.S.S^R , — Decisions and Resolutions, Moscow, 1939, Russ, ed., j)* 83.)

The decisions which the Third Congress of Soviets adopted on Com rade Frunze's report were an important factor in strengthening the defensive capacity of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Comrade Frunze, however, was not destined to carry out this program of mil itary development; he died on October 31, 1925. His death was a severe loss to the Party and to the Soviet people. He was succeeded at the post of People 's Commissar of Military and Naval Affairs by that hero of the Civil War and comrade-in-arms of Stalin and Frunze — K. E. Voroshilov.

In December 1926, the Fourteenth Congress ofthe Party was opened. In his report to the congress, Comrade Stalin set the Party the immediate task of transforming our country from an agrarian into an industrial state. The congress approved of the leader's proposal and it resolved: "To ensure for the U.S.S.R. economic independence, which will safeguard the U.S.S.R. against becoming an appendage of ca];)italist world economy, and for this purpose to steer a course to wards the industrialization of the country, the development of the production of means of production. ..."

The Fourteenth Party Congress has gone into the history of the Party and of our country as the Industrialization Congress. In view of the formation of the U S.S.R. the congress decided to rename the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks).

In deciding firmly to steer a course towards industrialization, the congress denounced the bourgeois views of the so-called "new op position" which sought to drag the Party and the working class back — to the path of restoring capitalism. The Zinovievites had secured elec tion as delegates to the congress by downright fraud (at the Party Conference in Leningrad that was held before the congress, they hypo critically voted for the Party line). The congress decided to send to Leningrad a group of its delegates, consisting of Comrades Molotov, Kirov, Voroshilov, Kalinin, Andreyev and others, to explain to the members of the Leningrad Party organization the duplicity which had been practised by their delegates at the Party Congress.

An Extraordinary Conference of the Leningrad Party organiza tion unanimously condemned the hypocritical Zinovievites and elected a new Regional Committee of the Party, headed by S. M. Kirov, under whose leadership the Leningrad Bolsheviks launched a struggle for socialist industrialization.

The Difficulties and Successes of Socialist Industrialization

The U.S.S.R. Becomes an Industrial Country

During the period of restoration the task had been to put agriculture on its feet and to restore the existing mills and factories. But these were old enterprises equipped with obsolete machinery. The task now was to re-equip these old plants with up-to-date machinery.

During the period of restoration it was mainly light industry that was developed. The task now was to expand and strengthen heavy industry, without which neither light industry nor agriculture could grow. It was necessary to build a number of new plants and to create new branches of industry that had not existed at all in tsarist Rus sia, Le., to build plants for the manufacture of machines, machine tools, automobiles, chemicals, aircraft and tractors, a new defence industry, etc. The cun*ent task was to bring about the socialist industrialization of the country.

The erection of industrial plants involves huge expenditure. Caj) italist countries, as a rule, build up their industries out of funds obtained from outside, by plundering colonies, by wars of conquest, by foreign credits and loans, and also by exploiting their own workers and peasants. The Land of Socialism could not on principle resort to such sources for its industrialization. There was only oire way open for the proletarian state, the way of the socialist accumulation of in ternal revenues and savings, of industrialization out of the internal resources of the country. The most important source of accumulation was the revenue of nationalized industries, state trade, and also the current funds of credit institutions and savings banks. Wide masses of the working people took up the slogan of the "'fight to effect econ omies." Stern measures were undertaken to eliminate the unproductive expenditure of state and public funds. At the same time the Soviet government permitted no reduction in expenditure on the protection of labour, and prohibited economies to be effected at the expense of the workers.

In capitalist countries industrialization usually starts with the development of light industry. Only after light industry has accumu lated the necessary funds docs the development of heavy industry begin. This process takes a long time; that was why the Communist Party did not take this path. "The Communist Party of our country therefore rejected the ^ordinary' path of industrialization and commenced the industrialization of the country by developing heavy industry" (J. Stalin, "Speech Delivered at an Election Meeting in the Stalin Election District, Moscow, February 9, 1946," Moscow, 1946, p. 16).

The very first year of the Party's course towards industrializa tion produced positive results. In 1926, the year's state grain purchases plan was carried out and the market price of grain dropped. The rate of the chervonets became stabilized. Trade turnover increased. Large scale industry also fulfilled its plan and showed a 40 per cent increase in output, the heavy industry showing an increase of nearly 60 per cent. The metal industry developed with exceptional rapidity; in 1924 its output had been less than half of the pre-war output, but in 1926 it already exceeded that of 1913.

Investments for the re-equipment of old i)lants and the building of new ones amounted to 811 ,000,000 rubles, compared with 385 ,000,000 in the preceding year.

Old plants which had been idle wore restarted, and now plants which had been built by the Soviet government were put into opera tion. In the spring of 1925, the first blast furnace of the Dniepropet rovsk Steel Plant, the largest in the South, which had been idle since 1917, was started. A month later the Karabash Copi)er Smelting Plant in the Urals was started. In the beginning of December 1926, the Shatura district power plant near Moscow, the largest peat-fuel power plant in the world, was opened. During the May Day festival in 1926, two large hydroelectric power stations were opened, one in Tashkent and one in Erevan.

In July 1926, traffic was started on the first electric railway in the U.S.S.R., that connecting Baku with the oil fields and the town-* ship of Sabunchi; and the foundation stone was officially laid of the Stalingrad Tractor Plant,

The enormous increase, xmder the leadership of the Party, in the activities and constructive initiative of the masses resulted in rapid economic successes. In September 1926, the output of Soviet industry for the first time exceeded the pre-war level. Beginning with the new economic year of 1926-1927, the industries of the U.S.S.Rf. produced more than in tsarist Russia at the peak of her economic development, viz., in 1913. Agricultural output and the national income of the Land of Soviets reached the pre-war level.

When the first decade of the existence of the Soviet State was reached the results of socialist industrialization were already palpable. Over a billion rubles had been invested in capital construction and a number of new large plants had been put into operation. The build ing of new giants of socialist industry was commenced. In December 1926, the Volkhov Electric Power Plant, the first-born of Soviet electrification, was officially opened. The building of this plant was begun on Lenin's proposal as far back as 1918. In 1927, the Trans caucasian district hydroelectric plant, which provided power for Tbi lisi, the capital of Soviet Georgia, was opened, the Red Putilov Plant turned out its first twenty-one tractors, and the AMO Automobile Plant (now the Stalin Plant) in Moscow turned out its first ten motor trucks. In the same year the construction was begun of the Turksib Railway which, running through the waterless desert of Kazakhstan, was to unite Siberia with Central Asia. Thus, all over the country intense work was in progress in building new factories, mills, mines, power stations and railways.

The proportion of industry to the entire national economy rose to 42 per cent and reached the pre-war level. Still more rapid was the growth of large-scale socialist industry, the output of which was 18 per cent higher than the preceding year. This was a record in crease, such as the large-scale industry of the most advanced capitalist countries never reached even in the period of their highest develop ment.

The jubilee session of the Central Executive Committee of the U.S.S.R. held on the occasion of the Tenth Anniversary of the victory of the October Revolution took a decision to introduce a 7-hour day in industry.

The Successes of Industrialization in the National Republics

Very considerable sncccss was achieved by various non-Russian national republics. In the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, large scale industry was quickly restored and agriculture was put firmly on its feet. Progress was also made in national culture. Two million school children received instruction in the Ukrainian language, and more Ukrainian books were published in two years than had been publishi'd in the entire century before the Great October Socialist Revolution.

Similar economic and cultural progress was achieved in the Bye lorussian Soviet Socialist Republic. Before the October Revolution there was not a single technical school or higher educational estab lishment in Byelorussia, but in 1927, there were already four higher educational establishments and thirty technical schools. Schoolchildren received instruction in their native language. The Jewish language became officially recognized in the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Repub lic. Over 100,000 Jewish working people found employment in industry and in agriculture. These achievements were the result of the policy of industrializing the formerly backward non-Russian regions.

Great success in the building of Socialism was also achieved in the Transcaucasian reimblios. Uniting their efforts in the task of reorganizing their national economy, the numerous nationalities of Transcaucasia established such a reign of pcac^e among themselves as they had never known before.

In the period of 1025-J927 there was carried out in the young republics of Central Asia an agrarian and water-resources reform which abolished the survivals of feudal relationships in the utilization of the land and water resources, and stimulated the development of the dekhan (peasant) farms which became the principal suppliers of So viet cotton for the textile mills in the U.S.S.R. Over 100,000 dekhan families (possessing little or no land) received a total of over 300,000 hectares of land which had been taken from the landlords and bai (kulaks).

The Provocative Conduct of the Imperialists and Their Trotskyite Agents

Socialist industrialization encountered the op position of the capitalist elements in the country, who were supported by foreign governments. In the endeavour to frustrate, or at least to hinder, the socialist industrialization of the U.S.S.R., the imperial ists tried to drag her into another war.

In February 1927, Austen Chamberlain, the British Foreign Sec retary, sent the government of the U.S.S.R. a note demanding the cessation of anti-British propaganda and threatening to abrogate the trade agreement and break off diplomatic relations. At this time also the Chinese militarists made a bandit raid on tlie U.S.S.R. Em bassy in Peking. In May the police raided the promises of the Soviet trade agencies in London. In retaliation to this gross violation of the trade agreement, the Soviet government stopped sending new orders for goods to England. Chamberlain broke cfE diplomatio relations with the U.S.S.Br. in the expectation that this would be followed by a rupture of relations between other capitalist countries and the U.S.S.B,, and the isolation of the latter.

In answer to this act of war provocation and attempt to institute an economic blockade against the U.S.S.R., the workers appealed to the Soviet government to issue a loan. The first Industrialization Loan in the sum of 200,000,000 rubles, was subscribed in a very short space of time.

The Aviation and Chemical Society founded in January 1927 issued an appeal for funds to build an aircraft squadron of the Red Air Fleet to be named "Our Answer to Chamberlain." This appeal met with a warm res])onso among wide masses of the people.

The imperialists, however, continued their acts of provocation. On June 7, 1927, a Wliiteguard killed the Soviet ambassador in War saw, Voikov, and the Polish rulers took this assassin under their pro tection.

Within the U.S.S.R. the agents of imperialism plotted to assas sinate leading members of Party and Soviet bodies. Several indus trial plants and army stores were set on foe.

The intensification of the class struggle in the country and the deterioration in the relations between the U.S.S.R. and the capital ist countries encouraged the Trotskyites to launch a new attack upon the general line of the Party. In 1926, the remnants of all the defeated factional groups formed what was called an "anti -Party bloc" headed by Trotsky, and that year became a secret agency of the British In telligence Service.

In the endeavoui' to disrupt the alliance between the working class and the basic mass of the peasantry, the enemies of the prole tarian dictatorship demanded that higher taxes be imposed uj)on the middle peasants. The Trotskyite provocateurs tried to induce the masses to believe that it was not worth while defending the U.S.S.R. because, so they said, the victory of Socialism in the U.S.S.R. was impossible anyhow.

The Trotskyites organized an underground party which stood for the restoration of capitalism. They had their leading central bodies and secret printing plants, formed secret anti-Soviet groups, and enlisted in their ranks the remnants of the enemies of the people who had been expelled from the Party, On the Tenth Anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution the Trotskyites and Zinovievites tried to organize anti-Soviet demonstrations in the streets of Moscow and Leningrad, In November 1027, the Bolshevik Party expelled the traitors Trotsky and Zinoviev from its ranks.

Characterizing the international position of the U.S.S.R. at the end of 1927, Comrade Stalin said: "iP/ic growth of interventionist tend encies in the cam'p of the imferialisis and the danger of loar {against the U.S,S.B,) is one of the main facts of the •present sitmtion^^ {Polit ical Report of the Gentral Committee to the Fifteenth Congress of the G.P.S.U.[B.}, Moscow, 1936, Russ, ed., p. 13).

The government and the Party called upon all the working people to display increased vigilance and to wage a relentless struggle against the enemies of the proletarian dictatorship. In 1927, a "Defence Week" was held throughout the country, the watchword being "In the struggle for peace strengthen the defences of the Land of Soviets." The working class demonstrateii its readiness to defend its socialist homeland. In the capitalist countries of Europe mass demonstrations and meetings of working people were also held to protest against the threat ening intervention.

While exposing the hostile designs of the imperialists, the Soviet government firmly pursued a peace policj^ and strove to improve relations with a number of capitalist countries. In the autumn of 1927, a trade agreement was concluded with Latvia, a treaty of neutrality and a trade agreement were concluded with Iran, and a convention permitting Japanese to fish in Soviet waters, and several concessions agreements were concluded with Japan. The economic ties between the U.S.S.R. and capitalist countries were strengthened in 1927.

Amid continuous acts of provocation and threats of war, the So viet government remained calm and determined to fight for the cause of peace to the end.

The First Five-Year Plan

Steering a Course Towards the Collectivization of Agriculture

The Tenth Anniversary of the existence of the proletarian dictator ship was marked by the achievement of considerable success in the socialist industrialization of the country; but agriculture, and grain farming in particular, still lagged very much behind. Individual peas ant farming could not achieve high productivity as it was unable to employ machines, fertilizers and the achievements of science and technique.

The raising of the entire national economy of the U.S.S.E. was hindered by the scattered character and backwardness of agriculture. The amount of grain available for the market was lower than before the war, the landlords, the former big suppliers of grain, having been liquidated. The breakup of peasant farms into small farms which began in 1918, continued through all the years of the revolution. The small peasant farms became hardly more than self-supplying. Al though the output of grain in 1927 was almost on the level of 1913, the amount of grain that reached the market was only a third of the pre-war quantity of marketable grain. The kulaks, whom the Soviet government was restricting and dislodging, sold only 2,080,000 tons of grain as against 10,400,000 tons which they sold before the revo lution. In 1927, the collective farms and state farms placed only about 560,000 tons of grain on the market. The grain problem facing the national economy was one of the utmost acuteness. To solve this prob lem it was necessary to eliminate the backwardness of agriculture, to supply it with machines and organize it on the basis of large-scale production; but this could be done only on the basis of the collective cultivation of the soil.

This was the solution jDroposod by Comrade Stalin in the report he delivered at the Fifteenth Congress of the G.P.S.U.(B.) which was held ill December 1927, Ho said: "The way out is to turn the small and scattered peasant farms into large united farms based on the common cultivation of the soil, to introduce oolku^tivo cultivation of the soil on the be sis of a new and higher tec]im(pie. , . . There is no other way out'* (Political Report of the Oeninil Committee to the Fifteenth Congress of the G.P.S.U.lB,], Moscow, 1930, Russ, od., p.26).

The Fifteenth Congress of the C.P.S.U.(B.) has gone into history as the Collectivization of Agriculture Congress. It adopted a plan for extending and strengthening the network of collective farms, and issued directives to develop further the offensive against the ku laks. The congress also passed a resolution calling for the drafting of the First Five-Year Plan for the development of the national economy.

Commenting on the importance of this transition to a Five-Year Plan, Comrade Stalin said; "Our plans are not forecast plans, not guesswork plans, but directive plans, which are binding upon our lead ing bodies, and which define the trend of our futnre economic develop ment on a coantrg-wide (Political Report of the Central Committee to the Fifteenth Congress of the Moscow, 193G, Russ, ed., p. 40).

The Offensive Against the Kulaks

A start was made on the First Five-Year Plan in the autumn of 1928 in the midst of an intense ola^s struggle. Taking advantage of the grain dilhcultios, the kulaks did everything to sabotage the state purchase of grain. In conformity with the directives of the Fifteenth Congress, the Party launched a determined offensive against the kulaks. In retaliation to their re fusal to soil their suiplus stocks of grain to the state at fixed prices, emergency laws were passed by which the surplus stocks of the kulaks wore confiscated by order of a court. The poorcT peasants were granted additional rebates and the right to receive 25 per cent of the grain that was confiscated from the kulaks. These measures isolated the kulaks and their resistance was broken.

The bourgeois specialists also greatly inteiiKsified their opposi tion to the Soviet State. In 192S, a sabotage organization of bourgeois specialists was discovered in the Shakhty coal field region. These sa boteurs operated on the instructions of the former mine owners, White guard emigres and foreign capitalists, and set out to ruin the coal industry of the U.S.S.R, They wrecked mines and factories, organized fires and explosions, wrecked machinery, caused roof falls in miiaos, and did everything to worsen the coiaditions of the miners in order to rouse their discontent. The wreckers were tried and received the punishment they deserved.

The Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party called upon all Party organizations and all the workers to learn the lesson of the Shakhty case and to develop self-criticism on a wids scale in order to reveal tlie deficiencies in the work of economic and Soviet bodies and organizations. At the same time Comrade Stalin pointed out that Bolshevik business executives must themselves become experts in matters of production so that wreckers from among the old bourgeois specialists should not be able to deceive them. The Party and the Soviet government took measures to improve the training of young specialists, and thousands of capable and devoted men and women from the ranks of the working class were sent to study.

The Party's offeisive against the kulaks evoked the open defence of them by the Bakliarin-Rykov grouji. The Bukharinites demanded the repeal of the emergency laws against the kulaks and most strongly opposed the course taken by the Party aimed at the collectivization of the countryside.

They also opposed industrialization, and the creation of heavy industry in particular, and demanded that the funds assigned for heavy industry should be transferred to light industry.

The Party sternly rebuffed the Bights and denounced them as agents of the kulaks in the Party. Comrade Stalin said: . The

triumph of the Bight deviation in our Party would unleash the forces of capitalism, undermine the revolutionary positions of the proletariat and increase tlic chances of restoring capitalism in our country" (J. Stalin, Problems of Leninism, Moscow, 1947, p. 233).

A Year of Great Change

In April 1929, the Sixteenth Conference of the O.P.S.U.(B.) endorsed the First Five-Year Plan which had been drawn up under the direction of Comrade Stalin.

This Five-Year Plan provid I cd for capital investments in the national economy, in the period of 1928-1933, amounting to 64,600,000,000 rubles. Of this sum, 19,500,000,000 rubles were to be invested in in dustry, including electrifica tion, 10,000,000,000 rubles in the transport system and 23,200,000,000 rubles in agri culture. This was a plan to equip the entire national economy of the U.S.S.R. with up-to-date technique.

The enormous tasks set by the Five-Year Plan roused the workers to new heights of labour enthusiasm and evoked a widespread wave of socialist emulation. Workers proclaimed themselves shock brigad ers of socialist labour and organized shook brigades in the factories. The workers and collective farmers not only fulfilled but more than fulfilled the plans proposed by the government; they also advanced counter-plans in excess of the government's proposals. A change took place in the attitude of people towards work, which from a compul sory duty began to turn, as Comrade Stalin has said, into "a matter of honour, a matter of glory, a matter of valour and heroism,"

Gigantic industrial construction was carried on all over the country. The building of the Dnieper Hydroelectric Power Station (Dniepro ges), which was begun in 1927, was vigorously proceeded with. Where the rooky rapids had for ages prevented the passage of ships, a huge dam was built 760 metres long and 60 metros high. The water level was raised, the dangerous rapids were submerged and the Dnieper was converted into a navigable river along its whole length. The power of the waterfall was utilized to set up a huge hydroelectric plant. Intensive operations were conducted in building a giant steel plant on Mt, Magnitnaya, in the South Urals. For ages this mountain had concealed just below the surface of the ground enormous deposits of high-grade ore which could now be utilized by the vast new Soviet plant. In the Donetz Basin work was commenced on the erection of the Kramatorsk and Gorlovka Steel Plants, and on the reconstruction of the Lugansk Locomotive Works. N'ew collieries were opened and new blast furnaces were erected. The Urals Machine Building Works and the Berezniki and Solikamsk Chemical Works were midor construction; work was developed on the erection of large automobile plants in Moscow and Gorky and of gigantic tractor plants and harvester-combine plants in the Volga Region and in the Ukraine, In the course of eleven months a huge tractor plant rose up in the steppe near Stalingrad. In building the Dnieper Power Station and the Stalingrad Tractor Works the workers beat world records in productiv ity of labour. The enormous scope of the new industrial construction, and the heroism displayed by the millions of the working class, W'ere without parallel in human history.

The work of building up heavy industry was directed by the vet eran Bolshevik and pupil of Lenin and Stalin, G. K. Orjonikidze (1886-1937). During the Civil War, Sergo Orjonikidze was one of the creators and organizers of the Red Army, and during the years of the upbuilding of Socialism he became one of the greatest organizers of victory on the front of socialist construction. His uncompromising hostility towards all the enemies of Socialism, his strict adherence to principle and pursuit of lofty ideals, his straightforwardness and sterling honesty and his cordial, plain and solicitous attitude to wards people, won for him the profound love and respect of all work ing people. The First Five-Year Plan and its execution cannot be separated from the enormous work performed by Sergo Orjonikidze, whom the workers and business executives called the "command er-in-chief of heavy industry."

The wave of labour enthusiasm among the masses of the workers was followed by a wave of enthusiasm in the building of collective farms. An important part in swinging the masses of the peasants over to collective farming was played by the state farms and the ma chine and tractor stations.

In the spring of 1929, the Council of Labour and Defence adopted a decision to set up machine and tractor stations on a mass scale and vigorous measures were taken to carry out this decision. Peasants came to the state farms and machine and tractor stations, and after seeing the tractors at work asked for assistance in uniting in collective farms so as to be able to cultivate the soil with the aid of up-to-date machinery. This started the mass collective-farm movement.

Whereas in 1928, the area cultivated by collective farms amounted to 1,390,000 hectares, in 1929, it amounted to 4,262,000 hectares. That year the state farms and collective farms produced over 6,400,000 tons of grain of which 2,080,000 tons were available for the market. In 1929, the peasants joined the collective farms not individually, as had been the case hitherto, but in whole villages and districts. The middle peasants had joined the collective farms. In North Caucasus, in the Ukraine and in the Middle and Lower Volga Regions, entire districts became collectivized. This was the beginning of solid col lectivization.

The year 1929 has gone into the history of our country as "the year • of great change.'* It was signalized by sweeping victories for Social ism in industry and in agriculture, the swing of the middle peasants towards collective farming, and the beginning of tlie establishment of collective farms on a mass scale.

U.S.S.R.—Land of Socialism

The U.S.S.R. in the Period of the Struggle to Collectivize Agriculture (1930–1934)

The Struggle for the Socialist Reorganization of Peasant Farming

Further Provocation of War

Tho successes achieved in so cialist industrialization facilitated the Soviet government's struggle for peace and against new acts of war provocation. The fact that the capitalist countries which encircled the Soviet Union continued active ly to prepare for war against the Land of Socialism made it urgently necessary still further to develop large-scale industry and to strength en the military might and defensive capacity of the U.S,S.E.

In 1929 an acute world economic crisis broke out, as a result of which 24,000,000 workers were thrown out of work. The industrial crisis was interwoven with an agrarian crisis, which gravely affected tens of millions of peasants. The bourgeoisie sought a way out of the crisis by suppressing the working class, on the one hand, and by driv ing towards another imperialist war for the redivision of the world, on the other.

Again the bourgeois press all over the world raised a howl that ^'Bolshevism is the enemy of civilization." The columns of the venal newspapers were filled with scurrilous legends about "Soviet dump ing," and "forced labour in the U.S.S.R." The Pope proclaimed an other "crusade" against the Soviet Union. The imperialists again tried to organize an economic boycott of the proletarian state. The govern ments of the United States, France, and Rumania passed laws impos ing a ban on imports from the Soviet Union. A new series of provoc ative anti-Soviet acts was perpetrated, one of the gravest of which was the confiiot on the Chinese Eastern Railway, organized by the counter-revolutionary groups in Manchuria in obedience to the or ders of the imperialist countries. On July 10, 1929, Whiteguard Chi nese forces seized the Chinese Eastern Railway, and shelled and ma chine-gunned Soviet frontier villages. The Soviet government called upon the central govermnent of China and the Manchurian authorities to settle the conflict in a pe«aceful way and demanded that the former situation on the Chinese Eastern Railway be restored. The Chinese government rejected the Soviet Union's legitimate demands, whereupon the Soviet government broke ol¥ dijiloniatic and commer cial relations with China and took a series of measures to protect the Soviet frontiers in the Far East. In August 1920, the Special Far Eastern Army was formed by order of Iv. E. Voroshilov, the People's Commissar of Military and Naval Affairs. In October and November 1929, the Special Far Eastern Army struck a number of crushing blows at the Whiteguard Chinese forces. Only then was an agreement signed by which the Chinese Eastern Railwaj?^ was returned to the Soviet Union.

This turn of affairs sobered the advocates of intervention. The British government resumed diplomatic relations with the U.S.S.R, The attempt to introduce an economic boycott of the U.S.S.R. also failed. In the beginning of 1930, the Soviet government signed new trade agreements with Great Britain, Italy and Turkey.

Thus, the Soviet Union repelled this new attack of international imperialism and ensured for herself the opportunity of peacefully continuing the work of building Socialism.

The Elimination of the Kulaks as a Class

The succossc^s achieved in socialist industrialization brought tiearor the decisive clash with the last capitalist class in the U.S.S.lV — the kulaks. The growth of socialist industry and of the agricultural co-operative movement, which gradually accustomed the peasants to collective farming, and the resolute struggle that was waged against the kulaks in 1S23 and 1929, prepared the ground for the transition to solid collectivization.

The socialist reorganization of agricultme in the U.S.S.R. was the most difficult and complicated task the revolution had to face. In 1929, there were in the U.S.S.R. 25,000,000 individual peasant farms, of which 35 per cent were poor peasant farms, 60 per cent were middle peasant farms and 4 to 5 per cent kulak farms. Although the number of poor peasants had been reduced to half the number that had existed in pre-war times, capitalism had not been uprooted in the rural districts, for small individual farming still predominated.

Up to 1929 the Soviet State had pursued a policy of restricting and dislodging the kulaks. It imposed higher taxes upon them, compelled them to sell their grain to the state at fixed prices, kept the size of kulak farms within definite limits by the law which restricted the rent ing of land, reduced the scale of kulak farming by means of tho law which restricted the hiring of labour on individual peasant farms, etc.

At the end of 1929, in view of the growth of collective farms and state farms, the Soviet State abandoned the policy of restricting and dislodg ing the kulaks for tho policy of eliminating tho kulaks as a class.

The 'vvatehword concerning the elimination of the kulaks as a class on tho basis of solid collectivization, was issued by Comrade Stalin on December 27, 1929, and incori)orated in a special resolution of the Central Committee of the C.P.S.U.(B.) dated January 5, 1930, enti tled: "Tho Rate of Collectivization and State Measures to Assist the Development of Collective Farms." Taking into account the differ ent degrees of ripeness for collectivization in the various regions, this resolution provided for three groups of regions to carry through collecti vization at dififarent speeds. The first group included the most important grain regions — ^North Caucasus and the Middle and Lower Volga Regions — ^where the largest number of tractors were available, where there were the largest number of state farms, and where most experience had been gained in fighting the kulaks. This group was to complete the process of collectivization in the spring of 1931. The second group, which included the grain regions of the Ukraine, the Central Black Earth Region, Siberia, the Urals and Kazakhstan, was to complete the process of collectivization in the spring of 1932. For the other regions — ^the Moscow Region, Transcaucasia, Central Asia and others, the completion of the process of collectivization was put off until 1933, i.e., to the end of tho Five-Year Plan period. On the basis of this resolution tho Central Committee of the C.P.S.U.(B.) and the Council of People's Commissars of the U.S.S.R., in February 1930, adopted a decision to prohibit the employment of hired labour in individual peasant farms and to grant the local Soviets in the districts where solid collectivization had been accomplished the right to take all measures necessary to combat the kulaks, including that of confiscating kulak lands and of deporting the kulaks from the given districts.

In a decision it adopted on January 5, 1930, the Central Committee of the C.P.S.U.{B.) laid it down that the main type of collective farm to be established was to be the agricultural artel, in which the prin cipal means of production are collectivized.

At the same time the Central Committee of the C.P.S.U.(B.) deemed it necessary to accelerate the erection of plants for the manu facture of tractorsjharvester combines and other agricultural machin ery required for large-scale farming. To cover expenditure on surveying of tho land and on other farm measures, tho government, in 1929-1930, advanced the collective farms credits to the amount of 500,000,000 rubles. The kulaks were expropriated in the same way as the capitalists in industry had been expropriated in 1918, but the means of production owned by the kulaks passed not to the state, but to the collective farms. This was a most profoimd revolution.

"The distinguishing feature of this revolution is that it was ac complished /rom ahove^i on the initiative of the state, and directly supported from below by the millions of jieasants, who were fighting to throw off kulak bondage and to live in freedom in the collective farms.

"This revolution, at one blow, Holved three fuiulameiital 3)roblems of socialist construction:

"a) It eliminated the most miuiorons class of exploiters in our conntiy, the kulak class, the mainstay of ca])italist restoration;

"b) It transfciTed tlie most numerous labouring class in our coun try, the iieasant class, from the path of individual farming, wliich breeds cajiitalism, to the path of co-operative, collective, Socialist farming;

"c) It furnished the Soviet regime with a Socialist base in agri culture — ^the most extensive and vitally necessary, yet least devel oped, branch of national economy.

"This destroyed the last mainsprings of the restoration of capital ism within the country and at the same time created now and decisive conditions for the building up of a Socialist economic system" (Hu* tory of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union \_Bolshev%k8'\^ Short Course, Moscow, 1945, p. 305).

The kulaks waged a fierce struggle against the collect ivizatiou of agriculture. They killed active x>roponents of tiio collective farms, set fire to collective-farm projierty, and urged the peasants to slaughtei* their cattle before joining the collective farms; but all their atlemjits to turn back the wheel of history utterly faiUnl. The elimination of the kulaks as a class on the basis of sulitl collectivization was effected with the outright sup])ort of the poor and middle 3 )easants. But this does not at all im])ly that the process was accomplislied without all sorts of difficulties.

The Party and the government had to overcome enormous difficul ties. Por example, some Soviet administrators and Party workers, instead of x)atiently explaining tho Party's policy to those individual farmers who still hesitated to join the collective farms, resolved to complete the process of collectivization at tlio earliest date without any regard for local conditions. They violated tlie Bolshevik principle that collective farms were to be formed on a voluntary basis, and in some cases they applied the kulak-elimination measures against middle peasants and even against poor peasants. It transpired later that these "distortions of policy" had been deliberately practised by the Bukharinites and Trotskyites in order to turn the peasants against collectivization and to prevent its successful advance. These gross and pernicious distortions threatened to discredit tho collective-farm movement in the eyes of the peasants and to disrui)t tho alliance between the working class and the peasantry.

On March 2, 1930, Comrade Stalin published in Pravda an articlc^ entitled "Dizzy with Success," in which he urged tho irecessity of taking measures to put a stop to distortions of ])olicy in tho oolloctivo farm movement. In another article entitled: "Reply to Collcctive Parm Comrades," Comrade Stalin explained the essence of the Party line in collective-farm development and the importance of the collective farms for the working peasantr}^. He emphasized that the establish ment of collective farms must be on a purely voluntary basis, and reminded his readers that the main link in the collective-farm move ment was the agricultural artel. After this, the peasants who had left the collective farms as a result of the pigheaded distortions of the Party line began to join them again.

The Successes of the Socialist Offensive

On June 26, 1930, the Sixteenth Congress of the C.P.S.TJ.(B.) was opened. This congress lias gone into history as the congress of the sweeping offensive of So cialism along the whole front. In the preceding stages of the struggle for Socialism the Party had conducted the socialist offensive on sep arate sectors (trade, industry, collective -farm development). Now a general socialist offensive was launched for the purpose of tearing up the very deepest-grown roots of capitalism. As the resolution of the Sixteenth Party Congress stated: '-The task set by Lenin of convert ing '^NEP Russia' into "^Socialist Russia' is being carried out."

The Sixteenth Party Congress summed up the first results of the socialist offensive. Industry had reached a level nearly twice as high as the pre-war level. For the first time in the history of our country industrial output constituted more than half and agricultural outjmt less than half of the total output of the country. The collectivization plan was overfulfilled. On May 1, 1930, collectivization in the prin cipal grain regions already embraced 40 to 50 per cent of the peasant farms and the total sown area of the collective farms amounted to 36,000,000 hectares. During the three years the amount of produce available for the market from collective farms increased more than 40-fold.

The collective-farm peasantry had been converted into a genuine and firm bulwark of the Soviet State. The U.S.S.R. had entered the period of Socialism; Socialism had triumphed not only in industry but also in agriculture.

The successes of the socialist offensive were achieved in a struggle against the furious resistance of the moribund classes. In their struggle against the collective farms the kulaks resorted to new tactics in the effort to disrupt the collective farms from within. They wormed their way into the collective farms, some even got themselves elected to the management boards, or obtained jobs as business managers, team lead ers, bookkeepers, stablemen, etc. Employing the tactics of "quiet sapping" they tried to undermine labour discipline in the collec tive farms, spoiled tractors and agricultural machinery, infected the horses with glanders, mange and other diseases, piffered the col lective-farm crops and so forth. By these means they wanted to fright en the peasants and undermine their confidence in the collective farms .

But the best of the collective farmers staunchly defended the cause of collective farming. Self-Bcacrilicing fighters for the collective faring were also to be found among schoolchildren and Young Pioneers. Thus in the Urals, in 1032, a twelve-year-old Young Pioneer, Pavlik Morozov, exposed his own father, tl\e chairman of tho village Soviet, as an ac complice of tlie kulaks. Tho kulaks then ambushed Pavlik in the forest and killed him.

The Soviet authorities took resolute measures against the sabotage and wrecking work of tho kulaks; tho latter were cleaned out of the collective farms which they had managed to join, wore deported for wi*ecking work, and so forth. On August 7, 1932, a law was passed for the protection of socialist property. A plenary meeting of the Central Committee of the O.P.S.U. (B.) tliat was held in January 1933, re solved to set up Political Departments at Machine and Tractor Stations and in state farms. During the two years that these Departments existed they did an enormous amount of work in training leading collective farm personnel, consolidating the collective farms and purging them of kulak elements and wreckers.

The underground counter-revolutionary organizations which found . no support among tho masses and acted as agents for the foreign im perialists tried to take advantage of the intensification of tho class struggle in tlje rural districts. In 1930, tho State Political Administra tion discovered a counter-rovolutionaTy oi-ganization which called itself the Industrial Party and consisted of a group of engineer-sabo teurs who worn fulfilling tlie instructions of foreign capitalists. Tho members of the Industrial Party tried to cause disruption and chaos in industry and to prepare the ground for intervention, which their foreign masters had timed for 1930. Operating in contact with the Industrial Party was the kulak so-called Toiling Peasants ' Party which, led by So cialist Revolutionaries working underground, conducted wrecking and counter-revolutionary activities in the field of agriculture. A Menshevik sabotage organization, working in alliance with the above-mentioned counter-revolutionary organizations, was operating in the higher eco nomio and planning bodies. In September 1930, a gang of miscreants was discovered who made food supplies the sphere of their wrecking work; they vented their hatred iipon the Soviet people by deliberately spoiling and poisoning meat, fish, vegetables, etc., in order to spread starvation and thus rouse discontent among the working people. In 1930-1932 several counter-revolutionary groups of Bukharinites and Trotsky ites were discovered. It transpired later that all these groups were branches of a joint Trotskyite-Bnkharinite espionage, wrecker, sabotage and terrorist organization which was working deep underground. The loaders and members of this organization were ex posed and convicted by the proletarian court in 1936-1938.

A great part in defeating the enemies of Socialism was played by V. M. Molotov, who, in 1930, was the head of the Soviet government. After the victory of the October Revolution^ Vyacheslav Mikhailovich Molotov — faithful disciple of Lenin^ and Stalin's close collab orator — became one of the foremost organizers and builders of the Soviet State. He was unswerving and uncompromising in carrying out the Leninist political line, strengthening the Soviet State and ensur ing the successful building of Socialism.

The Five-Year Plan in Four Years

The next task that faced the Party and the Soviet State after heavy industry, and the machine building industry in particular, had been built up, was to reorganize all branches of the national economy on the basis of new, up-to-date equipment. Technique acquired decisive importance, but many busi ness executives underrated its role in the period of reconstruction and did not concern themselves with problems of the technique of production as they regarded this as the business of the experts.

In a speech he delivered at the First All-Union Conference of Man agers of Socialist Industry in February 1931 , Comrade Stalin condemned this pernicious underrating of technique. "We are fifty or a hundred years behind the advanced countries," he said. "We must make good this <listance in ten years. Either we do it, or they will crush us" (J. Stalin, Problems of Leninism, Moscow, 1947, p. 356). He went on to say that the Bolsheviks must master technique, that in the period of recon struction technique decides everything. In answer to the objection that it was dificult to master technique, Comrade Stalin said: "There are no fortresses which Bolsheviks cannot capture."

Following Comrade Stalin's advice, the Party and the working class began to promote and train new, Soviet experts. Gradually a new, Soviet industrial-technical intelligentsia came into being, drawn from the ranks of the working class and the peasantry, an in telligentsia that was vitally interested in achieving success in socialist construction.

The First Five-Year Plan for the development of the national economy was to have been carried out in the period from 1928 to 1933, but the workers advanced the watchword: "The Five-Year Plan in Four Years." The workers in the factories and the peasants in the collective farms examined the possibilities of speeding up the fulfilment of their plans, of cutting down expenditure and of increas ing productivity of labour. Factory challenged factory, work team challenged work team, and workers challenged one another individu ally, to engage in socialist emulation. Teams and individuals under took to work like shook workers. The first "shock brigades" came from the ranks of the Young Communist League. The workers and collective farmers began to work in a new way and steadily increased the productivity of labour.

An enormous role in placing the whole of economic activity on a new footing was played by the six conditions for success in industry which Comrade Stalin enumerated at a conference of business executives held in June 1931.

The first condition advanced by Comrade Stalin for the successful development of industry was that industrial undertakings must reoi'uit manpower in an organized way by concluding contracts with collec tive farms. The second condition was that an end be put to the fluctua tion of manpower, for this was having a serious effect upon production. He further proposed to do away with "wage equilization^' and to givti the principal categories of workers an inducement to remain at their particular factories by properly organizing wages and improving their living conditions. The third condition for the successful develop ment of industry, in Comrade Stalin's view, was properly to organize labour, to do away with "depersonalization" and make every employee strictly and personally responsible for the task with which he is en trusted. Comrade Stalin's fourth condition was that resolute steps be taken to train an industrial and technical intelligentsia from the ranks of the working class, while rank-and-file workers with initiative and organizing ability must more boldly be promoted to loading posts. His fifth condition was a change in attitude towards the en gineers and technicians of the old school; he urged greater attention to their needs, more solicitude for their welfare and a bolder attitude in enlisting their co-operation. His sixth and last condition for the development of industry was the introduction and enforcement of strict accounting and the development of capital accumulation within industry itself, by mobilizing internal resources and eliminating mismanagement .

In concluding his historic sxieech at the conference of business executives Comrade Stalin said; "What makes our production j^lan real is the millions of working people who are creating a new life. What makes our plan real is the living people, it is you and I, our will to work, our readiness to work in the now way, our determination to carry out the plan" (J. Stalin, Problems of Leninimi, Moscow, 1947, p. 377).

The Results of the First Five-Year Plan

The execution of the Five-Year Plan in four years called for a very rapid rate of devel opment of industry. In 1931, the third year of the Five-Year Plan, which was called the "third decisive year," over a thousand new plants were planned to be built. The capital invested in industry and agriculture in that year amoimted to 17,000,000,000 rubles, compared with 10,000,000,000 in 1930. Traffic was started on the Turkestan-Siberian Railway, 1,500 kilometres long, which ran through the steppes of Kazakhstan where only recently goods were carried solely by horses and camels. In February 1931, the first Soviet tractor was put out at the Chelyabinsk Tractor Plant, and in August the Kharkov Tractor Plant turned out its first tractors. The first Soviet blooming mill was built at the Izhevsk Plant, and the Eed Putilov Works completed its five-year tractor program in three years. The AMO (now the Stalin) Automobile Plant, built on the site of the old automobile assembly workshops, started production, and the erection of the Gorky Automobile Plant was also completed. In that year the harvester-combine ];)lant in Saratov also started production.

A new iron and steel centre had sprung up in the eastern part of the Land of Soviets. The first mine was already in operation at Mib. Magnit naya, pre})arations were being made to start new blast furnaces, and the socialist city of Magnitogorsk was rapidly taking shape and grow ing. The first section of the huge Kuznetsk Iron and Steel Plant began to operate.

New large-scale building projects were put into operation, such as the White Sea-Baltic Sea Canal in Karelia, and in Moscow plans were being drawn up for the construction of an underground railway.

The "third decisive year" also witnessed an unprecedented growth of the collective farms. In the principal grain regions, the collective farms already united four-fifths, and in the other grain regions more than half, of the peasant farms; 200,000 collective farms and 4,000 state farms sowed two-thirds of the total sown area in the country. The number of tractors in operation in 1931 rose to 125,000. The collective farms and state farms became the principal producers of grain and agricultural raw materials. This was an enormous victory for Socialism in the rural districts.

The fourtli year of the Five-Year Plan was called the "fourth, culminating year." It gave an unprecedented impetus to socialist emulation. In May 1932, Nikita Izotov, a coal hewer at Gorlovka, having mastered to perfection the technique of coal production, ful filled his plan 10-fold. Izotov shared his experience with the best minors in the Donetz Basin and soon the Izotov movement spread over the whole coimtry.

In the "fourth, culminating year" the gigantic Dnieper Power Plant project was completed and in October of that year, 1932, the entire country celebrated the birth of this giant first-born of the Five Year Plan.

In 1932, vigorous construction work was carried on in the remote taiga, on the banks of the river Amur. Here came many thousands of Young Communist Leaguers who, under the most difficult conditions, set to work with tremendous enthusiasm to build a shipyard and a now socialist city that was named Komsomolsk (Young Communist League City).

Thus, enthusiastic, intense and tireless building activities were proceeding all over the country. During the years of the fulfilment oi the Five-Year Plan 2,400 new plants were built . A number of extreme ly important branches of industry that were created, such as tractor and automobile production, an up-to-date chemical industry, machine-building, and aircraft production, etc., were quite new in Russia, The output of electric power, oil, and coal increased immensely. A number of large power plants of over 100,000 kw. capacity werc^ started. The Soviet Union was transformed from an agrarian into an industrial country.

As a result of the execution of the First Five-Year Plan, by the heroic efforts of the working class led by the Party of Lenin and Stalin, the foundation was laid of socialist economy. This brought about tremendous changes in the material conditions of the working people. Unemployment was totally abolished and the working people of the U.S.S.E. had now no fears for the morrow.

In the rural districts a new, collective-farm system was built. At the end of 1932, the collective farms united over 60 per cent of the peasant farms in the country and accounted for over 70 per cent of the sown area. In the principal grain regions 80 to 90 per cent of the total peasant farms were already united in collective farms,

The rural districts were supplied with tractors, harvester combines and the most up-to-date agricultural machinery. Agriculture in the U.S.S.R., equipped with the most up-to-date machinery was now conducted on a scale unequalled in any other country in the world. The oollectivo farms destroyed the basis of class exploitation and poverty in the countryside. As Comrade Stalin expressed it, the coun tryside had ceased to be a stepmother to the peasants. The collective farms brought security into the lives of the former jyoov and middle peasants. The collective farms had become strong organizationally, economically and politically.

An imj)ortant factor in strengthening the collective farms was the First All-Union Congress of Collective-Farm Shock Workers, held in February 1933, at which Comrade Stalin issued the slogan: "Make the collective farms Bolshevik farms and all the collective farmers prosperous," Indicating to the collective farmers how this prosperity could be achieved, Comrade Stalin said: "Of you only one thing is demanded — and that is to work conscientiously; to distribute collective -farm incomes according to the amount of work done; to take good care of collective-farm property; to take care of the tractors and the machines; to organize proper care of the horses; to fulfil the assignments of your Workers' and Peasants' State; to consolidate the collective farms and to eject from the collective farms the kulaks and their toadies who have wormed their way into them" (J. Stalin, Problems of Leninism, Moscow, 1947, pp. 445-446).

During the period of the First Five-Year Plan enormous work was accomplished in industrializing the formerly backward non Russian national republics. In the former tsarist colonies — m Central Asia, Transcaucasia, in the steppes of Kirghizia and Kazakhstan, and in the remote northern regions — factories, mills, power j)lants, machine and tractor stations and state farms arose.

The victory of the

First Five-Year Plan was a world-historiu victoiy of tlie working class and peas antry of the tj.S.S.R., a victory which signified their liberation from the yoke

of exploitation and opened for all the working people of the U.S.S.R. the road

to a life of happiness and prosperity.

The victory of Stalin's Five-Year Plan showed the supei'iority of the social ist economic system.

As Comrade Stalin said in his report to the Joint

Plenum of the Central Com mittee and the Central Control Commission of the C.P,S.U.(B.) that was held in January 1933:

*The results of the Five-Year Plan have shown that it is quite possible to build a Socialist society in one country; for the economic foundations of such a society have already been laid in the U.S.S.R." (J. Stalin, Problems of Leninism, Moscow, 1947, j). 42G).

In summing up the international significance of the Five-Year Plan, Comrade Stalin said that the plan was not the private affair of the Soviet Union but the affair of the entire international proletariat . that "Hhe successes of the Five-Year Plan are mobilizing the revolutionary forces of the working class of all countries against capitalism'^ {Ibid . jp . 397 )•

In January 1934, fche Seventeenth Congress of the Bolshevik Party was held. This congress summed up the results of the historic victory of Socialism in our country.

As early as 1918, and later, when the New Economic Policy was introduced, Lenin pointed out that there were the elements of fivt* social-economic formations in our country. These were: 1) patriarchal economy; 2) small-commodity production; 3) j^riviTte capitalism; 4) state capitalism; and 6) the socialist formation.

Now tlie socialist formation had undivided sway over the whole of our national economy. At this time socialist industry already consti tuted 99 per cent of the total industry of the country. Socialist agricul ture (colioctivc farms and state farms) already covered 85.5 per cent of the total area under grain. The capitalist elements were com])letely eliminated from the sjihere of trade.

Comrade Stalin's report at this congress was, as S.M. Kirov ex ]>ressed it, the mosb striking document of our epoch. In this report Comrade Stalin drew a picture of the grand work of socialist construc tion that had been carried out and the successes it had achieved. In it he also presented a jirogram for the building of socialist society in the psi'iod of the Second Kvo-Year Plan.

The Seventeenth Congress also heard reports from Comrades Molotov and Kuibyshev on the Second Pive-Year Plan for the develop ment of the national economy, the tasks of which were even greater than those of the First Five-Year Plan; it provided for an increase in the industrial output of the U.S.S.R. that would bring it eight times above the level of pre-war output by 1037, the last year of the plan.

At the Seventeenth Congress, Bukharin, Rykov,Tomsky,Kauicnev and Zinoviev delivered s])ecches of ropontanco, but these utterances were merely the oamoiiflagc of double-dealing enemies of the people. While verbally admitting that tlic Party line was correct, they were actually cons]3iring to assassinate Comrade Stalin, the leader of the Party, and other leading members of the Party and the goveriiment. The}'wore selling our country to the imperialists and counted on their aid in restoring capitalism in the U.S.S.Ii.

The first victim of the Trotskyite-Zinoviovite bandits was the favourite of the Party and the working class, Sergei Mironovich Kirov, whom the Zinovievites treacherously assassinated in the Smolny, Leningrad, on December 1, 1934. The evidence of members of this counter-revolutionary group revealed that they were connected with representatives of foreign capitalist coimtilos and received money from them. It transpired later that this assassination was organized by Zinoviev, Kamenev and Bukliarin, on the orders of Trotslcy. The miscreants were annihilated on the unanimous demand of the people and by sentence of the proletarian court, which expressed the will of the Soviet people.

The Struggle to Complete the Building of Socialism. The Stalin Constitution

The Great Stalin Constitution

Prom the end of 1933 to the latter half of 1937, the capitalist countries were in a state of economic depression. In the latter half of 1937, a new economic crisis broke out, first in the United States and then in Great Britain, France and other countries

This new crisis broke out at a time when the Second World War had in fact commenced. In 1933, Italy attacked Abyssinia without declaring war upon her and annexed that country'-. In the summer of 1930, the imperialists organized military intervention in Spain. Ill 1937, Japan, after seizing Manchuria, invaded North and Central China. In 1938, Germany annexed Austria and Czechoslovakia. Europe, Africaand Asia were being forcibly changed. The entire system of the post-war, so-called Versailles, peace settlement, was shaken.

The new economic crisis led to the further intensification of the struggle among the imiDerialist powers. The question of making a new' redivision of the world, of spheres of influence and colonies, was now being settled by war. Japan justified her aggressive action on the ground that when the Nine-Pow'er Pact was concluded in 1922, she was not allowed to enlarge her territories at the expense of China . Italy demand ed that the losses she had sustained in the First World War should be made up out of the colonial acquisitions of Great Britain and France. Hitler Germany, on the pretext of wanting to regain the colonies she had lost by the Treaty of Versailles and of acquiring territories inhabit ed by Germans, was openly preparing for a war to establish her world domination. All the capitalist countries, big and small, began feverishly to arm and jDrepare to take part in a new world war.

The Soviet Union was the only cotmtry that undeviatingly upheld the cause of peace. But while pursuing its peace policy, the Land of Soviets strengthened to the utmost its defensive cax^acity and its international position. At the end of 1934, at the request of thirty four countries, the Soviet Union joined the League of Nations in the endeavour to utilize even this feeble organization as a means of hinder ing the unleashing of war.

With the object of maintaining peace, the Soviet government concluded a scries of pacts for mutual assistance in the event of aggression. The Soviet repre«eiitativori to the League of Nations demanded that aasistaiieo should be rendered the Spanish and Chinese peoj)les who were heroically lighting the interventionists to jjreserve their

iudepeudeiico.

In July 1938, the Ja]3anes(5 government presented the Soviet Union with a totally grouiulless claim to U.S.S.E;. territory near Lake Hasan, oil the Manchurian frontier. The Soviet govermnent rejected this claim.

After this, on July 29, taking advantage of the foggy weather, a Ja])anese dotachinent suddenly invaded Soviet territory and captured Bezimyanny Hill near Lake Hasan. The frontier guard, numbering eleven men in all, heroically kept the Japanese detachment of 150 men at hay until reinforcements arrived and beat the Japanese off. The Japanese then launched a wider offensive with larger forces of infantry and artillery. The Far Eastern Red Army was sent to the aid of the Soviet frontier guards and a battle was fought for Zaozerny and Bezimyanny Hills which lasted from August 2 to 0. Among the ffapanese forces there wore large numbers of Russian Whiteguards. On Augusb 6 Soviet bombing-plaiics v/ere brought into action against the Ja^jancsc. While the Soviet airmen were drox)i)ing hundreds of bombs on the tfapaneso fortifications on the hills, an offensive was begun by Soviet tanks anti infantry, who wont forward with the battle (try: "Forward! For our Motherland! For our Groat Stalin!" The Com munists and the Young Communist Leaguers wore in tlie front ranks. Right tliert^ in the trenches, in an atmosphere of impending battle, hundreds of noii-party Rod Army men handed in applications to join the Party. For example, Lieutenant Glotov, one of the heroes of Hasan, wrote in his application: "I ask to be accepted into membership of the C.P.S.TJ.(B.), and should an enemy bullet strike me down on the battlefield, I request to be counted a Bolshevik."

The Red Army routed the Japanese forces and drove them from Soviet territory.

In 1939, Japanese forces invaded the Mongolian People's Republic in the region of the river Khalkhin-gol. In conformity with the pact of mutual assistance which it had concluded with the Mongolian People 's Republic, the Soviet Union came to the assistance of the latter. Red Ai*my units, in conjunction with the Mongolian People's Army, struck a shattering blow at the Japanese troops and drove them from Mongo lian territory. The U.S.S.R. thus demonstrated to the whole world how faithfully it carries out its treaty obligations to other countries.

The Results of the Second Five-Year Plan

While the capitalist countries were in tlie throes of an economic crisis and then depression, socialist production continued steadily to rise in the U.S.S.R. By the middle of 1937, world capitalist industry barely reached 95 to 96 per cent of the 1929 level, but the industry of tlie U.S.S Jt. on that date had reached 428 per cent of its 1929 level. In the U.S.S.Ef. the building of Socialism was successfully nearing completion. Operations were begun by new industrial giants like the Krivoi Rog Steel Plant and the Stalin Machine-Building Plant in Kramatorsk, the first section of the Moscow subwaj^^, and the Moscow Volga Canal, 128 kilometres long, which connected the Soviet capital with the Volga.

In industry the Second Pive-Year Plan was completed by April 1 , 1937, that is to say, in four years and three months. With the execution of the First Five-Year Plan the U.S.S.R. had already outstripped France in volume of industrial production. After executing the Second Five-Year Plan it outstripped Great Britain and Germany, and remained second only to the United States. In 1936, the Dnieper Power Plant ^ alone produced more electric power than all the power stations in tsarist Russian put together. The Magnitogorsk plant smelted two and a half times as much pig iron as did all the blast furnaces in Poland. Exceptionally rapid during the Second Five-Year Plan period was the growth of industry in the non-Russian national Soviet Republics. The effect of the wise and farsighted policy pursued by the Party of Lenin and Stalin was that a new centre of heavy industry, coal and oil production, new centres of the machine-building and defence industries, were created in the Eastern regions of the Land of Soviets^ out of the range of the enemy.

The main task of the Second Five-Year Plan, namely, to complete the teclinical reconstruction of the whole of the national economy of the U.S.S.R., was accomplished. The machine-building industry increased its output almost 3-fold. In 1913, the output of machinery in tsarist Russia was only one-tenth of the amount produced in Great Britain, one-eighteenth of that produced in Germany and one-twenty third of that produced in the United States. At the end of the Second Five-Year Plan period the United States was the only country with an output of twice the amount of machinery produced in the U.S.S.R.

As regards the production of electric power, the U.S.S.R. moved up from fifteenth to second place in Europe, and to third place in the world. In output of tractors the U.S.S.R. reached first place in Europe, and in output of harvester combines it reached first place in the world.

During the period of the two Stalin Five-Year Plans the transport system of the Soviet Union was entirely reconstructed. The production of locomotives, of the most uiD-to-date types, increased 4-fold compared with 1913. The output of automobiles increased 8-fold in five years. In 1932, the Stalin (formerly AMO) plant turned out 50 cars a day; in 1937, it turned out 205 a day. The number of motor buses in the streets of Moscow and other towns increased and trolley buses were introduced. In 1935, after the heroic Arctic Yojages of the icebreaker Chelyuskin and other vessels, there began the exi)loitation of the Northern Sea Eoute.

The ];)eriod of the two Stalin Five-Year Plans also witnessed the consummation of the technical reconstruction of agriculture. Soviet agriculture was now not only conducted on a larger scale than in any other country but had become the most mechanized agriculture in the world. The sown area of all crops increased from 105,000,000 hectares in 1913 to 135,000,000 hectares in 1937. The collective farms in 1937 provided the market with over 27,300,000 tons of grain which was nearly 6,500,000 tons more than the landlords, kulaks and peasants together placed on the market in 1913. The collectivization of agricul ture was in the main completed. In 1937, 18,500,000 peasant households, constituting 93 per cent of all the peasant farms in the country, were organized in collective farms, while the grain area of these collective farms covered 99 per cent of the total peasant grain areas in the country.

Industry, agriculture and the transport system received an enor mous quantity of new machines and machine tools.

The Stakhanov Movement

The Party, headed by Comrade Stalin, di'cw the masses into the struggle to master the now technique, and the slogan, master technique, became the loading slogan of the Second Stalin Five-Year Plan. An enormous amount of work was done to train workers to become complete masters of modern technique. At the end of 1934, Comrade Stalin said that tlio most valuable thing that had been created in tlio ])rocoss of industrializing the country was skilled cadres. At the beginning of the ])eriod of reconstruction, when the country sufiEered from a lack of modern technique, the Party issued the slogan: "In the period of reconstruebion toohnique decides •everything." But when the process of reconstruction was in the main completed, the country suffered from an acute shortage of skilled personnel, that is to say, men and women able to handle the new machines. The Party therefore devoted special attention to the train ing of such cadres.

In his address to the graduates from tlio Bed Army Academies in May 1935, Comrade Stalin said: "Without people who have mas tered technique, technique is dead. In the charge of people who have mastered technique, technique can and should perform miracles," ' (J. Stalin, Problems of Leninism, Moscow, 1947, p. 523.) In his address "Comrade' Stalin advanced the new slogan, "Cadres decide everything."

The best men and women in the country responded to the leader's call with new achievements in their work, achievements which upset * all hitherto existing rates of output. On August 31, 1935, Alexei Stakhanov, a hewer in the Central Irmino Colliery, Donotz Basin, in one shift hewed 102 tons of coal as against the sliift rate of 7 tonsj 'thus performing the latter 14 1/2-fold. Stakhanov initiated a mass ' movement: among the workers and collective fanners to increase rates of output, to raise productivity of labour to a higher level. In honour of its initiator, this movement is known as the Stakhanov movement.

Stakhanov's example was followed by workers in other branches of industry, for example, by drop-hammer man Busygin at the Gorky Automobile Plant, the locomotive driver Krivonos in the Donetz Basin, the weavers Vinogradova at the Vichuga Textile Mills, and by maiiy others.

At the First All-Union Conference of Stakhanovites that was held in the Kremlin, Moscow, in November 1935, Comrade Stalin showed that the Stakhanov movement had sprung up on the basis of the success es achieved by Socialism in our country. It bore within itself, he said, the rudiments of the transition from Socialism to Communism, and of the elimination of the distinction between physical and mental labour, and it marked the beginning of a tremendous cultural and technical development of the working class. "The basis for the Stakha nov movement," he said, "was first and foremost the radical improve ment in the material welfare of the workers. Life has improved, comrades. Life has become more joyous. And when life is joyous, work goes well. Hence the high rates of output. Hence the heroes and heroines of labour" (J. Stalin, Problems of Leninism^ Moscow, 1947, pp. 531-532). Comrade Stalin called the Stakhanovites innovators in our industry.

The Stakhanov movement spread all over the country, first in the towns and then in the rural districts.

In the period of the Second Five-Year Plan the collective -farm system became fully consolidated. Of exceptional importance for the development and prosperity of the collective farms were the rules for agricultural artels drawn up under Comrade Stalin's direction and adopted at the Second Congress of Collective-Farm Shook Workers held in February 1935. Another extremely important factor was the securing to the collective farms in perpetuity of the land they occu pied. Basing their activities on the rules promoted by Stalin, the collec tive farms made rapid progress towards a prosperous and cultured existence.

In the winter of 1935-36 a series of conferences was held of out standing workers in the various branches of agriculture and leading members of the Party and of the government. These conferences re vealad what splendid people the collective-farm system had produced. The conferences showed the whole country the new heroines of labour produced by the collective-farm system, such splendid women as Maria Demchenko, Pasha Angelina, and many others.

Liquidation of the Remnants of the Trotskyite-Bukharinlte Spies, Wreckers and Traitors

In their preparation for war against the U.S.S.R. the imperialist governments utilized the services of those traitors to their country, the Trotskyites and Bukharinites. The trials which took place in the i)oriod from 1935 to 1938, revealed that the Bukharinites and Trotskyites had long constituted one com mon gang of enemies of the people, the bloc of Bights and Trotskyites.

In obedience to the orders of their masters, the foreign, bourgeois intelligence services, the Trotskyites and Bukharinites set out to undermine the defences of our countiy, to facilitate foreign military intervention, pave the way for the defeat of the Bed Army, to dismember the U.S.S.B., surrender the Far Eastern Maritime Begion to the Japanese, Soviet Byelorussia to the Poles, Soviet Ukraine to the Germans and the Soviet North to the British, to abolish the gains won by the workers and collective farmers and restore capitalist slav ery in the U.S.S.B, The members of the counter-revolutionary Trots kyite-Bukharinite terrorist organizations were exposed, and after trial sentenced by the Military Collegium of the Supreme Court of the U.S.S.B. to death by shooting.

The fact that these camouflaged enemies of the people had re mained undetected for so long was due to the political complacency of many of the members of the Party.

Comrade Sfcalin urged the necessity of abandoning this political complacency forthwith. Bevoaling the causes of it, lie emphasized that many comrades had forgotten that we were in a capitalist encircle ment, and the enemies of the people had taken advantage of this. Ho called upon the members of the Party and the entire Soviet people to display greater political vigilance and to master the principles of Bolshevism.

The Great Stalin Constitution

The enormous social and economic changes which had taken place in the country expressed in the fact that socialist society had in the main been built, and the greater political consciousness and activity of the Soviet people, raised the issue of changing the Constitu tion of the U.S.S.B. which had been adopted in 1924.

In February 1935, the Seventh Congress of Soviets of the U.S.S.B. instructed the Central Executive Committee of the U.S.S.B. to draft a new Constitution. A Constitution Commission headed by Comrade Stalin was set up, which after making the draft, submitted it to the Central Executive Committee of the U.S.S,B. for consideration.

In June 1936, the Central Executive Committee of the U.S.S.B. approved the draft of the Stalin Constitution and submitted it for public discussion in order that the workers, collective farmers and the Soviet intelligentsia might express their opinion on it and propose any amendments they deemed fit. The draft of the new Constitution was publicly discussed by the Soviet people all through the summer and autumn of 1936 and mot with universal approval.

On December 5, 1936, the Extraordinary Eighth All-Union Congress of Soviets adopted the first Constitution of victorious Socialism in history.

In his report on the draft Constitution, Comrade Stalin summed up the magnificent results achieved in the building of Socialism in the U.S.S.R. During the preceding twelve years (from 1924 when the first Constitution was adopted, to 1936) immense changes had taken place in the economy and class structure of society, he said. The socialist system had fully triumphed, the exploiting classes had been liquidated. The landlord class and the big imperialist bourgeoisie had already been utterly routed during the Civil War. During the period of socialist construction, all the exploiting elements — capitalists, merchants, kulaks, and profiteers — ^were liquidated.

Under the Soviet system the workers, peasants and intelligentsia had undergone a profound change. The working class had ceased to be a proletariat in the strict sense of the term, had cjeased to he an exploited class. It has been converted into a new working class, a class which had abolished the capitalist economic system and had established the socialist ownership of the means and instru ments of proiuction. An entirely new peisantry, a collective-farm peasantry, had grown up in the U.S.S.R., for collective farming was based not on private , but on socio. list property , the product of collecti ve labour.

The intelligentsia in the L.S.S.R. had also undergone a radical change. Having sprung in the main from the ranks of the workers and peatanls they had become active builders of socialist society.

As regards the different nationalities in the U.S.S.R. Comrade Stalin said: , .their feeling of mutual distrust has disappeared,

a feeling of mutual friendship has developed among them, and thus real fraternal co-operation among the peoples has been estallished within the system of a single federated state" (J. Stalin, Problems of Leninism^ Moscow, 1947, p, 547).

Soviet socie^y consists of two friendly classes — the workers and the peasant's, between whom there is no antagonism, although some class distinctions still remain betveen them. The Constitution of the U.S.S.R. recorded the fact that the Soviet Union is a socialist state of workers and peasants.

The political foundation of the U,S.S.R. is the Soviets of Work ing People 's Deputies which grew and became strong as a result of the overthrow of the power of the landlords and capitalists and the conquest of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

The economic foundation of the U,S,S.R. is the socialist system of economy and the socialist ownership of the means of production.

The U.S.S.R. is a voluntary, fraternal union of equal nations. Each of the sixteen republics comprising the Union independently settles all questions of state, except those that affect the Soviet Union as a whole.

The state structure of the U.S.S.R. guarantees the equality and the protection of the national interests of all the peoples of the U.S.S.R., big and small. The Supreme Soviet consists of two chambers with equal rights — ^the Soviet of the Union and the Soviet of Nationalities, which safeguards the specific interests of the work ing people arising from their specific national features.

All over the world, wherever the bourgeoisie rules, some nations are oppressed by others. Our Socialist Motherland carefully safeguards the rights of every nation and proclaims the preaching of national or race exclusiveness or hatred and contempt, as a crime against the state pimishable by law.

The Soviet Union unites about sixty nations, national groups and nationalities. A multi-national state has been built up with Social ism as its foundation. It is based not on oppression, but on the fraternal co-operation and friendship of the peoples. As Comrade Stalin has said; . . Priendship among the peo])lcs of the U.S.S.R. is a great and important achievement. Por as long as this friendship exists, the peoples of our country will bo free and invincible" ("Sjjeechcs," Part 2. '"Speech at a Conference of the Poreinost Collective Farmers of Tajikistan and Turkmenistan," Moscow, 1935, j). 23).

The state power and state administration in the U.S.S.R. are built u]j on tlie principles of genuine domoci-atism imd on drawing large numbers of the working people into the work of governing the Soviet State. The local organs of state pov^er in our country — ^the Terri torial, Regional, Area, District, City and Village Soviets of Work ing People's Deputies — enjoy wide powers.

The election of all Soviet organs takes place on the basis of univer sal, equal and direct suffrage, and secret ballot. The Stalin Constitution abolished the restrictions on electoral rights that had existed hitherto, as the exploiting classes had been abolished in the U.S.S.R.

The Soviet system is the most democratic system in the world, for it safeguards the interests of the overwhelming majority of the people, whereas bourgeois democracy in any form is democracy for a ruling minority. The Stalin Constitution shows that our system of state is a model of the most consistent socialist democracy.

The Soviet system places no restrictions upon electoral rights, whereas in all bourgeois countries various qualifications such as prop erty, domiciliary and educational qualifications, are widely imposed in the interests of the capitalists. In capitalist countries the elector al rights of the inhabitants of colonies and of so-called "national minorities" are, as a rule, restricted.

A disgraceful blot on many bourgeois Constitutions is that they either entirely deprive women of electoral rights, or restrict those rights for women.

In the U,S.S.Er. women enjoy equal rights with men in all spheres of the economic, governmental, cultural and public and political life of the country. The most distinguished daughters of the Soviet people are members of the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R., of the Supremo Soviets of Union and Autonomous Republics, and of local Soviets of Working People's Deputies.

Thanks to the victory of Socialism in the U.S.S.R., the dream of the best representatives of human society has come true ; everybody is ensured the right to work, to rest and recreation, to education and to maintenance in old age and in the event of disablement.

The Constitution guarantees for the citizens of the U.S.S.R. freedom of speech, press, assembly and meetings, street processions and demon strations, and safeguards the right of citizens to unite in public organi zations (trade unions, co-operative societies, etc., and for the most active and politically conscious citizens the right to unite in the Com munist Party).

The Stalin Constitution not only proclaims all the rights of the citizens of the U.S.S.R. (as the Constitutions of bourgeois countries do in relation to the rights of citizens), but also ensures the material conditions for enjoying these rights.

The Soviet system, while guaranteeing great rights to the citizens of the U.S.S.R. imposes upon them a number of lofty and honourable duties. Work in the U.S.SR. is a duty and a matter of honour for every able-bodied citizen. It is the duty of citizens of the U.S.S.R. to abide by the Constitution of the U.S.S.R., observe the laws, main tain labour discipline, honestly perform public duties and respect the rules of socialist intercourse. It is the duty of every citizen of the U.S.S.R. to safeguard and fortify socialist property. It is a duty of honour for citizens of the U.S.S.R, to serve in the ranks of the armed forces of the U.S.S.R.

The Land of Soviets received a new Constitution, the Constitution of victorious Socialism. The adoption of the Constitution of the U.S.S.R. caused tremendous rejoicing among the peoples of the Soviet Union.

During the elections to the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. which were held on December 12, 1937, the Communist Party put forward can didates in a bloc with non-party people. The Central Committee of the C,P.S.U. (B.) called for votes to be cast for the candidates of this bloc. It was a call addressed to all those who wanted our country to remain mighty, cultured and free, the working people to be free from exploitation forever, our industry to continue to develop and outstrip the capitalist countries, our collective farms and state farms to con tinue to flourish and provide our country with an abundance of agri cultural produce; it was addressed to all who wanted our working people to contimie to be free from unemployment and uncertainty as to the morrow, and our women to continue to be free and equal in all branches of economy and administration, who wanted the science, literature and art of the peoples of the Soviet Union to develop and the peoples themselves to remain free and equal, and the working people of the U.S.S.R. to continue to enjoy the blessings of peaceful labour.

In response to this appeal about 90,000,000 voters (98,6 per cent of all those who went to the poll) cast their votes for the candidates of the bloc of Communists and non-party people.

The first candidate that the towns, collective farms and national republics unanimously nominated was the leader of the peoples, the creator of the Constitution, their beloved father and friend, Comrade Stalin. Comrade Stalin consented to stand for the Stalin electoral dis trict of Moscow. On December 11, 1937, on the eve of the election, Comrade Stalin addressed his electors, and said, Deputy should know that he is the servant of the people, their emissary in the Supreme Soviet, and that he must follow the line laid down in the mandate given him by the people. If he turns off the road, the electors are enti tled to demand new elections, and as to the Deputy who turned off the road, they have the right to send him packing . . , Dealing with the rights and duties of the electors. Comrade Sfcalin also indicated the sort of person a Deputy elected by the people should be. Comrade Sbalin said: *Tt is the duty and right of the electors to keep their Deputies constantly under their control and to impress upon them that they must under no circumstance sink to the level of political Philistines, impress upon them that they must be like the great Lenin" ("Speech Delivered at a Meeting of Voters of the Sbalin Electoral Area, Moscow, December 11, 1937, in the Bolslioi Theatre," Moscow, 1945, pp. 11-15).

The elections to the Supreme Soviet were virtually a nation-wide festival. The unanimity then displayed has never been witnessed in any election in any other country in the world.

The Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. is a genuine people's Soviet parliament. The Supreme Soviet (first convocation) settled a number of extremely important questions of state.

The first elections to the Supreme Soviet were a mighty demon stration of the moral and political unity of the Soviet people, a demon stration of its close solidarity with the Party of Lenin and Sbalin and with its leader. As Comrade Molotov said: "The moral and political unity of the people of our country has its living incarnation. Wo have a name that has become the symbol of the victory of Socialism. That name is also a symbol of the moral and political unity of the Soviet people. You know that that name is — Stalin!"

The U.S.S.R. Enters the Phase of Completing the Building of Socialism

The Third Five-Year Plan

The Great Stalin Constitution leg islatively enacted the world-historical fact that the U.S.S.R. had entered a now phase of development, the phase of the comple tion of the building of socialist society and of the gradual transition to Communism.

The Stalin Constitution records the main pillars of Socialism as follows: the absence of exploitation of man by man, the conversion of the means of production into socialist property, the fulfilment of the fundamental principle of Socialism: 'Trom each according to his ability, to each according to his work."

In the U.S.S.R., Socialism — ^the lower phase of Communism — has already been achieved. At this stage the distinctions between town and country and between mental and physical labour have not yet been abolished. Under Socialism, the survivals of capitalism still remain in the minds of men.

The victory of the two Stalin Eive-Year Plans created all the conditions for the gradual transition from Socialism to Communism, under which the principle "from each according to his ability, to each according to his needs" will be applied. The productive forces in our country are freed from the fetters of capitalism, the U.S.S.R.'s com plete independence of capitalist countries is ensured, the socialist reconstruction of the entire national economy on the basis of new, most up-to-date technique has been completed, the nation-wide Stakha nov movement is steadily raising the productivity of labour, the material and cultural well-being of the entire Soviet people is im proving and the borderlines between town and country and between mental and physical labour are gradually being obliterated.

In March 1939, the Eighteenth Congress of the Party was held. In the historic report that he made at this congress, Comrade Stalin said that Communist society could not be built unJess the fundamental condition was carried out of overtaking and outstripping the capitalist world not only as regards level of technical development but also economically. As regards the level of technical development the Soviet Union had outstripped the principal capitalist countries; but it still lagged behind them in respect to output per head of the population. As regards pig iron, for example, the U.S.S.R. produced per head of the population less than half of that produced in* Great Britain and Prance, and one-third of that produced in the United States. The electricity generated in our country per head of the popula tion was half that of Prance, one-third that of Great Britain, two sevenths that of Germany and one-fifth that of the United States.

Comrade Stalin said:

"We have outstripped the principal capitalist countries as regards technique of production and rate of industrial development. That is very good, but it is not enough, Wc must outstrip them economi cally as well. We can do it, and we must do it. Only if we outstrip the principal capitalist countries economically can we reckon upon our country being fully saturated with consumers' goods, on having an abundance of products, and on being able to make the transition from the first phase of Communism to its second phase" (J. Stalin, Problems of Leninism, Moscow, 1947, p. 610).

In this report Comrade Stalin also dealt with extremely important theoretical questions such as, for example, the intelligentsia and the state. As regards the latter question he emphasized that under Commu nism the state will remain"unless the capitalist encirclement is liquidat ed, and unless the danger of foreign military attack has disappeared" (J, Stalin, Problems of Leninism, Moscow, 1947, p. 637).

At this congress Comrade Molotov delivered a report in which he summed up the triumphant fulfihnent of the Second Five-Year Plan ahead of time and outlined the Third Stalin Five-Year Plan, The Third Five-Year Plan was a continuation of the Second and First Five-Year Plans, and its keynote was the furtlier industrialization of the country.

The Third Five-Year Plan provided for the strengthening of the defensive power of the Soviet State on a larger scale tlian was the case in the first two Five-Year Plans. It took into account the possibility of an attack upon the U.S.S.R. from the West, and provided for the erection' in the Eastern regions of the country of duplicate plants in the machine-building, oil-refining and chemical industries. It also provided for the creation of a new centre of the textile industry in Central Asia and for an exceptionally rapid increase in the output of coal and cement in the Soviet Far East. The pride of the Third Five Year Plan was the "Second Baku" and the Kuibyshev hydroelectric power project — ^the largest of its kind in the world — ^that was to ir rigate the arid lands of the trans-Volga Region. In the first years of the Third Five-Year Plan period hundreds of new industrial plants were completed and put into operation. In particular, the Magnitogorsk Steel Plant in the Urals was completed. The grand program for the further transformation of our motherland was to have been completed in 1942. After that a Fifteen-Year Plan for the development of our national economy was contemplated with the object of converting our motherland economically into the most advanced and richest country in the world.

During the first three years the fulfilment and overfulfilment of the plan proceeded successfully, but in the summer of 1941, our peaceful labours were interrupted by the perfidious attack of th<>! German fascist robbers upon the Soviet Union.

Labour and Political Enthusiasm in the Land of Socialism

The decisions that were adopted by the Eighteenth Congress of the C.P.S.U. (B.) placed in the hands of the working people of our country a powerful weapon for the achievement of further victories and roused them to unprecedented .heights of labour and political enthusiasm. Socialist emulation in honour of the Third Stalin Eive-Year Plan developed on a wide scale throughout the country. The ranks of the heroes of labour grew with unprecedented rapidity. New names of workers and oollecbive farmers, men and women, of people working in the si)here of culture and technology, science and art, became famous throughout the country and roused thousands to perform new feats of valour. As the popular Soviet song says: "Any one of us can become a hero."

The title of Hero of Socialist Labour was instituted in the U.S.S.R.

The government conferred the title of Hero of Socialist Labour on Comrade Stalin on his sixtieth birthday".

The high title of distinction — Hero of the Soviet Union — ^was also instituted. The first Heroes of the Soviet Union were the valiant airmen who rescued the passengers of the wrecked Ghelyushin from the i03 in the Arctic. The rescue of the "Chelyuskinites" was a model of the unexampled heroism and Bolshevik capacity for organization displayed by Soviet people. The roll of Heroes of the Soviet Union was augmented by the names of valiant commanders and men of the Red Army who won fame for themselves and their Soviet Motherland by their unprecedented deeds.

The first women to have the title of Hero of the Soviet Union con ferred upon them were those splendid aviators Valentina Grizodubova, Marina Baskova and Paulina Osipenko.

The capitalist encirclement of the U.S.S.Br. and the growing war danger arising from the fact that the capitalist countries were "creep ing" into the Second World War created the necessity of strengthen ing the defences of the U.S.S.Ri., of reinforcing the Red Army, the Red Air Force and the Red Navy.

The people surrounded their army with love and care. In the speech he delivered on the Tenth Anniversary of the Red Army, Comrade Stalin said: "Nowhere in the world do the people treat the army with such love and solicitude as our people do. . . . Our army is the only army in the world that enjoys the sympathy and support of the workers and peasants. Herein lies its power, herein lies its strength" (J. Stalin, Tht Three Specific Features of the Bed Army, Moscow, 1940, Russ, ed., p. 6). The men, commanders and political instructors of the Red Army and the Red Navy are the finest sons of the people, selflessly devoted to their great motherland. The army and the navy live in unison with the whole country.

The Cultural Revolution in the U.S.S.R.

The almost two-fold increase in the national income during the Second Five-Year Plan period and the growth of prosperity among the working people of the TJ.S.S.II. created a firm foundation for the steady improYoment of their cultural standards.

During the period of the fii'st two Five-Year Plans universal com pulsory elementary education was introduced throughout the country, with universal seven-year education in the towns.

The number of pupils attending elementary and high schools rose to 33,000,000 at the end of the Second Five-Year Plan period, compared* with 8,000,000 in 1914. More schools were built in the U.S.S,R. in the course of twenty years than were built during 200 years in tsarist Russia. After the revolution a wide network of higher educa tional establishments (universities, etc.) was created, and in 1939, they were attended by 600,000 students, nearly six times the number that attended such establishments in tsarist Russia. The number of students attending higher educational establishments in the U.S.S.R. exceeds that of twentythroe capitalist countries put together. Before the revolution there were seventy higher educational establishments in the territory of what is nowtheR.S.F.S.R.jin 1937 there were 436. In the Ukraine there were nineteen higher educational establishments before the revolution; at the end of tlie Second Five-Year Plan period there were 123. In Georgia there was only one before the revolution, but during the iieriod of the Stalin Five-Year Plans nineteen were opened. In the other non-Russian national republics there was not a single higher educational establishment, but under Soviet rule over one hundred were opened. The number of pupils and students attend ing schools and higher educational establishments of all typos in the U.S.S.R. in 1939 was 47,500,000, or over one-fourth of the entire population.

Many of the nationalities which had not possessed an alphabet before, acquired one under the Soviet system, opened schools in which instruction was conducted in the native language, and created their •own literature, theatre and intelligentsia.

In 1936 alone, 183,000,000 copies of books printed in the lan guages of the various peoples of the U.S.S.R. were published, not counting books published in Russian. Newspapers in the U.S.S.R. are published in fifty-nine languages and books in 111 languages. The total circulation of newspapers increased 14-fold, by compari son with the figures for tsarist Russia. The number of libraries, reading rooms, recreation clubs, theatres, cinemas, stadiums, athletic grounds and village laboratories gtows from year to year.

The Soviet intelligentsia, which during the Second Five-Year Plan period grew to 9,600,000 persons, will grow still more as the main task is fulfilled in the sphere of cultural development, namely, to raise the cultural and technical level of the entire working class to that of the engineer and technician.

Exceptionally great is the role played in the Soviet Union by science, that progressive science which does not divorce itself from the people and which serves the cause of Socialism, Comrade Stalin referred to Papanin and Stakhanov as innovators in science, for they had set examples of how bold practice can be combined with serious scientific research.

In the U.S.S.R. science is closely connected with the practi cal work of building Socialism.

Soviet science helps to build huge hydroelectric power stations, to carry out such gigantic projects as the MoscowVolga Canal, the White Sea-Baltic Sea Canal, the Moscow Subway, the finest in the world, and others. Soviet designers have designed scores of new types of machines, machine tools and instruments. Exceptionally great are the successes which Soviet scientific and technical thought has achieved in the sphere of aviation. The excellent design and high technical equipment of Soviet aeroplanes, hydroplanes, etc., have enabled Soviet airmen to establish world records.

In July 1936, that great airman of our time, Valeri Pavlovich Chkalov and his comrades performed a tremendous circular flight over the Soviet North and East. In March 1937, an expedition flew to the North Pole. The aircraft which took part in this expedition were flown by our finest aviators, headed by Hero of the Soviet Union Vodopya nov. In May the aircraft landed at the North Pole and left on the ice four valiant Soviet patriots, headed by Papanin. Papanin and his comrades drifted on the ice for 274 days and covered 2,500 kilometres, conducting, under exceptionally difficult conditions, in tense scientific research work which enriched world science with new data on the Arctic.

On June 18-19, 1937, our hero aviators Chkalov, Baidukov and Belyaliov, in spite of cyclones and ice crust, flew from Moscow to America across the North Pole; and a month later this flight was re peated by Gromov, Yumashev and Danilin, who established a new record in long-distance flying. All these flights were undertaken with the scientific object of finding a route to , America across the North Pole.

Similarly important scien tific work was conducted in 1938-1939 by the valiant crew of the icebreaker Sedov,

Soviet agricultural science is helping to change nature in our country. The discoveries made by that brilliant geneticist Mi churin remained unrecognized for forty-five years before the revolution, and it was only under the Soviet regime that they acquired wide fame. Mi churin was given the opportu nity to continue, on a huge scale and on a wide scientific basis, his experiments in crossing plants and obtaining now species, hybrids. Academician Lysenko, the son of a peasant, who is continuing the work of Michurin, has applied that great horticulturist's methods to the development of field crops. He worked out the theory of stages in the development of plants and found a method of vernalizing wheat which greatly increases the yield. Academician V. R. Williams, a Bolshevik, worked oufc the theory of the rotation of grass crops. Academician Tsitsin, By crossing wheat with couch grass, produced a new variety of perennial wheat that is impervious to drought. In a conversation he had with Academician Tsitsin, Comrade Stalin said: "Be bolder in your experiments, we will support you." Together with our Soviet scientists, and under their direction, thousands of front rank collective farmers are carrying on scientific research in village laboratories and experimental fields to produce varieties of drought resisting, high-yielding agricultural plants.

Physics, mathematics, physiology and other sciences have made enormous progress in our country. Problems of agro-physics, solar radiation and photo-chemical conversion are being successfully solved. Our Soviet mathematician. Academician Vinogradov, found a brilliant solution for Ho Ibaoh's problem, on which the greatest matlj ematioians all over the world had been working for nearly 200 years.

The work of the great Russian scientist and father of modern physi ology, Academician I, P. Pavlov, enriched world science with now achievements in the study of the higher nervous activity of animals. This work was able to assume the dimensions it deserved only under the Soviet system, a whole townlet of laboratories having been built for Pavlov and his assistants in Koltushi, near Leningrad.

In the U.S.S.E>. not only scientific experimental work, but also scientific theoretical work is being developed as in no other country in the world.

In the U.S.S.R. the great Marx ist-Leninist theory has unlim ited possibilities for develop ment. The works of Marx and Engels, Lenin and Stalin are publisJied in editions running into millions. Extremely popular among the broad masses of the working people of our country are works on the history of our motherland and of the Bolshevik Party. The year 1938 saw the appearance of Stalin's work* the History of the Gommunisi Party of the Soviet Union [Bolsheviks']^ Short Course, This splendid sci entific work contains a concise and vivid account of the long and glorious historical road traversed by the Party of Lenin and Stalin and of the fighting experiance it gained, as well as an exposition of the foundations of the Marxist-Leninist theory.

In the U.S.S.R. there have been established treasure stores of scientific books that are of world importance. These are the Lenin Li brary in Moscow, the Saltykov-Shchedrin Library in Leningrad, and others.

Enormous scientific work is being conducted by the Academy of Sciences of the U,S.S.R.and its numerous institutes, and also by such world-important scientific-research institutes as the Marx-Engels-Lenin Institute, and others.

Socialism created fertile soil for the vigorous growth of the art of the peoples of the U.S.S.R. The Great October Socialist Revolu tion, which emancipated the peoples, gave the broad masses access to all the treasures of culture and art created by mankind.

An enormous contribution to the development of revolutionary literature in the Soviet period was made by the great proletarian writer and devoted friend of the working people Maxim Gorky. In 1921, Gorky fell very sick and on Lenin's insistence he went to Italy to recuperate; but while there he Rept in close touch with his Soviet Motherland, with the working people of the U.S.S.E. In Italy he wrote ifefy Unii'ersities, The Rise and Fall of the Artamojiovs, and the first volume of The Life of Klim Scmgin. When, in 1928, he returned to his native land he enthusiastically de voted his efforts to the creation of a new, socialist culture in the U.S.S.B. He was the initiator and inspirer of numerous literary and educational undertakings. For the outstanding services ho had rendered the working class of the U.S.S.R. he was awarded the Order of Lenin.

The great humanitarian Gorky passionately hated the enemies of the j^ople and of Socialism, and above all ho hated fascism. He defined his attitude to the enemies of the people in the words: "If the enemy does not surrender, he must be destroyed." The enemies of the people — ^the Trotskyites — ^Icilled the great, popular writer and fighter.

The revolution gave an impetus to the development of the art of the most talented poet of the Soviet epoch V. V. Mayakovsky (1893 1930). His versos and poems of the pre-revolutionary period breathe hatred for the bourgeois system; to the service of the revolution he devoted all his tremendous talent. He wrote verses, drew posters and created splendid poems on the revolution, such as^ 160,000 fiOO^ Vladimir Ilyich Lenin^ Good, and others. During the Civil War lie founded the ROSTA "Windows," f.e., a series of political propaganda posters which called for the struggle to establish the power of the Soviets and praised thfe heroes of labour.

Soviet authors have produced a number of vivid stories dealing with the proletarian revolution, the Civil War and the building of Socialism. Of these mention can be made of Sholokhov's And Quiet Flows the Don and The Soil Upturned, Fadeyev's Defeat and The Last of the Udegei, Furmanov's Chapayev, Serafimovich's Iron Flood, Bagritsky's The Lay of Opanas, and others. Extremely popular are the historical novels written by Soviet writers such as A, N. Tolstoy's Peter /, Novikov-Priboi 's Tsushima, Tynyanov's novels on Griboyedov and Pushkin, and others. Extremely popular among Soviet readers are How the Steel Was Tempered and Born of the Storm by Nikolai Ostrov sky, whose life and work were im bued with genuine revolutionary fervour. Altliough blind and para lyzed as a consequeiioe of the severe wounds he received during the Civil War and the illness he suffered after it, this young Bolshevik writer found the courage and strength to continue to serve the Party and the revolution with his pen until he drew his last breath.

Comrade Stalin described Soviet writers as the "engineers of human souls," and called upon them to pro duce works that harmonized with the great epoch we are living in. At a congress of writers, Comrade A. A.

Zhdanov spoke of the tasks that con fronted Soviet writers and said: "To be an engineer of human souls means standing with both feet on the ground of real life. . , . Soviet literature must be able to portray our heroes, must be able to see into our future."

The culture of the Land of Soviets, uniform in its socialist trend and heroic content, and with its rich variety of form, was built up as the sole, socialist culture of all the peoples who inhabit the U.S .S .R. The culture of each people, national in form and socialist in content, develops in close alliance with the culture of all the other peoples of the Union, and primarily with progressive Russian culture. Nation al culture springs from the depths of the people.

The most outstanding and characteristic representative of this cul ture was the aged popular poet of Kazakhstan, the akyn (bard) JambuL He began to compose his beautiful songs while still a youth when wan dering through the steppes of Kazakhstan; but his art seemed to have faded before he reached the age of fifty. The great proletarian revolu tion, however, rejuvenated the heart of the seventy-year-old bard.

The proletarian revolution performed the same miracle on the popular ashug (poet) of Daghestan, Suleiman Stalsky. The son of a poor Lezghian peasant, he grew up amidst great privation. His songs were composed in tones of grief and melancholy. When he composed songs that sounded the call to battle the tsarist authorities put a ban upon them. The art of Suleiman Stalsky, this Homer of the 20th cen tury, as Maxim Gorky called him, revived and blossomed forth again under Socialism. His poems "'Daghestan" "A Song of Comrade Stalin," "Thoughts about My Country," "A Poem about Sergo," and others, are truly magnificent.

P. G. Tyohina, the most outstanding modern poet in the Ukraine, is closely connected with the working class. His book of verse entitled T/ie Party Leads, breathes deep sincerity and love for the people.

Yanka Kupala, the outstanding j)eople's poet of Byelorussia, the son of a peasant, started work as an unskilled labourer, became a writ er and was eventually elected a member of the Academy of Science's. He commenced his literary activities as early as 1905, but his art really blossomed forth only under the Soviet system. His verses and poems dealing with collective-farm life are particularly popular.

Akop Akopyan, the people 's poet of the Armenian Soviet Social ist Republic, was the first Armenian proletarian writer to devote his poems to the life and labours of the workers.

The folk songs of the peoples of the Soviet Union have revived. The'people 'shards, poets and narrators compose an exceptionally large number of songs about Lenin and Stalin.

Art is making tremendous strides in our country. The Soviet theatre occupies first place in Eurox3e for artistic achievements. It has rich clas sical traditions and presents classical Russian and foreign plays with profound artistic realism, and in portraying former Russia it culti vates among our people a hatred of oppression and a love for our Soviet Motherland.

The first Soviet plays dealt with the revolution and the Civil War, .and they have become a permanent i)art of the repertoire of the Soviet theatre.

Soviet and historical revolutionary themes also inspire our com posers, who have composed symphonies and operas remarkable for their design and the ideas they express.

The Soviet cinema — ^that most important and most popular form of art — is flourishing. The Soviet films Oha/payev, We Are From, KroU'^ AStadt, Lenin in October, Lenin in 1918, the Maxim trilogy, Shchors, The (heat Oitizen, Member of the Government and others, thrill millions of spectators not only in the U.S.S.R. but also abroad.

Great successes have been achieved by the theatre and music of the non-Russian Soviet Republics. In the Ukraine a galaxy of young composers has sprung up who utilize the rich folklore of the Ukraine for their symphonies and operas.

The creator of Georgian opera music is the '"Georgian Glinka," Zakhari Paliashvili, who before the revolution composed the opera Abessalom and Eteri and in 1924 the opera Daissi, which is popular not only in Georgia but all over the U.S.S.R.

• The founder of Soviet opera in Azerbaijan is the composer Hajibe kov, who after the revolution composed the opera Ker Ogly, Of the works he composed before the revolution exceptionally popular is his opera Leyly and Medjnun,

One of the creators of Armenian music was the pre-revolution com poser Komitas, who skilfully utilized Armenian folklore and exercised considerable influence on the subsequent development of Armenian music. An important part in developing the theatre and' music in Armenia under the Soviet system was played by the composer Spen diarov, whose best productions are the opera Almost and his Erevan ^tudeSe

Considerable success was also achieved by the theatre and music in Uzbekistan, where there had been no theatres at all before the revolution. The oiieras Farhhadand Shirin, Oulsara, and others are extremely popular,

Kazakh and Kirghiz theatres came into being. Peoples who not long ago had no knowledge of written music, have now produced their own composers, musicians and opera singers.

The Party and the government search out and carefully train thousands of talented people who* would have had no opportunity for developing their talent under tsarism . Often singers and musicians may be heard in the theatres of the capital who only recently have been working in the collective-farm fields or in the factories. Soviet musicians carry off the prizes at international pianoforte and violin competitions.

Poets, singers, actors, musicians and artists enjoy the love and respect of the Soviet people. Many of them have been elected as Depu ties to Supreme Soviets. The flourishing culture of the U.S,S.R. demon strates to the whole world how much brilliant talent is produced under the socialist system. It is with legitimate pride that the Soviet people look back on the historical road they have traversed and re member the words of the great Stalin;

'Tt is pleasant and joyful to know what our people fought for and how they achieved this victory of world-wide historical importance. It is pleasant and joyful to know that the blood our people shed so plentifully was not shed in vain, that it has 2 ^roduced results. This arms oiir working class, our i)easantry, our working intelligentsia spiritually. It impels them forward and rouses a sense of legitimate pride. It increases confidence in our strength and mobilizes us for fresh struggles for the achievement of new victories of Communism" (J. Stalin, Problems of Leninism, Moscow, 1947, p. 668).

The Fight for Peace amidst the Conditions of the Second World War

The U.S.S.R.'s Fight for Peace

In the reiiort he delivered at the Eighteenth Congress of the C.P.S.U.(B.) that was held in March 1939, Comrade Stalin formulated the U.S.S.E«.'s foreign policy in the following words:

"The foreign policy of the Soviet Union is clear and explicit.

'TWe stand for peace and the strengthening of business relations with all countries. That is our position; and we shall adhere to this position as long as these countries maintain like relations with the Soviet Union, and as long as they make no attempt to trespass on the interests of our country.

"3. We stand for 2 )eacoful, close and friendly relations with all tl)c neighbouring countries which have common frontiers with the U .S .S .K . That is our position; and we shall adhere to this 25osition as lung as these countries maintain like relations with the Soviet Union, and as long as they make no attempt to trespass, directly or indirectly, on the integrity and inviolability of the frontiers of the Soviet State*

"3. We stand for the support of nations which are the victims of aggression and are fighting for the independence of their country.

"4. We are not afraid of the threats of aggressors, and are ready to deal two blows for every blow delivered by instigators of war who attempt to violate the Soviet borders" (J. Stalin, Problems of Leninism^ IToscow, 1947, pp. 605-6).

Comrade Stalin proposed that this peace policy be continued so as to prevent the provocators of war from dragging theU.S.S,R. into a conflict.

Taking into account the growing danger of the outbreak of another world war and the direct menace of an attack upon the U.S.S.R., the Soviet government opened negotiations with the representatives of Great Britain and France for the conclusion of a pact of mutual assistance against fascist aggression in Europe; but these negotiations failed owing to the intrigues of the extreme reactionary circles in those countries who were hostile to the U.S.S.R., and who wanted, by striking a bargain with fascist Germany, to turn the latter's aggression exclusively against the Soviet Union.

Meanwhile, the German government offered to conclude a pact of non-aggression with the U.S.S.R. This pact established a basis for ensuring peace between the two biggest states in Europe, the re lations between whom had been very strained since the fascists came into power in Germany. It also gave the Soviet Union the opportunity to prepareher forces appropriately for the contingency of fascist Germany attacking her. In view of this, the Soviet government consented to conclude the pact of non-aggression which Germany proposed.

This pact, which was signed in Moscow on August 23, 1939, stat ed: "The two high contracting parties engage to refrain from all violence, from all aggressive actions, and from any attack upon each other either singly, or in conjunction with other powers."

In the radio address which he delivered on July 3, 1941, Comrade Stalin summed up the historic significance of the pact of non-aggression that was concluded between the Soviet Union and Germany in the following words:

"It may be asked: How could the Soviet government have con sented to conclude a non-aggression pact vdth such perfidious people, and such fiends as Hitler and Ribbentrop? ... A non-aggression ]3act is a pact of peace between two states. It was precisely such a pact that Germany proposed to us in 1939. Could the Soviet government decline such a proposal? I think that not a single peace-loving state could decline a peace treaty with a neighbouring country even if that country is headed by such monsters and cannibals as Hitler and Ribbentrop. But that, of course, only on the one indispensable condition that this peace treaty did not jeopardize, either directly or indirectly, the territorial integrity, independence and honour of the peace-loving state. As is well known, the non-aggression pact between (Jermany and the tJ.S.S.Ef. was precisely such a pact.

"What did we gain by concluding the non-aggression pact with Germany? We secured our country peace for a year and a half and the opportunity of preparing our forces to repulse fascist Oermany should she risk an attack on our country despite the pact" (tf. Stalin, On the Great Patriotic War of the Soviet Union^ Moscow, 1946, p. 11).

Subsequent events proved that the Soviet government had taken a correct stand. On September 1, 1939, fascist Germany attacked Poland. Shortly after that, the war spread over the whole of Europe. First, Great Britain and France, who wore bound by treaty obligations with Poland, entered it. In April 1940, Germany commenced to seize the Scandinavian countries, and started with Norway. In May 1940, Germany invaded Belgium, Holland, Denmark and Luxemburg,

In this way a bridgehead was created in Europe for developing an offensive against Franco and against Great Britain. In June 1940, Italy joined Germany and declared war on Groat Britain and France.

Adhering faithfully to its peace policy, the Soviet government took a series of steps to avert the war danger. It proclaimed the neu trality of the U.S.S.R. and while strictly adhering to it, took meas ures to ensure the country's security against foreign enemies.

The wise foreign policy pursued by the Soviet government still further enhanced the role the U.S.S.R. was playing in the settlement of international questions and raised its prestige in the eyes of the working people all over the world.

The Re-Union of Western Ukraine with the Ukrainian S.S.R. and of Western Byelorussia with the Byelorussian S.S.R.

Soon after the opening of hostilities the Polish forces were crushed and the Polish government went abroad, leaving the people of Poland to their fate.

In view of these circumstances, the Soviet government could not remain indifferent to the fate of its kinsmen, the Ulcrainians and Byelo russians who inhabited Western Ukraine and Western Byelorussia. Moreover, the situation in Poland was fraught with contingencies that were dangerous to the U. S.S.R.

On Soptombor 17, 1939, Comrade Molotov, then the head of the Soviet government, delivered a radio address in which he announced that the Soviet government had instructed the Supreme Command of the Bed Army to order our troops to cross the frontier to protect the lives and property of the inhabitants of Western Ukraine and Western Byelorussia.

The Byelorussians and Ukrainians living in Poland were bereft of rights. Their languages, culture and national customs were subjected to perse cution. The Ukrainian and Byelorussian national schools had been suppressed and the majority of the inhabitants of Western Ukraine and Western Byelorussia were illiterate.

Ukrainians and Byelorussians were barred from posts in the service of the state. In the east ern borderlands, called "kresy'* by the Polish government, almost the entire land belonged to Polish landlords and the peasants possessed tiny plots of land which were barely enough to provide an existence of

semi-starrotion. I-urthermore, government colotihe Red Army and the Working People nized these regions with ^'setof Western Ukraine and^Western Byelo tlers," that is, Polish kulaks.

More than once the peasants of Western Ukraine and West ern Byelorussia rose in revolt against the Polish gentry, but the Polish government sent punitive detachments into these regions and the revolts were suppressed with great cruelty. The Polish government prevented the development of industry in the "kresy." Notwithstanding the immense natural wealth, in dustry in Western Ukraine and Western Byelorussia was cut down, as the Polish government regarded the "kresy" merely as an agri cultural and raw-material base for the industry of Poland proper. The workers in Western Ukraine and Western Byelorussia suffered from unemployment, and the wages they received were only a half or even a third of those paid to workers in the central and western regions of Poland.

The conditions of the intelligentsia in these regions were also extremely hard. Ukrainians, Byelorussians' and Jews were almost entirely barred from high schools and colleges, and even if some managed to obtain a university education at the cost of enormous sacrifice, they found no outlet for their knowledge and abilities.

All this explains why the working people of We stern Ukraine and Western Byelorussia welcomed thoir liberator, the Red Army, with tremendous rejoicing.

In Wostorn Ukraine and Western Byelorussia Popular Assemblies were elected on the broad democratic basis of universal, equal and direct suSrage and secret ballot. Tn obedience to the will of the peopJ^e, the Popular Assemblies of Western Ukraine and Western Byelorussia proclaimed the establishment of Soviet power in their respective territories and decided on the confiscation of the land of the landlords, monasteries and high government offioialSj and the transfer of this land, without compensation, to the Avorking peasants. They also proclaimed the nationalization of the banks and large-scale industry. The Pop ular Assemblies requested the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. to accept the peoples of Western Ukraine and Western Byelorussia into the great family of Soviet people. At its session on November 1 and 2, 1939, the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. granted the request of the working peoi)lo of Western Ukraine and Western Byelo russia.

Strengthening the Security of the Northwestern Frontiers of the U.S.S.R.

The outbreak of the Socotul World War confronted tho^ Soviet government with the iii*gent task of streiigtliening the se curity of the northwestern frontiers of the U.S.S.R.

The Soviet government offered to conclude with tlie Finnish gov ernment a treaty on terms that were to the advantage of both coun tries and wliicli would liave guaranteed the security of the northwest ern frontiers of the U.S.S.R. and of Leningrad in xiarticular. The Finnish government entered into negotiations with the government of the U.S.S.R., but during the course of them it took an uncompro misingly hostile stand. The Finnish militarists began to commit acts of provocation on the Soviet-Finiiish frontier and went to the lengtli of shelling the Soviet frontier posts near Leningrad. In view of tiiis, Comrade Molotov, as head of the Soviet government, announced in the radio address he delivered on November 29, 3930, that, faced with the fact that Finnish troops had attacked the Soviet frontiers, the Soviet government was obliged to recall its political and business rep resentatives from Finland and to order the Red Army to repel every sortie by the Finnish militarists. In this address Comrade Molotov exposed the slanderous inventions of the foreign bourgeois press which falsely asserted that the U.S.{iJ.R. intended to seize and annex Finland, or establish Soviet rule there. Comrade Molotov said: "We stand firmly for allowing the Finnish people thomselves to settle their internal and foreign affairs in the way they doom fit. . . . The only object of the measures wo have undertaken is to ensure the security of the Soviet Union, and particularly of Leningrad with its three and a half million population/'

The Finnish militarists, who had long been in contact with the German fascists and were egged on by anti-Soviet quarters in certain imperialist countries, commenced war against the Soviet Union. De spite the exceptional difficulties of the terrain and the temperature, being 50® below zero Centigrade — ^the Red Army broke through the fortifications of the Karelian Isthmus, which had been built in con formity with the most up-to-date rules of military engineering and had been regarded as impregnable.

The White Finnish army was defeated, losing over half its man power in killed and wounded.

The Finnish government was obliged to sue for peace.

On March 12, 1940, peace was signed with Finland. A new state frontier was drawn between the U.S .S .R . and Finland which ensured the security of Leningrad and Murmansk. The whole of the Karelian Isth mus with the city of Vyborg and Gulf of Vyborg, were incorporated in the U.S.S.R. The governments of Finland and the U.S.8.R. mutually engaged to refrain from aggression against each other and to take no part ill any alliance directed against either of the contracting parties.

The peace treaty between the U.S.S.R and Finland once again demonstrated what policy the Soviet Union pursued in relation to small countries. After routing the Finnish army, the Red Army could have occupied the whole of Finland and the U.S.S.R. could have demanded an indemnity to cover war expenditure; but the Soviet government showed its magnanimity by restricting itself to the minimum nec essary to ensure the security of Leningrad and Murmansk.

On March 13, 1940, the Sixth Session of the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. adopted a decision to transfer the incorporated territory to the Karelian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic and to trans form the latter into a Union Karelo-Finnish Soviet Socialist Republic. Thus, another Union Republic was added to the family of fraternal Union Republics. This was another step towards strengthening the multi-national socialist Soviet State.

The Peaceful Settlement of the Soviet-Rumanian Conflict over Bessarabia

Another extremely important victory for Stalin's peace policy was the peaceful settlement of the longstanding Soviet-Rumanian conflict over Bessarabia.

The Soviet government had never resigned itself to the forcible annexation of Bessarabia by Rumania, who occupied that country in 1918, when Soviet Russia was hard pressed by her foreign enemies. For over two decades the Moldavian people had been forcibly divided, on one side of the Dniester Soviet Moldavia flourished, but on the other side, Bessarabia, inhabited by Moldavians and Ukrainians, groaned under the heel of the Rumanian boyars. Rumania had converted Bessarabia into her colony, and the country became poverty-stricken, ruined and economically still more backward than it had been before. Even of&oial Eumaiiiaii figures showed that infantile mortality in the Bes sarabian rural districts had reached horrifying dimensions as the result of poverty. The Rumanian landlords, capitalists and high government officials seized the land and factories and reduced the people of Bes sarabia to slavery. Tons of thousands of the progressive people of Bessarabia were killed or tortured to death in the dungeons of the Sigurmxta, the Rumanian Secret Police, The working people of Bes sarabia rose in revolt against the sanguinary oppression of the invad ers; exceptionally big revolts took place in Khotin in 1919, and in Tatar Bunar in 1924. All through this period they fought continuously for their liberation from the yoke of the Rumanian boyars and for their reunion with the family of fraternal peoples of the IT.S.S.R.

The same heavy yoke was borne by the people of Northern Buko vina, who had been forcibly divorced from their brothers, the Ukrain ians, The land of Bukovina was seized by landlords, and the country was subjected to a reign of colonial oppression and exploitation. Time and again the people of Northern Bukovina rose in revolt against the Ruman ian conquerors. In November 1918, a meeting ofrei)rescntatives from nearly every town and village in the country was held in Chernovitsi, and passed a resolution in favour of Bukovina joining Soviet Ukraine.

The Soviet Union came to the aid of the fraternal peoples of Bes sarabia. On June 28, 1940, the Soviet government called upon the Rumanian government to restore Bessarabia to the Soviet Union and to cede to the Soviet Union the Northern part of Bukovina, which was inhabited by Ukrainians.

The Rumanian government accepted this proposal , and the 3 ,200 ,000 working people of Bessarabia and the 600,000 people of Northern Bukovina joined the family of Soviet peoples. The inhabitants of Bes sarabia and Northern Bukovina welcomed their liberator, the Red Army, with great rejoicing. The liberated peoples sent their delegates to the Seventh Session of the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. with the request that it should form a Union Moldavian Soviet Socialist Eepubho and reunite in it the Moldavian people of Bessarabia with the Moldavian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. On August 2^ 1940, the Seventh Session of the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. grant ed this request and adopted a decision to form the Union Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic. It also adopted a decision to incorporate Northern Bukovina and the tliree counties of Bessarabia that were inhabited by Ukrainians in the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic.

The Entry of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia into the U.S.S.R.

The change in the international situation and the consistent peace policy which the Soviet Union pursued gave a new asj)oct to the ques tion of relations between the U.S.S.R. and the Baltic countries. Lithuania, like the other Baltic countries, acquired national state independence as a result of the victory of the Great October Social ist Revolution. The Soviet government was the first to recognize the Lithuanian Republic. On July 12, 1920, a peace treaty was signed between the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic and Lithua nia, by which a large part of the former Vilna Gubernia, with the city of Vilna, passed to Lithuania. Vilna became the capital of the Lithua nian Republic.

From the moment it was formed, the Lithuanian Republic became the object of the intrigues of the European governments and, in partic ular, of the Polish government, which openly aimed at seizing Lithua nia. In 1920, despite the signing of a Polish-Lithuanian treaty, Poland seized Vilna and the Vilna Region. The League of Nations sanctioned this act of aggression. The Soviet government alone sujjported Lithua nians protest and refused to recognize the legality of Poland's action.

Soviet -Lithuanian relations were based on the mutual respect of the interests of the two countries. On September 28, 1926, a Soviet Lithuanian pact of non-aggression and peaceful settlement of disputes was signed. In 1934, this pact was prolonged for another ten years.

The Soviet Union had always strongly supported the Lithuanian Republic. In 1927, it averted war between Poland and Lithuania which was being provoked by reactionary Polish circles. In 1937 > Polish troops were again concentrated on the Lithuanian frontier, and it was only the intervention of the U,S,S.R, which prevented this conflict from developing into a war between Poland and Lithuania.

The policy of peace and friendship which the Soviet Union pur sued met with the profound satisfaction and gratitude of the working people of Lithuania, but the foreign imperialists tried to convert Lithuania into a flace d^armes for war against the U.S.S.R. During the Sejm elections in 1926, the reactionary nationalist party headed by Smetona sustained utter defeat. After this, Smetona, backed by the landlords, the militarists and the Catholic clergy, carried out a military coup and established his dictatorship. The working people of Lithuania were subjected to a reign of tyranny and oppression. Smetona extended the landlord system and imposed an unbearable burden of taxation upon the small peasants. The Lithuanian people rose against Smetona 's bloody regime time and time again. After war broke out between Germany and Poland the Soviet government, in October 1939, anxious to ensure the security of the Soviet and Lithua nian frontiers, invited the Lithuanian government to conclude a treaty of mutual assistance, and without compensation transferred to Lithuania the city of Vilna and the Vilna Region which had been liberated by the Red Army. Instead, however, of honestly abiding by Lithuania 's treaty obligations, the Smetona clique plotted new acts, of provocation against the Soviet Union.

The government of the U.S.S.R. demanded that a change be made ill the composition of the Lithuanian government, and that additional contingents of the Red Army be permitted to enter Lithuania for the purpose of guaranteeing the security of the XJ.S.S.R. and Lithuanian frontiers. The Lithuanian people welcomed the Red Army with great rejoicing. On July 14-15, 1940, a new government held democratic elections for the People's Sejm, and in these elections the candidates of the Lithuanian Labour Alliance polled 99 per cent of the votes. The People's Sejm unanimously resolved to proclaim Lithuania a Soviet Socialist Republic and sent a plenipotentiary delegation to the U .S .S.R . to request the Supreme Soviet to accept Soviet Lithuania into the Soviet Union.

The request of the representatives of Soviet Lithuania was granted, and on August 3, 1940, the Seventh Session of the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. accepted Lithuania into the Soviet Union as a Union Republic possessing equal rights with the others.

The same road was traversed by the Latvian bourgeois republic.

Soviet-Latvian relations were governed by the peace treaty of August 1920, which had also provided for the revival of economic I'clations between the two countries. But the bourgeois and kulak cir cles which dominated Latvia, instigated by the foreign imperialists, refused to sign a trade agreement with the U.S.S.R. It was not until the end of 1926, after the fall of the reactionary Ulmauis government, that more normal relations were established between the two countries by tlio couclusioii of the Latvian-Hoviet guarantee treaty of 1927 and the Latvian-Soviet tiuile agreement of June 1927. Subsequently Ulmanis, the leader of the so-called Peasant Union, carried out a counter-revolutionary coup and the last traces of bourgeois-democratic liberties were wiped out in Latvia. Notwithstanding the pact of mutual assistance that was concluded with the U.S.S.R. on October 5, 1939, the Latvian bourgeoisie continued its intrigues and, hohind the back of the U.S.S.R., formed a military alliance of Baltic countries against U,S.S.R., utilizing for this purpose the '"Baltic Entente" which had been formed as early as 1934.

Realizing that the ruling circles in Latvia were incapable of hon estly carrying out the pact of mutual assistance the government of the U.S.S.R. called fora change in the composition of the Latvian govern ment and demanded permission for Rod Army units to enter Latvia.

The free elections to the Latvian Sejm that followed resulted in a sweeping victory for the candidates of the Bloc of tho Working People of Latvia. The Sejm unanimously proclaimed Latvia a Soviet Republic. On tho application of a plenix)otoiitiary delegation which the Sejm sent to Moscow, the Seventh Session of the Supremo Soviet of the U.S.S.R. on August 6, 1940, accepted Soviet Latvia into tho Soviet Union as a Union Republic possessing equal rights with the others.

Estonian-Soviet relations were governed by the peace treaty signed in the beginning of 1920, which caused the first breach in the Entente 's blockade of the U.S,S.R. The Estonian bourgeoisie, however, had con nections with countries that were hostile to the U.S.S.R., and on their instigation it more than once supported anti-Soviet adventures. IiiMay 1922, the Estonian authorities in Reval executed the Estonian ])opiilar hero Victor Kingisepp, a member of the All-Russian Central JBJxccutive Committee, and even sent a protest to the government of the U.S.S.R. for changing the name of the town of Yambur, near the Estonian frontier, to that of Kingisepp.

In 1924, the workers of Reval heroically rose in revolt against the reign of White terror in Estonia; the Estonian government used this as a pretext for launching another anti-Soviet campaign.

In 1925, the Estonian bourgeoisie, on the direct orders of the for eign imperialists, refused to conclude a trade agreement and guarantee treaty with the IJ.S.S.R. The Estonian government sabotaged the pact of mutual assistance that was concluded between the U.S.S.R. and Estonia on September 28, 1939. The Estonian governing clique entered into a military alliance with the other Baltic countries and began to prepare for war against the IJ.S.S.R. The vigilance of the Soviet government, however, frustrated these designs.

On June 21, 1940, the working people of Estonia swept away the warmongers and put a i^eople's government in power. The elections to the Estonian State Duma that took place on July 14-15 resulted in a sweeping victory for the democratic elements. At the very first meeting of the Duma a resolution was unanimously adopted to proclaim Estonia a Soviet Republic and to affiliate the republic to the U.S.S.R.

At its meeting on August 6, 1940, the Seventh Session of the Su l^reme Soviet heard the statement of the plenipotentiary delegation from the Estonian Soviet Republic and unanimously accepted the republic into the Soviet Union as a Union Republic possessing equal rights with the others.

The Great Patriotic War of the Soviet People

Hitler Germany's Perfidious Attack upon the U.S.S.R

While carrying out the immense tasks of the Third Stalin Five-Year Plan and firmly and undeviatingly pursuing a peace policy, the So viet government did not for a moment lose sight of the possibility of the imperialists making another attack upon our country. When fas cist Germany began openly to unleash war in Europe, Comrade Stalin called upon the people of the Soviet Union to put themselves in a state of mobilization and preparedness. As early as February 1938, in his reply to the letter of the Young Communist Leaguer Ivanov, he wrote: "'Indeed, it would be ridiculous and stupid to close our eyes to the fact of the capitalist encirclement and to think that our external enemies, the fascists, for example, will not, if the opportunity arises, make an attempt at a military attack upon theU.S.S.R."

Comrade Stalin strongly urged the necessity of strengthening tiie defensive capacity of our country. He wrote; "Our Bed Army, Bed Navy, Bed Air Fleet, and the Aviation and Chemical Society must be increased and strengthened to the utmost.

"The whole of our people must be kept in a state of mobilization and preparedness in face of the danger of a military attack, so that no ^accident ' and no tricks on the part of our external enemies may take us by surprise. ..."

Comrade Stalin's warnings put the Soviet people on the alert and prompted them more vigilantly to watch tlie intrigues of their enemies and in every way to strengthen the Bed Army.

The Soviet people understood tiiat the German foscists, headed by Hitler, were aiming to unleash another sanguinary war with the object of winning world domination. Hitler had jn'oclaimed the Ger mans the "superior race" and all other peoples as lower and inferior races. The Hitlerites particularly hated the Slavonic peoples, and primarily the groat Russian people, who had fought the German aggres sors more than once in the course of their history. The Hitlerites in tended, after they had achieved victory in the World War, to di*ive a large section of the Slavs out of Europe beyond the Urals and totally annihilate tlie other section.

The Hitlerites dreamed of utilizing the immense resources of the Land of Soviets — oil, coal and food — ^for the purpose of carrying out their further plans of conquest. Hitler counted on defeating the Soviet Union in a short space of time and then on utilizing all his forces for the purpose of subjugating the rest of the world.

The Hitlerites based their designs on the plan for an attack upon^ and the lightning defeat of, .Russia drawn up by General Hoffmann during the First World War. This plan provided for the concentration of vast armies on the Western frontiers of our country, the seizure of its vital centres within a few weeks and for a rapid march into the in terior right up to the Urals. Subsequently, this plan was supplemented and endorsed by the Hitler High Command who called it the "Bar barossa plan."

On the night of June 21-22, 1941, Hitler's army suddenly and perfidiously attacked the U.S.S.R. in spite of the pact of non-aggres sion which had been signed between Germany and the U.S.S.B. Hitler expected to win the war in a matter of two or three months. He based his calculations on the considerable numerical superiority of the German army, which had long been mobilized, was well armed and had already gained war experience. Hitler also calculated that the Soviet rear would prove unstable; he believed that the Soviet system would break down as a result of military reverses, that con flicts would break out between the workers and the peasants, and that national strife would break out among the peoples of the Soviet Union.

The monstrous war machine of the Hitler imperialists began it* devastating drive in the Baltic countries, Byelorussia and the Ukraine, and threatened the vital centres of the Land of Soviets.

The U.S.S.R.'s War Against Germany, a War of Liberation

The Land of Soviets was in mortal peril, and in his radio address of July 3, 1941, Comrade Stalin warned the Soviet people of thisHe called upon them to abandon the complacency and carelessness of peacetime, to rise up in defence of their motherland and the gains of the October Revolution, and to wage a patriotic war against the fas cist invaders. In this historic address, Comrade Stalin clearly defined the character of the Great Patriotic War which the Soviet Union was waging as a just war for liberation. On the other hand he showed that Hitler Germany, which had launched a perfidious and predatory attack upon our country, was waging an unjust war of conquest. He exposed the predatory designs of the Hitlerites and warned that a victory for Germany would mean enslavement and oppression for the peoples of the U.S.S.R. "The enemy is cruel and implacable," he said. "He is out to seize our lands which have been watered by the sweat of our brow, to seize our grain and oil which have been obtained by the labour of our hands. He is out to restore the rule of the land lords, to restore tsarism, to destroy the national culture and the na tional existence as states of the Russians, Ukrainians, Byelorussians, Lithuanians, Latvians, Estonians, Uzbeks, Tatars, Moldavians, Georgians, Armenians, Azerbaijanians and the other free peoples of the Soviet Union, to Germanize them, to convert them into the slave* of German princes and barons. Thus, the issue is one of life and death for the Soviet State, of life and death for the peoples of the U.S.S.R., of whether the peoples of the Soviet Union shall be free or fall into slavery" (J. Stalin, On the Great Patriotic War of the Soviet JJnion^ Moscow, 1946, p. 13).

Comrade Stalin pointed out that the war against Hitler Germany must not be regarded as an ordinary war* It was not only a war be tween two armies, he said; it was a nation-wide patriotic war against the fascist oppressors, the object of which was not only to remove the danger that was hovering over our country, but also to help all the peoples of Europe who were groaning under the yoke of German fas cism.

Comrade Stalin's speech was an example of scientific foresight and at the same time a jDrogram for the struggle of the Soviet x^eople against Hitler Germany. In response to Comrade Stalin's call, all the peoples of the U.S.S.R. rose up to defend the honour, freedom and inde])endence of their inotherJand.

Collapse of the Fascists' Plan for a Blitzkrieg

The very first months of the .war revealed the total unsoimdnoss of thoplaais of the fascists, of their calculations on the Soviet armies suffering lightning like defeat, and on the Soviet rear being an unstable one. The enemy'^s temporary advantages — suddenness of attack, numerical superiority in tanks, aircraft and automatic weapons and the absence of a second front in Europe — enabled him to achieve certain tactical and operative successes .

But in the course of the war the armed forces of the Soviet Union expanded and became strong. The Soviet Army fought stubbornly for every inch of Soviet soil. The Soviet Supreme Command countered the enemy's onslaughts with Stalin's strategy and tactics of active defence. Wearing clown the enemy and sapping his manpower, tlie Soviet Army strove to liquidate the enemy's temporary advantages in the shortest possible time. The men of the Soviet Army sclf-sacri ficingly defended our Soviet towns and villages to the last. The battle of Smolensk, for example, lasted nearly thirty days. The German tank division which broke into Smolensk was annihilated in the streets of the city. Tens of thousands of German soldiers wore wi]ied out in the vicinity of Smolensk.

The defence of Odessa was even more j)rolongod and stubborn, last ing nearly seventy days. The Germans and Rumanians hurled eight een divisions against this city, while the defenders had at their com mand only four infantry divisions and small units of sailors and people's volunteers. Nevertheless, the Gormans failed to take the city by storm; it was abandoned by the Soviet troops for strategical reasons.

Stubborn fighting procooclod along the whole frontier from the Arctic Sea to the Black Sea. Emx>loying Stalin's tactics of active de fence, the Soviet Army stubbornly held at bay the mighty onslaught of Hitler's hordes. Hitler's army sustained immense losses.

The calculations oftlie Hitlerites on being able to inflict lightning like defeat on the Soviet Union proved baseless.

The Defeat of the Germans Near Moscow

Exceptionally fierce was the enemy's onslaught on Moscow, the capital of the Soviet Union. On October 2, 1041, the German High Command launched a general offensive with the object of surrounding and seizing Moscow. Tlio Ger mans tried to capture Moscow by an enormous "])ineer" movement via Rzliev-Kalinin from the North and Orel-Tula from the South. Hitler was so confident tliai this i)laii would succeed that he gave orclei's for a parade of German troops to be held on the Red Square on November 7. The Soviet Army, however, frustrated this insane plan of the Hitler ites,

At the very outset of the war a State Committee for Defence, head ed by Comrade Stalin, was set up . Under the direction of this Commit tee the entire country began actively to put itself on a war footing. A general mobilization and training of replenishments for the Soviet Army was undertaken. The armament industry was expanded. Whole plants were transported from the regions threatened by invasion east wards to Siberia, the Urals and Central Asia. The inhabitants of Mos cow formed people's volunteer units to repel the enemy. Over 120,000 Moscow volunteers were formed into new divisions which constituted a powerful barrier against the enemy's advance upon the capital. With in a short space of time tens of thousands of Moscow citizens encircled the city with strong defence lines. A state of siege was proclaimed in Moscow. The defence of the capital was directed by Comrade Stalin in person.

On November 6, 1941, at the moment when the enemy was fighting his way towards Moscow, Comrade Stalin delivered an address at a meeting of the Moscow Soviet on the occasion of the 24th Anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution. In his speech he enumerated the causes of the Soviet Army's temporary reverses, showed how the evil designs of the enemy had collapsed and drew the conclusion that the defeat of the German imperialists and their armies was inevitable. He depicted the prospects of the war and pointed to the three main factors which would lead to the inevitable defeat of the Hitlerite im perialists. The first factor, he said, was the instability of the European rear of imperialist Germany, against whom all the peoples of Europe enslaved by the Germans would inevitably rise. The second factor was the instability of the German rear itself, which would be more and more shaken as Hitler's army sustained defeat. The third factor was the establishment and strengthening of the fighting coalition of the U.S.S.R., Great Britain and the United States against the German fascist imperialists.

Taking all these factors into account, Comrade Stalin forecast an inevitable turn in the whole course of the war in favour of the Soviet Union and. its Allies.

Next day, November 7, 1941, Comrade Stalin spoke at the Soviet Army parade on the Red Square. Recalling the fighting traditions of the great ancestors of the Russian people, he called upon the men and commanders of the Soviet Army and the Soviet Navy to follow their example in this heroic struggle for the freedom and independence of our Soviet Motherland. He said: "Lot the heroic images of our great forebears — ^Alexander Nevsky, Dimitri Donskoi, Kuzma Minin, Dimitri Pozharsky, Alexander Suvorov and Mikhail Kutuzov — inspire you in this war I May you be inspired by the victorious banner of the great Leiiinl" (J. Stalin, On the Oreat Patriotic War of the Soviet Union, Moscow, 1946, p. 41.)

These historic utterances of Comrade Stalin's inspired the Soviet Army and the entire Soviet people to perform new heroic deeds. The men of the Soviet Army fought the enemy at the approaches to Moscow with unprecedented courage. The Guards Division commanded by General Panfilov in particular covered itself with glory. In a battle lasting over four hours, twenty-eight guardsmen of this division, led by Political Instructor Klochkov, held at bay fifty powerful German tanlcs on an important line in the defences of Moscow. Almost all of these heroes were killed in this unequal battle, but the enemy was halted and, with the arrival of reinforcements, hurled back.

Thousands of Moscow volunteers fought at the approaches to the city side by side with fighters from different Soviet nationalities. The entire Soviet people defended Moscow — ^tho heart of the Soviet Union.

In October 1941, as many as thirty-five Gorman divisions were almost wiped out by the heroic defenders of Moscow. The Germans' October offensive against the Soviet capital failed.

After this Hitler called upon his troops to strike another decisive blow. In November, fifty-ono divisions were hurled against Moscow, among thorn being thirteen tank and motorizoddnfantry divisions. The Germans tried to capture Moscow by employing new "pincers" and "wedges." But the Soviet Army, now steeled in battle, put up a staunch resistance and wore the enemy out by means of powerful counter strokes. Meanwhile, the Supremo Command of the Soviet Army made preparations for a decisive offensive. On December 6, 1941, Comrade Sfcalin issued the order for the offensive to bo launched, and the Soviet Army routed the Germans near Moscow within forty days. Daring this period the Soviet Army captured or destroyed about 1,600 enemy tanks and large quantities of artillery and other weapons. The Gormans sustained heavy losses in manpower. As a result of the Soviet Army's offensive operations, the enemy was hurled back from the capital, in some places as much as 400 kilometres.

The defeat of the Germans near Moscow was the decisive event in the first year of the war and the first important defeat of the Germans in the Second World War. It revealed that the Soviet Army was a powerful fighting force that was capable not only of withstanding the onslaught of the Gorman fascist troops, but also of defeating them in open battle. The Soviet Army thus dispelled the myth that had gained currency in Euroi)e to the offcob that Hitler's army was in vincible. The defeat of fcho Germans near Moscow inspired both the Soviet people who had temporarily fallen under the yoke of the German invaders, and all the peoples of Europe whom the Hitlerites had enslaved, to rise up and fight the aggressors.

Simultanconsly with the defeat they sustained near Mosow the Germans sustained defeat in the North — in the region of Tikhvin — and in the South — in the region of Rostov-on-Don. This showed what a formidable fighting force the Soviet Army had grown into. By February 23, 1942, Soviet Army Day, the wliole of the Moscow and Tula Regions, a considerable part .of the Kalinin Region, and parts of the Leningrad and Smolensk Regions, had been cleared of the enemy. During the entire winter campaign of 1941-1942, the Soviet Army lib erated over* sixty towns and 11,000 inhabited centres.

But the German war machine was not yet demolished. It was still formidable, and was employed exclusively on 'the Soviet Front. In 1941 the Soviet Union actually fought Germany single handed, but at that time an anti-Hitler coalition of the Great Powers — the U.S.S.R., Great Britain and the U.S.A. — ^was already being formed. In July 1941, the governments of the U.S.S.R. and Great Britain signed an agreement for joint operations in the war against Hitler Germany. In 1942, Great Britain and the Soviet Union con cluded a treaty of alliance in the war against Germany and her ctm federatos in Europe and of co-operation and mutual assistance after the war. This treaty was signed for twenty years. The United States also concluded a military agreement with the Soviet Union,

But the conclusion of tlicso treaties did not do away with the anti-Soviet trends in those countries. The reactionary elements as serted that the unity among the Groat Powers was a temporary phe nomenon, and that only the war had imposed it on them.

The German imperialists had always dreaded a war on two fronts* All their strategy and tactics were designed to beat their enemies one by one, but they were not always able to do this. During the First World War Germany fought against Great Britain and France in the West, and against Russia in the East. Of the 220 divisions which the Garmans had at their command in 1914-1016, eighty-five divisions (and counting the forces of Germany's allies, 127 divisions) fought on the Russian Front. The rest of the divisions at the command of Germany and her allies were on the Western Front. During the Second World War Hitler Gennany waged war for a long time mainly on the EasternFront, utilizing her main forces to fight the Soviet Union, Of the 256 divisions wliich the Germanshadat their command in 1941 1942 no loss than 179 operated against tho U.S.S.R. The Soviet Army was obliged to repel the mighty onslaught of Hitler's armies singlohandod.

Tho intrigues and machinations of tho reactionaries headed by Prime Minister Cliurohili and his adherents in Groat Britain and the U.S.A. were aimed at weakening tho Soviet Union in every way in its struggle against Hitler Germany, and at dragging out, at all costs, the military operations in progress on the Soviet-German Tront.

Taking advantage of the absence of a second front, the Hitlerites, in the beginning of May 1942, launched another offensive. Scores of German divisions wore withdrawn from the Western Front and bronglit into action on the Soviet-German Front. After capturing Ketch, the Hitlerites resinned the assault on Sevastopol, The defence of Sevastopol lasted 260 days. The sailors of the Black Sea Fleet defended the city with unprecedented valoiir.

When the battle of Sevastopol was at its height, Comrade Stalin sent. greetings to its defenders in which he said: "'The self-sacrificing struggle waged by the defenders of Sevastopol sets an example of' heroism to the entire Red Aimy and the Soviet people."

The Battle of Stalingrad

In the summer of 1942, the Hitlerites, having established a considerable numerical superiority of forces on the southwestern direction of the Soviet-German Front, achieved important tactical successes and reached the region of Voronezh^ Stalingrad and STovorossiisk. Hitler still regarded as his main objective the capture of Moscow, but this time his intention was to outflanl?: the capital on the east and cut it off from the rear areas of the Volga and the Urals. Especial importance in Hitler's new plans was attached to the capture of Stalingrad, which was of enormous strategical significance. Situated at the junction of vital water and railway communications, it linked the centres of the country with the Caucasus and Transcaucasia, with Astrakhan and Baku and witli the Volga area and the Eastern Regions of the U.S.S.R. Stalingrad was also a vital arsenal which supplied the Soviet Army with tanis and other weapons.

The Hitler High Command hurled against Stalingrad their Sixth Army, under the command of General von Paulus, who had gained fame by his victories in Europe. Over 1,500 guns shelled the city from every side. Many thousands of aeroplanes dropped high-explosive and incendiary bombs on it every day.

Stalingrad staunchly and bravely repelled the vicious onslaughts of the enemy. The workers at the Stalingrad Tractor Plant, and at the other plants in the city, continued to work under enemy fire, supplying the city's defenders with tanks and ammunition. An active part in the defence of Stalingrad was played by heroes of the Civil War who had taken part in the valiant defence of Tsaritsyn (as Sta lingrad was then called) xuider the personal direction of Comrade Stalin.

The entire country went to the aid of Stalingrad. Everybody was aware that the outcome of the battle of Stalingrad would determine the fate of our motherland. The heroic defence of the city enabled the Supreme Command of the Soviet Army to muster reserves and to draw up and put into operation a plan forthe defeat of the Gormans at Stalingrad,

At dawn on November 19, 1942, after terrific artillery preparation, the Soviet Army forces of three fronts launched an offensive and broke througli the enemy's defences. After routing the enemy's iianks the Soviet Army surrounded the j)ioked German uiiitKS and proceeded to annihilate them. By the beginning of J?ebruary ]043, two Gorman armies, numbering 330,000 men, ceased to exist. Nearly a third of this force, headed by Goiioral von Paulus, was taken prisoner. »

The Stalingrad operation, which was carried out in conformity with plans which had been drawn up by Comrade Stalin, was unprec edented in world history both in scale of operations and skilful gener alship. This was the first time in the history of war that such a vast mass of enemy troops was surrounded and annihilated. In an address he delivered on November 6, 1943, Comrade Stalin appraised the battle of Stalingrad in the following words: "To form an idea of the slaughter on the battlefield of Stalingrad, which was on a scale unprec edented in history, one should know that after the battle of Stalin grad 147,200 dead German men and ofiicers and 46^700 Soviet men and offioors were picked up and buried. Stalingrad marked the beginning of the decline of the German fiiscist army. It is common knowledge that the Germans never recovered from the Stalingrad slaughter" (J. Stalin, On tha Qrmi Patriotic War of the Hovi&t Union, Moscow, 1946, p. 116).

The victory at Stalingrad brought about a radical turn in the whole course of the Great Patriotic War. The heroic defence of Sev astopol and Odessa, the defeat of the Germans near Moscow, the stubborn battles fought near Leningrad, and the greatest battle in history fought at the walls of Stalingrad, laid a firm foundation for victory over the German fascist armies.

The Radical Turn in the Course of the War

In the winter of 1942-1943, the Soviet Army, despite difficult conditions, was on the offensive on a front of 1,500 kilometres, and at nearly every point struck the fascist army blow after blow. The enemy troops were hurled back great distances from Vladikavkaz, Stalingrad and Voronezh.

The relation of forces on the Soviet-German Pront had now changed. During the twenty months of the war the Soviet Army, in the course of defensive and offensive battles, had put out of action several mil lions of Hitlerite soldiers and officers, including the Rumanian, Italian and Hungarian armies, flung by Hitler over to. the Soviot-G^rman Front, who were utterly routed. Thus, tlie Gorman fascist army lost the advantage it had possessed in conducting large-scale military oper ations. After acquiring exporionoo in modern warfare tho Soviet Army became a fully seasoned army which had mastered tho tactics of manoeuvring, surrounding and annihilating tho enemy's manpower.

In the spring of 1943, a temporary lull in military operations set in. Both sides made preparations for decisive battles. The Hitler ites mustered forces for another big offensive. In (Jermany '"totah' mobilization was proclaimed, and the number of German divisions on the 8ovict-German Front was brought up to 257. The industry of oocu})iod Eui'oiie worked, at top speed manufacturing weapons for the German army,

, At the beginning of the summer of 1943, the Germans launched an offensive against the salient that had been formed at Kursk as a re*sult of the Soviet Army 's offensive during the preceding winter in the region of the Ore 1-Kursk-Be Igor od Railway. The Germans' plan was to strike from two directions — ^from their Orel flace d 'armes in the North, and the region of Belgorod in the South — sur round and annihilate the Soviet troops that were concentrated inside the Kursk salient, and then commence a drive against Moscow. To carry out this plan, the Germans concentrated on a relatively short front seventeen tank and eighteen infantry divisions and a vast number of aircraft. Never before had such a huge quantity of the weapons of war been brought into action as in the battle of Kursk. The density of armaments amounted to 100 to 150 tanks and 100 to 200 guns per kilometre. Notwithstanding this, the Germans failed to pierce the Soviet Front. The Soviet Army had organized a deeply echeloned defence and the Soviet artillery exterminated the enemy's "Tigers" and "Ferdinands."

After wearing down the main forces of the German fascist army and bleeding them white, the Soviet Army undertook the offensive in its turn. On August 5, 1943, exactly a month after the Germans had launched their offensive, the Soviet Army captured Orel and Belgorod, thus liquidating the enemy's fortified bridgehead at Orel, the most powerful and dangerous one for our country at that time, and which the Hitlerite High Command had antieijpated using for another offensive against Moscow.

The battles of Kursk, Orel and Belgorod marked the opening of the Red Army's powerful summer offensive. The Soviet troops made a drive for Kharkov, and on August 23, 1943, the city was liber ated from the German invaders. At the same time operations were commenced for the liberation of the Donetz Basin. On September 8, 1943, Stalino was liberated as the result of an impetuous assault. The Gorman High Command attempted to halt the advance of the Soviet trooi)s at the water's edge at the River Desna, and particularly at the River Dnieper; but the Soviet Army successfully forced the Desna, and later the upper reaches of the Dnieper, and on September 25, 1943, liberated Smolensk, a most important German strategical centre of deftuice in the western direction.

Tile Soviet Army's summer offensive cMilminated in stubborn jaghting for the Dnieper. The German High Command concentrated vast forces for the defence of their powerful Dnieper defence line. They occupied the well-fortified hilly right bank of tlie river, blow up all the bridges, and destroyed everything that could be used for crossing the river; they were convinced that the broad and deep Dnie per, the middle and southern reaches of which were as much as 600 metres wide, could not be forced. But to the enemy's surprise the Soviet troops did begin to cross the river at a number of points. Tl^e crossing proceeded not on pontoon bridges, but on rafts and every thing else at hand that could float. In this crossing the Soviet Army received enormous assistance from the Ukrainian partisans who had prepared rafts and improvised boats and on these rowed the Soviet Army men across to the right bank. In a number of places the partisans had dislodged the G3rmans from important strategical points and held them until the Soviet Army arrived.

After capturing several important bridgeheads on the right bank of the Dnieper, the Soviet Army began an offensive with the object of liberating Kiev. On November 6, 1943, after stubborn fighting, Kiev was captured by assault. In liberating Kiev the Soviet troops were assisted by the Czechoslovak Brigade which had boon formed in Russia,

After this, in the course of one week, the Soviet Army advanced 130 kilometres beyond Kiev. Developing the offensive, the troops under the command of General Vatutin captured Zhitomir on Decem ber 31. At this time the troops on the Byelorussian Front liberated Gome land thereby made a beginning in liberating the whole of Byelo russia.

The Soviet Army's drive through the Ukraine and Byelorussia was supported by operations on all the other fronts from Finland to the Crimea.

The Soviet Army's offensive operations in the summer of 1943 created a critical situation for Hitler's army and upset all the Germans' oxj^eotations of being able successfully to wage a long-drawn-out defensive' war on the Soviet-German Front.

The year 1943 marked a radical turn in the course of the war. Notwithstandiiag the fact that the Soviet Army still bore the whole brunt of the fighting against the German fascist hordes, it achieved a brilliant victory over them.

The Wholesale Expulsion of the German Fascist Invaders

The fourth year of the war proved to be a year of decisive victory for the Soviet Army. In the beginning of 1944, the Leningrad group of German troops was routed. The Soviet Amy forces which were defending Leningrad had heroically held the Gormans at bay for two years. In the autumn of 1941, the fascists attempted to capture Leningrad by assault, but when this attempt failed they, with the assistance of the Finns, laid siege to the city. Completely blockaded, the inhabitants of Leningrad suffered hunger and cold. Day after day the Oormaiis battered the residential quarters from the heavy long-range guns with which they had encircled the city. But neither starvation, artillery bombardment, nor daily bombing from the air could crush the heroic spirit of the defenders of the city of Lenin.

In January 1943, the Soviet troops on the Leningrad and Vol khov Fronts broke through the blockade. The food situation in the ha-oic city considerably improved. But the Germans, building several belts of strong fortifications around the city, continued the siege. On January 14, 1944, after thorough preparation, the troops on the Lenin grad Front launched a determined offensive with the object of completely liberating Leningrad, The Germans were hurled into Estonia. The Soviet Army was thus enabled to commence a drive in the Baltic Regions and in Finland.

At the end of January 1944, the Soviet Army undertook an offen sive with the object of liberating Ukranian territory west of the Dnie per. In the Korsun-Shevchenlcovsky Region, Soviet troops surrounded and wiped out ten divisions and one brigade of the enemy. Early in the spring of 1944, in spite of the spring thaw and the thick layer of sticky mud that covered the roads, the Soviet Army launched an offensive with the object of completely liberating the Ukraine west of the Dnieper. Pursuing the retreating Germans the Soviet Army sur rounded largo and small enemy forces and wiped them out. The enemy lost a great deal of his manpower and materiel in this way.

After forcing the Dniester, the Soviet Army entered Moldavia, and on March 26, 1944, after a swift drive, reached the river Pruth, the frontier between the U.S.S.R. and Rumania. In the beginning of April the Soviet troox)s defeated the Germans in the foothills of the ■Carpathians and reached the frontier between the U.S.8.R. and Czecho slovakia. Thus, the war was carried across the frontiers of our country.

After routing the German troops in Right-Bank Ukraine, the Soviet Army proceeded to liberate the Crimea. The Germans had tried to keep the Crimea as a base for another drive into the Kuban Region; moreover, their occupation of the Crimea imperiled the existence of the Soviet Black Sea Fleet. The Hitlerites had strongly fortified Per ckop, the gate to the Crimea, and had transformed the region of Sevastopol into a powerful fortress.

The fighting to liberate the Crimea began on April 8, 1944. After forcing the Sivash Shallows, the Soviet Army drove into the interior of the Crimea. The remnants of the defeated German fascist troops fortified themselves in Sevastopol. On May 7, the Soviet Army launched an assault upon the Sevastopol fortress, and after three days of fierce fighting Sevastopol was liberated. The liberation of the Crimea changed the whole situation in the Black Sea and brought the Soviet Army near to the Balkans.

In the summer of 1944, the liberation of the Karelo-Binnish Ile public began. On June 19, 1044, after smashing the Einnish defences in the centre of the Mannerheim Line, the Soviet Army captured Vy borg. A week later it cleared the Murmansk Kailway of enemy forces and liberated Petrozavodsk, the capital of the Karelo-Pimiish Be publio. Fascist Germany's Finnish allies found themselves faced with disaster. Finland sued for peace and on September 19, 1944, signed an armistice treaty. Thus, Hitler Germany lost her faithful ally on the northern sector of the Soviet Front.

During these same summer months decisive battles were fought for the complete expulsion of the Germans from Byelorussia and Lith uania. The chief objective of the offensive in Byelorussia was to isolate the main forces of the German central group concentrated east of Minsk. Hear Minsk the troops of the three Byelorussian Fronts enclosed the Gormans in an iron ring. In the morning of July 3, Minsk was liberated. About 60,000 German soldiers and officers wore taken prisoner in Byelorussia, and these wore sent via Moscow to prisoner of-war camps.

The Soviet troops continued their iriiini])hant drive westward.

On July 13, Vilna, the caihtal of the Liiluianiaii Soviet Bcpublie,. was liberated. The German garrison in the city was wijied out. The liberation of the whole of Sovi(?t Byelorussia and of part of Soviet Lithuania enabled the Soviet Army to reacii the frontier between the Soviet Union and East Prussia.

Meanwhile, the Soviet Array was continuing its oflensivo in the south, in Bessarabia. On August 23, Kishinev, the cajiital of the Moldavian Republic, was liberated. The German and Rumanian troops, tried to make a stand in the region of Jassi, but hero a large group of them was encircled and completely wiped out. The swift drive begun by the Soviet Army culminated on August 30, 1944, in its entry into Bucharest, the capital of Rumania. Unable to continue the war any further, Rumania was obliged to capitulate. The new Rumanian government that was formed signed an armistice with the U.S.S.R. and declared war on Germany.

On September 5, the Soviet govornment sent the government of Bulgaria a note stating that since Bulgaria was in fact fighting the Soviet Union, the latter would regard herself at war with Bulgaria. The Bulgarian people, however, liaving no desire to be at war with the Soviet Union, on S<^ptemb('r 9 overthre^w the fascist governinont and set nj) a democratic government, which deedared war on Germany.

Thus, as a result of the victori('s which the Sf)vi(',t Arm^' had achieved, Germany lost her most imiiortant allies. Hiis still furtlu^r aggravated the military, economic and political situation for fascist Germany.

The Anti-Hitler Coalition is Strengthened

Faced with dis aster, Hitler Germany exerted all efforts to disrupt the united front of the Allies wlio were fighting against her. After the '"blitzkrieg" failed the Hitlerites based all their strategy on the jJrolongation of the war and on preventing the cementation of the alliance and friend shij) between the U.S.S.II., Great Britain and the United States. The fital interests of all the freedom-loving iDeoples, however, called for the speedy and complete defeat of the armed forces of fascist Ger many and of her vassals.

For the purpose of discussing concrete measures to bring about the speedy termination of the war a conference of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the United States, Great Britain and the Soviet Union was held in Moscow in October 1943. This Moscow Conference drew up the measures necessary for shortening the war against Ger many and her allies, and formulated the basic i)rinciples upon which a system of international co-oi)eration and security was to be estab lished. The conference expressed itself in favour of restoring the free dom and independence of Austria, and stressed the necessity of creating a democratic government in Italy. It also adopted a declaration to the effect that the Hitlerites would be called to book for the atrocities they had committed. This declaration was published over the signa tures of Stalin, Eooscvelt, and Churchill.

A month later, in November 1943, the leaders of the Three Pow ers — J. V. Stalin, Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the U.S.S.R., Franklin D. Roosevelt, President of the United States, and Winston Churchill, Prime Minister of Great Britain — ^met in Teheran. The Teheran Conference adopted a "Declaration of the Three Powers" which expressed unanimous determination to crush Hitler Germany and ensure peace and security for the peoples. The leaders of the Three Powers who signed this declaration stated: "We express our determination that our nations shall W'ork together in war and in the peace that will follow." As regards the Allies' war plans, the declaration emphasized their firm determination to strike Hitler Germany the finalblow and demolish her armed forces on land, on sea, and in the air. The leaders of the Allied Powers reached complete agreement on the scojDe and timing of the operations to be undertaken against Hitler Germany.

In the succeeding period, however, Churchill, bent on satisfying the mercenary interests of British imperialism, resorted to all sorts of devices to hold up the opening of the second front, and to inflict as much damage as possible on our state.

The Soviet Army's victories were a decisive factor in ensuring tho Allies' military successes in North Africa and in Italy; and the fact that the Germans' main strategical reserves had been withdrawn from the West and that the finest Gorman divisions had boon anni hilated on the Soviet-German Pront, enabled the Allies successfully to develop large-scale oSensive operations in Europe,

The second front was opened only when it became clear that the Soviet Union was in a position, unaided by the Allies and with its own forces, to oceux^y the whole of Germany and to liberate the peoples of Eurox}e. On June 6, 1944, Allied troops landed in northern France. The second front tied down nearly seventy-five of Hitler's divisions, and, to some degree, helped the Soviet Army to carry out its task of utterly defeating the German troops. However, the main burden of the war continued, as heretofore, to be borne by the Soviet Army, which tied down over 200 divisions. The fourth year of the war proved to be a year of decisive victories over the German troops achieved by the Soviet armies and the armies of our Allies. ' The Liberation of the Peoples of Europe. The course of the war totally upset all the plans and calculations of the Hitler imperial ists in the sphere of foreign j^olicy. Tlio predatory Hitler bloc col lapsed, Tlio peoples of Euro|)o who had been enslaved by the Germans intensified tlioir resistance, fur their hatred of the fascist invaders grow the longer the German occupation lasted. In all the countries they had conquered the fascists liad established their so-called "new or der," which, in fact, was only a replica of tlio old order of slavery or serfdom. The Germans conquered and enslaved advanced European nations like the French, Czechs, Slovaks, Polos, Norwegians, Dutch, Belgians, Serbians and others, and everywhere the Hitler party, the party of tho most rapacious and predatory imperialists in the world, applied their cannibal race theory. In all the countries they subju gated the Germans introduced the methods of slavery and serfdom, covered Europe with gallows, and destroyed tho finest treasures of tho culture of all nations.

The German fascists treated tho inhabitants of tho Soviet regions they had occupied with exceptional ferocity and cruelty. Tho fright ful atrocities which tho German fascists perpetrated were systemat ically reported by the Soviet Information Bm*oau and also by the Extraordinary Commission which the Soviet government set up to collect information about them. But during tho war years the atroc ities were only partly brought to tho light of day. When the Gtermans were defeated, the whole world received convincing proof of tho ghastly crimes committed by the fascist monsters. The Nuromburg trial also yielded a shocking picture of the sufferings endured by Soviet people in tho occupied areas, subjected, as they were, to torture and insult of every kind,

Tho Hitler authorities condemned Soviet people to death for tho slightest resistance or opposition. The Gorman butchers shot, burned to death, hanged and tortured Soviet people in thousands. The eollective farms in the occupied regions were broken up and the land was given to Gar man landlords and kulaks. The collective farmers, driven o£E their land, were compelled to work for the new landlords, or else were driven oflE to Germany to work like galley slaves. Millions per ished as a result of the unbearable toil which the German conquerors forced upon them. The Germans destroyed the finest monuments of Russian national culture. They wrecked the estate of the great Russian author Leo Tolstoy at Yasnaya Polyana, the home of the great Rus sian composer Chaikovsky in Klin, and the house of the famous Russian author Chekhov in Taganrog, all of which had been converted into museums. They also defiled great relics connected with the name of Pushkin, and so on.*

As early as 1941, Comrade Stalin had said that the 'hiew order" in Euroi)e was a volcano which was ready to erupt at any moment. The enslaved peoples of Europe were only waiting for the opportunity to rise up against their enslavers. It was the liberating mission of the Soviet Army to help the peoples of Europe in their struggle to free themselves from Hitler tyranny. As the Soviet Army neared the frontiers of the U.S.S.R., the peoples of all the countries that were occupied by the Germans rose to wage a general struggle for liberation against the invaders.

The Soviet Army came to their aid. As soon as it crossed the Ru manianYugoslav frontier, it rendered substantial assistance to the People 's Liberation Army of Yugoslavia, who had been heroically fighting the Germans from the very first day the latter invaded their country. On October 20, 1944, the Soviet Army, jointly with the People'sLiberation Army liberated Belgrade, the capital of Yugosla via, In the beginning of 1945, the Soviet Army helped our ally Poland to liberate a number of important Polish towns, and on January 14, 1945, Soviet troops, in conjunction with the First Polish Army, lib erated Warsaw, the long-suffering capital of the Polish Republic. The Soviet Army also rendered considerable assistance to the freedom-lov ing peoples of Czechoslovakia who had been resisting the German invaders all the time. Thus, the Soviet Army carried out its liberating mission in relation to all the peoples of Europe and helped them to throw off the yoke of the German tyrants.

The Heroic Struggle Waged by the Soviet Partisans

An ex tremely important part in the war against the Hitler robbers was played by the patriotic Soviet partisans who operated in all the Soviet regions that were temporarily occupied by the Germans. In the radio address he delivered on July 3, 1941, Comrade Stalin called upon all the Soviet people in the occupied regions to make conditions ^'unbearable for the enemy and all his accomplices." "They must be hounded and annihilated at every step, and all their measures must be frustrated," he said (J. Stalin, On the Great Patriotic War of the Soviet Union, Moscow, 1946, p. 15).

Thousands and hundreds of thousands of Soviet patriots respondfid to Comrade Stalin's call. Men and women of all ages and professions withdrew to the forests where they joined the partisan units. The Soviet people will never forgot the name of one of the first women-partisans, the Moscow high-school girl, Zoya Kosmodemyanskaya, In 1941, Zoya voluntarily joined a partisan unit and bravely fought against the Hitlerites. During one of the partisan operations she was taken, prisoner. She was subjected to frightful torture, but nothing could break the heroic spirit of this patriotic Soviet girl. Failing to compel the young heroine to give them any information, the Hitlerites decided to hang her in public. As the noose was being put round her neck she turned to the peasants who had been driven to the scene of the execution and made a passionate appeal to them to exterminate the fascists. "Don't be afraid," she said. "Stalin is with us. Stalin will come!"

The same staunchness and devotion to his country was displayed by the sixteen-ycar-old schoolboy and member of the A^oung Commu nist League, Shura Chekalin. Shura voluntarily joined an Extermi nation Battalion. One day, while a battle was in lungross, he found himself cut oft in the enemy's rear. He succeeded, however, in estab lishing contact with a i)artisan unit and served in it actively as a scout. Evcutxmlly ho was caught hy the Germans who, after subject ing him to inhuman torture, took him out to be hanged. Under the gallows the heroic lad proudly faced the Germans and said: "You can 't hang us all! Wc are far too many for you!" The young patriot went to his death singing the "International."

Outstanding among the j)opnlar heroes, the organizers and leaders of the partisan movement, were tlie Bolsheviks wJio in peace time had been managers of collective farms and factories, Soviet administrators or loaders of Party organizations.

The "avengers of the people" as these heroic partisans were called, struck at the enemy's most vulnerable ])ohits. They wrecked factories and ojBGlces in the enemy's rear, cut the Germans' communications, attacked and wiped out supply columns, struck at enemy reserves and blew up bridges, In this extensive war of liberation the partisans en listed the masses of the people who were groaning under the heel of the German invaders. The forests in which the partisans operated be came a nightmare to the Gerinans.Tho Gorman Command re])catodly sent punitive detachments to "comb"t]io W'oods and wij)o out the ])artisans, but through their scouts the partisans learned ofthe movements of these punitive detachments and took couuter-measui*(?s against them. The enemy wore caused exceptional difficulties and damage from the "rails war" waged by the Soviet partisans, who tore up thousands of kilometres of railway lines, tlms hindering the retreat of the Germans and facilitating their pursuit by the Soviet Army. They also saved Soviet civilians from extermination or from being driven off into slavery in fascist Germany. They liberated prisoners and restored to the civilian inhabitants the proi)erty which the Germans had plun dered.

During the course of the Great Patriotic War the partisan detach ments wiped out hundreds of thousands of Hitlerites, wrecked innumer aUo German trains, blew up thousands of railway and road bridges and destroyed thousands of tanks, armoured cars, guns, motor trucks and aircraft.

The outstanding partisan leaders Sidor Kovpak, A. P. Fyodorov, P. Vershigora and others were awarded the title of Hero of the Soviet Union.

Before the war S. A. Kovpak was the chairman of the Soviet of the small Ukrainian town of Putivl. When the Germans occupied the town, Kovpak and a comrade named Rudnev organized a partisan detachment which became famous all over the Ukraine. In 1942, Kovpak and other partisan leaders were called to Moscow to see Stalin, and there it was decided to organize a partisan raid deep into the in terior of the Ukraine west of the Dnieper for the purpose of rousing the people to fight the Germans and of striking at the enemy's communica tions. Kovpak 's detachments conducted devastating warfare on a large scale in Carpathian Ukraine where, among other things, they destroyed several oil refining plants and over 50,000 tons of oil. To combat Kovpak 's partisan detachments the Germans drew troops from Galicia and Hungary, but the partisans broke through the enemy encirclement and returned to the Ukraine.

All the Soviet people who had temporarily fallen under the fascist yoke waged a heroic struggle in the enemy's rear. The Germans tried to break the spirit of resistance of the Soviet patriots by means of frightful atrocities, but to no avail. An example of this heroic re sistance is provided by the struggle that was waged by the Young Communist iLeaguers in Krasnodon. In this small mining town an un derground Young Communist L3ague organization was formed which called itself the "Young Gaard." This organization, which was led by seventeen-year-old Oleg Koshevoi, set out to wage an uncompro mising struggle against the German invaders. The "Young Guard" distributed leaflets, repeatedly destroyed lists of names of people who had been marked off for deportation to Germany, and liberated prisoners from concentration camps. OvV^ing to treachery and trickery tlie Young Guard organization was discovered by the Gestapo and its mombors wore arrested. The Germans subjected these young heroes of underground warfare to frightful torture, but not one of them be trayed weakness or cowardice. Failing to break their spirit, the inlnunan fascist trutes flung them, while still alive, to the bottom of a wreeketl colliery shaft.

The Heroic Effort of the People in the Rear

The successes which tlio Soviet Army achieved ou the battlefield wore facilitated by the tremendous patriotic enthusiasm that was displayed by the entire Soviet peoj)lc in the roar. Within a short space of time the mu nition plants in the threatened areas were evacuated to tho remote eastern regions of the country and soon began to supply the Soviet Army with all it needed. Tho coal and metallurgical centres whrch had been built in the East in the course of the fulfilment of the Stalin Five-Year Plans partly compensated for the loss of the plants in the western and southern regions occupied by the enemy. In many cases the evacuated plants were put up and operated in districts where there had been no industry whatever before. 'Now plants were erected at war-time tempo. The local inhabitants and tho 6vacu6es worked with self-sacrificing zeal under the most trying conditions.

The scale of tho organizing work done in the rear by Soviet people during the Great Patriotic War is unprecedented in the history of war. Within a short space of time the output of tho Kuznetsk Steel Plant began to make good the temporary loss of the Donetz Basin. Huge new blast furnaces wore erected in Magnitogorsk. In Chelyabinsk, a giant steel plant was erected. Many oftlie old plants in the Urals were entirely reconstructed. Tho Urals became an enormous arsenal for the Soviet Army. In Siberia and Central Asia, now machine-building, automobile, electrical engineering and chemical plants were .erected.

Socialist emulation was undertaken on an unprecedented scale, Stakhanov methods of working became extensively employed and tlu^ movement for producing now inventions assumed mass pro])ortions. All this testified to tho enormous creative energy of the working class and to its indomitable will to achieve victory. An extremely important part in the armament industries began to bo played by women and juveniles. Dmung the war tho trade and factory training schools j)ro-. vided industry with over 2,000,000 trained workers, and women learned the most complicated trades, so-called men 's jobs, and were exemplary in their labour heroism.

In the factories the young workers formed themselves into what were called "front brigades." The young Moscow worldngwoman, Yekate rina Baryshnikova, started a movement among the young workers to overfulfil production plans with fewer workers. Katya Baryshnikova overfulfilled her own plan with three workers assisting her instead of six as formerly. Her example was followed by young workers all over the country with the result that tens of thousands of workers became availahlo for other jobs.

In his Order of tho Day of May 1 , 1944, Comrade Stalin paid a tribute to tho working class, which, amidst tho trying conditions of the war, had achieved decisive successes in the mass production of arms, ammunition, equipment and provisions for the Red Army.

Equally self-sacrificing was the effort exerted by the collective farm peasantry to bring about victory over the German fascist invaders. During the Great Patriotic War collective farmers, men and women, displayed an understanding of the interests of the State that reached a high level. By their intense labours they ensured regular supplies of food and raw materials for the Soviet Army and the country as a whole. The women collective farmers proved to be a great force in the countryside. For example, in the Ryazan Region, the women's tractor team led by Darya Garmash showed record results all through the war of area covered per tractor. The All-Union contest between women 's tractor teams begun on her initiative was of great benefit to her native land. The young people in the collective farms were pioneers in introducing new methods of labour into agriculture and thus increasing output.

The Soviet intelligentsia too made a priceless contribution to the cause of victory, boldly resorting to innovations in the spheres of technology and culture, developing science, and applying its achieve ments to the manufacture of weapons for the Soviet Army. Soviet physicists, chemists, mathematicians, medical men and other scien tists achieved great success in their respective spheres, and employed their achievements to help bring about the defeat of the enemy. Acad emicians Burdenko, Abrikosov, Orbeli, Bogomolets and Lena Stern achieved wonderful results in the field of medicine and thus saved the lives of innumerable wounded fighters. Academicians Bardin and Baikov, by their researches in the field of metallurgy, helped to develop Soviet industry still further. Academicians Lysenko, Tsitsin, Pryanish nikov and others, devised new methods of increasing agricultural output. The botanists, Academicians Komarov and Keller, and the geologists, Academicians Persman, Obruchev and others, worked very hard during the Patriotic War to develop further the natural resources of the U.S.S.R. As a result of the labours of Soviet scientists immense deposits of ores and various other valuable minerals wer3 discovered. The Academy of Sciences of the U.S.S.R. and the Academies of Sci ences of the Union Republics achieved great successes in all branches of science.

The entire Soviet people displayed exceptional solicitude for the needs of the Soviet Army. One of the manifestations of this was the broad popular movement for the collection of contributions for the Soviet Army Fund. At the end of 1942, when the battle of Stalingrad was at its height, the collective farmers in the Tambov Region with in a few days collected a considerable sum of money to build tanks. The example of the Tambov collective farmers was followed by col lective farmers all over the country. On the initiative of F.P. Go lovaty, a collective farmer in the Saratov Region, many collective i armors contributocl all their savings to the Soviet Army Fund. Golovaty wrot '3 a letter to Comrade Stalin saying that he had contrib utod 100,000 rubles, all his savings, for the ])urp{)so of building a fight er pianoHo was allowed to pick out a fighUu' plane at an aircraft factory and to have the following inscriiitiou made on it: "A gift to the Stalingrad Front from Golovaty of tJie Stakhanov Collective Farm," Comrade Stalin sent Golovaty a message ofgreetings and thanks for his gift. Comrade Stalin wrote: "Thank you, Fera]R)ut Petrovich, for your coucerii for the Red Army and its air force. The Red Army will ix)t forget that you gave up all your savings to huilda combat aircraft."

The example of collective farmer Golovaty was followed by many thousands of working i)eople in the provinces and non-Russian repub lics. By March. 31, 1943, over 7,000,000,000 rubles and large quantities of provisions and miscellaneous articles had been contributed to the Soviet Army Fund, and throughout the war about 13,000,000,000 rubles in money and a huge sum in state loan bonds were contributed to the Defence Fund. In addition to contributing to the Defence Fund, the Soviet people rendered the state enormous assistance by sub scribing to war loans.

The close unity between the rear and the front during the Great Patriotic War not only upset all the enemy's calculations on the So viet system lacking stability, but was a vital factor in bringing about his utter defeat.

The Rout of Hitler Germany in 1945

The year 1945 arrived, the year in which the Soviet Army's historic victories reached their cuhninatiou, and saw the utter defeat of fascist Germany. In January 1945, the Soviet Army began to liberate Poland and Czechoslovakia, The troops of the U.S.S.R.'s allies were successfully pushing towards Germany 's vital centres. During these decisive days of the beginning of February 1945, a conference of the loaders of the great Allied Powers — Stalin, Roosevelt and' Churchill — was held in the Livadia Palace near Yalta, in the Crimea. The conference drew uj) a plan for the final defeat of Germany. At this time Germany was lield in the vise of two fronts. The heads of the three Great Powers agreed that they would demand fascist Germany's unconditional surrender. In their joint declaration on the conference, the leaders of the Great Allied Powers said: 'Tt is our inflexible purpose to destroy German militarism and Nazism and to ensure that Germany will never again be able to disturb the peace of the world."

The loaders of the Three Powers also stated that it was not their purpose to destroy the German jieople. When Nazism and militarism were extirpated, they said, the German people would find ways for a decent existence in the comity of nations. To maintain peace and security the Crimea Conference decided to set u]> with the other Allied Powers a world-wide, international organization of United Nations. The Crimea Conference also adopted a "Declaration on Liberated Europe" which proclaimed the principle that the Three Powers would co-ordinate their policies and adopt joint decisions on the major po litical and economic questions concerning liberated Europe.

The united action of the Allies ensured their victory over Germany. The military situation became catastrophic for the latter. As a result of the onslaughts of the Soviet Army, which had pushed into German Silesia in tlie south and into East Prussia and Pomerania in the east and north, the German forces retreated into the interior of Gfermany. The Soviet Army's uninterrupted offensive resulted in the defeat of the Koenigsberg group of German troops. On April 9, 1945, the Soviet Army stormed and captured the city of Koenigsberg. Sev eral days later, on April 13, the Soviet Army liberated Vienna, the capital of Austria.

The road to Berlin was open for the Soviet Army. The Germans hurled all their reserves against it. The Soviet assault on Berlin was launched simultaneously from different directions. On the night of April 19, tens of thousands of guns opened fire on the city. By order of Marshal Zhulcov, the Soviet Army launched a sudden night attack. After artillery preparation, thousands of tanks made a drive for Ber lin; about 6,000 aircraft rained bombs on the German positions. On April 21, the Soviet troops, after breaking through the defences of Berlin, engaged the enemy in its suburbs. The ring closed tighter and tighter around the city. At last the forward units forced their way to the centre of Berlin and hoisted the Red flag over the German Reichstag. The Order of the Day of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief Comrade Stalin of May 2, 1945, contained the long-awaited announce ment: "The Red Army has captured Berlin."

While the Soviet i^y's assault on Berlin was at its height, the Allied troops were rapidly advancing through German territory, meet ing with no resistance on the part of the Germans. In an endeavour to cause a split in the ranks of the Allies the Germans offered to sur render to the United States and Great Britain, but refused to ca pitulate to the Soviet Union.

But this time too the German fascist manoeuvre failed. The Allies demanded unconditional surrender from Germany. On May 8, 1945, the leaders of Germany's armed forces signed an act of unconditional surrender. The Germans reported the suicide of Hitler, Goebbels and of other of Hitler's accomplices. The rest of the rulers of the fascist state, including Goering and Field Marshal Keitel, were arrested and delivered up to an International Tribunal, which tried the major war criminals in Nuremburg.

On May 9, 1945, Comrade Stalin issued an address to the people announcing that the great day of victory over Geiroany had arrived. In this address Comrade Stalin said: "We now have full grounds for saying that the historic day of the final defeat of Germany, the day of our people's groat victory over German imperialism has arrived* The great saorifioos we have made for the freedom and independence of our country, the incalculable privation and suffering our people have endured during the war, our intense labours in tlie rear and at the front, laid at the altar of our motherland, have not been in vain; they have been crowned by complete victory over tlio enemy. The age-long struggle of the fclavonio peoples for tlieir existence and independence has ended in victory over the German aggressors and German tyranny. Henceforth, the great banner of the freedom of the peoples and peace between the peoples will fly over Europe" (J. Stalin, On the, Great Patriotic War of the Soviet Union, Moscow, 1946, pp. 196-97).

The Defeat of the Japanese Imperialists

After the defeat and capitulation of fascist Germany, the Allies were faced with the task of defeating imperialist Japan, which continued the war despite the fact that Hitler Germany had capitulated.

Faithful to its duty as an ally, the Soviet Union adhered to the Potsdam Declaration of the United States, Great Britain and China of July 26, 1945, which demanded Japan's unconditional surrender.

The Japanese imperialists had been long-standing enemies of the Russian people and had made repeated attempts to seize our Ear Eastern territory. As far back as 1904, during the Russo -Jaiianeso War, Japan tried to cut off our country from the Pacific and the outlets to the ports of Kamchatka and Chukotsk. In 1918-1922, wlion the Soviet Republic was beating off the attacks of tho interventionists and uphold ing its independence, the Japanese imperialists tried to seize the So viet Far East. The young Red Army, in arduous battles, drove tho Japanese aggressors from Soviet soil. In 1038, the Japanese made another predatory attack upon the Soviet Union in tho region of Lake Hasan, and in 1939 they attacked, in tho region of Khalkhin-gol, the Mongolian People's Republic, with which the Soviet Union iiad signed a treaty of mutual assistance. These attempts wore also frus trated by the valiant Red Army. During the Soviet Union's Great Patriotic War against Germany the Japanese hold their Kwantung Army, consisting of picked troops, on the Soviet frontier, threaten ing to cross it at any moment.

The Soviet State could no longer tolerate this constant menace in the East, and so the Soviet government announced that as from August 9, 1946, tho Soviet Uniqn would bo at war with Japan,

Tho Soviet Army launched an offensive in the Far East in several directions, and within a short space of time routed tho Kwantung Army— the largest group^of Japanese armies — and liberated Manchuria.

The U.S.S.R, 's entry into tho war against Japan and the suc cesses achieved by tho Soviet Army hastened the defeat of imperialist Japan. On September 2, 194:5, uuuuie to continue the war any longer, the Japanese capitulated and the Soviet people were able to present to the Japanese aggressors their just demand for retribution.

Commenting on the capitulation of imperialist Japan, Comrade Stalin said: "We of tlie older generation waited for this day for forty years, and now this day has arrived. Today Japan admitted defeat and signed an act of unconditional surrender.

' 'This means that the southern iiart of Sakhalin and the Kuril Islands revert to the Soviet Union and henceforth ivill serve not as a bciffrier between the Soviet Union and the ocean and a base for Jap anese attack upon our Far East, bub as a direct means of communi cation between the Soviet Union and the ocean and a base for the defence of our country against Japanese aggression.

"Our Soviet people spared neither strength nor labour for the sake of victory. We experienced extremely hard years. But now every one of us can say: We have won. Henceforth we can regard our coun try as being free from the menace of German invasion in the West and of Japanese invasion in the East, The long-awaited peace for the peo ples of all the world lias come" (J. Stalin, On. the Qrmt PalrioUc Wnr of iha Soviet Union, Moscow, 1946, pp. 209-10).

The Causes and the Sources of the Victory of the Soviet Union

The victory of the Soviet Union in the Great Patriotic War roused the admiration of all ])rogres.sive mankind. The wiiole world recognized tlie great merits of the Soviet Army, which by its heroic and" scdf-sacrificing struggle had saved world civilization from the Gorman fascist barbarians and the Japanese imperialists. The Soviet Army stood before the whole world as an army of liberation, and the Soviet Union as the saviour of civilization and progress in Europe and throughout the world.

What was th<^ source of the Soviet Aimy's great victory?

The Soviet Army was able successfully to perform its duty to its country and cany out its liberating mission in relation to the peo ples of Europe primarily because it received tlie devoted support of all the peoples of the Soviet Union; because its victory was ensured by the entire state and social system of our country.

As Comrade Stalin emphasized in the speech he delivered on Feb ruary 9, 1046, the victory of the U.S.S.R. signifies first of all, that the. Soviet social system was victorious and had successfully passed the test of the fire of war and proved that it is fully viable; secondly, the victory of the U.S.S.R. signifies that our Soviet state sj^stem was viotiorioiiH, tJiat our multi-national Soviet State })assed all the tests of the war and proved its viabilit}^; thirdly, the victory of the U.S.S.R. signifies that the Soviet armed forces, the Soviet Army, was victoi*! ous, the Soviet Anny which had heroically withstood all the hard ships of the war and had routed most powerful enemies. The socialist system which arose out of the October Revolution lent mtr people and our Red Ai*my groat and invincible strength. The victory of Socialism in the U.S.S.R., the successful executicn of the tlu'ee Five-Year Plans for the development of our national economy, made it possible to prepare the countiy for active dcfonco even amidst the extremely unfavourable conditions created by the enemy's perfidious and unexpected attack. The victory of the policy of industrializing the cciintry and of collectivizing agriculture citi ated the material possibilities for organizing the defence.

Amidst the unprecedented difficulties created by the Patriotic War the Soviet multi-national state proved to be strong and invin* eible. Being a model of what a multi-national state should be, and built on the basis of Socialism, the Soviet Union draws strength fiom the indestructible friendship that exists among the peoples of our coun try. Ukrainians and Byelorussians, G.^oj-gians and Armenians, Uz beks and Turkmenians — 'll! the peojiles of the boundless Land of Soviets, led by the great Russian people — fouglit heroically on the different fronts during lhv:i Great Patriotic War. The glorious roll of Heroes of the Soviet Union contains tlie names of Soviet patriots of the most diverse nationalities. The Russian airman, thrice Hero of the Soviet Union, Alexander Pokryslikin, the Ukrainian partisan Sidor Kovi)ak, the Byelorussian partisan Sosnovsky, the Kazakh Tulegen Tokhtarov, the Georgian Mikhail Takhokidzo, the Latvian Janis Wilhelms, the Estonian Meri and the Jew Gorelik are bub a few of the names of the long list of men and women who today are the pride of the peoples of the Soviet Union. Valiant reprosentiitives of all the peoples of the U.S.S.R. fearlessly rushed into battle with the cry: "For our Motherland For Stalin!"

Under the leadership of the Bolshevik Party headed by the great est leaders of manl^ind, Lenin and Stalin, the Soviet State, that prod uct of the age-long struggle of the great Russian peojilo, converted our country into an impregnable fortress. ^

The greatest source of the Soviet Union's strength is the leading and directing role played by the Bolshevik Party among the masses of the people. During the Patriotic War, the Bolshevik Party was the inspirer and organizer of the nation-wide struggle againstj>he fascist invaders; and it was as a result of the organizing activities of the Parly that all the efforts of the Soviet people were united and directed to wards the common goal.

The Great Patriotic War revealed the mighty strength of Soviet patriotism, which is linkedwiththe entire glorious past of the peoples of our country. The splendid qualities and fighting traditions of tJjo Soviet people found expression in the mass heroism which they dis played at the front and in the rear in defending the honour, freedom and independence of their Soviet Motherland. Many of the names of Soviet lioroes have iiO'w* become legendary. Such, for example, is the immortal name of Captain Gastello, who in the first days of the war sent his burning aeroplane hurtling down upon an enemy supply column; suoli is the name of Hero of the Soviet Union, Guardsman Alexander Matrosov, who with his body blocked the embrasure of a pillbox, the continuous firing from which was hindering the advance of attacking Soviet Army forces; such are the names of the twenty eight guardsmen of Panfilov's Division, who gave their last drop of blood in defence of their positions near Moscow; such are the names of the sixteen guardsmen who at the cost of their lives repulsed the fierce attack of twelve eujiny tanks at a decisive moment in the enemy's offmsive at Stalingrad. The entire Soviet people reveres the memory of Heroes of the Soviet Union, members of the Young Communist L3ague, Zoya Kosmodemyanskaya, Liza Chaikina, Sasha Chekalin and Victor Talalikhin, of the girl snipers Natasha Kovshova and Maria Polivanova, of the young Krasnodoii heroes headed by Oleg Koshe voi, and of many others like them.

The victory of the Soviet armed forces was also ensured by the Soviet military art and the wi.so strategy of Stalin. Generalissimo of tho Soviet Union, Comrade Stalin, trained splendid Generals of a now t>T^)e like Zhukov, Konev, Vasilycvsk}^ Toibuldiin, Govorov, Vatutin, Antonov and otliers, who proved themselves outstanding front commanders and everywhere successfully applied the Stalinist sciioiico and art of war in all their strength and might.

Lastly, tho Soviet Army was victorious because the organizer and iuspircr of its liberating struggle was tho loader of the i>ooples, tho greatest of strategists and generals, Comrade Stalin. It was with thc^ name of Stalin on their lips tliat tho Soviet peo]ple went into battle, and with it tliey emerged victorious.

The Five-Year Plan for the Restoration and Development of the National Economy of the U.S.S.R.

The historic victories which the Soviet people achieved in the Great Patriotic War enabled the U.S.S.ll* to pass back to peacetime socialist construction. On Feb ruary 10, 1946, the Soviet people, with splendid unanimity, elected now Deputies to tho Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. which was to pass measures to promobe tho immense task of post-war restoration. The people's first candidate, Comrade Stalin, in the historic speech he delivered on February 9, 1J46 at a meeting of voters in the Stalin District of Moscow, revealed to the Soviet peoi>le wide prospects of fixrfchor (lovelojmKmt of tho Land of Socialism, of a tremendous ad vance in tho oGimomio aii<l cultural development of our country, of the eonsolidalion of tho ocononiic and military might of the Soviet State and of an increase in the well-being of tho masses of the people.

Stalin's vitnvs on tho post-war restoration and further develop ment of tho Soviet State wore embodied in a new Five-Year Plan which tho First Session of the Supremo Soviet of the U.S.S.R., Second Convocation, passed as a law entitled The Five-Year Plan for the Hiosto. ration and Development of t lie National Economy for 104G-1950'

The U.S.S.U/s victory in the Patriotic War was achieved at the cost of iinmctiso sacrifice. The German invaders caused our country untold damage. The Supreme Soviet therefore gave priority to the task of restoring the devastated regions and of raising industry and agriculture to the pre-war bvol. Aftei* that the ])ro-war level is to Ue exceeded to a considerable degrc-(^ This means giving first place to restoring and further developing the heavy industry and the' railways, a further increase in the outimt of agriculture and of the industries wdiich produce consumers' goods, the creation in the country of an abundance of the prinoij)al consumers' goods, and a general improve ment in the material welfare of the peoples of the U.S.S.R.

To ensure the powerful development of tlie national economy of the U.S.S.R. the new Five-Year Plan provides for further techni cal progress in all branches of the national economy; this will ensure higher productivity of labour.

The new Five-Year Plan also calls for the exertion of the efiorts of i'ho entire Soviet ])ooplo to carry out the main economic task of the U.S.S.R., namely, to overtake and outsfcri]) the princij)le capitalist countries economical ly .

Thus, the now Stalin plan opens for our Soc/ialist Motherland the great prospect of completing the building of Socialism and of the gradual transition from Socialism to Communism, Under the leader ship of the Party of Lanin and Stalin, the Soviet iieople will carrj?' out this historic task and usher in a new ora in wwld history.