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by Comrade Kiwi
Published: 2025-11-15 (last update: 2025-11-20)
5-15 minutes

What is the morality of the communist? What are our ethics? On what basis? The morality adequate to our struggle is not the morality of the ruling class dressed as universal ethics but the morality born from the recognition that our liberation requires their expropriation, that our humanity requires the negation of their inhumanity, that our flourishing requires the transformation of the system that produces our immiseration.

Death upon struggle through struggle

I. The question of morality

What morality do you speak of? What morality do you seek?

The liberal extends his hand and speaks of universal human values, of dignity inherent to all, of rights transcending material conditions. He speaks as if morality descended from heaven, eternal and unchanging, waiting to be discovered by enlightened minds.

This is mystification. This is the morality of those who crush speaking the language of those who are crushed.

The morality of the proletariat is not detached but concrete. It is not discovered but forged. It is not eternal but historical. It emerges not from contemplation but from struggle, from the realization that the struggle is not imaginary but material, not philosophical but visceral, not distant but immediate.

Our morality is born in the factory where the worker's body is ground to produce surplus value. Our morality is born in the slum where children die of preventable disease because medicine serves profit, not need. Our morality is born in the field where the farmer hangs himself because debt compounds while grain rots in warehouses.

This is not sentiment. This is material reality demanding response. The morality that emerges from this reality is not universal brotherhood but class war. Not an abstract notion of humanity but concrete humanity as it exists within objective reality.

II. The mystification of humanity

You appeal to humanity. You say: all humans are one, all deserve dignity, all are brothers.

But which humanity? The humanity of the ruling class, standing outside history, outside class, outside the brutal material relations that structure every moment of existence? This humanity does not exist. It is phantom, an enemy construct deployed precisely to obscure the reality that humanity is fractured, divided, set against itself by the mode of production that constitutes it.

Are you one with Ambani, whose wealth accumulates while workers starve? Are you one with Adani, whose ports and power plants displace tribals and destroy ecosystems? Are you one with Tata, whose steel mills and automobile factories extract surplus from your labor, whose mansions rise on your exploitation?

No. You. Are. Not.

To them, you are not human in the same sense they are human. You are resource, instrument, means to accumulation. Your suffering is externality, your death is statistic, your resistance is disruption to be managed or crushed.

The gaze of the oppressor looks down. It sees not equals but lesser beings whose natural position is subordination. The Brahmin looks at the Dalit and sees pollution. The capitalist looks at the worker and sees cost. The imperialist looks at the colonized and sees primitive accumulation waiting to happen.

This is not mere prejudice to be overcome through education. This is not individual failing to be corrected through moral improvement. This is structural necessity produced by material relations of domination.

When capital requires exploitation, it produces ideology that justifies exploitation. When caste requires hierarchy, it produces ideology that naturalizes hierarchy. When imperialism requires subjugation, it produces ideology that rationalizes subjugation.

To appeal to abstract humanity while these structures persist is not moral but mystification. It hides the material base of oppression behind the veil of universal values. It substitutes the concrete demand for liberation with the abstract hope for recognition.

III. The concrete against the detached

Our struggle is not fictional. The social murder of our people is concrete. The death of a child because sustaining life does not serve capital is concrete. The starvation of a family because subsistence wages ensure maximum extraction is concrete. The annihilation of every livable condition while productive capacity has never been higher is concrete.

What do you tell the worker whose lungs fill with silica dust in the mine? That all humanity is one? What do you tell the mother whose child dies because the hospital demands payment she cannot provide? That human dignity is universal? What do you tell the farmer drowning in debt while his harvest is purchased below cost of production? That we are all brothers?

These are not answers. These are evasions. These are the comfortable ruling class notions of those whose material conditions allow them the luxury of detachment and mystification.

The worker does not need to be told about universal humanity. The worker needs the means of subsistence guaranteed, the exploitation ended, the structures that produce his misery overthrown.

The morality of struggle recognizes this. It refuses disembodiment because disembodiment serves those who benefit from obscuring material reality. It refuses universalism because universalism erases the particularity of oppression and the necessity of particular struggle.

Our morality is partisan. It takes sides. It recognizes comrades and enemies not in the liberal sense of difference of opinion but in the material sense of opposing class interests. The worker and the capitalist do not have competing values requiring dialogue. They have antagonistic material interests requiring struggle.

IV. The task of the communist

The task of the communist is simple in formulation, infinite in implication: to annihilate the gaze of superiority by annihilating the material base that produces it.

Not to convince the Brahmin that Dalits are human. But to destroy the caste system that produces the Brahmin's privilege and the Dalit's oppression.

Not to teach the capitalist to treat workers fairly. But to expropriate the capitalist's property and socialize the means of production.

Not to appeal to the imperialist's better nature. But to break the chains of imperialist extraction and build independent development.

The oppressor shows you no mercy. He crushes you and calls it development. He extracts surplus value and calls it opportunity. He displaces you from your land and calls it progress. He shatters your social structures and calls it modernization.

And you would show him kindness? You would appeal to his humanity? You would extend moral regard to a rock, to a force of nature, to a system that operates by its own logic of accumulation regardless of human cost?

This is not morality but masochism. This is not ethics but capitulation dressed in the language of universal love.

The morality of the communist recognizes that liberation requires not conversion but conquest. Not of individual capitalists' hearts but of the capitalist mode of production itself. Not of individual oppressors' minds but of the structures that produce oppression.

V. The morality of liberation

Let our morality be the morality of struggle. Let it be tested not in intellectual philosophical debate but in material transformation of wretched conditions. Let it be measured not by how closely it approaches eternal values but by how effectively it advances liberation.

The morality that says "do not resist violently" serves the oppressor, who reserves violence for himself as monopoly. The morality that says "all sides have valid concerns" serves the ruling class, whose concern is continued domination. The morality that says "change must be gradual" serves those who benefit from present arrangements while those who suffer are told to wait.

We reject this ruling class morality. Not because we are immoral but because we recognize morality as historically conditioned, class-determined, and materially grounded. The morality adequate to our struggle is not the morality of the ruling class dressed as universal ethics but the morality born from the recognition that our liberation requires their expropriation, that our humanity requires the negation of their inhumanity, that our flourishing requires the transformation of the system that produces our immiseration. This is the morality of the march of history grounded by objective reality's transformation.

This is not cruelty but clarity. This is not barbarism but recognition that the barbarism is present, operating, crushing lives daily in the name of development, progress, and natural law.

Let our morality be the morality of the concrete: the concrete suffering demanding concrete response. Let it be the morality of the wretched of the earth becoming its stewards, taking what was stolen, building what was destroyed, liberating what was bound.

VI. The revolutionary stance

When the liberal asks "do you not believe in human rights?" we answer: we believe in the right of the worker to the full product of his labor. We believe in the right of the peasant to the land he works. We believe in the right of the oppressed to expropriate the oppressor. These are the rights that are fundamental, for they are the material conditions of all other rights.

When the moralist asks "do you not believe in non-violence?" we answer: we believe in ending the violence of starvation, of preventable disease, of social murder. We believe in ending the structural violence that kills more surely than any revolutionary's gun. If you call this violence, then we are violent. If you call justice for the oppressed extremism, then we are extremist. We will not apologize for demanding what is ours by right of having produced it.

When the humanist asks "do you not believe in the brotherhood of man?" we answer: we believe in the solidarity of the exploited. We believe in the unity of the working class across artificial divisions. We believe in international proletarian solidarity against international capital. But we do not believe in brotherhood with those who profit from our exploitation. Oppressor and oppressed are not brothers. They are enemies in class war that the oppressor pretends does not exist.

Our morality, then, is this: we side with life against the forces of death. We side with the producers against the parasites. We side with the oppresssed against the oppressor. We side with the future against the present arrangement that strangles it. We side with liberation against all that impedes it.

This is not relativism. This is not nihilism. This is recognition that morality adequate to revolutionary transformation cannot be the morality that rationalizes what must be transformed. It must be born from struggle, tested in practice, measured by its contribution to liberation.

VII. Death upon struggle through struggle

The ruling class offers you this morality: love your enemy, wait for justice, trust the process, respect the law, believe in gradual reform. Every one of these demands serves their interest. Every one asks you to wait while they accumulate. Every one asks you to be patient while children go hungry. Every one asks you to be peaceful while structural violence grinds you down.

The communists posits something else: the morality of struggle. The morality that recognizes your enemy and names him. The morality that demands what is yours and takes it. The morality that builds in the process of fighting, that transforms in the process of destroying, that creates the new world in the shell of the old.

This morality says: organize where you are. Fight where you stand. Link your immediate material interests to the long-term interest of the working class. Recognize that your liberation and the capitalist's loss are not separate questions but one question with one answer: the overthrow of the system that produces both.

This morality says: you owe nothing to those who crush you. Your debt is to those who struggle alongside you. Your obligation is to the future we will build when we have seized what we produced and organize it for human need rather than capital accumulation.

Let our morality be this: from each according to their ability, to each according to their need.

Let our ethics be this: seize the means of production.

Let our politics be this: smash the bourgeois state and build the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Let our practice be this: organize, agitate, educate, mobilize, revolt.

Death upon struggle through struggle. End the class war by winning it. Annihilate exploitation by annihilating the exploiter's economic power. Transform the wretched of the earth into its stewards not through appeal to the mercy of our oppressors but through organized collective force that makes our oppression impossible.

This is communist morality. This is proletarian ethics. This is the only morality adequate to our task: the liberation of humanity from class society, from exploitation, from alienation, from all the chains that capital has forged.

The choice is simple: ruling class morality that rationalizes what is, or concrete morality that fights for what must be. The morality of the bourgeoisie, or the morality of the proletariat. The morality that asks us to wait, or the morality that demands we seize.

We choose the morality of liberation. We choose the morality of struggle. We choose the morality of the wretched becoming the stewards of the earth they made with their labor and will remake with their victory.

Today we are nothing, tomorrow we will be everything!