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{{Library work|title=Ancient Civilisations of East and West|author=Grigory Bongard-Levin, Boris Piotrovsky|translated by=Sergei Syrovatkin|original language=Russian|publisher=Progress Publishers|published_date=1988|published_location=Moscow|type=Book|source=https://archive.org/details/ancientciveastwest/mode/1up}} | {{Library work|title=Ancient Civilisations of East and West|author=Grigory Bongard-Levin, Boris Piotrovsky|translated by=Sergei Syrovatkin|original language=Russian|publisher=Progress Publishers|published_date=1988|published_location=Moscow|type=Book|source=https://archive.org/details/ancientciveastwest/mode/1up}} | ||
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ABOUT BLOG PROJECTS HELP DONATE CONTACT JOBS VOLUNTEER PEOPLE | |||
Full text of "Ancient Civilisations of East and West" | |||
See other formats | |||
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CONTRIBUTORS: | |||
Boris Piotrovsky | |||
Grigory Bongard-Levin | |||
Mohammed Dandamayev | |||
Gennady Koshelenko | |||
Ludmila Marinovich | |||
Vadim Masson | |||
Alexandra Pavlovskaya | |||
Dmitry Rayevsky | |||
Tatiana Stepugina | |||
Yelena Shtaerman | |||
Contributors | |||
G. Bongard-Levin | |||
M. Dandamayev | |||
G. Koshelenko | |||
L. Marinovich | |||
V. Masson | |||
A. Pavlovskaya | |||
B. Piotrovsky | |||
D. Rayevsky | |||
Ye. Shtaerman | |||
T. Stepugina | |||
Ancient | |||
Civilisations | |||
of East and West | |||
Edited by Academician Boris Piotrovsky | |||
and Grigory Bongard-Levin, | |||
Corresponding Member, | |||
USSR Academy of Sciences | |||
Progress Publishers | |||
Moscow | |||
Translated from the Russian by Sergei Syrovatkin | |||
Designed by Alexander Smirnov | |||
4PEBHJ1E UHBHAH3AUMH BOCTOKA II 3AIIA4A | |||
Ha awnuiicKOM HP.me | |||
© Progress Publishers 1988 | |||
Printed in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics | |||
A 050301 0000 522 22 | |||
014(01)—88 | |||
ISBN 5-01-001823-3 | |||
Contents | |||
Preface | |||
~ 1 ~ | |||
Introduction | |||
~9 | |||
_ Part I _ | |||
The Primitive Epoch | |||
19 | |||
Part II | |||
Ancient Civilisations of the East | |||
Chapter 1. Ancient Egypt: History and Culture | |||
Chapter 2. The Ancient States of Mesopotamia | |||
Chapter 3. Asia Minor in Ancient Times | |||
Chapter 4. The Ancient States of Syria, Phoenicia, | |||
Palestine, and the Arabian Peninsula | |||
40 | |||
Chapter 5. Transcaucasia in Antiquity | |||
Chapter 6. Scythians and Their Culture | |||
Chapter 7. The Civilisation of Ancient Iran | |||
Chapter 8. Western Central Asia in Antiquity | |||
Chapter 9. The Old Indian Civilisation | |||
Chapter 10. Ancient China: History and Culture | |||
40 | |||
52 | |||
79 | |||
89 | |||
102 | |||
113 | |||
137 | |||
147 | |||
172 | |||
Part III | |||
The Graeco-Roman World | |||
196 | |||
Chapter 11. Early Greece 196 | |||
Chapter 12. Archaic Greece 203 | |||
Chapter 13. Classical Greece 213 | |||
Chapter 14. The Epoch of Hellenism 236 | |||
Chapter 15. From the Origin of Rome to the Unification | |||
of Italy 267 | |||
Chapter 16. The Rise of the Roman Empire. The Crisis | |||
of the Republic 281 | |||
Chapter 17. The Roman Empire 307 | |||
Afterword | |||
332 | |||
Name Index | |||
337 | |||
Preface | |||
In these days, when the problem of maintaining | |||
peace and preserving the cultural values accumu¬ | |||
lated by humankind is particularly acute, and a | |||
frank and fruitful dialogue between East and West is | |||
particularly necessary, the question of the people’s | |||
cultural heritage and the assessment of the contribu¬ | |||
tion of the ancient civilisations of East and West to | |||
world culture assume a great scientific and socio¬ | |||
political significance. | |||
The present work, written by leading Soviet spe¬ | |||
cialists in Occidental and Oriental antiquity, is in¬ | |||
tended to outline the principal stages in the histori- | |||
co-cultural development of the ancient societies of | |||
East and West. | |||
Consideration of the ancient cultures of East and | |||
West, within a single framework reflects the objective | |||
unity of the historical process, revealing a lack of | |||
true historicity in theories with a European or | |||
Oriental bias. | |||
In recent years, fresh and extremely valuable | |||
materials have become available which enable us to | |||
read those chapters of mankind’s historical chronicle | |||
which have so far appeared mysterious. Old con¬ | |||
cepts and well-established views are revised, new | |||
methods of historical analysis are worked out, and J | |||
studies of interdisciplinary nature gain ground. 1 | |||
7 | |||
Soviet scholars have achieved, especially in the | |||
last two decades, considerable successes in the study | |||
of ancient civilisations. | |||
One should first of all mention the discovery of | |||
previously unknown, strikingly original cultures in | |||
Central Asia and the Caucasus. Important scientific | |||
results have also been obtained by joint expeditions | |||
of Soviet archaeologists and those of Mongolia, Afg¬ | |||
hanistan, Iraq, and Yemen. Joint research projects | |||
of Soviet and Indian scholars have also been ex¬ | |||
tremely fruitful. | |||
The foundations of many achievements in mater¬ | |||
ial and nonmaterial culture, which made an impact | |||
on the subsequent development of world civilisation, | |||
were laid in antiquity. Cereals were cultivated, ani¬ | |||
mals domesticated, and metals smelted; writing, and | |||
verbal and other arts emerged; cities were built; and | |||
classes and the state came into being. The achieve¬ | |||
ments of Graeco-Roman and Oriental culture | |||
became part of the treasure-house of human | |||
civilisation. | |||
In recent years, the great role of the ancient cul¬ | |||
tures of Africa and South America in the overall | |||
development of human civilisation has become in¬ | |||
creasingly apparent. Unfortunately, there are very | |||
few monuments, especially written monuments, of | |||
these remote epochs, which explains the absence of | |||
special chapters on the cultures of these regions in | |||
the present work. | |||
It is to be hoped that the publication of this book | |||
in English, with its sumptuous illustrations (mostly | |||
of monuments from the museums of the USSR), will | |||
be of interest to readers of many countries of the | |||
world and will help Soviet historians to consolidate | |||
their international links. Imbued with the ideas of | |||
humanism and the spirit of profound respect for all | |||
the peoples of the world, presenting the development | |||
of world history in an objective manner and reject¬ | |||
ing unscientific, biased and chauvinistic tendencies, | |||
it will undoubtedly serve the noble goals of streng¬ | |||
thening peace and social progress and bringing the | |||
peoples of the world closer together. | |||
Academician Sergei Tikhvinsky, | |||
Chairman of the USSR National | |||
Committee of Historians | |||
Introduction | |||
Modern historical science, just as many other areas | |||
of knowledge, is developing at a very fast rate. Cer¬ | |||
tain problems have to be reinterpreted in a new | |||
light, and numerous facts which have seemed to be | |||
firmly established now need to be verified. The his¬ | |||
tory of antiquity is a case in point. New archaeologi¬ | |||
cal discoveries and the finding of hitherto unknown | |||
written monuments are changing existing notions of | |||
the history of ancient societies of East and West, pro¬ | |||
moting a better understanding of the political, social | |||
and cultural development of these ancient fountain¬ | |||
heads of human civilisation. | |||
Premises have thus emerged for alternative | |||
approaches to the history of ancient civilisations of | |||
East and West. The present book, written by leading | |||
Soviet specialists in history, archaeology and cultur¬ | |||
ology working at the USSR Academy of Sciences, | |||
takes precisely such an approach. | |||
In doing so, the authors endeavoured to cover an | |||
immense historical period from the origin of man¬ | |||
kind to the epoch of feudalism. | |||
The first part of the book deals with the history of | |||
primitive society. That is the longest of all historical | |||
periods, stretching from the origin of man to the dec¬ | |||
line of primitive communal relations and the emer¬ | |||
gence of class society and the state. The discoveries | |||
of the last few decades in East Africa have pushed | |||
the sources of human civilisation far into antiqui¬ | |||
ty^ by several millions of years, according to the | |||
modern view. The rise of man from the animal | |||
world and the emergence of human society is a most | |||
complex process, in which labour played the decisive J | |||
role. Engels’s remarkable proposition, “Labour f- | |||
made man”, is much better substantiated now, after 1 | |||
many decades of studies by scholars in the most | |||
diverse fields, than it was at the time of its | |||
formulation. | |||
In the early stages of the development of the pri¬ | |||
mitive communal system, defined as the Old Stone | |||
Age, or the Palaeolithic, man used the most primi¬ | |||
tive tools, which were gradually improved in the | |||
struggle against the harsh environment. The New | |||
Stone Age, referred to as the Neolithic Revolution | |||
by some researchers, was a most significant stage in | |||
the evolution of primitive society. It involved the | |||
transition from the foraging, hunung and fishing | |||
economies, to the productive economy, marked by | |||
land cultivation, stock-breeding, and the crafts. For | |||
the first time in history, human communities were | |||
able to produce and store foodstuffs necessary for | |||
subsistence over long periods and could thus settle | |||
down for long stretches of time in one place, ultima¬ | |||
tely building permanent settlements. Considerable | |||
surplus product enabled some individuals in a group | |||
to concentrate on activities other than food produc¬ | |||
tion. As production developed, the social structure | |||
and the system of society control grew in complexity. | |||
These processes led to a most important landmark in | |||
the history of mankind, the emergence of private | |||
property and the state. | |||
The first antagonistic social formation and the | |||
state were brought about, above all, by socioeco¬ | |||
nomic factors, namely, a regularly obtained surplus | |||
product and the possibility of its redistribution. | |||
The former was ensured by the mode of econo¬ | |||
mic activity existing at the time, with irrigation in | |||
arid areas proving particularly effective. | |||
Simultaneously, society evolved a complex of | |||
remarkable cultural phenomena known in their | |||
totality as civilisation. Intrinsically, the first civilisa¬ | |||
tions were marked by the emergence of early class | |||
society and the state, while their most striking exter¬ | |||
nal features were writing, city centres and monu¬ | |||
mental architecture. | |||
The process of class formation was deeply rooted | |||
in the primitive communal structure; in its earliest | |||
stages, that process assumed a latent form, as it were. | |||
In the context of changing social relations, aliena¬ | |||
tion of the surplus product often retained the tradi¬ | |||
tional external forms of the primitive communal | |||
mode of life. Thus, relying on ancient custom, chiefs | |||
made the brothers of their numerous wives give up | |||
part of their crops and till their land. This rule was | |||
gradually extended to all the the tribesmen of the | |||
chiefs wives. Later, communal lands were seized | |||
directly. The social structure of primitive communal | |||
society in the latter stages of its development already | |||
presented a rather complex picture. There was a | |||
whole series of social groups here essentially differing | |||
in their economic and social status. The supreme | |||
chiefs clan (the “royal clan”) formed the apex of the | |||
social pyramid, with the next rung of the ladder | |||
occupied by a number of “noble clans”. | |||
This was, in fact, a forerunner of the class struc¬ | |||
ture of society, new in content though traditional in | |||
form. Gradual adaptation of traditional customs to | |||
the new situation developed into direct exploitation, | |||
of which the initial forms were the exploitation of tri¬ | |||
butaries and slaves. The paying of tribute, which | |||
was a form of subordination of one ethnic group to | |||
another, developed with the growth of inter-tribal | |||
conflicts. The archaic legal forms within which ini¬ | |||
tial exploitation took place underwent a gradual | |||
transformation as a result of which the slave became | |||
the main object of exploitation. | |||
The starting point of slave-owning proper was the | |||
exploitation of prisoners of war treated as junior | |||
household members. As production and socioecono¬ | |||
mic relations grew in complexity, enslavement of in¬ | |||
solvent debtors gradually became normal. A charac¬ | |||
teristic feature of early historical development | |||
leading to the formation of civilisation, mankind’s | |||
outstanding achievement, was the rise of class anta¬ | |||
gonisms and concentration of enormous wealth in | |||
the hands of certain social strata and even indivi¬ | |||
duals. | |||
As classes evolved, power was increasingly institu¬ | |||
tionalised and segregated. Gradually, the chief | |||
monopolised the right of product distribution, his | |||
power thus being extended to cover economic func¬ | |||
tions. The segregation of power was accompanied by | |||
and culminated in the formation of the state. | |||
Traditional ideological forms were also adapted to | |||
the new social structure. Of the greatest significance | |||
was the assertion of the cult of chieftain or king, | |||
which was made the basis of the new power that had | |||
established itself in society the state. This process | |||
began at the later stages of primitive society; the | |||
position and functions of the chieftain became | |||
sacred, specific attributes of his power appeared, and | |||
his cult in this and the afterlife developed. | |||
At the same time, these processes (and this should | |||
be constantly borne in mind) were merely a general | |||
tendency, the main line in the development of | |||
ancient societies. The evolution of each individual | |||
society could be complicated and contradictory, | |||
since uneven development is a most characteristic | |||
feature of the historical process, marked by interrup¬ | |||
tions and even regressions in the overall progressive | |||
movement. The present volume mainly deals with | |||
the history of the ancient civilisations of the Old | |||
World from the emergence of the first states to the | |||
downfall of the Roman Empire in the 5th century | |||
A.D., generally recognised as the boundary between | |||
antiquity and the Middle Ages. This period, the | |||
longest in mankind’s history, is traditionally divided | |||
into the history of the ancient East, and the history | |||
of ancient Greece and Rome. | |||
The history of ancient civilisations is one of com¬ | |||
plex interaction between the first state structures. | |||
Emerging through spontaneous internal develop¬ | |||
ment, the first states later made an increasing impact | |||
on the surrounding peoples living under the primi¬ | |||
tive communal structure. The combined effect of the | |||
two factors-of inner development and the influence | |||
of the more developed societies-accelerated the | |||
transition of many peoples to class society. The | |||
ancient civilisations traversed the path from the first | |||
fountainheads in the valleys of the Nile, the Tigris, | |||
the Euphrates, the Hindus, and the Hwang Ho to an | |||
enormous belt stretching from the Atlantic to the | |||
Pacific. | |||
In the early stages, the East outstripped the West | |||
| in its economic and cultural development. It was | |||
§• precisely in the East that the earliest civilisations and | |||
1 the first states known to history emerged some five | |||
10 | |||
thousand years ago. Between the 6th and 3rd millen¬ | |||
nia B.C., the incessant toil of many generations of | |||
the fruitful valleys of the Nile, the Tigris, and the | |||
Euphrates brought into being the irrigation systems | |||
of Egypt and southern Mesopotamia. Somewhat | |||
later, such systems were built in India and China. | |||
This great victory of man over the forces of nature | |||
permitted rapid development of the economy. Man | |||
proceeded from food-gathering and hunting to in¬ | |||
tensive land cultivation, achieving more or less | |||
stable crops of cereals. Stone tools were replaced by | |||
the more effective labour implements made of cop¬ | |||
per and later of bronze and iron. As a result, large- | |||
scale land cultivation and forest clearing became | |||
possible. Simultaneously, stock-breeding on the basis | |||
of a settled way of life developed. A surplus of agri¬ | |||
cultural products enabled a certain portion of the | |||
population to engage in the crafts. Another great | |||
division of labour thus took place, namely, the sepa¬ | |||
ration of the crafts from agriculture. | |||
As a result of intense development of productive | |||
forces, labour began to yield a surplus product in | |||
excess of what was necessary for the producers’ sub¬ | |||
sistence. Instead of physical labour, some individuals | |||
could now concentrate on organising production | |||
and on managerial functions in large-scale economic | |||
units then arising. For the first time in the long his¬ | |||
tory of human society, the employment of other peo¬ | |||
ple’s labour in production became possible and pro¬ | |||
fitable, which led to the emergence of slave-owning. | |||
Originally, slaves were former prisoners of war, but | |||
as relations within the clan decayed, the degradation | |||
of formerly full-fledged members of society, impov¬ | |||
erished due to crop failure, natural disaster or other | |||
causes, ended in their enslavement for their debts. | |||
Thus, side by side with slaves, still more numerous | |||
groups of formally free individuals appeared who, | |||
having lost their land, had to work for the king or | |||
the temple in return for subsistence rations. | |||
Slaves and similar socioeconomic groups were | |||
confronted by the ruling class which consisted of the | |||
king’s retinue, the higher military ranks, the higher | |||
priests, and the elders of agricultural communes. To | |||
keep slaves and other exploited groups of the popu¬ | |||
lation in subordination, the state apparatus of coer¬ | |||
cion was created. | |||
As Frederick Engels wrote, a situation arose when S' | |||
“only one thing was missing: ... an institution that I- | |||
would perpetuate, not only the newly-rising class | | |||
division of society, but also the right of the possessing | |||
class to exploit the non-possessing classes and the | |||
rule of the former over the latter. And this institution | |||
arrived. The state was invented.” 1 | |||
A characteristic feature of the ancient East was | |||
the great diversity of socioeconomic structures. Still, | |||
certain regular features can be discerned in this | |||
diversity. Thus in the 3rd and early 2nd millennia | |||
B. C. the king’s domain, or the state economy, | |||
figured prominently in the overall economic struc¬ | |||
ture in the Middle East. The state, personified by | |||
the king, was the owner of immense land property | |||
and artisans’ workshops. The labour force on royal | |||
estates primarily consisted of persons dependent on | |||
the state, whose status was intermediate between | |||
that of freemen and slaves. Unlike private estates, | |||
the royal domain almost never used slave labour in | |||
those times. In the 2nd and 1st millennia B. C., the | |||
leading role in the economy was played by private | |||
and temple estates, employing slave labour on a | |||
fairly wide scale. However, a most significant feature | |||
of the East was the important role played by the | |||
labour of free commoners and tenants throughout | |||
the ancient period. | |||
The numerous class of freemen which existed in | |||
the Orient endeavoured to defend its rights and pri¬ | |||
vileges in an organised way. Throughout the ancient | |||
history of Mesopotamia, the popular assembly of | |||
free citizens functioned as an organ of local self-gov¬ | |||
ernment, often competing with the king’s authority | |||
and attempting to restrict it. | |||
The situation was different in Egypt, where the | |||
state sector retained its positions for nearly two thou¬ | |||
sand years, the popular assembly was as good as | |||
nonexistent, and most of the population had no civil | |||
rights. Thus different types of social structure existed | |||
in different countries, ranging from democratic insti¬ | |||
tutions to despotic royal power. In one and the same | |||
country, too, the character of power and of the social | |||
structure often changed with time. | |||
Despite this diversity of types of state power and of | |||
socioeconomic order, certain unifying features are | |||
apparent in the historical development of ancient | |||
societies. The main such feature was the existence of | |||
the class of slave-owners in each ancient society vis- | |||
1 Frederick Engels, “The Origin of the Family, Private Pro¬ | |||
perty and the State’,’ in Selected Works in three volumes, Vol. 3, | |||
Progress Publishers, Moscow 1970, p. 275. | |||
a-vis the class of slaves possessing no means or imple¬ | |||
ments of production and owned by members of the | |||
former class, as well as of various semi-dependent | |||
strata whose socioeconomic position was not unlike | |||
that of slaves. | |||
Ancient societies also had broadly similar ideolo¬ | |||
gies, with certain prominent common traits. | |||
Religion dominated ancient ideology, inculcating | |||
in the minds of the people the need for worshipping | |||
the gods, observing certain moral norms and per¬ | |||
forming certain duties associated with the social | |||
status of the individuals. An important feature of | |||
ancient cults (before the emergence of the world reli¬ | |||
gions) was their tolerance towards the beliefs of | |||
other peoples. | |||
The development of socioeconomic relations in | |||
the ancient East was naturally accompanied by pro¬ | |||
gress in material and nonmaterial cultures. The | |||
principal cereals were cultivated for the first time in | |||
the ancient Orient; animals were also domesticated | |||
and metals brought into use here. All of this created | |||
a basis for further advances of human civilisation. | |||
Many achievements of the ancient Oriental peoples | |||
are still alive; numerous traditions of culture (litera¬ | |||
ture, the theatre, art, etc.) have survived from the | |||
epoch of antiquity to the present times, forming part | |||
of the world culture. Ancient systems of writing | |||
emerged in Egypt and Mesopotamia independently | |||
of each other as early as the 3rd millennium B. C. | |||
Owing to the continuity of the historical tradition, | |||
the great achievements of Babylonian mathematical | |||
astronomy, Egyptian medicine, and many other out¬ | |||
standing results of ancient Oriental science and art | |||
have been preserved. The study of the languages, | |||
writing systems, material culture, science, literature | |||
and art of the ancient Oriental peoples has consider¬ | |||
ably extended the cultural horizons of modern man. | |||
It should be noted that studies of the ancient Orient | |||
date from comparatively recent times, when Egyp¬ | |||
tian hieroglyphics and Sumero-Akkadian cuneiform | |||
writing were deciphered in the 19th century. This | |||
branch of science has been rapidly developing ever | |||
since. At present, it is firmly founded on an enor¬ | |||
mous number of written and material monuments. | |||
However, in these days, too, archaeological excava¬ | |||
tions yield thousands of new texts literally every | |||
year, extending our knowledge of ancient Oriental § | |||
civilisations. I | |||
There is a long solid tradition of the study of the I | |||
ancient East, its history and culture in the USSR. | |||
Investigation of the socioeconomic relations in the | |||
overall process of historical development has figured | |||
especially prominently in this tradition, but the cul¬ | |||
ture, literature, religion and art of the ancient | |||
Oriental peoples have also been studied quite thor¬ | |||
oughly. Such outstanding Russian and Soviet | |||
scholars as B. A. Turayev, V. S. Golenishchev, | |||
V. V. Struve, M. A. Korostovtsev, T. V. Gamkre- | |||
lidze and I. M. Dyakonov have made a great | |||
contribution to the study of the ancient Orient. The | |||
discoveries of Soviet archaeologists in the recent | |||
decades have inspired new interpretations for many | |||
aspects of the history of the ancient civilisations of | |||
Transcaucasia and Transcaspian Central Asia; the | |||
great role of the peoples of these regions in antiquity | |||
and the extent of their contribution to mankind’s | |||
total culture have been firmly established. | |||
Relying on Marxist-Leninist methodology, Soviet | |||
specialists in the ancient Orient inquire into the | |||
basic problems of the historical-cultural develop¬ | |||
ment of the Oriental peoples, analysing the forma¬ | |||
tion of the state, social structure, economic relations, | |||
ideology and culture. | |||
In our view, the study of the ancient East is not | |||
only of great scholarly significance: knowledge of the | |||
ancient Oriental culture is part and parcel of | |||
modern man’s general treasury of knowledge. | |||
Objective investigation of the ancient Oriental | |||
civilisations shows the unity of the world historical | |||
process, revealing the fallacy of the views, disse¬ | |||
minated by conservative and nationalistic scholars, | |||
concerning the absolute opposition of East and | |||
West, the specifically spiritual character of the | |||
ancient Oriental culture, the division of peoples into | |||
civilised and backward ones, etc. Attempts to | |||
modernise the ancient history of the East and the | |||
cultural heritage of its peoples appear just as un¬ | |||
scientific in the light of such objective inquiry. | |||
The countries of the Western ancient world | |||
emerged and developed under conditions somewhat | |||
different from those of the ancient Oriental states. | |||
First, unlike the early Oriental countries, they | |||
were not islands in the midst of an immense mass of | |||
primitive peoples. The world of antiquity emerged | |||
on the historical scene at a time when a massive | |||
enclave of highly civilised societies, capable of effec¬ | |||
tively opposing the primitive neighbours, had | |||
become consolidated. | |||
Second, while the first Oriental civilisations | |||
evolved almost independently, without any external | |||
influences, the peoples of the Western world, as | |||
latest research shows more and more clearly, were | |||
greatly indebted to the more ancient civilisations. | |||
The first class societies on the territory of Greece | |||
appeared at the end of the 3rd millennium B. C. In | |||
the 2nd millennium B. C., states emerged on Crete | |||
and in continental Greece which kept up close con¬ | |||
tacts with the more ancient civilisations of the East; | |||
the social structure of these societies was similar to | |||
that of the Near Eastern states. Owing to their | |||
extensive links with the entire Mediterranean area, | |||
the states of Crete and Mycenae made a great con¬ | |||
tribution to the development not only of Greece but | |||
also of Italy. Phoenicians, and after their decline, | |||
their successors, the Carthaginians, played an enor¬ | |||
mous role in those times. | |||
Third, the peoples of the Graeco-Roman world | |||
were already familiar with the production of iron, | |||
which they used to manufacture both weapons and | |||
labour tools. This facilitated a rapid development of | |||
productive forces and permitted the combination of | |||
surviving consanguineal and rural communities with | |||
the private economy of extended and, later, basic | |||
families. No strong centralised authority or ramified | |||
bureaucratic network, which in the East coor¬ | |||
dinated the joint efforts of rural communities in car¬ | |||
rying out labour-consuming projects in the absence | |||
of well-developed productive forces, were needed in | |||
the West. Here, royal power was replaced by aristoc¬ | |||
ratic republics at the very dawn of the Graeco-Ro¬ | |||
man world. | |||
Improvements in the implements of production | |||
and the development of navigation boosted the | |||
handicrafts, increasing the importance of internal | |||
and external exchange and finally resulting in the | |||
appearance of money as a universal equivalent. A | |||
considerable portion of the population was now | |||
engaged not only in agriculture and the crafts but | |||
also in commerce and later in financial operations. | |||
Rural settlements were united in cities, which | |||
became unifying centres for the neighbourhood | |||
landowners as well as for the crafts, commerce, and | |||
cults. During wars, they served as a refuge for the | |||
population of the environs. The emergence of such | |||
urban communities was one of the mainsprings for | |||
the further development of the antique world. | |||
As preclass society decayed, that development ini¬ | |||
tially went on along approximately the same lines as | |||
in the neighbouring tribes and peoples. Clan and tri¬ | |||
bal nobility evolved as a group producing most of | |||
the military leaders, priests, elders in the councils, | |||
and judges. This group possessed considerable mov¬ | |||
able properties and the common lands which its | |||
members had seized. On the other hand, an increas¬ | |||
ing number of rank-and-file tribesmen became im¬ | |||
poverished and dependent on the nobility, enslaved | |||
for their debts or obliged to give up most of their | |||
crops to the landowners from whom they leased their | |||
plots. On this basis, states of the ancient Oriental | |||
type might have later arisen, but that line of devel¬ | |||
opment was cut short by the struggle and victory of | |||
the people-the Greek demos and Roman plebs- | |||
over the tribal nobility. The fight was long and hard | |||
but it ended in the establishment, for the first time in | |||
the history of mankind, of democracy, which found | |||
its most consummate expression in Athens and, to a | |||
lesser extent, in Rome. This development is a most | |||
striking and graphic illustration of the role of the | |||
people’s masses in the historical process which in this | |||
case was directed along a path that was unique in | |||
the ancient world. | |||
Despite the class limitations of this type of democ¬ | |||
racy, it conditioned the formation of the civic com¬ | |||
munity which determined the antique world’s his¬ | |||
tory and culture. It was, first and foremost, a | |||
community of landowners whose land allotments | |||
might be large or small but whose rights to these | |||
allotments were equal. Apart from the private hold¬ | |||
ings, there were public lands belonging to the entire | |||
city community to be used at the latter’s discretion- | |||
cultivated on behalf of the whole community, set | |||
aside for raising public buildings on, leased, or | |||
divided into lots handed over to individual citizens. | |||
The community as a whole exercised supreme con¬ | |||
trol over its entire territory. | |||
The civic community provided the means of sub¬ | |||
sistence, at least in principle, to all its members in | |||
the first place by giving them land allotments, by | |||
setting the upper limit on holdings and distributing | |||
the excess among the have-nots or by conquering | |||
new lands and establishing colonies. Other, methods | |||
were also employed. The enslavement of a free | |||
citizen was forbidden and limitations were intro¬ | |||
duced on enslavement for debts, supported by legis¬ | |||
lative restrictions on usurious interest rates. Cor¬ | |||
poral punishment could not be inflicted on a citizen, | |||
and he could not be executed without the popular | |||
assembly’s sanction. His links with the civic com¬ | |||
munity and its organs of authority were direct and | |||
not mediated, as in other societies, by his member¬ | |||
ship in a rural community or personal links with an | |||
individual of a superior status in the social hier¬ | |||
archy. The popular assembly was the supreme | |||
organ. It approved laws, it was the highest court of | |||
appeal, and it decided the issues of war and peace. | |||
The need to provide the means of subsistence for | |||
each citizen (the propertied citizens in the first | |||
place) determined Greece’s colonial expansion and | |||
the exploitation of the less significant allies by the | |||
stronger polises, and in Rome, the endless wars for | |||
booty and lands on which colonies were also set up. | |||
Colonisation, both Greek and Roman, brought | |||
about the proliferation of civic communities which | |||
were, to some extent, replicas of the home cities; | |||
conditions were thus created for the spreading of the | |||
antique slave-owning mode of production and Grae¬ | |||
co-Roman culture over considerable territories | |||
adjoining the Black and the Mediterranean seas. | |||
The specific features of the social organisation | |||
mentioned above restricted the possibilities for | |||
exploiting fellow-citizens. The only practical source | |||
of labour for the gradually multiplying large estates | |||
and artisans’ workshops was exploitation of slaves | |||
who were completely and absolutely owned by their | |||
masters and had no legal rights at all, being outside | |||
all institutions of civic society. Greece, Rome, and | |||
other antique civic communides created after their | |||
model, were slave-owning communities par excellence'. | |||
although there were slaves in other societies of the | |||
ancient world as well, production in these societies | |||
could also proceed through exploitation of other | |||
categories of the population at various stages of de¬ | |||
pendence. As for the antique world in its classical | |||
period, no large estate or workshop could do without | |||
slave labour. | |||
The political and legal equality of citizens and | |||
complete lack of rights for the slaves determined a | |||
sharp differentiation and crystallisation of the con¬ | |||
cepts of slavery and freedom in the social ethics, un¬ | |||
known in other ancient societies with their extensive | |||
spectrum of states intermediate between slaves and | |||
freemen. Freedom became one of the fundamental | |||
concepts in the system of values of the antique civic | |||
community be it the freedom of the native city or of I | |||
an individual citizen. Freedom was perceived as the | |||
highest value. For the free man of the antique world, | |||
enslavement was a misfortune more terrible than | |||
death itself. The idea of freedom was closely linked | |||
with that of economic independence. A city was free | |||
when it paid no taxes to anyone and had no obliga¬ | |||
tions before anyone. A man was completely free | |||
when he worked on his own holding. A free citizen | |||
possessed a number of obligatory virtues which dis¬ | |||
tinguished him, in his view, from the slave. A citizen | |||
had to express his opinions freely, he had to be cour¬ | |||
ageous, hardy, reserved, true to his word, and con¬ | |||
scious of his duties to the gods, the ancestors, the | |||
family, and the native land. This opposition between | |||
“civic virtues” and “slavish vices” determined the | |||
ethics of the antique world, reflecting the profound | |||
class contradictions between slaves and their owners. | |||
Another important foundation of antique ethics | |||
was the concept of “the common good” inseparable | |||
from the good for each member of the civic collec¬ | |||
tive. A citizen of a free, strong and rich city was him¬ | |||
self free, rich, and respected everywhere. Con¬ | |||
versely, the richer and more dutiful the citizens, the | |||
more powerful and glorious their city. The ideology | |||
and culture of the antique world largely grew on this | |||
ethics. | |||
Although religion, observance of established rites, | |||
and various methods for divining the gods’ will and | |||
bringing one’s actions in accord with them played | |||
an immense role in the life of the civic community as | |||
a whole and that of the individual entities, clans, | |||
families, and persons, they were a binding principle | |||
rather than the source of morality. | |||
Before the crisis of all the institutions of antiquity | |||
set in, men did not expect either reward or punish¬ | |||
ment for their good or bad deeds either in this world | |||
or the next. The source of reward and punishment, | |||
respect and disgrace, was the judgement of fellow- | |||
citizens. Slavery and subjugation of other peoples | |||
were justified by religion on the grounds that men | |||
incapable of governing themselves and of making | |||
use of their freedom must obey others. | |||
Society was perceived as created by the people led | |||
by wise and farsighted leaders, not by gods; and as | |||
an organism where each free member was believed | |||
to perform his intended function for the good of the | |||
whole. That whole, in its turn, was part of a still | |||
greater unity, the cosmos, where gods, men, beasts, | |||
plants, lands, heavenly bodies, in short, everything | |||
that is, were interconnected and governed by a sin- | |||
gle law established by the gods for nature, and by | |||
men for the human communities. | |||
The desire to cognise the laws of both cosmos and | |||
society in order to teach men to obey them and to | |||
find unity and happiness in this obedience stimu¬ | |||
lated the development of the sciences of the natural | |||
world and of the social order. The sciences were in¬ | |||
terwoven with philosophy, the various philosophical | |||
schools assimilating the experiences accumulated by | |||
mathematics, astronomy, natural science, history, | |||
and ethnography. | |||
Non-religious ethics accorded with the absence of | |||
an obligatory religious dogma, which was in part | |||
explained by the secular nature of the state power | |||
represented by elected councillors and not by a king, | |||
and in part by the general incompatibility of an obli¬ | |||
gatory dogma with the right to free thought, which | |||
distinguished the citizen from the slave. Freedom | |||
from obligatory dogmas combined with lively politi¬ | |||
cal struggles between different political groupings | |||
whose representatives had to be skilful enough to | |||
persuade and win over the popular assembly, the | |||
council, the judges, developed the ability for logi¬ | |||
cally proving one’s views. Logic became the princi¬ | |||
pal method not only in rhetoric but also in philoso¬ | |||
phy and the sciences, to the detriment of the | |||
methods of observations and experiment. | |||
Apart from logic, the orator, the philosopher, and | |||
the politician had to master a certain amount of | |||
knowledge in various fields which guided him in his | |||
actions and speeches, providing convincing exam¬ | |||
ples for the latter. This was one of the factors in the | |||
general rise of education. Since, in antiquity, each | |||
citizen was at the same time a warrior, he built up | |||
his body from adolescence, practising various physi¬ | |||
cal exercises. To be able to participate in mass reli¬ | |||
gious rites, he had to study the art of music and sing¬ | |||
ing. All this shaped the famous ideal of a har¬ | |||
moniously developed individual who had equal | |||
mastery over his body and mind. The belief that it | |||
was men and not gods who created the society they | |||
lived in engendered a special interest in the human | |||
personality and human psychology. | |||
The antique world went through nearly fifteen | |||
hundred years of historical development in which | |||
many features of the classical period of efflorescence | |||
of the antique civic community were modified, grad¬ | |||
ually turning into their own opposites. Little by lit¬ | |||
tle, the Hellenistic kingdoms and the Roman | |||
Empire changed the psychology of the citizen to that | |||
of a subject. The more theocratic the power of Hel¬ | |||
lenistic kings, and later of Roman emperors, | |||
became, the greater was the role of religion, which | |||
rose in the hierarchy of values as a source of moral¬ | |||
ity, and the greater was the ideological pressure from | |||
above. | |||
Despite the class limitations of antique democ¬ | |||
racy, despite slavery and predatory wars, the an¬ | |||
tique civilisation bequeathed to the later gene¬ | |||
rations, along with other historical experiences, the | |||
ideas of the people’s sovereignty, of citizens’ freedom | |||
and equality, of each citizen’s right to guaranteed | |||
existence and his duty to serve the country, respect | |||
for justice, desire for free cognition of nature and | |||
society, and respect for the human individual and | |||
for art presenting man as he is, and as he can and | |||
must be. | |||
Hence the intransient interest for the antique | |||
world and its heritage. | |||
The antique civilisation developed in close con¬ | |||
tact with the surrounding world. In the 1st millen¬ | |||
nium B. C., after the gap of the so-called Dark Ages, | |||
links were resumed with the Orient, and antique col¬ | |||
onisation greatly increased the area of contacts with | |||
a great number of peoples inhabiting the Mediter¬ | |||
ranean and Black Sea coast. The originality of the | |||
antique civilisation is beyond doubt, but the in¬ | |||
fluences of the Oriental peoples on the formation of | |||
Western culture must not be underestimated. Thus, | |||
throughout the 1st millennium B. C., a remarkable | |||
situation prevailed on the Italian peninsula where | |||
intense interaction between the cultures of Latins, | |||
Etruscans and Greeks moulded the Roman civilisa¬ | |||
tion. | |||
Of fundamental significance was the Hellenistic | |||
epoch which brought into being extensive areas of | |||
interaction between the ancient local cultures and | |||
the culture of the invading Hellenes. The interaction | |||
and mutual influence of these civilisations were | |||
extremely fruitful, enriching the cultures of all the | |||
peoples of the Hellenistic world. | |||
Under the Roman Empire, the Mediterranean | |||
area went through a process of cultural unification | |||
combined with increasing Oriental influences, parti¬ | |||
cularly in ideology. In that period, cultural links | |||
^ with India and China were established. | |||
The downfall of the Graeco-Roman world led to a | |||
| considerable weakening of cultural links between | |||
15 | |||
the peoples of different regions. | |||
The decline of antique society was predetermined | |||
by class contradictions. The Roman Empire grew | |||
out of a system of civic communities united under | |||
Rome’s aegis. Gradually, the empire created its own | |||
ruling elite, its own system of coercive state control | |||
existing at the expense of the civic communities, and | |||
this sharply increased the rate of exploitation, first of | |||
slave labour and later of the labour of free citizens. | |||
The working people had to support the privileged | |||
strata and the entire enormous superstructure of the | |||
imperial state machine. As a result, free producers | |||
were reduced to a state of near slavery, while the | |||
position of slaves deteriorated in the extreme. This | |||
increased the resistance of the oppressed classes; to | |||
suppress it, the coercive apparatus had to be built | |||
up, and this in its turn demanded harsher exploi¬ | |||
tation to obtain the wherewithall. This vicious circle | |||
could not be broken under the existing social | |||
relations. | |||
This situation naturally led to a decrease in the | |||
share of surplus product and a regress in economic | |||
development. Attempts to overcome the crisis | |||
resulted in the emergence of feudal-type relations in | |||
the framework of the Roman empire, which further | |||
aggravated the economic and political decline of this | |||
last of the ancient civilisations, which finally col¬ | |||
lapsed, overrun by the “barbarians”. | |||
The Middle Ages rejected the cultural heritage of | |||
antiquity, and only in the epoch of the Renaissance | |||
did the interest for the history and culture of Greece | |||
and Rome emerge. Believing themselves to be the | |||
spiritual heirs of the antique world, the humanists of | |||
the Renaissance spent a great deal of time and effort | |||
collecting, studying and publishing the works of | |||
antique authors. The next stage in the study of the | |||
history of antiquity was linked with the work of the | |||
scholars of the Enlightenment, who characteristi¬ | |||
cally endeavoured to interpret antiquity as an ele¬ | |||
ment in the overall picture of the history of mankind | |||
rather than an accidental phenomenon of history. | |||
That line was continued by the progressive scholars | |||
of the first half of the 19th century. The greatest im¬ | |||
pact on the historical thinking of those times was | |||
made by the ideas of Hegel who saw history as a law- | |||
governed process going through a series of stages. In | |||
Hegel’s view, antiquity was the period of mankind’s | |||
beautiful youth (ancient Greece) and maturity | | |||
(Rome). | |||
The end of the 19th century and the beginning of | |||
the 20th were marked by a sharp increase in the in¬ | |||
terest for the economic and social history of anti¬ | |||
quity. It was at that time that two trends in the in¬ | |||
terpretation of antique society, the “primitivists” | |||
and the “modernists”, engaged in their largely fruit¬ | |||
ful controversy. | |||
Modern historiography of antiquity is character¬ | |||
ised, above all, by a profound interest for source | |||
studies. Sophisticated methods of source analysis, | |||
extensive use of the data of epigraphies and papy- | |||
rology, complementing available sources with | |||
numismatic and archaeological materials, with due | |||
consideration for their specificity, are the most char¬ | |||
acteristic features of the modern approach to the | |||
study of antiquity. Most modern researchers reject a | |||
priori schemes, subscribing to the theory of specifi¬ | |||
city of antique society interpreted as a unique and | |||
original phenomenon. | |||
Agrarian relations in Greece and Rome, critical | |||
periods and revolutionary movements in their his¬ | |||
tory, were subjects of the greatest interest to Russian | |||
scholars of the 19th and early 20th centuries. The in¬ | |||
terest for these themes was motivated by problems | |||
that were of the greatest concern for the public at the | |||
time. They were dealt with in the works of | |||
T. N. Granovsky, S. V. Yeshevsky, I. V. Netushil, | |||
R. Yu. Vipper, M. I. Rostovtzeff. The epigraphists | |||
F. F. Sokolov and V. V. Latyshev and the | |||
archaeologist B. V. Farmakovsky also made out¬ | |||
standing contributions to historical science. | |||
After the 1917 October Revolution, Soviet histori¬ | |||
ans continued the progressive traditions of Russian | |||
historiography. They also tackled new problems, un¬ | |||
dertaking in-depth studies of socioeconomic rela¬ | |||
tions, forms of exploitation, class struggle, the crisis | |||
of the polis, the nature of the transition from the | |||
republic to the empire in Rome, from the principate | |||
to the dominate, and from antique to feudal society, | |||
as well as the ideology, literature, art and material | |||
culture of various epochs, classes and social strata. A | |||
great contribution to the study of these problems was | |||
made by such Soviet scholars as S. A. Zhebelev, | |||
V. S. Sergeyev, A. V. Mishulin, N. A. Mashkin, | |||
S. L. Utchenko, A. I. Tyumenev, K. M. Kolo¬ | |||
bova, V. D. Blavatsky. Similar problems, with a | |||
special stress on the Roman provinces, are studied | |||
by specialists in antiquity from the other socialist | |||
countries. | |||
16 | |||
The works of Marx, Engels and Lenin provide the | |||
guidelines for the development of Soviet historiogra¬ | |||
phy. Marx and Engels were outstanding researchers | |||
and experts in antique, and in particular, Roman, | |||
history. In his Economic Manuscripts, and especially in | |||
the chapter on “The Forms Preceding Capitalist | |||
Production”, Marx described the nature of the an¬ | |||
tique urban community as a special type of com¬ | |||
munity that determined the main characteristic fea¬ | |||
tures of the antique world and its later evolution. In | |||
his other works Marx often turned to the economy of | |||
antique societies, showing their differences from the | |||
capitalist economy. Engels wrote such fundamental | |||
works, directly bearing on ancient history, as The | |||
Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State, Bruno | |||
Bauer und das Urchristentum, and fur Geschichte des | |||
Urchristentums. Marx and Engels’s general theoretical | |||
views concerning the unity of the historical process | |||
and the succession of socioeconomic formations, and | |||
their approach developed by Lenin, to the correla¬ | |||
tion and mutual influence of the socioeconomic basis | |||
and the political and ideological superstructure, pro¬ | |||
vide a basis for the research by scholars of the USSR | |||
and other socialist countries in the history of the | |||
ancient Orient and of Graeco-Roman antiquity. | |||
* * * | |||
The history of the ancient civilisations of East and | |||
West is part and parcel of world history, it is an im¬ | |||
portant and extremely interesting chapter in the | |||
chronicle of human civilisation. The study of this | |||
epoch is of great scientific value, as it helps to under¬ | |||
stand the basic laws of the historical process and to | |||
evaluate the contribution of the Oriental and Occi¬ | |||
dental peoples to world civilisation. | |||
But the study of the history of the ancient Orient | |||
and of antiquity is not of academic interest only. The | |||
knowledge of the cultural heritage of the peoples of | |||
that epoch is of intransient cognitive significance; | |||
their highest achievements in literature, art and phi¬ | |||
losophy are still part of the humanist moral and | |||
esthetic education and of the spiritual values of the | |||
present epoch. They serve as a source of inspiration | |||
for contemporary artists, who study their craftsman¬ | |||
ship and delight in the true masterpieces of the | |||
human genius. | |||
The present cannot be understood without a deep | | |||
knowledge of the past, and that is especially true of | |||
those aspects of human civilisation where ancient | |||
traditions, modified and modernised, become | |||
organic elements of modern life. For example, we | |||
find a direct continuity of cultural development in | |||
certain Oriental countries; here, a world outlook | |||
that goes back to ancient civilisations still retains im¬ | |||
mense influence. Many monuments of literature, of | |||
epic and other types of folklore created hundreds | |||
and even thousands of years ago are not only part of | |||
the cultural heritage but also a living reality, per¬ | |||
ceived as inalienably connected with the develop¬ | |||
ment of modern culture. Ancient civilisations were | |||
also the source of many social institutions which still | |||
function in our times, though in a thoroughly modi¬ | |||
fied form. | |||
The historical and cultural experiences of the past | |||
still retain their significance, although each epoch | |||
and even each scientific trend evaluates and inter¬ | |||
prets past events in its own way. | |||
The study of ancient civilisations of East and West | |||
is distinctly topical, as problems of cultural heritage | |||
are now the theme of lively public debate. | |||
Taking this into account, the authors of the pre¬ | |||
sent work historians and archaeologists specialising | |||
in various regions of the ancient Orient and of classi¬ | |||
cal antiquity-endeavoured to use the latest scientif¬ | |||
ic findings in introducing the broad readership to | |||
the cultural attainments of the ancient peoples of the | |||
East and of Greece and Italy, and to the most impor¬ | |||
tant facts of their political and cultural history in the | |||
context of the general historical process of mankind’s | |||
progressive development. | |||
The authors: Acad. B. Piotrovsky, Director of the | |||
Leningrad Hermitage, and G. Bongard-Levin, | |||
Corr. Mem., USSR Academy of Sciences, (Intro¬ | |||
duction and Afterword); Prof. M. Dandamayev of | |||
the Institute of Oriental Studies, USSR Academy of | |||
Sciences, Leningrad (Chapters 1, 2, 3, 4 and 7); | |||
Corresponding Member of the Turkmenian Acade¬ | |||
my of Sciences V. Masson, Institute of Archaeology, | |||
USSR Academy of Sciences, Leningrad (Part I and | |||
Chapters.5 and 8); Dr. D. Rayevsky of the Institute | |||
of Oriental Studies, USSR Academy of Sciences, | |||
Moscow (Chapter 6); G. Bongard-Levin, (Chapter | |||
9); Dr. T. Stepugina of the Institute of Oriental | |||
Studies, USSR Academy of Sciences, Moscow | |||
2—344 | |||
(Chapter 10); Prof. G. Koshelenko of the Institute | |||
of Archaeology, USSR Academy of Sciences, Mos¬ | |||
cow, and Prof. L. Marinovich of the Institute of | |||
General History, USSR Academy of Sciences, Mos¬ | |||
cow (Chapters 11, 12, and 13); Prof. A. Pavlovskaya | |||
of the Institute of General History, USSR Academy | |||
of Sciences, Moscow (Chapter 14); and Prof. | |||
Ye. Shtaerman of the Institute of General History, | |||
USSR Academy of Sciences, Moscow (Chapters 15, | |||
16 and 17). | |||
The authors express their gratitude to Prof. | |||
O. Lordkipanidze, Prof. V. Sarianidi, Dr. S. Khod- | |||
zhash, Dr. V. Fedotov, and D. Molok for their | |||
help in preparing this book. | |||
_ Part I _ | |||
The Primitive Epoch | |||
The earliest epoch in the history of man produced | |||
very elementary forms of culture and social organi¬ | |||
sation, which were gradually improved in the course | |||
of history. The primitive community, the principal | |||
cell of human society, was a comparatively small but | |||
well-knit organism. The types of links between indi¬ | |||
viduals within that organism changed, and the | |||
society formed by these basic “molecules” grew, but | |||
the significance of the community remained im¬ | |||
mense. For this reason, this epoch is called the primi¬ | |||
tive communal socioeconomic formation. | |||
The beginning of the primitive epoch marked the | |||
dawn of mankind’s history. At that time, two inter¬ | |||
connected and mutually conditioned processes took | |||
place: man evolved from the animal world, and | |||
human society emerged as a qualitatively new form | |||
of the existence of matter with its specific laws. These | |||
processes were long and complicated, and each new | |||
discovery kindles anew the controversy connected | |||
with them. | |||
Recent studies point to Africa, and specifically | |||
East Africa, as the locus where man first evolved. | |||
Some five or three million years ago, the australo- | |||
pithecines became numerous here; certain of their | |||
morphological features anticipated human morphol¬ | |||
ogy. They weighed relatively little (36 to 55 kilo¬ | |||
grams) and moved on two feet, which left their j | |||
upper extremities free from the function of support- ~ | |||
ing the body. Their brain capacity varied from 435 s | |||
to 600 cubic centimetres-a fairly large brain, parti- ? | |||
cularly in relation to the total body mass. Split bones | | |||
of large animals are found next to the remains of the | | |||
australopithecines, which indicates a meat diet, | |||
while crudely fashioned stones seem to point to the 5 - | |||
beginnings of “instrumental activity”. It is difficult | |||
to say, however, to what extent production of tools | |||
was goal-directed and regular. | |||
Interpretation of these materials has a direct bear¬ | |||
ing on the long debated problem of the boundary | |||
line between man and ape and the criteria for such a | |||
delimitation. For a long time, the view was popular | |||
that 700 to 800 cubic centimetres was the “brain | |||
Rubicon” separating man as such from anthropoid | |||
apes. More reliable is the triple feature of large size | |||
of the brain, erect posture and the development of | |||
the hand adapted for specific operations, including | |||
fine manipulation in which the thumb is opposed to | |||
the rest of the hand. There are indications, however, | |||
that erect hominids of the Australopithecus type | |||
were going through an intense and variable evolu¬ | |||
tion producing a number of morphologically differ¬ | |||
ent populations. Moreover, the specific features of | |||
the purely human activity and behaviour brought | |||
about morphological changes only after a long pe¬ | |||
riod of development. In recent years, most | |||
researchers have therefore paid increasing attention | |||
to traces of specifically human activity, thus recog¬ | |||
nising, in fact, the enormous cognitive significance of | |||
the labour theory of anthropogenesis. | |||
Indeed, on such East African sites as Olduvai and | |||
Koobi Fora, 2.6 to 1.9 million years old, we find a set | |||
of primitive but sufficiently varied stone tools, a per¬ | |||
manent settlement with oval dwellings, and evi¬ | |||
dence of regular slaughter of large animals. These | |||
are undoubtedly features of the qualitatively novel | |||
phenomenon-of human culture. Here, too, were | |||
found the remains of the subject himself of these first | |||
human achievements; he was named Homo habilis, | |||
19 | |||
2 * | |||
“able man”. He was relatively short in stature, 122 | |||
to 140 centimetres high, and the bone structure of | |||
his feet fell within the limits of variations occurring | |||
in modern man, which points to a morphology cor¬ | |||
responding to a permanently erect posture. His | |||
brain capacity was 675 to 680 cubic centimetres. | |||
The Olduvai culture was, in fact, the first chapter in | |||
the history of mankind and of human society. | |||
The motive forces of the humanisation of apes | |||
were varied. First, the structure and behaviour of | |||
anthropoid apes held the premises of many later | |||
qualitative changes. These premises included an | |||
excess of energy expended in investigation and | |||
manipulation, irregular hunting, which implanted | |||
the habit of eating meat, and irregular use of stones | |||
and sticks in certain operations. Regular instrumen¬ | |||
tal and labour activity triggered off a number of in¬ | |||
terdependent factors. Regular employment of tools | |||
significantly expanded the food resources and the | |||
possibilities of defence against predators. Meat-eat¬ | |||
ing produced certain changes in the digestive canal | |||
and a redistribution of the body mass, which in its | |||
turn reinforced the upright posture. | |||
Gradually, animal egoism gave way to primitive | |||
collectivism. Particularly important, however, was | |||
the production of tools for use in subsequent oper¬ | |||
ations. This activity assumes goal-directed con¬ | |||
sciousness and an ability to foresee the results of a | |||
series of future actions. Whole sets of tools, including | |||
highly advanced ones, rather than isolated items are | |||
found in ancient settlements of the Olduvai type. | |||
The conscious fabrication of elementary tools was | |||
connected with the formation of elementary con¬ | |||
cepts, i. e., with the development of thinking. This | |||
had an undoubted impact on the inner structure of | |||
the brain, although at present we can only assess its | |||
progress by the external criterion of overall size. | |||
These developments ultimately took man to a stage | |||
qualitatively different from the rest of living matter. | |||
Numerous sites where australopithecines were | |||
found as well as remains of primitive men and their | |||
settlements, compel scholars to accept the view, pro¬ | |||
pounded already by Charles Darwin, that Africa | |||
was the birthplace of man. Morphologically, Javan | |||
Pithecanthropi show signs of higher development | |||
and are included in the group of Archanthropus; the | |||
links between most of the Javan finds with the so- | |||
called Trinil fauna also point to a date later than the | |||
African finds-between 500,000 and 1 million years. | |||
True, the oldest Pithecanthropus, referred to as the | |||
primitive Pithecanthropus, lived between 1.5 and | |||
1.9 million years ago. So far, however, no ancient | |||
tools have been found on the sites where remains of | |||
Homo pithecanthropus were discovered. | |||
The African finds give a vivid picture of the life | |||
and activity of primitive man. In the first place, | |||
excavations at Olduvai, where the remnants of a | |||
number of camp sites dating from different periods | |||
have been studied, have yielded an extensive collec¬ | |||
tion of stone tools. In some cases the raw materials | |||
for the tools were brought from a distance of several | |||
dozen kilometres. Pebble tools, with the working | |||
edge shaped by chipping off pieces on one or both | |||
sides, predominate here. These implements are | |||
called choppers and chopping tools; they were used | |||
without a handle and were gripped directly by the | |||
hand. These simple artifacts were universal chop¬ | |||
ping and cutting tools and, as special experiments | |||
have shown, could be used to cut down a tree out of | |||
which a club or a primitive spear might be made. | |||
Tools were also fabricated through more complex | |||
operations, a raw stone was first hewn in such a way | |||
as to produce what is known as the nucleus, which | |||
was later split and the resultant flakes were used as | |||
tools. Scrapers, points and drills resembling stone | |||
tools of much later periods are also found at Oldu¬ | |||
vai. Apparently extremely varied tools were pro¬ | |||
duced by trial and error in the spontaneously devel¬ | |||
oping stone tool industry, but these, with the | |||
possible exception of choppers and chopping tools, | |||
do not yet occur in stable series. Bone was also some¬ | |||
times broken off and sharpened, and the tools thus | |||
produced were used in various labour operations. | |||
Numerous remnants of bone show clearly that | |||
hunting was the main source of food. Many thou¬ | |||
sands of bones of various animals (mostly of bulls, | |||
but also of antelopes and hippopotami) were discov¬ | |||
ered at Oldowan camp sites. Turtles and possibly | |||
fish were also used for food. The natural environ¬ | |||
ment in which Homo habilis lived was open savan- | |||
nas - large steppe plateaus with clumps of trees. This | |||
~ type of landscape produces the highest amount of | |||
biomass between four and five tons per square kilo- | |||
* metre. The exceptional profusion of animals was | |||
? naturally a great help to the hunters armed with | |||
| throwing stones, that most ancient of missiles, and | |||
rr also, apparently, with prototypes of later clubs and | |||
s- spears. | |||
The results of studying the camp sites themselves | |||
also point to considerable successes in labour and | |||
organisation. Thus a ring-shaped paved structure, 4 | |||
by 4.6 metres large, made of bits of lava, was discov¬ | |||
ered at one of the Oldowan camp sites. These were, | |||
apparently, supports for poles or branches on which | |||
animal skins were stretched to form an enclosure | |||
against the wind. At another camp site a concen¬ | |||
tration of finds was discovered in an area seven by | |||
five metres large, which broke off so abruptly that | |||
there is every reason to assume the existence of a | |||
fence at this point which was made of organic mater¬ | |||
ials that have since rotted away. At Melka Kon- | |||
toure, another camp site of that period, lying within | |||
50 kilometres from Addis Ababa, stone rings have | |||
been unearthed apparently intended to fix the poles | |||
of a shelter. Thus we have here camp sites with a | |||
definite internal spatial organisation where man set¬ | |||
tled for fairly long periods of time. | |||
In view of all this it may be assumed that such | |||
monuments were left behind by prototypes of later | |||
human communities for which some researchers sug¬ | |||
gest the term “the primitive horde”. Judging from | |||
the areas of maximal concentration of products of | |||
life activity, ten to twelve people lived at a single | |||
Oldowan camp site. Ethnographic evidence shows | |||
that primitive wandering hunters form groups of ten | |||
to twenty people which can join in larger groups of | |||
40 to 70 individuals during the dry season, when the | |||
so-called battue hunting is practised. These groups | |||
of wandering hunters are unstable structures, now | |||
falling apart, now united again. Monuments like the | |||
Oldowan camp sites were apparently the base camps | |||
of such groups, to which they regularly returned. | |||
Social links undoubtedly emerged within such | |||
groups; regular big game hunting and protection of | |||
the young were only made possible by primitive col¬ | |||
lectivism. Hunting and meat-eating made it neces¬ | |||
sary to regulate the distribution of products amongst | |||
group members. | |||
The development rate of these earliest human | |||
communities was, we must say, extremely slow. Dur- ^ | |||
ing two million years, both the range of tools used or ~ | |||
the technique of their production remained virtually s | |||
unchanged. This was the extensive period of devel- ^ | |||
opment, so to speak: groups of humans were kept on - | |||
the move by their prime occupation of hunting, | | |||
spreading far to the north and continually opening | |||
up new territories. Tools of the Oldowan type were 3- | |||
discovered at several sites in the south of Europe, At | |||
A1 ’Ubaid, a site south of Lake Tiberias in Palestine, | |||
similar tools have been found that are deemed to be | |||
900,000 to 800,000 years old. Such tools also occur in | |||
some places in Syria. Along with the expansion to | |||
new territories, a certain technical progress, re¬ | |||
flected in the changing forms of stone tools and | |||
methods of their production, was gradually | |||
achieved. These innovations marked a new period in | |||
the history of human society, one that is called the | |||
old Acheulian (700,000 to 300,000 years ago). | |||
Moving north, primitive man encountered a | |||
harsher natural environment than the one that pro¬ | |||
duced the Oldowan culture. The period in which | |||
man first evolved, called the Quaternary geological | |||
period, was marked by regular onsets of glacia¬ | |||
tion - a series of Ice Ages. The centres of glaciers lay | |||
in the mountainous regions of northern America and | |||
Europe, but they spread far to the south, covering | |||
nearly a third of all dry land. On the edge of the gla¬ | |||
ciers a tundra landscape developed, which farther to | |||
the south was replaced by cold steppe and forest- | |||
steppe. Mammoth, wooly rhinoceros, cave lion and | |||
reindeer supplanted at such periods the warm-loving | |||
fauna. Africa, South Asia, Australia, and South | |||
America were not covered by continental glaciers, | |||
but there were great changes there as w'ell as pe¬ | |||
riods of abundant precipitation, high humidity, | |||
and decline in temperature set in. Four major gla¬ | |||
ciations are distinguished in the scheme established | |||
for the Alps: Gunz (1,000,000 700,000), Mindel | |||
(500,000-350,000), Riss (200,000-4 20,000) and | |||
Wurm (80,000-10,000 years ago). Within these | |||
major periods there were several stages of temporary | |||
rises and falls in temperature. | |||
These harsh conditions were a kind of test of the | |||
strength of the new biological species that had come | |||
into being on the Earth. During glaciation, all types | |||
of warm-loving fauna, from elephants to ostriches, | |||
either died out or moved south, while the scattered | |||
and badly armed human communities showed an | |||
immense ability for adaptation and survival under | |||
extreme conditions. This was due to greater flexi¬ | |||
bility of behaviour regulated by highly developed | |||
mental activity and to the reliability of the new links | |||
between individuals in human society. The tech¬ | |||
niques of stone tool production gradually advanced. | |||
Already at the concluding stages of Olduvai, pear- | |||
shaped bifacially worked tools with a butt for con- | |||
venience of holding appeared. These tools came to | |||
be known as handaxes in archaeology. | |||
During the Middle and Late Acheulian (300,000 | |||
to 100,000 years ago), several types of carefully | |||
worked handaxes existed. Some of them may have | |||
been used as spearheads. A new method of preparing | |||
the nucleus for making tools, which was called the | |||
Levallois technique, developed. A stone intended as | |||
a nucleus was carefully trimmed to shape on all | |||
sides. Flakes and blades could be chipped off such a | |||
nucleus that were both thinner and of a more regu¬ | |||
lar form than before. Thanks to the Levallois techni¬ | |||
que, a kind of mass production of stereotype blanks | |||
for tool-making became possible. The range of | |||
ancient implements of labour became more varied, | |||
and the tools themselves were of better quality. | |||
Man himself also developed. Homo habilis was re¬ | |||
placed by Homo archanthropus , which included Javan | |||
Pithecanthropus and Chinese or Pekin Pithecan¬ | |||
thropus usually called Sinanthropus in the litera¬ | |||
ture. Man became 30 cm taller, his skull grew in | |||
size, but the prominent eyebrow ridges and absence | |||
of the chin markedly distinguished Homo archanth¬ | |||
ropus from modern man. The cortex also underwent | |||
certain qualitative changes. Areas of the cortex asso¬ | |||
ciated with the specific functions of labour and | |||
speech communication became especially well deve¬ | |||
loped. The character of the frontal convolutions in | |||
the right and the left hemispheres confirms that man | |||
became right-handed, that is to say, he mostly used | |||
the right hand in working. The gap between man | |||
and his apelike ancestors grew. | |||
The centre of technical development was now | |||
clearly shifted from tropical Africa, where man | |||
opposed himself to the animal world for the first | |||
time, to the zone between latitudes 30° and 50° | |||
North. The Middle East, North Africa and Southern | |||
Europe became the foci of man’s pulselike develop¬ | |||
ment; here the progress of human culture was im¬ | |||
peded and at the same time stimulated by the icy | |||
breath of regular onsets of glaciation. Uneven devel¬ | |||
opment, a characteristic feature of the historical pro¬ | |||
cess, came into play. Certain groups worked out and | |||
maintained better techniques of making stone tools | |||
becoming the carriers of technical progress in their | |||
migrations. | |||
Clear evidence for this is found in the Near East, | |||
where dozens of Palaeolithic sites have been discov¬ | |||
ered and carefully studied on the territory of Syria | |||
__-_- | |||
and Palestine. It appears that two groups of the | |||
population existed here in the Early Acheulian; one | |||
of them was local, Late Oldowan in culture, and the | |||
other was close in origin to the Oldowans but devel¬ | |||
oped faster, mastering the production of bifacially | |||
worked tools earlier than the former. In the Eastern | |||
Mediterranean area, at least six versions of Palaeo¬ | |||
lithic culture are identified in the Late Acheulian | |||
period. Often groups of humans that used different | |||
techniques of stone working visited the same caves, | |||
so that levels with artifacts of different technical tra¬ | |||
ditions could overlap, as happened, for instance, in | |||
the Jabrud rockshelters in Syria. | |||
A whole series of remnants of ancient camp sites | |||
and of accidental finds indicates a broad expansion | |||
of Homo archanthropus throughout Southern Europe. | |||
An Early Acheulian camp site was excavated at Ver- | |||
tesszollos, 50 kilometres north-west of Budapest. | |||
Here, man hunted the bear, the horse, the deer and | |||
the aurochs. Oldowan traditions were still strong in | |||
their technique of making stone tools, many of which | |||
were crude pebble implements. Of exceptional im¬ | |||
portance was the use of fire, evidence of which is pro¬ | |||
vided by numerous traces of camp-fires in which ani¬ | |||
mal bones as well as other material were burned. | |||
The use of fire enabled man to survive the fluctua¬ | |||
tions of temperature on the fringes of glacier zones. | |||
Terra Amata and Grotte du Lazaret at Nice, care¬ | |||
fully studied by French archaeologists, are seasonal | |||
camp sites of ancient hunters. Apart from hunting | |||
various animals and birds, Homo archanthropus inhab¬ | |||
iting this area also caught fish and shellfish for food. | |||
No remains of ancient man have been discovered, | |||
but a clear imprint of the right foot was found from | |||
which the height of the man that once walked here | |||
was worked out (1.56 m). Temporary oval shelters, | |||
8 to 15 m by 4 to 6 m in size, were built at the camp | |||
site. Stones were set along the walls; in the floor, | |||
holes left by the support posts were found. In the | |||
centre of the dwelling, a hearth was built on a plat¬ | |||
form paved with pebbles; a stone wall was erected to | |||
^ protect the fire from the wind. The frame dwelling | |||
i at Grotte du Lazaret also points to primitive man’s | |||
attention to the comforts of home. Only non- | |||
« resinous species of trees were used for fires, built for | |||
3* warmth, and primitive beds were made of seaweeds | |||
| covered with pelts close to the hearth. | |||
^ During the Acheulian, hunting developed and im- | |||
X proved. Groups of hunters appeared that specialised | |||
22 | |||
___ | |||
. | |||
*v._A**, | |||
in killing mostly one species of animal. Thus, many of the human communities inhabiting them. Judg- | |||
Acheulian hunters of Europe went after the forest ing by the size of Terra Amata dwellings, a local | |||
elephant, as the killing of one fully grown animal group of vagrant hunters and gatherers of 10 to 15 | |||
provided them with about a ton of meat. At Lehr- individuals, now swelling, now shrinking, was, as | |||
ingen in Germany a temporary hunting camp site before, the principal cell of human society in the | |||
has been discovered where hunters cut up the car- Acheulian epoch. The number of individuals dwell- | |||
cass of a slain elephant and moved on, apparently ing in the frame shelter of 55 square metres at Grotte | |||
loaded with meat. A wooden spear, stuck between du Lazaret is set at nine to twelve by the researchers, | |||
the ribs, was found among the remaining bones of The area of the dwelling complex at the temporary | |||
the skeleton. The 215-centimetre-long spear was hunting camp site in Syrian Latamne is estimated to | |||
made of yew, and its point was hardened by fire. have covered 200 square metres; it may have been a | |||
The hunting camp sites of Torralba and Ambrona simple enclosure without a roof, reinforced by stones | |||
in Spain provide excellent material for reconstruct- along its base. Sites that were most convenient for | |||
ing the hunting activities of that period. The princi- settlement became permanent base camps which | |||
pal animal hunted was the forest elephant, which could be used during seasons linked with a definite | |||
accounted for four-fifths of all the animals killed. type of activity. Thus men returned eleven times to | |||
The type of bone find shows clearly that the car- Terra Amata, and each time it was during the same | |||
casses were mostly cut up where the animals were season. Differences in the techniques of making stone | |||
hunted down: there were relatively few skulls of ele- tools in different groups inhabiting a certain area in- | |||
phants and leg bones at camp sites. The materials of dicate certain links between several local groups of | |||
Torralba and Ambrona show that the cultural- hunters and gatherers of this region. This is hardly | |||
economic type of vagrant hunters and gatherers of evidence of a formal grouping based on some social | |||
the woods and savannas was then evolving. At the or organisational criterion but rather of the existence | |||
same time Homo archanthropus continued his expan- ofhuman communities bound by stable cultural tra- | |||
sion throughout the Old World. In the Acheulian, ditions, with genetic kinship as the more remote | |||
man appears in western Central Asia and the Cau- basis. At the same time it was a kind of prototype of | |||
casus. In the latter area, camps were sited in the the larger social organisms characteristic of the | |||
caves of the higher mountain ridges which offered epoch of efflorescence of the primitive communal | |||
shelter for the hunters pursuing the cave bear and system. | |||
large herbivorous animals-the deer and the mouf- Clear evidence for the steady development and | |||
flon. growing complexity of all types of human activity | |||
The stone tools of Sinanthropus known from the and forms of organisation ofhuman society is found | |||
excavations of the immense open cave of Choukou- in the materials of the Mousterian epoch | |||
tien, 50 kilometres south-west of Pekin, show consid- (100,000-35,000 years ago). Its beginning coincided | |||
erable originality. The ashes of fires show that the with the Riss-Wiirm interglacial period, when Eu- | |||
Pekin man knew the use of fire. At one spot, the rope still enjoyed a dry warm climate and its fauna | |||
accumulation of ashes is six metres thick, which indi- wa s still subtropical-forest elephant, hippopo- | |||
cates the existence of a kind of eternal flame there. tarn us, and rhinoceros. But later the Wurm glacia- | |||
Sinanthropus used wild berries and fruit for food, in- tion set in, when the climate in Europe was at its | |||
eluding the wild cherry, but hunting the deer pro- coldest. The tundra and the cold steppe with islands | |||
vided the bulk of his nourishment. Bones of antelope, of forest thickets were filled with the mammoth | |||
horse, boar, bizon, buffalo and even rhinoceros and ^ fauna-reindeer, wild horse, bizon, and mammoth | |||
elephant also occur. Judging by split human bones, ~ itself, which reached the territory of central Italy in | |||
ancient hunters were not averse to cannibalism. ' the south. | |||
-s | |||
Sinanthropus made crude choppers of the pebble During the Mousterian epoch, man went through | |||
type out of quartz, and also utilised the flakes formed J a further development - Homo archanthropus was | |||
in the process. Most tools are extremely primitive, | transformed into Homo palaeoanthropus, better known | |||
while handaxes are not found at all. ^ as Neanderthal man. Neanderthal man’s brain var- | |||
Excavations of Acheulian camp sites give an idea E. ied in capacity between 900 and 1,800 cubic centi- | |||
23 | |||
metres, with an average of 1,350 cubic centimetres. | |||
Compared to Homo archanthropus , Neanderthal man | |||
had much better developed areas of the brain re¬ | |||
sponsible for the complex forms of spatial coordina- | |||
tive functions, labour acts, speech, and control of | |||
these processes. Accordingly, the dome of the | |||
cranium became higher and more rounded. Despite | |||
the somewhat archaic appearance, Neanderthal | |||
man was on the whole a fairly highly developed | |||
creature, as confirmed by the latest archaeological | |||
discoveries shedding light on various aspects of his | |||
instrumental activity. | |||
The technique of tool making by flaking and sub¬ | |||
sequent working of the face of the stone rose to a new | |||
level in the Mousterian epoch. Mousterian disc¬ | |||
shaped nuclei yielded triangular and oval flakes that | |||
were used to produce extremely varied tools. There | |||
are some 60 varieties of these, including the typically | |||
Mousterian points which were in some cases appar¬ | |||
ently used as spearheads and dart tips. Wood was | |||
employed rather extensively; we know from the sur¬ | |||
viving prints that in building his dwellings Nean¬ | |||
derthal man used 20- to 30-centimetre-thick posts | |||
made of trees he had cut down. | |||
Uneven development became increasingly appar¬ | |||
ent in the Mousterian epoch. East and South Africa | |||
lagged more and more behind. Sites of the Acheu- | |||
lian types found here date from the times when man | |||
in Europe and the Near East entered the Moustier | |||
epoch. Europe, North Africa and the Near East | |||
formed an area of intense development in which | |||
modern man of the Homo sapiens type evolved among | |||
various populations of Neanderthal man. | |||
A characteristic feature of the development of the | |||
Near East in the Mousterian epoch was the accen¬ | |||
tuation of local differences, which became more dis¬ | |||
tinct and stable. Thus, researchers have identified | |||
nine local variants of the Levallois-Mousterian cul¬ | |||
ture in Syria and Palestine. Not all of them were | |||
contemporaneous, but cultural diversity was on the | |||
whole indubitable: groups of humans invariably | |||
using identical traditional techniques of working j | |||
stone and habitual, stable assemblages of tools ~ | |||
existed here side by side. A cemetery for the burial of ^ | |||
clansmen was situated next to the camp site. Ten S' | |||
Neanderthal burial places were discovered in the es- J | |||
Skhiil cave situated on Mount Carmel. A real necro- f: | |||
polis was found at Cafzeh, where the dead were laid m | |||
in one and the same posture -on the right side, knees i | |||
bent, facing the cave entrance. Double burials occur | |||
at Cafzeh and es-Skhiil; here, a woman and a child | |||
were buried together. In one grave at Cafzeh con¬ | |||
taining the skeleton of a tall man of massive build, | |||
two flint tools, pieces of ochre and a limestone block | |||
bearing traces of handling were found. Another skel¬ | |||
eton, that of a ten-year-old boy, was found in a pit of | |||
which the walls were reinforced by upended slabs of | |||
limestone. The skull of a large gazelle and an ostrich | |||
egg were placed over the crossed arms, the charred | |||
egg possibly baked. Here we undoubtedly observe a | |||
whole burial ritual. | |||
Mousterian sites of the Near Eastern hinterland | |||
are not so well studied, but, judging from the mater¬ | |||
ials available, similar developments took place there | |||
as well. | |||
Thus Neanderthal burials were found in the | |||
Shanidar cave in one of which the burial pit was | |||
framed with a stone ring and armfuls of flowers were | |||
laid on the bottom, as pollen analysis shows. | |||
On the European continent, a stable development | |||
of local variants of the Mousterian culture, identified | |||
by detailed analysis of stone tool sets and the tech¬ | |||
niques of their production, is also observed. On the | |||
territory of France alone, four varieties of the local | |||
Mousterian are distinguished by specialists. Here, | |||
too, camp sites situated both in open spaces and | |||
caves and shelters are found. At Peyrards, a dwelling | |||
was built before an overhanging cliff the foundation | |||
for which consisted of a fence of stone blocks enclos¬ | |||
ing an area 11.5 by 7 metres large. Interestingly, the | |||
pollen of water plants was found in a cave lying 200 | |||
metres above a water course, the pollen most likely | |||
brought to the cave with water. It appears that | |||
Neanderthal man brought water to the cave in some | |||
sort of vessels, possibly crudely made of skins, fami¬ | |||
liar from ethnographic materials among many tribes | |||
of hunters and gatherers. Specialised types of hunt¬ | |||
ing played the principal role in the hunting activities | |||
of West European Neanderthal man; the specialisa¬ | |||
tion was apparently seasonal in character. Mam¬ | |||
moth, reindeer and bison were hunted in the open | |||
spaces. Bisons, which weighed up to a ton, were a | |||
tempting game though difficult to get; they were | |||
most likely driven into pits or bog and then killed. As | |||
in the Middle East, a fairly large number of Nean¬ | |||
derthal burials, usually situated near the cave dwell¬ | |||
ings, were found in Western Europe. | |||
The tendency towards isolation of local variants of | |||
the Mousterian culture is also observed in Eastern Thus at Drachenloch bear skulls and bones were | |||
Europe. A whole series of such variants have been found in boxes of limestone slabs, in the Peterschele | |||
identified by Soviet archaeologists on the Dniester cave they lie in special niches, while next to a Nean- | |||
and in the adjoining areas. Some data on the con- derthal man’s burial at Regurdu the head and | |||
struction of dwellings in open spaces have also been broken bones of a bear are buried in a pit closed by a | |||
obtained here. Thus remnants of a dwelling measur- stone slab measuring two by two metres and weigh¬ | |||
ing eight by five metres have been excavated at the ing nearly 400 kilograms. Certain intellectual devel- | |||
Molodova I camp site in the upper reaches of the opments are also indicated by finds of separate | |||
Dniester. The foundation of the dwelling was formed objects with various signs painted or incised on | |||
by bones of large animals, including twelve mam- them, as well as of stone and clay balls arranged in a | |||
moth skulls, which apparently held firm the posts of definite order. The significance of these isolated facts | |||
the shelterlike structure. Inside the dwelling there must not, of course, be exaggerated: we have here, | |||
was an additional partition of large bones, a hearth, in fact, only rudiments of ideological concepts which | |||
and a row of mammoth’s massive teeth along the later grew in complexity constituting systems which | |||
walls, weighing up to eight kilograms each and pos- determined the social consciousness of the primitive | |||
sibly used as stools. A technique of housing construe- epoch. | |||
tion thus evolved which later became very popular The improvement and specialisation of tools, a | |||
among the hunters in subglacial areas. In the Cri- complex cycle of economic activity, and the rudi- | |||
mea, burials before cave entrances followed the same ments of ideological concepts were paralleled by an | |||
pattern as in the Near East: the body was laid in a increasingly complex social relations. Indicative in | |||
burial pit in the embryonic posture on the right side. this respect is the very structure of places of habi- | |||
Of particular interest is the burial, discovered by the tation, which included both the dwellings of the liv- | |||
Soviet archaeologist A. P. Okladnikov, of a Nean- ing members of the community and their last refuge, | |||
derthal boy in the Teshik-Tash cave in the south of The cohesion of the hunting groups, which appar- | |||
Uzbekistan, with horns of a mountain goat sur- ently warrant the name of communities, was very | |||
rounding the body. great. Thus, one of the Shanidar Neanderthal men | |||
Neanderthal burials indicate the existence of was 50 years old, and he lost his right hand in his | |||
fairly well-developed ideological notions. Undoubt- youth an indication of the high efficiency of the | |||
edly various factors played a role in the appearance hunting economy, which enabled the group to feed | |||
of burials, including the insdnetive drive, known in an incapacitated member, and also of the sense of | |||
various animals, to get rid of the dead body, as well comradeship and cohesion within this group. The | |||
as an attachment to members of a given group. The system of social links within such a community is | |||
latter factor is attested by the placement of burials hard to ascertain. Repeated finds of double burials | |||
and whole cemeteries in close proximity to the of women and children invite the conclusion that | |||
dwellings. The emergence of a definite ritual obli- certain rules arising from the relatively long and | |||
gatory burial of the body in a pit on the right side stable ties between the mother and her offspring | |||
and with bent knees-is also noteworthy. The plac- were coming into effect. Historical interpretation of | |||
ing of tools in the grave may be seen as evidence for local variants ol the Mousterian culture occupying | |||
the burgeoning ideas about some sort of activities stretches of land of 50 to 200 kilometres is an ex- | |||
continuing after death, while stone fences round the tremely difficult task. A stable cultural tradition | |||
burial pits might be imitations of the stone plinth of could be reinforced here by certain social and | |||
Neanderthal man’s real dwellings. The growing organisational links between several hunting corn- | |||
complexity of ideological concepts is also indicated ~ munities. The term “prototribes” has been sug- | |||
by the nascent animal cult which, judging by its con- gested for such unions; their hun ting grounds would | |||
nection with the principal type of hunted animal, ? thus be the domain of such a local culture variant, | |||
may be the prototype of totemism. In Western Eu- ? Conflicts could apparently occur between groups | |||
rope archaeologists have long established Nean- | belonging to different cultures. Thus, the thigh bone | |||
derthal man’s special attitude to the cave bear, the ^ of a skeleton found in the es-Skhul cave burial | |||
main object of hunting for many hunting groups. 1 ground has traces of a wound inflicted by a wooden | |||
25 | |||
spear. Neanderthal men from Java and from a | |||
monument on the territory of the German | |||
Democratic Republic have skull wounds inflicted by | |||
stones and clubs. The short life span of Neanderthal | |||
man is also suggestive: a generation lasted only | |||
slightly more than twenty years, on average. In fact, | |||
Neanderthal man died so early that he was barely | |||
able to produce offspring. The development of | |||
human society followed an arduous path. Only in | |||
comparing the initial and final links of the chain do | |||
we observe the working of the law of progress. | |||
The next stage in the history of human society is | |||
the Upper or Late Palaeolithic (35,000-10,000 years | |||
ago). During this period, the principal forms of cul¬ | |||
ture and social organisation achieved high develop¬ | |||
ment and complexity, and man of the modern type | |||
finally took shape. The Upper Palaeolithic largely | |||
fell within the last glaciation, called the Wurm (in | |||
Europe) or Wisconsin (in North America) glaciation | |||
when temperature dropped especially low. At the | |||
same time preriglacial Europe, owing to its southern | |||
location, had more daylight and sun radiation than | |||
the modern tundra. This made the Upper Pleisto¬ | |||
cene tundra rich in forage, in fact, an optimal source | |||
of food for mammals. The rich hunting grounds and | |||
high yield of the biomass apparently explain, to a | |||
large extent, the cultural rise in the Upper Palaeo¬ | |||
lithic society on the European continent. | |||
As far as one can see, man of the new type, | |||
Neoanthropus or Homo sapiens , emerged on the terri¬ | |||
tory of Europe, the Near East and North Africa. | |||
This type of man is often called Cro-Magnon man, | |||
from the name of the site in France where the first | |||
remains were found. Compared to Neanderthal | |||
man, the greatest changes in Homo sapiens occur in | |||
the facial skeleton - the massive eyebrow ridge disap¬ | |||
pears, the chin develops, and the brain further grows | |||
in height, the frontal lobes developing especially | |||
noticeably. Fairly rapidly the new anthropological | |||
type everywhere replaces Neanderthal man. The | |||
development of Homo sapiens’s brain permits the | |||
assumption that the new type of man was highly | |||
social. Soviet anthropologists believe that this fea- ~ | |||
ture facilitated his rapid expansion, as selection eli- | |||
minated individuals and especially populations with ? | |||
aggressive behaviour and antisocial instincts des- ^ | |||
tructive to the early human communities. This con- | | |||
elusion appears particularly convincing since all r*, | |||
available data on the production and culture of 3 . | |||
Upper Palaeolithic Neoanthropus point to a qualita¬ | |||
tively new level of social relations. | |||
Considerable progress is achieved in tool fabrica¬ | |||
tion due to three most important innovations. First, | |||
the prismatic nucleus became the source material for | |||
blanks of flint tools; narrow plates with sharp | |||
straight edges could be flaked off such cores. These | |||
flakes could be used as tools even without any addi¬ | |||
tional working. Second, pressure flaking was used for | |||
shaping stone tools-a technique in which thin flakes | |||
were removed by pressure applied by means of some | |||
implement of wood or bone. Finally, mounted tools | |||
became widespread, in which whole sets of flint | |||
flakes forming the working edge were set in a | |||
wooden or bone base. These innovations served as | |||
the technical basis for the development of tool pro¬ | |||
duction during the many millennia leading up to the | |||
New Stone Age. Various tools were also regularly | |||
made of bone and horn. Of special significance for | |||
hunting were bone harpoons and the so-called spear- | |||
thrower a stick with a rest that sent the javelin | |||
almost twice as far as the bare hand. | |||
Intense development of the Upper Palaeolithic | |||
culture was especially marked in Europe, which had | |||
long been opened up and relatively densely popu¬ | |||
lated by Palaeolithic hunters. Mass battue hunts | |||
were the basis of the economy. Thus a thick layer of | |||
bones of at least 10,000 wild horses was found near | |||
the Solutre camp site in France under a steep cliff off | |||
which whole herds must have been driven. The | |||
organisation of such hunts steadily improved; dur¬ | |||
ing excavations in the La Vache grotto in the south | |||
of France a hunting horn was found that could be | |||
used to transmit signals over long distances. The | |||
hunters’ base camp sites consisted of permanent | |||
dwellings with hearths. There were 13 such dwell¬ | |||
ings partly sunk in the ground at the Pavlov camp | |||
site excavated in Czechoslovakia. The growing well¬ | |||
being was reflected in the spreading of ornaments. | |||
In the Upper Palaeolithic burials in the vicinity of | |||
Mentonne in Italy, necklaces and bracelets made of | |||
shells, teeth of animals and fish vertebrae were found | |||
next to the skeletons. Seashells were apparently sewn | |||
on clothes, too. Particularly impressive, however, | |||
are the numerous monuments of primitive art | |||
created by the Upper Palaeolithic hunters of Eu¬ | |||
rope. More than 100 caves and grottoes with Upper | |||
Palaeolithic paintings, some of them real primitive | |||
shrines, have been discovered. A kind of primitive | |||
applied art also developed: many bone artifacts | |||
were embellished by artistically painted or incised | |||
scenes or by simpler ornamentation. Art monuments | |||
are found in particular profusion in the south of | |||
France and in northern Spain; researchers therefore | |||
regard these areas as a special province of primitive | |||
art called Franco-Cantabrian. | |||
Monuments studied by Soviet archaeologists on | |||
the territory of the USSR offer a striking picture of | |||
the development of the Upper Palaeolithic culture. | |||
Here, just as in Western Europe, battue hunting | |||
flourished in which masses of large animals were | |||
slaughtered and much of the meat was wasted. The | |||
traces of an immense battue have been found near | |||
Amvrosievka, where nearly a thousand aurochs were | |||
killed. Almost a fourth of the skeletons are lying in | |||
the proper anatomical order, the hunters obviously | |||
having slaughtered more animals than they could | |||
consume. Mammoth hunters were also guilty of | |||
numerous ravages: the remains of 70 to 110 mam¬ | |||
moths have been found near some camp sites in the | |||
Ukraine. Domesticated wolves already accompanied | |||
the hunters of Eastern Europe and subglacial Asia. | |||
The dog was especially valuable to the taiga hunters. | |||
It is no accident that cult burials of dogs have been | |||
found in Siberia; a burial ground of this kind, with | |||
an abundance of raddle, has been discovered in a | |||
Palaeolithic dwelling in Kamchatka. | |||
Upper Palaeolithic hunters’ base camps were real | |||
settlements consisting of several dwellings whose | |||
lower parts were excavated into the ground (pit | |||
dwellings), measuring 20 to 25 square metres; for | |||
warmth, fires were built in the hearths. The settle¬ | |||
ment at Mezin had five such dwellings, and the one | |||
at Dobranichevka four. The camp site at Buret in | |||
Siberia also consisted of four dwellings. The over¬ | |||
head cover was stretched on a frame of mammoth | |||
bone. The bones of that wooly elephant were also | |||
widely used for fuel. | |||
Art monuments-figurines of women and various | |||
animals made of bone and stone - are also fairly | |||
numerous at Kostenki. There are also fine engrav- -~ | |||
ings of articles, particularly of mammoth, made on ~ | |||
stone. East European monuments of the Upper | |||
Palaeolithic are in general marked by a wealth and « | |||
diversity of mobiliary art objects. The growing well- g. | |||
being of man is reflected in the two burial grounds | | |||
found in the neighbourhood of the Sungir site, where | |||
dozens of bone beads were apparently originally &. | |||
sewn on clothes and headgear. It has been estimated | |||
that more than two and a half thousand hours were | |||
spent on manufacturing, with the aid of stone tools, | |||
the beads found here. A kind of tomtoms have also | |||
been found at the Mezin camp site - the huge shoul- | |||
derblades and other bones of mammoth with intri¬ | |||
cate ornamentation in ochre, used as percussion | |||
musical instruments. Paintings of animals in a cave | |||
in the Southern Urals, closely resemble similar | |||
monuments in Spain and France. | |||
During the Upper Palaeolithic, man expanded to | |||
new territories, especially in the short periods of | |||
warmer climate. Separate groups of hunters pene¬ | |||
trated to Yakutia and Kamchatka, and in the south | |||
man moved to Australia and later Tasmania. Primi¬ | |||
tive rafts and boats must have been used to cross the | |||
open seas and oceans. Finally, man first discovered | |||
the New World. Nine species of animals, including | |||
reindeer, musk-ox, elk, bison and saiga moved across | |||
the Bering Strait to North America by a bridge | |||
formed during the Wisconsin glaciation. Man may | |||
have first moved in here in pursuit of herds of wild | |||
animals. Groups of hunters rapidly penetrated into | |||
the south and south-west of what is now the USA. | |||
Here in the belt of rich prairies and meadows, local | |||
Upper Palaeolithic cultures were formed which | |||
steadily improved their missiles equipped with flint | |||
heads. Just as periglacial Europe, this was a zone of | |||
abundant biomass, with numerous herds of large | |||
herbivorous animals. The prime targets for hunting | |||
were at first mammoth and later bison; here, just as | |||
in the Old World, mass drives were practised, in | |||
which more animals were killed than could be used. | |||
Gradually groups of hunters spread far to the south, | |||
reaching Terra del Fuego, and by the end of the | |||
Upper Palaeolithic Homo sapiens had spread through | |||
all the continents of the globe. | |||
All these successes of human society were directly | |||
linked with improvements in its inner structure and | |||
consolidation of the social links in human communi¬ | |||
ties. This is one of the most difficult areas of study in | |||
remote epochs for modern scholars, as only dumb | |||
monuments of material culture of that epoch have | |||
survived, but these can also be valuable sources if | |||
properly approached. Judging by their size, the | |||
small pit dwellings equipped with hearths of which | |||
Upper Palaeolithic camp sites consisted were homes | |||
of small families which now formed the basic “mole¬ | |||
cules” of early society. This microcollective, how- | |||
27 | |||
ever, never functioned independently, being part of | |||
larger groups marked by great economic and social | |||
cohesion. It is these groups that inhabited the camp | |||
sites, organised drives, and conducted ceremonies in | |||
the cave cult centres. The spontaneous ties of natural | |||
blood relationship were the actual basis for the con¬ | |||
solidation of the social links. | |||
The woman, who kept the home fire burning, | |||
kept house and brought up the children, was the | |||
most stable element of the primitive collective. Most | |||
Soviet researchers therefore believe that Upper | |||
Palaeolithic communities were groups linked by | |||
common descent on the maternal side. Such com¬ | |||
munities were, most likely, primitive clans of the | |||
early type. They were already an ordered form of | |||
societal organisation, a form that facilitated the | |||
development of primitive collectivism, cooperation | |||
and firm ties between kinsmen. As ethnographic | |||
materials show, the clan organisation is closely asso¬ | |||
ciated with exogamy - a rigorously observed custom | |||
of taking wives from neighbouring communities, | |||
mostly strictly limited ones. This custom apparently | |||
gave rise to the dual organisation of society a sys¬ | |||
tem of two neighbouring communities linked by | |||
mutual marriages, survivals of which can be traced | |||
in many peoples. | |||
The fairly complex economic, social and spiritual | |||
activity undoubtedly demanded an institution for its | |||
regulation-the institution of elders or chiefs, custo¬ | |||
dians of the accumulated information necessary for | |||
the group’s reproduction. At this stage, the archaic | |||
or formative period of the primitive communal sys¬ | |||
tem came to an end and its efflorescence began. An | |||
indication of this may be found in art monuments | |||
that were no longer separate objects but whole com¬ | |||
plexes. The discovery of cave paintings is one of the | |||
most romantic episodes in archaeological science, | |||
full of turbulent controversy, excessive raptures and | |||
just as excessive scepticism. It is no longer doubted | |||
now that these monuments are of great antiquity, | |||
and that they performed complex functions pointing | |||
to well-developed ideological concepts of Upper | |||
Palaeolithic society. The subjects of paintings and | |||
engravings were taken from real life, mostly from the | |||
animal world. The drawings often overlapped. Most | |||
of the paintings and engravings are found in nearly | |||
inaccessible parts deep in the caves. Even sculptures | |||
of bison and bear were sometimes modelled in these | |||
remote corners. In one such secluded spot, human | |||
footprints were found on the cave floor under a lime | |||
deposit, showing that some men moved on their toes | |||
while others, on their heels obviously a sign of | |||
cultic ceremonies. | |||
The purpose of such ceremonies can also be | |||
surmised. Here in the dark corners of cave shrines | |||
magic rituals were performed, the pictures on the | |||
walls presenting scenes mostly connected with hunt¬ | |||
ing, that prime source of Upper Palaeolithic man’s | |||
subsistence. We find here wounded animals, dying | |||
animals with blood flowing in streams from their | |||
wounds, and man’s weapons. These are obviously | |||
scenes of hunting magic, part of the rites intended to | |||
ensure the success of hunting expeditions. Some | |||
scenes are clearly associated with fertility cults and | |||
the female principle symbolising it. Apparently | |||
magicians already existed who were the custodians | |||
of the legends and traditions that became the proto¬ | |||
types of mythologies; they also officiated at the rites. | |||
Human representations are relatively rare, and | |||
these are almost exclusively of women. Particularly | |||
expressive are figurines of women, mostly cut out of | |||
bone, which portray a strong and fertile mother-an | |||
object of special respect among all primitive peoples. | |||
On the one hand, this is yet another indication of the | |||
development of the fertility cult, and on the other, | |||
evidence of the woman’s special role. We seem to be | |||
faced here with the initial stages of the maternal con¬ | |||
sanguine cult. Human burials of that time are as a | |||
rule abundantly sprinkled with raddle, which also | |||
reflects rather complex ideas and symbolism: the red | |||
colour of raddle must have been associated with the | |||
colour of blood and fire -sources of life and warmth. | |||
Simultaneously, positive knowledge of the sur¬ | |||
rounding world was accumulated. For example, | |||
cave paintings and engravings reflect fine differences | |||
within one species of animals, say, between the | |||
Alpine and the Pyrenean goat. Careful analysis of | |||
numerous incisions and markings on bone found in | |||
the USSR has shown the existence of the most popu¬ | |||
lar groupings quintuples and septuples, and double | |||
j multiplications of these. The quintuples must be | |||
linked with the development of counting on the | |||
^ fingers, a proof of which is found in outlines of the | |||
* hand with the fingers crooked in some caves. The | |||
: frequency of septuples is most likely connected with | |||
| : the phases of the moon. Some researchers believe | |||
g, that a calendar system based on the phases of the | |||
moon already existed in those times. | |||
28 | |||
As the picture of concrete historical development Crude sculptures were made of stone. Although pot- | |||
grows in complexity and uneven development tery was unknown, the settlement, which has several | |||
becomes more pronounced, the specific features of levels, is of a rather recent date-5500 to 4600 B. C. | |||
the cultures of separate regions and large areas stand This is an indication of the slower development of | |||
out more clearly. This is especially manifest in the the greater part of Europe during the Mesolithic. At | |||
Mesolithic epoch or the Middle Stone Age. This pe- that time, cultures with fundamentally different | |||
riod, first identified from European materials, is modes of obtaining food-agriculture and livestock- | |||
characterised by the wide use of thin flakes for tool breeding-already flourished in the Near East and in | |||
making, including flakes of geometric forms-trape- the south of the European continent, | |||
ziums, segments and triangles, and by the appear- The Near East was the principal area where these | |||
ance of the bow and arrows. The end of the Meso- kinds of economic activity, which played a cardinal | |||
lithic is marked by the appearance of clay pottery. role in the history of mankind, first emerged. There | |||
Basically the same features are inherent in the Meso- were signs of changes to come already in the Meso¬ | |||
lithic of the Near East, but the direction and rate of lithic cultures of that region. Thus, in Syria and | |||
development of the economic activites of the tribes of Palestine, the same caves and grottoes which had | |||
these two areas in the Mesolithic differed. given refuge to Mousterian hunters, became the | |||
Cardinal climatic and landscape changes were camp sites of the Natufian culture in the 10th and | |||
taking place in Mesolithic Europe (10th to 6th mil- 9th millennia B. C. These tribes were gazelle hunters | |||
lennia B. C.). The climate became warmer, the gla- and fishermen. Here, there are many fish bones and | |||
cier moved back to the north, and the Baltic Sea in bone hooks and harpoons in the cultural levels, but a | |||
its modern boundaries became free of ice. Simul- new tool, a sickle for cutting down overgrowths of | |||
taneously the mammoth fauna disappeared entirely, plants, also appears in the Natufian assemblage of | |||
and the animals that now grazed in oak forests and instruments. Finds of these tools are very numerous, | |||
forest-steppe - various kinds of deer, elk, aurochs, Seasonal gathering of wild cereals was obviously | |||
and boar-were quite different from the Upper practised here, and first steps may have been made | |||
Palaeolithic. A kind of “resource crisis” set in; the towards their cultivation. Man became more firmly | |||
time of mass drives that yielded many tons of meat at tied to growths of edible plants and to fishing | |||
a stroke was past, and man was turning more and grounds, and the settled mode of life took root. Of | |||
more to the food resources of rivers and seas. A com- special interest in this respect are the excavations of | |||
plex fishing-and-hunting economy evolved in many the Mureybit site on the banks of Euphrates, 80 kilo- | |||
areas. Striking monuments of this economy are huge metres from Aleppo. Here, oval houses were disco- | |||
mounds of refuse, the so-called shell middens, in vered in levels belonging to the late 9th and early | |||
which the shells of sea and river molluscs used for 8th millennia B. C.; the floor and walls of these | |||
food were especially numerous. The means of cross- dwellings were faced with stone and coated with | |||
ing water barriers were improved: at one Mesolithic clay. The inhabitants of these dwellings hunted | |||
site a boat was discovered burnt out of a fir trunk; gazelle, aurochs, and wild horse, but they also regu- | |||
ftnds of wooden paddles are also known. Europe’s iarly ate fish, waterfowl and shellfish. At the same | |||
population became sparser, apparently because of time grains of wild wheat and barley were found in | |||
migration to the northern territories earlier covered abundance, and these could only grow at the foot of | |||
by the glacier. mountains, that is, not less than 100 to 150 kilo- | |||
In some cases, the fishing-and-hunting economy metres from Mureybit. There are two explanations | |||
led to. a settled mode of life. Evidence for this is for this remarkable find. What we have here may | |||
found in the excavadon of the Lepenski Vig settle- - well be the first case of growing cereals outside their | |||
ment on the Danube above the Iron Gates. Here, 12 __ natural habitat, which did not yet produce any mor- | |||
dwellings were situated along the river terrace, of ? phological changes in the plants themselves. Alter- | |||
which the floors were crudely plastered in lime J natively, Mureybit may have been a permanent sett- | |||
painted red or white. In some houses, graves were t lement of hunters and fishermen who, at the time of | |||
also dug near the hearths. Fishing for large carp the ripening of crops, went to areas dozens of kilo- | |||
flourished, and was combined with deer hunting, a. metres from their dwellings and brought thrashed | |||
grain home. In both cases we have a very important | |||
stage of “pre-agricultural” activity. | |||
Similar signs of the coming economic and cultural | |||
changes occur in the mountainous regions of Iraqi | |||
Kurdistan. Here, Mesolithic levels belonging to the | |||
10th and 9th millennia B.C. were found at the | |||
Shanidar cave which was, just as in the Palaeolithic, | |||
a winter camp site. In summer the community | |||
moved a short way down into the valley, where a | |||
settlement lay whose remnants are now called Zawi | |||
Chemi Shanidar. This community continued to | |||
hunt the large hoofed animals goat, deer, and | |||
moufflon, but zoologists believe that it also began to | |||
domesticate sheep. Analysis of the pollen of cereals | |||
shows that they were already cultivated. | |||
The transition to agriculture and stock-breeding, | |||
as indicated by the materials of Mesolithic monu¬ | |||
ments of the Near East, signified a radical upheaval | |||
in primitive economy. Its consequences were so | |||
great that we have every reason to speak of a revolu¬ | |||
tion in the production of food, the Neolithic revolu¬ | |||
tion, to use the name of the epoch that followed the | |||
Mesolithic. Considering that for two million years | |||
mankind had been content with collecting food as it | |||
was found in nature, that was indeed a gigantic leap | |||
forward. Agriculture and livestock-breeding as the | |||
principal sources of food made man relatively well- | |||
to-do and resulted in a rapid growth of the | |||
population. | |||
With the spreading of the settled mode of life | |||
mudbrick architecture developed; stable well-being | |||
stimulated various industries aimed at providing the | |||
home comforts and ornaments. Cooking vegetable | |||
food required plenty of cooking utensils, especially | |||
heat-resistant ones, and such cooking utensils did | |||
appear, at first made of stone and later of clay, with | |||
painted ornaments. Agriculture also necessitated the | |||
development of positive knowledge, greater preci¬ | |||
sion of astronomical observation to provide a work¬ | |||
able calendar, and the working out of agrarian | |||
cycles. | |||
These cardinal economic changes become tan¬ | |||
gible from the very first stages of the early agrarian | |||
cultures. A typical early agricultural settlement is | |||
Jarmo in northern Iraq (7th millennium B.C.), | |||
which occupied an area of about a hectare and a | |||
half. Its eight-metre-thick cultural levels are formed | |||
by remnants of mudbrick houses that had large | |||
hearths. Here, grains of cultivated wheat and barley | |||
were found as well as bones of domesticated goats | |||
and pigs. Vessels made of stone are predominant in | |||
the lower levels, while painted pottery is found in the | |||
upper strata. | |||
The settled character of life at Jericho (8th millen¬ | |||
nium B.C.) is emphasised by an encircling stone | |||
wall one and a half metre thick. Mudbricks were | |||
already used here to build oval dwellings. In the 7th | |||
millennium B. C. solid mudbrick houses were | |||
erected, with limestone floors painted black and red. | |||
The inhabitants of the early agricultural Jericho | |||
grew wheat and barley, domesticated the goat; later | |||
yet another domestic animal, the cat, appeared to | |||
protect the granaries from rodents. Of considerable | |||
interest are the burial rites: skulls plastered with | |||
clay that seemed to reconstruct the facial features | |||
were buried under the floors of houses. This custom | |||
is a further development of the ancestor cult | |||
which seems to have arisen already in the Palaeo¬ | |||
lithic. | |||
A remarkable example of the efflorescence of cul¬ | |||
tures that made the step to agriculture and livestock¬ | |||
breeding is found at Qatal Hiiyuk, which stands on | |||
the edge of the fruitful Konya plateau in south cen¬ | |||
tral Turkey and dates from the end of the 7 th millen¬ | |||
nium B. C. or the beginning of the 6th. That was | |||
already a rather large village occupying an area of | |||
about 12 hectares. Apart from sheep and goats, there | |||
were herds of cows already, and 12 kinds of plants | |||
were grown in the fields, including wheat, barley | |||
and peas. The mudbrick houses were completely | |||
juxtaposed, but shrines marked by a rich interior | |||
stood out among the ordinary dwellings. Wall fres¬ | |||
coes representing picturesque hunting scenes, geo¬ | |||
metric ornaments and cult scenes alternated with | |||
painted clay sculpture and reliefs. The cult of the | |||
aurochs, most frequently recurring in the paintings, | |||
played a special role. Clay figurines of strong-bodied | |||
women, protectresses of fertility, were very skilfully | |||
wrought. The overall cultural level was also rather | |||
high. Pottery was at its inception, but various vessels | |||
^ cut out of wood were excellent substitutes for it. | |||
- Beads and cosmetics regularly recur in excavations | |||
' of ancient burials. An oval obsidian mirror, the | |||
J oldest ever, was found here. | |||
The transition to new economic forms was also | |||
£ beginning in other regions. Remnants of cultivated | |||
t*i plants (though there were no cereals among them), | |||
3 - were found in Thailand during excavations of a cave | |||
30 | |||
in levels dating from the 9th through 7th millennia | |||
B. C. The transition to agriculture and domestica¬ | |||
tion of cattle in north-western Hindustan (Mehr- | |||
garh on the river Bolan in modern Pakistan) is now | |||
believed to have occurred in the 7th millennium | |||
B. C. In the Ganges valley, local communities of | |||
hunters and gatherers began artificial cultivation of | |||
rice in the 6th and 5th millennia B. C. Mexican | |||
monuments point to the emergence of maize-based | |||
agriculture in the 7th to 4th millennia B. C. A very | |||
early fountainhead of agriculture also existed in | |||
Peru. But Near Eastern materials provide the ear¬ | |||
liest and most striking evidence of agricultural and | |||
livestock-breeding communities, whose efflorescence | |||
was the best proof of the fundamental significance of | |||
the revolution in food production. | |||
These economic changes were closely linked with | |||
consolidation of social des. Early agricultural com¬ | |||
munities were larger than Palaeolithic ones. Com¬ | |||
plex forms of economic activity increased the impor¬ | |||
tance of the elders and chiefs who directed these | |||
undertakings. It appears that consanguine com¬ | |||
munities also formed larger unions-tribes consisting | |||
of several clans and characterised by a definite cul¬ | |||
tural and territorial unity. Undertakings involving | |||
the whole tribe were directed by a tribal council | |||
consisting of the chiefs and elders of all the clans. It is | |||
not ruled out that larger structures - tribal confeder¬ | |||
ations-also developed during the early agricultural | |||
period. The population of the Konya valley, where | |||
some 30 small villages and a kind of capital, Qatal | |||
Hiiyiik, were situated, may have formed such a con¬ | |||
federation. Democratic self-government of clans and | |||
tribes was the political form which ensured allround | |||
development of the economy and culture of the | |||
primitive communal formation. | |||
The moulding of agricultural and mixed agricul¬ | |||
tural and livestock-breeding cultures also signified a | |||
further intensification of uneven development. The | |||
contemporaries and neighbours of the highly devel¬ | |||
oped communities of the south were still engaged in | |||
various forms of non-producing economy-hunting, ^ | |||
fishing, and gathering, with concomitant archaic - | |||
features in culture. | |||
The consequences of the transition to new ^ | |||
economic forms soon became apparent. The area ^ | |||
occupied by agricultural and livestock-breeding 7 | |||
communities was sharply expanded both through ^ | |||
direct migration of ancient tribes and through tran- |. | |||
sition to new forms of economic activity by | |||
numerous population groups under the influence of | |||
neighbours that had already accomplished that | |||
transition. A general rise in culture was also | |||
observed everywhere; its more noticeable indica¬ | |||
tions were the flourishing of mobiliary art forms and | |||
home comforts industries. The latter implies an | |||
extensive development of housing constmiction. Man | |||
no longer found refuge in shelters or pit dwellings, | |||
which were replaced by well-built houses adapted to | |||
a variety of climatic zones. Figurines of humans and | |||
animals were made in every village out of extremely | |||
diverse materials, including bone, clay and stone. In | |||
their everyday life, ancient farmers used fine clay | |||
pottery with painted or incised ornaments. | |||
These general features are characteristic of the | |||
entire extensive area of agricultural and stock-breed¬ | |||
ing cultures embracing a whole series of different tri¬ | |||
bal groups marked by unique cultural traits. A cer¬ | |||
tain unevenness of development is observed here, | |||
some groups now outstripping others, now stagnat¬ | |||
ing. A stable rise is observed, above all, in ancient | |||
Mesopotamia, along the middle Tigris and Euph¬ | |||
rates. It was settled by agricultural tribes that had | |||
come down from the Zagros ridge in the east and by | |||
communities that migrated from the western cul¬ | |||
tural areal. As a result, a settled culture of farmers | |||
and livestock-breeders evolved here that underlay, | |||
in fact, all the subsequent achievements of Mesopo¬ | |||
tamian civilisation. | |||
This culture, called Hassuna after the first site | |||
that was discovered, belongs to the 6th millennium | |||
B. C. Hassunaculture settlements are spread through¬ | |||
out northern Mesopotamia, their southern bound¬ | |||
ary lying near Bagdad. Wooden hoes equipped with | |||
massive stone points were used to till the fields. Cop¬ | |||
per ware appeared, but it was not widespread and in | |||
any case did little to change the assemblage of tools | |||
in common use. Figurines of women with tall head- | |||
gear were made of clay, and pottery of various | |||
types was covered with painted or incised orna¬ | |||
ments. | |||
A distinct variety of the Hassuna culture emerged | |||
along the middle Euphrates, where farmers entered | |||
a zone with precipitation insufficient for growing | |||
cereals. As a result, early forms of irrigation were | |||
used here, probably for the first time in history. | |||
Excavations at the Tell as Sawwan settlement near | |||
Bagdad revealed considerable amounts of grain, in- | |||
eluding four varieties of barley, four of wheat, and | |||
one of flax. The presence of six-row barley, charac¬ | |||
teristic of irrigated areas, is quite significant. The | |||
settlement of as Sawwan itself was built on a regular | |||
square ground plan and was surrounded by a mud- | |||
brick wall. Numerous objects-ground stone vessels, | |||
stone figurines of women, and beads of semi-precious | |||
stones - were placed in nearly all the graves. Painted | |||
pottery was a remarkable monument of this culture’s | |||
applied art. Goats at a spring, birds pecking at | |||
fishes, women with falling hair, were painted on flat | |||
dishes with a border of scorpions. These were | |||
obviously representations of scenes connected with | |||
complex mythological concepts. It was these tribes | |||
that concluded the setdement of Mesopotamia and | |||
moved along the Tigris and Euphrates south into the | |||
marshy areas of southern Mesopotamia. In the low¬ | |||
est levels of the town of Eridu situated in ancient | |||
times on the shore of the Persian Gulf, painted pot¬ | |||
tery was found in the first houses ever built here. | |||
Simultaneously, similar economic and cultural | |||
developments took place in Huzistan, an area east of | |||
southern Mesopotamia. That plain, irrigated by the | |||
rivers Karun and Karkheh, is geographically an | |||
extension of the Mesopotamian Lowlands; Elam, | |||
situated on this plain, was closely connected with the | |||
history of Mesopotamia. Communities of shepherds | |||
and farmers that descended from the mountains | |||
began to appear here at least as early as the 7th mil¬ | |||
lennium B. C. The Ali Kosh settlement presents a | |||
picture of gradual evolution of their culture. Here, | |||
the transition from freshet irrigation of fields to the | |||
first canals was gradually achieved. In the second | |||
half of the 7th millennium B. C. beads of forged cop¬ | |||
per appeared here, and in the first half of the 6th | |||
millennium, clay pottery covered with ornamental | |||
designs. A number of sites with painted pottery are | |||
known to exist on the territory of Elam, but there | |||
has so far been no large-scale excavation of these. | |||
The distribution of settlements shows that a very | |||
extensive territory was cultivated, which would have | |||
been impossible without some form of artificial irri- ^ | |||
gation. Thus a basic shift is beginning here, just as in ~ | |||
neighbouring southern Mesopotamia, in the very | |||
foundation of the economy- in agriculture. ? | |||
Agricultural tribes which built solid mudbrick S’ | |||
houses and made fine pottery and mobiliary sculp- | |||
ture gradually settled the whole of the territory of m | |||
Iran, where, next to Elam, several archaeological §. | |||
cultures took shape, apparently corresponding to the | |||
territories occupied by the various tribal groups. | |||
There is a monument in the Kashan area of central | |||
Iran, called Tepe Sialk, which characterises another | |||
group of early agricultural tribes. In its lower levels, | |||
objects of forged copper are found side by side with | |||
straight sickles. The pottery of the Sialk I level was | |||
covered with geometrical ornament, to which paint¬ | |||
ings of goats were added in Sialk II. | |||
Soviet archaeologists have reconstructed a picture | |||
of the development of early farming cultures in | |||
Soviet Central Asia, where the Jeitun culture took | |||
shape in the 6th millennium B. G. in the south-west¬ | |||
ern part of the area, with its assemblage of charac¬ | |||
teristic cultural traits of the early agricultural | |||
epoch-solid mudbrick houses with painted floors, | |||
painted pottery and clay figurines of human beings | |||
and animals. | |||
In areas east of Mesopotamia, the beginning of | |||
agriculture involved expansion to new territories, | |||
while in the western regions of the Middle East the | |||
culture of the tribes which were probably the first to | |||
begin food production continued to develop and im¬ | |||
prove. In the 6th and 5th millennia B. C., early agri¬ | |||
cultural settlements were known almost throughout | |||
the whole of Asia Minor. Hacilar in south-western | |||
Anatolia and Mersin in Konya have been studied | |||
better than other settlements in this region. These | |||
were relatively small villages, about half a hectare in | |||
size, inhabited by farmers and livestock-breeders. | |||
Metal objects occur in the excavations more and | |||
more often, with parallel decline and degradation of | |||
flint tools. Pottery is richly ornamented, and an | |||
excellent collection of terracotta figurines of women, | |||
sculpted with great realism and expression, was | |||
found at Hacilar. | |||
In the 5th and 4th millennia B. C., Egypt is in¬ | |||
cluded in the zone of early farming cultures. The | |||
Fayum settlements in the Nile Delta are the typical | |||
early agricultural monuments here. In the 5th mil¬ | |||
lennium B. C., the inhabitants of these villages culti¬ | |||
vated wheat and barley and bred the principal spe¬ | |||
cies of domestic animals. However, clay pottery was | |||
rather crude and primitive, and there were no traces | |||
of copper being used. In Upper Egypt, an early | |||
farming and livestock-breeding culture is repre¬ | |||
sented by the Tasian monuments. Tasian culture | |||
pottery was often ornamented with incised designs. | |||
The question of the origin of the first farmers in | |||
32 | |||
Egypt is not quite clear, but local genesis is quite | |||
possible, if one considers recent evidence of ex¬ | |||
tremely early beginnings of agriculture in the Nile | |||
valley. As distinct from Asia Minor and the adjacent | |||
areas, it is difficult to trace a continuous chain of | |||
early farming cultures here. But their intense devel¬ | |||
opment in the 5th and 4th millennia B.C. is beyond | |||
doubt. In the Badarian culture, which evolved from | |||
the Tasian culture, the production of pottery is | |||
greatly improved, and manufacture of various ivory | |||
objects develops. Figurines of women cut out of bone | |||
or moulded out of clay, a typical attribute of early | |||
farming cultures, occur here. By the 4th millennium | |||
B. C., all of the Nile valley must have been settled | |||
and the local communities must have begun to im¬ | |||
prove various industries at a rapid rate. | |||
As regards the level of development of early farm¬ | |||
ing cultures, the southern areas of the Balkan penin¬ | |||
sula formed one zone with the Near East in the 6th | |||
and 5th millennia B.C. Already in the late 7th mil¬ | |||
lennium B. C., cereals were cultivated here and cat¬ | |||
tle bred. The levels of the Frantchi cave in the Pelo- | |||
ponnese in which bones of domesticated goats and | |||
sheep are found, are dated to the beginning of the | |||
6th millennium B. C. The problem of the origin of | |||
European land cultivation and stock-breeding is the | |||
subject of lively debate in archaeological science. It | |||
is generally recognised that there were no prototypes | |||
in the local flora and fauna of wheat and barley or of | |||
sheep and goats, so that these were most likely intro¬ | |||
duced from the Middle East. The question remains, | |||
however, whether it was a multistage diffusion of | |||
technology or migration of groups of men. A certain | |||
similarity between the basic elements of the early | |||
farming culture of the Balkans (pottery, figurines, | |||
seals) and of the monuments of Asia Minor favour | |||
the latter assumption. At the same time it must be | |||
obvious that Anatolian models were not slavishly | |||
copied in the Balkans - we are rather dealing here | |||
with certain common elements of culture in the | |||
development of which the local tribes of Europe, the | |||
descendants of Mesolithic hunters, fishermen and j | |||
gatherers, took an active part. ~ | |||
The earliest farming and stock-breeding cultures | |||
of Europe clearly fall into two groups. One of them, S' | |||
marked by painted pottery, embraces the southern ? | |||
villages found in Greece, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia and | |||
the neighbouring regions of Romania. The second, m | |||
more northern, group of cultures is associated with g. | |||
Central Europe and with the so-called Bandkeramik, | |||
or linear pottery. In the southern group, settlements | |||
were situated on brown forest soils or fertile alluvial | |||
deposits along river beds. A typical settlement is Nea | |||
Nikomedia in Macedonia (6th millennium B.C). | |||
Here we find a type of houses characteristic of the | |||
early farmers of Europe, where wood was easily | |||
accessible and abundant precipitation necessitated | |||
the building of gable roofs. Sheep and goats were the | |||
principal domesticated animals, while cattle and | |||
pigs were not numerous. Pottery was ornamented | |||
with various inlays, including representations of | |||
human faces and figures. | |||
Koranovo I, of which the monuments are spread | |||
throughout the Thracian plain, is a typical represen¬ | |||
tative of Europe’s early farming culture. The village | |||
of Koranovo I itself consisted of solid one-room hou¬ | |||
ses measuring between 25 and 40 square metres. | |||
Apart from painted pottery, clay was used for making | |||
figurines of women, but these were also made of | |||
stone. The Starcevo culture in Yugoslavia is close to | |||
this level of development. Just as in Nea Nikomedia, | |||
sheep and goats were the principal domesticated | |||
animals. Widespread and typical of European sites | |||
are the Spondylus seashells out of which beads, | |||
bracelets and pendants were made. Besides figurines | |||
of sitting and standing women, a large vessel repro¬ | |||
ducing the female figure was found at Anza. Monu¬ | |||
ments of the Koros and Cris type, falling into a | |||
number of groups with local culture features, are | |||
close to the Starcevo culture. | |||
A somewhat different picture is found in linear | |||
pottery settlements of communities of land cultiva¬ | |||
tors and livestock-breeders in Central Europe. Here, | |||
breeding of cattle predominated, and there are | |||
grounds to believe that a race bred somewhere in the | |||
south was sometimes crossbred with the local au¬ | |||
rochs. Communities occupied highly fertile and | |||
easily cultivated loess areas but often moved their | |||
fields to new localities. That explains the thinness of | |||
the cultural levels on the sites of abandoned settle¬ | |||
ments. Exhausted lands were apparently continually | |||
abandoned. In the forest zone, slash-and-burn farm¬ | |||
ing was practised; this is indicated by the great var¬ | |||
iety of types of stone adzes and axes. Pottery is rather | |||
abundantly ornamented with inlays and incised | |||
designs, but there is no painting whatever. Early | |||
monuments of linear pottery are known in Czecho¬ | |||
slovakia, Hungary and northern Yugoslavia. At the | |||
3-344 | |||
height of their development, cultures of this type economic phenomena were first revealed in the | |||
were widespread throughout the immense belt south. The southern communities were models of the | |||
stretching from Belgrade to Belgium and from the most rapid cultural and social development; it was | |||
Paris area to Moldavia. We are apparently dealing here that the primitive communal system declined | |||
here with a special type of cultural complex uniting earlier than anywhere else, and the first class socio- | |||
a whole series of prehistoric cultures connected with economic formation took shape In the 5th and 4th | |||
different groups of tribes interacting with one millennia B. C., the valleys of the Nile, the Tigris | |||
another and influenced by their neighbours. How- and the Euphrates became the fountainheads of | |||
ever that may be, already in the 5th and 4th millen- civilisations. | |||
nia B. C. most of the European mainland was in- In Mesopotamia, the founding of the Eridu settle- | |||
habited by communities of land cultivators and ment by the ancient farming tribes signified, in fact, | |||
cattle-breeders. the end of the period of extensive spreading of cul- | |||
The great fountainhead of early farming cultures ture. Particular emphasis was now laid on the inten- | |||
in Europe and the Near East of the 7th to 4th millen- sification of economic activity. Irrigation agriculture | |||
nia B. C. was not the only one on this planet. In the in southern Mesopotamia yielded a stable surplus | |||
5th and 4th millennia B. C., settled farming cultures product, while the warm climate permitted the | |||
of the Yang Shao type developed in the Hwang Ho growing of two crops annually. The constant growth | |||
valley in China; characteristic of these was both of the size of the Eridu shrine may be taken as an in¬ | |||
frame houses and painted pottery. The problem of direct indication of the increasing production poten- | |||
the origin of the Chinese fountainhead of agricul- tial of the ancient communities. In the late 6th and | |||
ture, whose cultural traits so closely resemble the early 5th millennia B. C. that shrine was a simple | |||
Near Eastern and European monuments, has been unpretentious structure with a pedestal for the altar, | |||
repeatedly debated in scholarly literature. However, which differed but little, as did Qatal Hiiyuk shrines, | |||
there is no question of identity here, as different from ordinary buildings. By the mid-5th mil- | |||
plants were cultivated in the two areas, and the lennium, it had grown threefold, and 400 years | |||
population in China belonged to the Mongoloid, not later we observe a monumental temple built on a | |||
the Caucasoid, type. Objections against independ- high mudbrick platform. At this time, the Ubaid | |||
ent development of early farming cultures in the culture takes shape in southern Mesopotamia. The | |||
New World are even less convincing. The Tihuacan great number of Ubaid monuments warrants the | |||
Valley in Mexico provided materials for a detailed conclusion that a well-developed system of canals | |||
study of the origin and development of both maize- was already in use at that time. Terracotta models of | |||
based agriculture and of the farming culture that shaft-hole axes and various daggers indicate that | |||
existed between the 6th and 3rd millennia B. C. their metal prototypes were made by casting. | |||
The spread of land cultivation and stock-breeding Further development of various industries cul- | |||
to vast territories and introduction of new tribal minating in the separation of handicrafts from agri¬ | |||
groups to these progressive forms of economy was culture took place in the mid-4th millennium B. C., | |||
a most important event in world history. The new during the period of the Uruk culture. Now almost | |||
economic forms created the conditions for the flour- all pottery was made on fast potter’s wheels, which | |||
ishing of the primitive communal system and its ba- could only be efficiently operated by professionals, | |||
sic structures the community and the division into Settlements had large potters’ shops where nu- | |||
clans and tribes; on this basis, considerable cultural merous craftsmen worked. Various metal alloys | |||
progress was made. At the same time, latent in the ^ appeared, including copper and lead fusions. Jew- | |||
new type of economy were possibilities and premises ~ ellers formed a separate group of craftsmen; their | |||
for the decay of this first socioeconomic formation. products now included gold and silver objects and | |||
Underlying the fine houses, pottery showpieces, and ~ ornaments made of lapis lazuli, | |||
expressive sculpture were certain highly important g Separation of handicrafts from agriculture led to | |||
economic phenomena, and in the first place in- the development of external and domestic exchange | |||
creased labour productivity which made this cul- >. and to the emergence of commodity production, | |||
tural upsurge possible. The consequences of these §. Through commerce, the inhabitants of southern | |||
Mesopotamia obtained ores, construction stone and | |||
timber, precious metals and semi-precious stones | |||
from the neighbouring regions. | |||
All of this radically changed the nature of the | |||
ancient settlements. They grew in size, covering up | |||
to 45 hectares. These large settlements, which were | |||
centres of agricultural neighbourhoods, of commerce | |||
and handicrafts, may be regarded as incipient | |||
towns. It was here that most of the surplus product | |||
was concentrated and monumental temples were | |||
first built. Uruk’s White Temple, for instance, rose | |||
on a platform 13 metres high and 70 by 66 metres | |||
large. | |||
Late in the 4th millennium B. C., wriung, yet | |||
another evidence of society’s high level of develop¬ | |||
ment, appeared. | |||
Similar processes were taking place in the Nile | |||
valley. Various industries, and in the first place | |||
metallurgy, developed here as well. Tools and weap¬ | |||
ons were made of copper and silver. In the second | |||
half of the 4th millennium B.C., during the period | |||
known as the Gerzean in archaeology, the sepa¬ | |||
ration of handicrafts from agriculture was com¬ | |||
pleted. Ancient tombs indicate the gradual segrega¬ | |||
tion of certain persons from the mass: their tombs | |||
were especially magnificent. The walls of one such | |||
tomb at Hierakonpolis are covered by painted fres¬ | |||
coes representing an armed encounter between two | |||
opposing forces. Stone maces covered with reliefs | |||
symbolising the power of military chiefs have also | |||
been found. Almost simultaneously with southern | |||
Mesopotamia, writing came into being here, and the | |||
formation of the second, Egyptian, ancient civilisa¬ | |||
tion was completed. | |||
Other fountainheads of southern civilisations are | |||
somewhat younger, but they went through basically | |||
the same development. In the second half of the 3rd | |||
millennium B. C., an early Indian civilisation, the | |||
Harappa culture, emerged in the Indus valley. In | |||
the early 2nd millennium B. C., a civilisation in¬ | |||
cluding the Cretan (Minoan) and Mycenaean cul¬ | |||
tures evolved in the south of the Balkans. The forma- | |||
tion of yet another, early Chinese, fountainhead of ~ | |||
civilisation, is dated to the second half of the 2nd | |||
millennium B. C. Fortified urban-type settlements ^ | |||
were built along the middle reaches of the Hwang ? | |||
Ho, where the tombs of privileged persons contain | | |||
rich funerary gifts as well as evidence of mass human > | |||
sacrifices. Writing emerged here, too-in the shape §. | |||
of inscriptions on oracle bones, usually connected | |||
with certain economic and political problems. | |||
Basically the same external features of highly | |||
developed culture, or civilisation, i.e., writing, | |||
monumental structures, specialised handicrafts and | |||
urban-type centres, are found in Mesoamerica, | |||
though it is true that these traits date to a yet later | |||
time here the last centuries B. C. and the first cen¬ | |||
turies A. D. | |||
As a rule, our knowledge of these ancient foun¬ | |||
tainheads of civilisation is derived from archaeologi¬ | |||
cal excavations, which mostly provide sound evi¬ | |||
dence of the material culture of ancient societies. | |||
Other types of sources and theoretical considerations | |||
show that underlying all these striking developments | |||
in culture were changes in society that were just as | |||
far-reaching: the moulding of the first civilisations | |||
was closely linked with and conditioned by the for¬ | |||
mation of class relations and of the state. | |||
The basic premise for the formation of class | |||
society was socioeconomic - the existence of a regu¬ | |||
larly obtained surplus product and the possibility of | |||
its alienation. The growing complexity of the social | |||
structure of primitive society opened up increasing | |||
possibilities for uneven distribution of accumulated | |||
social wealth. A whole system of social ranks evolved | |||
in tribes and tribal confederations from patriarchs | |||
or elders heading extended family communities to | |||
the council of chiefs and elders of tribes and tribal | |||
confederations. Their power was based on personal | |||
authority and regulated by the norms of primitive | |||
democracy, but practically it opened up possibilities | |||
for personal enrichment. Initially, at least, aliena¬ | |||
tion of the surplus product retained external forms | |||
that were traditional for consanguine communi¬ | |||
ties. | |||
It appears that the social structure of early agri¬ | |||
cultural societies was already fairly complex. As | |||
social wealth grew, military conflicts became more | |||
frequent, developing into a habitual mode of obtain¬ | |||
ing wealth. This increased the role and influence of | |||
successful military leaders, who attracted a core of | |||
warriors personally loyal to them. A privileged social | |||
position, along with possession of large property | |||
associated with it, gradually became hereditary. The | |||
chiefs or “royal” clan formed the apex of the social | |||
structure, but side by side with it there existed | |||
several “noble clans” with their own rights and obli¬ | |||
gations. To a large extent this was a prototype of the | |||
35 | |||
3 * | |||
class structure, novel in content though still tradi¬ | |||
tional in form. | |||
Through gradual adaptation to the new situation, | |||
traditional customs developed into direct exploi¬ | |||
tation. At first, slaves from alien tribes were | |||
regarded as a kind of junior household members who | |||
had few rights and did the hardest work. It is no | |||
accident that in Proto-Sumerian writing a slave was | |||
designated as a “man from an alien country”. As the | |||
frequency of military conflicts and the productivity | |||
of individual labour increased, the position of slaves | |||
gradually changed-they were deprived of all their | |||
rights and degraded to the position of a “speaking | |||
tool”. Slaves and similar forced labourers formed a | |||
separate class, whose emergence clearly indicated | |||
the disappearance of primitive equality. | |||
The political structure also changed, as power was | |||
concentrated in the hands of a few individuals. The | |||
fact that wars turned into a permanent occupation | |||
led to the formation of a social structure usually | |||
called military democracy, which concluded, as it | |||
were, the development of the primitive communal | |||
formation. In this society, supreme power was vested | |||
in the popular assembly, which elected the council of | |||
elders, the whole structure headed by the tribal | |||
chief. Where tribal confederations existed, there was | |||
a definite hierarchy among the chiefs themselves, | |||
who constituted a sort of tribal nobility. The trans¬ | |||
formed communal municipality fell into the hands of | |||
the upper stratum of society; membership of the | |||
council was in itself an additional factor in the segre¬ | |||
gation of the social propertied elite. Along with the | |||
division of society into classes, a special coercive | |||
apparatus, the state, evolved. Communal administ¬ | |||
ration, closely linked with the norms of primitive | |||
democracy, was above all an assembly of authorita¬ | |||
tive leaders, while state administration was from its | |||
very inception coercive power first and foremost. | |||
The authority of the state was later asserted by the | |||
very possibility of coercion. | |||
Significant changes took place in ideology as well. | |||
As the chiefs role grew, his position and functions | |||
became sacralised, specific attributes of his power ~ | |||
appeared, and his cult in this and afterlife evolved. | |||
Particularly well developed was the chiefs’ cult ? | |||
genetically linked with the ancient traditional ances- ? | |||
tor cult. Monumental tombs are a striking indica- §: | |||
tion of the magnificence of such cults. r>, | |||
With the formation of the first class societies and i | |||
their development into new cultural systems, civili¬ | |||
sations, the unevenness of historical evolution is | |||
sharply intensified. The Old and New Worlds now | |||
fall into three immense zones. The first of these | |||
embraces the southern civilisations which were the | |||
first to cross the boundary between the primitive and | |||
class formations. They take shape among early agri¬ | |||
cultural societies, developing at a particularly rapid | |||
rate. The second zone includes farming and stock- | |||
breeding cultures in which similar processes unfold | |||
at slower rate. Finally, the enormous third zone | |||
covers various cultural-economic types of hunters, | |||
fishermen and gatherers practising various-forms of | |||
the economy of food appropriation adapted to con¬ | |||
crete ecological niches. Mutual influences and, fre¬ | |||
quently, direct migrations of tribal groups form | |||
chains linking up these three great zones, although | |||
for such a remote epoch the strength of these connec¬ | |||
tions should not be exaggerated. | |||
The early agricultural oikoumene in the Old | |||
World covers several regions in Asia and most of the | |||
European continent. The development is most strik¬ | |||
ing in the 5th and 4th millennia in the south of the | |||
Balkan peninsula. As the Dhimini excavations have | |||
shown, settlements in Thessaly were at that time sur¬ | |||
rounded by multiple stone walls, with a large build¬ | |||
ing, almost certainly the chiefs residence, on a cen¬ | |||
tral rise. The Vinca culture, named after an ancient | |||
site 14 kilometres from Belgrade, illustrates the high | |||
level of the development of early agricultural com¬ | |||
munities on the territory of Yugoslavia. In recent | |||
times, Bulgarian archaeologists have obtained | |||
results that are particularly significant for character¬ | |||
ising the culture of settled agricultural and livestock¬ | |||
breeding communities which inhabited Bulgaria in | |||
the 5th and 4th millennia B. C. The growth in the | |||
number of ancient villages obviously points to an in¬ | |||
crease in the population. True, there are no major | |||
centres among the sites so far studied they are | |||
mostly habitations of relatively small communities. | |||
On some of the sites, shrines existed. In any case, a | |||
group of objects have been found on the Ovcharovo | |||
dig which reproduce in miniature the interior | |||
appointments of such a cult centre. | |||
Of special importance in the economic basis of | |||
early agricultural communities in Bulgaria was the | |||
development of specialised handicrafts producing | |||
pottery baked in special kilns under high and stable | |||
temperatures, and objects of copper, for which the | |||
ore was extracted from special mines. Such a com- (comb-and-pit). There are no signs of specialisation | |||
plex technology required the growth within the of the industries, although some artifacts, in particu- | |||
community of a group of professional craftsmen, lar figurines of elks, bears and other animals, were | |||
whose products, however, were not sold but distrib- made with fine craftsmanship. The consanguine | |||
uted among the tribesmen who, in their turn, pro- communities of hunters and fishermen were headed | |||
vided the craftsmen with agricultural products. by chiefs, while cult rites were in the hands of sha- | |||
Soviet researchers have called this archaic form of mans. The burials of chiefs and shamans are marked | |||
the crafts communal handicrafts. Simultaneously, by an abundance of ornaments carved out of bone | |||
wealth was accumulated in the hands of the few and and by staffs crowned with the figure of an elk’s | |||
tribal nobility arose, as indicated by the finds at an head. | |||
ancient necropolis at Varna, where copper tools and In Asia, the region of steppe and semi-desert | |||
weapons as well as numerous gold ornaments were hunters adjoined the farming cultures. Here | |||
found. In the 4th millennium B. C., settled com- belonged the Keltaminar tribes inhabiting, in the | |||
munities spread throughout the territory of Molda- 5th and 4th millennia B. C., the steppe of northern | |||
via and then farther afield, along the Southern Bug Central Asia and southern Kazakhstan. In the lower | |||
as far as the Dnieper area. The Tripolye culture reaches of the Amu Darya, Keltaminars did some | |||
genetically linked with the ancient agricultural com- fishing to supplement their game bag. A series of | |||
munities of the Balkan peninsula, arose here. taiga hunters’ cultures have been studied by Soviet | |||
In the 4th and 3rd millennia B. C., agricultural archaeologists in Siberia. Here, as in the Lake | |||
and cattle-breeding tribes settled nearly the whole of Ladoga area, there are burials of chiefs and shamans | |||
Europe, forming a whole system of ancient cultures marked by relatively rich funerary gifts, but on the | |||
and their modifications, all at a more or less the whole the cultural and social development lags far | |||
same level of development yet markedly lagging behind the farming communities of the South. Of | |||
behind the highly developed farming communities considerable interest are the specialised cultures of | |||
of the Balkans. Characteristic of the Subalpine fishermen and sea hunters of the Soviet Far East and | |||
zones, for instance, were pile dwelling settlements Japan. Their occupations were conducive to a set- | |||
situated on waterlogged meadows along lakeshores, tied mode of life and a relatively high development | |||
with houses resting on piles driven into the mud and of culture and applied arts. A good example are | |||
even the lake bottom. complexes of the Jomon type, which flourished in | |||
The British Isles were also absorbed in the zone of Japan in the 4th to 2nd millennia B. C. We find here | |||
the new economy. A type site here is Windmill Hill, richly ornamented pottery, little terracotta idols, | |||
whose inhabitants lived in a settlement surrounded and obvious signs of the initial stages of social differ- | |||
by a ditch and a paling. The population of Great entiation. But the decline of the primitive communal | |||
Britain was at that time relatively small - about system and the formation of class relations were only | |||
20,000, according to British archaeologists’ esti- completed here under the conditions of advanced | |||
mates. Characteristic of the European agriculture of agricultural production borrowed from continental | |||
the temperate zone was slash-and-burn farming, Asia in the 1st millennium B.C. | |||
which resulted in wholesale destruction of forests. The typical culture of tropical hunters, fishermen | |||
Ihe boundary separating the agricultural and and gatherers is the Hoabinh culture of south-east | |||
cattle-breeding zone from the world of forest hunters Asia (7th through 4th millennia B. C.), character- | |||
and fishermen lay across Europe. The numerous ised by crude stone and presumably bamboo tools, | |||
tribes inhabiting the immense territory from North- ^ I n principle, the same three basic zones reflecting | |||
ern Scandinavia and the Eastern Baltic area to the £ uneven historical development, intensified with the | |||
Urals were engaged in hunting and fishing, living in ^ formation of early class society, may be observed in | |||
pit dwellings in winter and light shelters in summer. ? the New World, too. | |||
They made point-based and round-based poorly J The favourable conditions of the life of the early | |||
baked pottery ornamented with designs formed by agricultural communities which made up the pri- | |||
indentations and incisions produced by drawing a ~. mordial stratum of the southern civilisations, stand | |||
toothed ornament across the surface of the soft clay ^ out especially clearly in comparison with the com- | |||
37 | |||
plex picture presented by the development of the | |||
bulk of European continental tribes. Only in the | |||
extreme south of the continent-on Crete and in the | |||
Peloponnese —was the early transition of society to a | |||
qualitatively new stage completed. At a certain | |||
stage, the neighbouring early agricultural communi¬ | |||
ties began to stagnate and even decline. Thus in the | |||
3rd millennium B. C. most settled villages were | |||
abandoned, applied arts degraded, and sedentary | |||
life continued only in a few areas, so that the chain of | |||
genetic links leading to earlier monuments is now | |||
traced with certain difficulty. The changes affected a | |||
large area. A number of cultures spread through the | |||
temperate zone of Europe, in which agriculture | |||
receded into the background making way for stock- | |||
breeding, including large-scale sheep-breeding. This | |||
might in part be due to climatic changes. Thus both | |||
a growth of grassland area in east Hungary and the | |||
appearance of the domesticated horse and four- | |||
wheeled vehicles here fall on the 3rd millennium | |||
B. C. In some situations, stock-breeding may have | |||
given a greater surplus product than a mixed land | |||
cultivation and stock-breeding economy, which had | |||
to be crowded into limited strips of land where soil | |||
could be tilled by means of relatively primitive | |||
stone, bone or antler tools. | |||
In the steppe zone, cultures of livestock-breeders | |||
arose. Of this nature was, for instance, the Pit-Grave | |||
culture of the south Russian steppe (3rd millennium | |||
B. C.). Characteristic of this culture is a distinctive | |||
burial rite: kurgans or barrows visible in the steppe | |||
spaces from afar were erected over pit graves. A sig¬ | |||
nificant trait of this culture was wide use of the | |||
domesticated horse. In the steppe zone, the horse | |||
became, rather early, also a cult object, as shown by | |||
burials of horses’ heads. The human burials of the | |||
Pit-Grave culture are not rich in funerary gifts, | |||
but they include a remarkable group in which | |||
lour wooden wheels were placed at the sides of the | |||
pit grave. These burials, symbolising a cart taking | |||
the dead to the next world, point to the wide use not | |||
only of horses but also of four-wheeled vehicles. | |||
There is evidence of Pit-Grave tribes migrating west, | |||
towards Moldavia and Romania. | |||
The herds and flocks rapidly growing under | |||
favourable conditions constituted considerable | |||
wealth, which led, at a relatively early stage, to | |||
social and economic differentiation in stock-breed¬ | |||
ing communities. Evidence for this is furnished by | |||
monumental kurgan tombs with rich funerary gifts | |||
and complex burial chambers presumably built at | |||
the death of tribal nobles. Typical specimens of such | |||
burials are found in the culture of Transcaucasian | |||
mountain stock-breeders of the late 3rd and early | |||
2nd millennia B. C., where some of the objects, in¬ | |||
cluding those made of precious metals, came from | |||
the ancient Oriental civilisations. The kurgan burial | |||
rite also spread to Central Europe, where it is repre¬ | |||
sented in a number of local subdivisions of a huge | |||
cultural community bearing the formidable name of | |||
the “battleaxe culture”. Indeed, one of the most | |||
common finds in these burials is shaft-hole stone axes | |||
of exquisite workmanship. These may have been | |||
both effective weapons and prestige symbols placed | |||
in the graves of prominent warriors and chiefs. Cop¬ | |||
per objects and amber ornaments also occur in these | |||
kurgans. Cultures of this type are spread over an | |||
enormous territory from the Rhine to the Volga, | |||
presumably reflecting specific traits of extremely | |||
diverse tribal groups. Migrations of tribal groups | |||
and the formation of hybrid cultures and large cul¬ | |||
tural communities cannot conceal the fact that the | |||
agricultural and stock-breeding communities of Eu¬ | |||
rope were poorer and more backward compared to | |||
the ancient Orient and the Aegean world. For a long | |||
time, the European mainland was dominated by the | |||
primitive communal system while it was going | |||
through its concluding st.ages. | |||
The cardinal changes that led to the disinteg¬ | |||
ration of the primitive communal formation over the | |||
greater territory of Eurasia were due to a major | |||
technological innovation — bronze metallurgy. With | |||
the introduction of various alloys, the quality of | |||
metal tools rapidly improved, carpenters and | |||
farmers now had stout labour implements, and war¬ | |||
riors, excellent weapons. Specialisation of labour in¬ | |||
creased; advanced metallurgy and metal-working | |||
required regular and large-scale mining. Some | |||
Bronze Age mines in Europe go nearly a hundred | |||
metres down. Another important result of the | |||
-o spreading of bronze objects was greater regularity of | |||
exchange and trade. Numerous “merchant’s | |||
hoards” containing ingots and large quantities of | |||
* objects of one type point to the appearance of a kind | |||
5 of middlemen traders. During the 2nd millennium | |||
? B. C. bronze became widespread in various cultures | |||
>, of Europe and Asia. The possibilities for accumula- | |||
3 . tion and alienation of wealth sharply increased, | |||
38 | |||
leading to even more frequent armed conflicts. War | |||
more and more became a permanent mode of | |||
obtaining wealth, as attested by the development of | |||
armouries and the appearance of burials of warriors | |||
and military leaders. The start of the epoch of mili¬ | |||
tary democracy signified the beginning of the end of | |||
the primitive communal formation and created the | |||
premises for the replacement of power based on | |||
moral authority, that cornerstone of primitive law | |||
and order, by power based on coercion. | |||
These changes occurred in diverse natural zones. | |||
The great belt of Eurasian steppes and semi-deserts | |||
was occupied by nomadic stock-breeding tribes. | |||
They formed large and powerful unions, largely | |||
moulded by armed force. In the 2nd millennium | |||
B. C. such reliable weapons as spears equipped with | |||
bronze spearheads and bronze battleaxes appeared. | |||
Two vast confederations of stock-breeding tribes of | |||
the Bronze Age are known from archaeological | |||
materials as Timber-Grave and Andronovo cultures | |||
(or cultural communities). The former occupied the | |||
East European steppe, the latter, Soviet Central | |||
Asia, Kazakhstan, and Southern Siberia. It is not | |||
ruled out that this cultural unity over such a great | |||
territory points to the existence of ancient social ag¬ | |||
glomerations that may be called alliances of tribal | |||
confederations. An important innovation was the in¬ | |||
vention of the chariot, whose wheels were not solid, | |||
as in the earlier heavy carts, but spoked. These sin- | |||
gle-axletree mobile vehicles were widely used in | |||
military conflicts; their remnants occur in graves | |||
where members of tribal nobility were apparently | |||
buried - those that formed the special military and | |||
social group of charioteers. Finds of bone cheek- | |||
pieces of horse bridles point to the beginning of the | |||
practice of riding. Timber-Grave tribes, occupying | |||
the areas between the Volga and the Don but | |||
expanding as far as Moldavia to the west, were at a | |||
similar level of development. In the second half of | |||
the 2nd millennium B. C. they moved towards the | |||
Southern Urals, partly mixing with the Andronovo | |||
culture tribes there. | |||
In some cases mere concentration of authority was | |||
enough to create outstanding works of culture | |||
through elementary cooperation, as illustrated by | |||
megalithic structures in Europe, notably by the | |||
famous Stonehenge in England-an unusual sun | |||
temple in the shape of a gigantic circle of stone steles | |||
with altar stones in the centre. The stone temples of | |||
Malta, built on a trefoil ground plan, must have | |||
arisen under similar circumstances. In some stone | |||
tombs of the 3rd millennium B. C. the roof slabs | |||
weigh up to 40 tons, and the weight of some of the | |||
stones in these structures, generically called mega¬ | |||
lithic, is 100 and even 300 tons. It has been proved | |||
that the stones for the Stonehenge monument were | |||
brought from a distance of about 200 kilometres. | |||
Such was the potential of primitive cooperation in a | |||
situation where land cultivation and stock-breeding | |||
provided a reliable source of food for society, ena¬ | |||
bling it to free some of the manpower for prestigious | |||
construction projects. | |||
Beginning with the second millennium B. C., the | |||
prevalent type of such projects in Western Europe | |||
were burials of noble persons often called “princely | |||
tombs” by archaeologists. Society’s efforts were now | |||
directed towards the aggrandisement of chiefs and | |||
their families-who would ultimately hold sway over | |||
this society. Such tombs now occur in nearly all cul¬ | |||
tures, as do weapons, signifying the coming of the | |||
period of military democracy. Of this nature are the | |||
Leibingen barrows in Thuringia, where embank¬ | |||
ments of stone and earth rise to a height of seven | |||
metres and more, and the barrows themselves are 30 | |||
metres in diametre. The barrows covered a wooden | |||
tomb chamber on a stone platform. Bronze weapons | |||
and gold ornaments were placed in the tombs. | |||
Sometimes additional burials, possibly of servants or | |||
slaves, are found next to the main tomb. Indications | |||
of accumulated wealth are finds of hoards of gold | |||
objects occurring, for instance, in the Lusatian cul¬ | |||
ture of the 13th and 12th centuries B.C. | |||
Both of these processes - segregation of tribal nobi¬ | |||
lity and militarisation of society - receive a new im¬ | |||
petus with the coming of the Iron Age, characterised | |||
in Europe by the so-called Hallstatt culture (900 to | |||
500 B. C.). Along the northern borders of the an¬ | |||
tique civilisation, an intense process of early class | |||
society formation goes on. The same process involves | |||
the early nomadic tribes known in Europe as Scyth¬ | |||
ians the direct descendants of the Bronze Age | |||
steppe cattle-breeders. Though the ways and rates of | |||
the disintegration of primitive society varied, they | |||
all had but one result the replacement of the primi¬ | |||
tive community by an antagonistic class forma¬ | |||
tion. | |||
_ Part II _ | |||
Ancient Civilisations of the East | |||
Chapter 1 | |||
Ancient Egypt: History and Culture | |||
Geographical Conditions. Population. Egypt, one of the | |||
first and greatest civilisations, emerged in the Nile | |||
valley in north-eastern Africa. The name “Egypt” | |||
comes from the Old Greek word Aigyptos, most prob¬ | |||
ably derived from Hekuptah —the name of the city | |||
which the Greeks later called Memphis. Egyptians | |||
themselves called their country Kemi, or “the black | |||
land”, from the colour of its soil. | |||
The country consisted of two parts. Upper Egypt | |||
occupied the territory of the Nile valley from the | |||
First Cataract to approximately the place where the | |||
river is divided into several branches flowing into the | |||
Mediterranean. Ancient Greeks named this area of | |||
branching the Delta, from its similarity to the Greek | |||
letter. The Delta area was referred to as Lower | |||
Egypt. | |||
In antiquity, people spoke of Egypt as the gift of | |||
the Nile, for the Nile was the basis of agriculture and | |||
of all economic activity. Egypt’s geographical situa¬ | |||
tion was very advantageous; it enabled the Egyp¬ | |||
tians to be self-sufficient in natural resources, com¬ | |||
plemented by those of the neighbouring lands-a | |||
very important advantage indeed. The adjoining | |||
mountains were rich in various kinds of stone - | |||
granite, diorite, basalt, alabaster, and limestone. | |||
There were no metals in Egypt itself, and they were | |||
mined in the neighbouring regions: copper, in the | |||
Sinai peninsula; gold, in the desert between the Nile | |||
and the Red Sea, not far from Egypt; zinc and lead, | |||
on the Red Sea coast; while silver and iron were | |||
mostly brought from Asia Minor. | |||
The Mediterranean connected Egypt with the | |||
eastern Mediterranean coast, Cyprus, the islands of | |||
the Aegean and Greece. The Nile was an important | |||
waterway linking Upper and Lower Egypt and the | |||
whole country with Nubia. | |||
Egyptians inhabited north-eastern Africa already | |||
in hoary antiquity. The Egyptian people was most | |||
probably formed as a result of mixing of several | |||
members of the Afro-Asian family of peoples which | |||
also included peoples speaking Semitic and some | |||
other languages. | |||
South of Egypt, the Nile valley was occupied by | |||
peoples speaking the languages of the Kushite | |||
branch of the Afro-Asian family. Their country was | |||
called Cush in antiquity; Greeks and Romans used | |||
the name Ethiopia. West of the Nile lived Libyan | |||
tribes, which spoke the languages of the Libyan- | |||
Berber branch of the Afro-Asian languages. In | |||
ancient times, they were hunters, livestock-breeders | |||
and farmers. | |||
Sources. Egyptology as a science emerged in 1822, | |||
when Jean-Fran^is Champollion, the great French | |||
scholar, decyphered Old Egyptian writing. | |||
Archaeological excavations, begun in the first half of | |||
j the 19th century, yielded domestic utensils, labour | |||
^ implements, remarkable art objects, and highly inter- | |||
; esting written monuments. | |||
The most ancient inscriptions, which are espe- | |||
1 cially valuable, belong to the times of the Early | |||
a Kingdom. Of great significance for the history of the | |||
| Old Kingdom is a chronicle excerpts from which | |||
8 have survived on fragments of a large diorite slab | |||
* called the Palermo Stone. It records the names of the | |||
' first pharaohs and the most important events of their | |||
| reign. Of great interest are the biographical inscrip- | |||
40 | |||
fK - . | |||
■ rt*aw- | |||
tions on the walls of tombs of high officials from the | |||
times of the Fourth Dynasty, as well as inscriptions | |||
on the walls of burial chambers in the royal pyra¬ | |||
mids of the Fifth and Sixths Dynasties-the so-called | |||
“pyramid texts”. Literary monuments containing | |||
data on Egypt’s economic and cultural links with | |||
Syria and Palestine are extremely important, too, as | |||
are numerous Instructions, expounding the rules of | |||
practical wisdom, and Prophesies, whose informa¬ | |||
tion about popular uprisings is very valuable for the | |||
historian. | |||
Numerous official documents found at Deir el- | |||
Medina near Thebes, Egypt’s ancient capital, have | |||
survived from the times of the New Kingdom. Some | |||
of the finds contain accounts of military expeditions | |||
to the Near East and Nubia. Of special value is the | |||
chronicle of pharaoh Tuthmosis Ill’s expeditions in¬ | |||
scribed on the wall of the Amon temple at Thebes, in | |||
which these expeditions are described in the order of | |||
his years of reign. | |||
During excavations at el-Amarna, the ruins of the | |||
city of Akhetaton, pharaoh Akhenaton’s capital, | |||
were discovered, which give a graphic picture of the | |||
city-its palaces, streets, and workshops. A large | |||
archive of diplomatic documents from the 14th cen¬ | |||
tury B. C. was also found here. It contains some 400 | |||
letters in Akkadian sent to Egyptian pharaohs by | |||
Babylonian, Assyrian, Mitannian and Hittite kings, | |||
as well as by rulers of the cities of the eastern Medi¬ | |||
terranean. Of particular interest is the text of the | |||
treaty, in Egyptian and Hittite, between the Egyp¬ | |||
tian pharaoh Ramses II and the Hittite king Hat- | |||
tushili III. | |||
Howard Carter, the well-known British archaeo¬ | |||
logist, found the furniture of the royal palace in the | |||
four rooms of Tutankhamen’s tomb, and also the | |||
famous richly embellished mummy of the pharaoh | |||
himself, along with numerous valuable art monu- ? | |||
ments whose magnificence and perfect workmanship 5 | |||
still seem staggering. | |||
Also important are literary works of the New | | |||
Kingdom (“Tale of the Two Brothers”, etc.) and the ~ | |||
religious and mystical works known as the Book of the ^ | |||
Dead. | |||
Numerous business and official documents have ? | |||
survived, from the Saite period (7th-6th centuries - | |||
B. C.) such as marriage contracts, lease contracts, g. | |||
deeds of the sale of houses, cattle, etc. In the late 4th g | |||
and early 3rd centuries B. C., Manetho, an Egyptian | | |||
priest, published a history of his country in Greek | |||
drawing on local sources. Unfortunately, that valu¬ | |||
able work has only been preserved in fragments cited | |||
by other authors. Manetho’s division of the history | |||
of Egypt into 30 dynasties is still largely accepted in | |||
Egyptology. | |||
Egypt in the Early Period. Man settled the Nile valley | |||
very early. Importantly Egypt was not isolated from | |||
the rest of the world. There is ample evidence of im¬ | |||
ports of timber, obsidian and various products, such | |||
as Palestine pottery and Mesopotamian seals from | |||
the so-called Jamdat Nasr period. | |||
Copper tools, widespread in Egypt, were made | |||
without additions of tin. Iron was known, but for a | |||
long time it had no economic significance. Copper | |||
tools made possible the exploitation of the Nile and | |||
the distribution of water for irrigation. As the irriga¬ | |||
tion system developed, agriculture became predom¬ | |||
inant everywhere, and labour products in excess of | |||
the needs of the labourers themselves were accumu¬ | |||
lated, which led to the appropriation of other peo¬ | |||
ple’s labour by tribal chiefs and their retinue. | |||
Egyptologists usually divide the history of ancient | |||
Egypt into periods known as Kingdoms - Early | |||
Dynastic, Old, Middle, New and Late. Before the | |||
formation of the state, Egypt was divided into | |||
dozens of separate areas designated by the Greek | |||
word “nome”. Later, two kingdoms, Upper and | |||
Lower Egypt, emerged as a result of unification of | |||
the nomes. After a long and bitter struggle, the | |||
Upper Egyptian kingdom gained the upper hand, | |||
and the two parts became a single state, but the | |||
exact date of this event is so far unknown. From the | |||
available data it may be assumed that c. 3000 B. C. a | |||
unified state already existed in the Nile valley. The | |||
chronology of Egypt’s early history is known only in | |||
general outline, and it has to be reckoned in dynas¬ | |||
ties, not the years of reign of this pharaoh or the | |||
other. | |||
Egypt’s pharaohs wore two crowns of a distinctive | |||
type, a white one and a red one, symbolising royal | |||
authority over Upper and Lower Egypt respectively. | |||
The ancient tradition, reflected in the so-called | |||
Turin Canon and in the Abydos list of kings, names | |||
Menes as the first king of Egypt, and it is with Menes | |||
that Manetho begins his First Dynasty. Unfortuna¬ | |||
tely, no texts have survived from those times, yet | |||
scholars believe that it was under Menes that the | |||
country became united in a single kingdom. Only | |||
one monument from before the First Dynasty speaks | |||
of a victory over Lower Egypt won by a king named | |||
Narmer. Some Egyptologists have suggested that | |||
Narmer and Menes are one and the same person, | |||
and that Narmer was Menes’s second name (phar¬ | |||
aohs are known to have used several names). It is | |||
more correct to assume, we believe, that Egypt was | |||
united long before the First Dynasty, as two rulers | |||
had been kings of all Egypt before Narmer and had | |||
worn two crowns. According to this conjecture, | |||
Narmer’s reign preceded Menes’s enthronement. | |||
A monument in honour of Narmer’s victory | |||
recounts his feats. On one side of the monument he is | |||
portrayed as wearing the crown of Upper Egypt. | |||
Narmer has raised one hand holding a mace to hit at | |||
an enemy already struck down, his other hand holds | |||
the foe by the hair. On the reverse side Narmer is | |||
already wearing the crown of Lower Egypt and step¬ | |||
ping towards ten beheaded men. | |||
During Narmer’s reign, a system of writing and a | |||
strong centralised state organisation were already in | |||
existence. According to a legend recounted by Hero¬ | |||
dotus, Menes founded the capital of the united state | |||
at the juncture of the Delta and the Nile, raising a | |||
dam south of the future city’s site to protect it | |||
against floods. That city was Memphis. From here, | |||
it was convenient to rule both the South and the | |||
North of the country. Under the Second Dynasty | |||
Memphis was already the capital of all Egypt, | |||
although the name itself appears in texts only in the | |||
New Kingdom. | |||
During two centuries, beginning approximately | |||
with 3000 B. C., Egypt was ruled by two dynasties | |||
from This, a city in Upper Egypt near Abydos. | |||
Egyptian expansion began already under the | |||
kings of the First Dynasty -south into Ethiopia, west | |||
into Libya, and east into the Sinai peninsula. Under | |||
the pharaohs of the Second Dynasty, troubles started | |||
in Egypt itself. Pharaoh Khasekhem finally united | |||
the country in a single centralised state, severely | |||
punishing the rebels in northern Egypt. Two of his | |||
statues show Egypt symbolically struck down, while | |||
the inscriptions on these statues put the number of | |||
dead at 48,205 in one case and 47,209 in the other. | |||
(Such precise records cannot of course be fully | |||
trusted.) | |||
Pharaohs were deified already in the early period. | |||
They added the title of the god Horus to their name, | |||
implying that they were terrestrial incarnations of | |||
that deity. | |||
One of the most important functions of the royal | |||
power in Egypt was the organisation and main¬ | |||
tenance of an irrigation network in the Nile valley. | |||
Already in the early period the country was covered | |||
by a system of irrigation canals and dams, and the | |||
land yielded good crops of cereals. Countless wine | |||
vessels found in Lower Egypt show that viticulture | |||
flourished. There was a great deal of livestock in the | |||
country. A large and well-organised crown estate | |||
emerged. Monuments of the early epoch bear pic¬ | |||
tures of enslaved prisoners of war, with their hands | |||
bound. The sources record that during the suppres¬ | |||
sion of troubles in Lower Egypt 120,000 prisoners | |||
were taken in the reign of a pharaoh of the First | |||
Dynasty. Ancient Egyptians used the term “the liv¬ | |||
ing killed” for enslaved prisoners. Egyptian grave | |||
goods provide evidence of far-reaching social differ¬ | |||
entiation of society. Kings and nobles were buried in | |||
baked brick tombs, while the common people had to | |||
be content with mere pits. | |||
Weaving made considerable advances. The mak¬ | |||
ing of papyrus for writing also began. That inven¬ | |||
tion, which helped the spread of writing, was of | |||
exceptional importance; it survived the Egyptian | |||
civilisation by ages, influencing the culture of later | |||
epochs: it was known in the Graeco-Roman world | |||
and in medieval Europe. | |||
The Old Kingdom. During the Old Kingdom, Egypt | |||
was ruled by pharaohs of the Third through Eighth | |||
Dynasties (c. 2700-c. 2300). The country was | |||
finally unified in a single political and economic | |||
whole, a large centralised state embracing the whole | |||
of Egypt and extending its influence to the Sinai | |||
j peninsula and southern Palestine in the east and to | |||
^ northern Ethiopia in the south. | |||
The population’s main occupation was agricul- | |||
| ture. The vegetables known at that period were | |||
~ onions, garlic and cucumbers. Numerous gardens | |||
5) were concentrated in Lower Egypt. Poultry farming | |||
| and fishing flourished in the marshes of the Delta. | |||
3 Egyptians were the first to practise apiculture. Suc- | |||
7 culent meadows and other grazing lands offered | |||
wide possibilities for stock-breeding. An interesting | |||
x feature of the latter was the keeping of livestock | |||
together with desert animals, such as antelopes and aoh, the first person in the state machine was the | |||
gazelles. Grain mostly barley and a primitive va- supreme potentate, who was simultaneously the | |||
riety of wheat called “emmer”—was Upper Egypt’s supreme judge and directed the work of several | |||
principal wealth. Part of grain yield was taken in departments. | |||
ships to the north of the country. Thus the two parts The kings waged constant wars. It is known, for | |||
of the country economically complemented one instance, that during an expedition to Ethiopia led | |||
another. by Sneferu, the first pharaoh of the Fourth Dynasty, | |||
Pharaohs granted rich gifts ofland to temples and 7,000 prisoners and 200,000 head of cattle were | |||
nobles. The estates of such nobles, who filled impor- taken as booty; 1,100 prisoners were captured dur- | |||
tant posts at court and in the state mechanism, were ing the Libyan campaign. During the Fourth | |||
scattered throughout Lower and Upper Egypt. Dynasty, several copper mines in the Sinai peninsula | |||
Farmers, gardeners, shepherds, hunters, bird- were seized by Egypt. Trading expeditions were sent | |||
catchers, fishermen, etc., are pictured on the walls of to Ethiopia in quest of perfumes, ebony, incense, etc. | |||
the Old Kingdom tombs as working for the mag- Cedar was brought from the Phoenician city of | |||
nates. A magnate’s estate was run by a manager, Byblos to Egypt by sea. Domestic trade also devel- | |||
with scribes, measurers and counters of grain work- oped. Products were bartered, with prices mostly set | |||
ing under him. The nobles also possessed workshops in grain, which was the usual measure of value. Cop- | |||
where craftsmen worked in copper, gold, and stone; per ingots were sometimes used as a monetary unit, | |||
carpenters, joiners, and bakers also toiled on their Characteristic of the Old Kingdom was a rapid | |||
estates. growth of construction of stone buildings, which | |||
Ordinary people also had land which was at their began with the erection of the stepped pyramid by | |||
full disposal. There are records showing that as early Djoser, a king of the Third Dynasty. 1 his 60-metre- | |||
as the Third or Fourth Dynasties they could sell or high pyramid is situated near the modern village of | |||
give away their land or leave it to their relatives in a Sakkara in the vicinity of Cairo. An inscription | |||
will. In some cases small landowners were compelled recorded the name of its architect, Imhotep. Pha- | |||
to sell their land to highly placed officials. On par- raoh Sneferu built two vast pyramids, 100 and 99 | |||
ents’ death land was inherited by their children. metres high. Under Sneferu’s son Cheops the phar- | |||
Land could also be made a gift of, to buy cult ser- aoh’s power reached a peak, unsurpassed in that | |||
vices for the dead. period. The Cheops pyramid near the modern settle- | |||
Handicrafts flourished. Craftsmen contracted to ment of Ciza (close to Cairo) is 146.5 metres high, | |||
build tombs for payment in kind. The potter’s wheel each side of it is more than 230 metres long, and its | |||
became widespread, and pottery was produced in base area equals 52,900 square metres. Some | |||
large quantities. 2,300,000 polished blocks weighing about 2.5 | |||
Evidence of social differentiation is found, among tons each were used in its construction. The qua- | |||
other sources, in an inscription made by a certain lity of the work was extremely high. The huge blocks | |||
nomarch (governor) who insists that he gave his were cut, polished and joined with great precision, | |||
barley and milk to the hungry, buried the poor, and Under Cheops’s son Chephren a pyramid was | |||
paid the loan of an insolvent debtor. Society con- j erected that was three metres lower than the Great | |||
sisted of high officials, the middle strata of free popu- 5 Pyramid but surpassed it in the magnificence of its | |||
lation (small royal officials, lower priests, free arti- " facing. The pyramid of Mycerinus, Chephren’s suc- | |||
sans, and landowners), workers on crown estates, § cessor, was lower (66 metres) and signified a decline | |||
and slaves who were mostly war captives. Slaves of ~ in pyramid construction. Adjoining the pyramids | |||
Egyptian extraction also appeared, reduced to c was a whole “city of the dead” -a cemetery for | |||
slavery when they could not pay their debts. ~ king’s highest officials, where huge stone tombs | |||
The pharaoh wielded immense power, of which | formed streets crossing at right angles, | |||
the material basis was large resources of land, man- 3 The construction of the immense pyramids for the | |||
power and food. Egypt developed into a centralised | pharaohs’ eternal rest strained the people’s resources | |||
despotic state relying on a bureaucratic machine g to the utmost. Economically, the country was | |||
covering the whole of the country. After the phar- | exhausted, the power of the pharaohs declined, and | |||
43 | |||
M | |||
social conflicts became irreconcilable. Egypt began | |||
to disintegrate into semi-independent nomes headed | |||
by local governors. By the end of the Sixth Dynasty, | |||
the Old Kingdom faced imminent downfall. The | |||
whole of the country was in the grip of unrest. The | |||
70 pharaohs of the next, Seventh Dynasty, ruled for | |||
just 70 days. | |||
The Middle Kingdom. The Middle Kingdom period | |||
began at the end of the 3rd millennium and ended | |||
c. 1600 B. C. In that epoch, the country was ruled by | |||
nine dynasties, from the Ninth Dynasty to the | |||
Seventeenth. | |||
By the end of the 3rd millennium Egypt’s econom¬ | |||
ic situation made the unification of the country and | |||
establishment of administrative order absolutely | |||
necessary, since the irrigation system had fallen into | |||
disrepair during the troubled times at the end of the | |||
Old Kingdom, and famine began. | |||
Two unifying centres, whose nomarchs claimed | |||
the Egyptian throne, became prominent at the time. | |||
One was the city of Heracleopolis situated in the | |||
north of the country, in a fertile valley not far from | |||
the Fayum oasis, on the western bank of the Nile. At | |||
about the year 2160 Achthoes, the nomarch of Her¬ | |||
acleopolis, vigorously began to extend his dominion, | |||
subordinating the semi-independent nomarchs of | |||
the nearby regions and repulsing Asiatic nomads. | |||
Gradually he succeeded in extending his rule over | |||
all Egypt. | |||
Simultaneously with Achthoes the nomarch of | |||
Thebes also laid claims to the throne. The rulers of | |||
Heracleopolis and Thebes came into conflict, each | |||
trying to unite the country under his own power. | |||
The Theban nomarch Mentuhotpe emerged victo¬ | |||
rious, founding the Eleventh Dynasty (21st century | |||
B. C.). A relief portrays him as victor over Egyp¬ | |||
tians, Ethiopians, Asiatics, and Libyans. | |||
The Middle Kingdom reached its efflorescence | |||
between the year 2000 and early 18th century B. C. | |||
In that period, Egyptians waged wars with neigh¬ | |||
bouring countries and finally subjugated northern | |||
Ethiopia; they also resumed an active foreign policy | |||
towards Syria and Palestine. | |||
The king’s mainstay was the army, recruited | |||
through selective call-up of young men. The army | |||
was run by the nomarchs, whose power was seen as | |||
hereditary. Besides, the king had an army of his own. | |||
% | |||
From the social standpoint, pharaohs relied above | |||
all on the higher officials, some of whom were not of | |||
noble extraction at all and owed their position exclu¬ | |||
sively to the king’s power. The large estates of the | |||
Old Kingdom’s metropolitan potentates gave way to | |||
medium and small holdings. Slave-owning among | |||
private individuals, including ordinary people, | |||
became widespread. However, the main source of | |||
manpower for the estates of the king, the nobles and | |||
well-to-do private individuals was not slaves but | |||
dependent landowners who were called the “king’s | |||
men”. | |||
During the Middle Kingdom, agriculture | |||
achieved considerable progress, largely due to the | |||
fact that a large irrigation system was constructed in | |||
the Fayum oasis. A large water reservoir was built | |||
there connected by a canal with the Nile. Large | |||
areas of the Fayum nome could now be irrigated. | |||
Unlike the large estates of the Old Kingdom, | |||
small and medium holdings were unable to produce | |||
all the necessities, but there was a surplus of some | |||
products, which stimulated commodity-money rela¬ | |||
tions. Many foreign goods were brought into the | |||
country; incidentally, foreign trade was the king’s | |||
monopoly. Copper was the principal measure of | |||
value, although grain remained an important | |||
medium of the trading operations. At the beginning | |||
of the Middle Kingdom silver was valued more than | |||
gold, while at the end, it was twice as cheap as gold. | |||
During the Middle Kingdom there were signs of | |||
considerable advances in the development of pro¬ | |||
ductive forces and improvement of agricultural im¬ | |||
plements. Some tools were now made of bronze, | |||
though most were still of copper. Besides, stone tools | |||
(flint axes, knives, etc.) were still in use. A new craft, | |||
glass-blowing, developed. | |||
The copper deposits in the Sinai peninsula were | |||
worked intensely; at the beginning of the Twelfth | |||
Dynasty, the mines of northern Ethiopia began to be | |||
exploited. | |||
During the Middle Kingdom, a major popular | |||
rebellion took place in Egypt. It was caused by acute | |||
social contradictions described in the well-known | |||
work “Instruction for King Merykare”. The popu¬ | |||
lar uprising is also recorded in “The Lamentations | |||
and Prophecies of Ipuwer” and “The Prophecy of | |||
Neferty”, presumably dating to the 18th century | |||
B. C. These sources narrate that the rebellion led to | |||
a redistribution of property; the poor man who ear- | |||
44 | |||
mm | |||
lier had no sandals even became the owner of trea- At about 1400 B. C. Amenhotep I\ ascended to | |||
sures; the country turned round like a potter’s the throne. His reign was marked by important | |||
wheel; he who had been unable to build a coffin for reforms. Relying on the higher officialdom, he | |||
himself became the owner of a tomb; jewelry endeavoured to consolidate his power. The capital of | |||
appeared on the necks of women slaves; laws were the state was moved from Thebes, the stronghold of | |||
trampled, and there was no royal power in the the old aristocracy, which Amenhotep IV pushed | |||
country. into obscurity, to a newly built city between Thebes | |||
The trouble-stricken state could not defend itself and Memphis (now Tell el-Amarna). One state cult | |||
against the external enemy. Egypt fell prey to the was introduced-the worship of the ancient phar- | |||
Hyksos tribes who, late in the 18th century B. C., in- aonic deity, though not as the former god but as the | |||
vaded Egypt from Palestine and gradually reached sun’s disc under the name of Aton. Accordingly, | |||
Memphis. The Hyksos rule continued for about a Amenhotep called himself Akhenaton, or Ikhnaton, | |||
hundred years, yet legends of these terrible times that is, “it pleases Aton”. Gifts of lands, cattle and | |||
were alive throughout the ancient history of Egypt. artisans’ workshops were made to the Aton temple. | |||
But the Hyksos were disunited and therefore unable This was a powerful blow against the priesthood, | |||
to found a strong empire. The cults of old traditional gods became unpopular, | |||
as formerly generous state support for them was | |||
withdrawn. Ikhnaton’s religious reform involved all | |||
Egypt during the New Kingdom. Theban rulers aspects of society’s life and culture, as old traditions | |||
remained more or less independent of the Hyksos were forgotten and the new religion was cultivated, | |||
and led the fight against them. One of the Theban But when the pharaoh died, a gradual departure | |||
rulers, Amosis I, the founder of the Eighteenth from the religious reforms began under his two im- | |||
Dynasty, captured Avaris, the Hyksos fortress in mediate successors. Smenkhkare, Ikhnaton’s heir, | |||
north-eastern Egypt, and brought the fight against restored the cult of the old god Amon, and under the | |||
them to a victorious conclusion. Thus began the next pharaoh, Tutankhamen, the Aton cult was | |||
New Kingdom period of some 500 years (1580-1085 deprived of state support. | |||
B. C.) in which Egypt was ruled by the Eighteenth The Nineteenth Dynasty, founded by Ramses 1, | |||
through Twentieth Dynasties and gradually began a series of long wars with the Hittites over the | |||
achieved supremacy in the Near East. dominion in Syria. In 1304, Ramses II, who had | |||
Under pharaoh Tuthmosis I (the second half of earlier ruled jointly with his father, became king. In | |||
the 16th century B. C.) Egypt became especially 1300, the famous battle with the Hittites near the | |||
powerful. In the south of the country, the frontier Syrian city of Qadesh was fought, with about 20,000 | |||
was moved beyond the Nile’s Third Cataract. Tuth- men fighting on each side. This battle is known in | |||
mosis I undertook an expedition to the Euphrates detail, as it was described in verse and pictures on | |||
and destroyed the Mitanni state in northern the walls of a temple built by Ramses II. True, the | |||
Mesopotamia. description reflects only the Egyptian side and | |||
After the death of Tuthmosis I, the throne was should therefore be taken with a grain of salt. While | |||
inherited by his son Tuthmosis II. On the latter’s Jr Ramses was discussing the tactics to be adopted in | |||
death his widow Hatshepsut seized power, keeping a the coming battle in military council, the Hittites | |||
at the beginning of her reign Tuthmosis III, her attacked. Before that, they had sent two scouts into | |||
young stepson and heir to the throne, as the nominal | the Egyptians’ camp, who posed as deserters and | |||
ruler (c. 1500 B. C.), and later openly declaring ~ assured Ramses that the king of the Hittites was | |||
herself a pharaoh. After her death, Tuthmosis III ^ retreating in fear. Believing that report, Ramses | |||
destroyed all her portraits to exterminate the ~ rushed forward at the head of a relatively small | |||
memory of the hated stepmother. Tuthmosis III ? force. He found himselfin a very dangerous position, | |||
went on numerous campaigns against Syria and '-3 as his party was crushed and scattered by a sudden | |||
Palestine, and his kingdom extended from the g attack of Hittite chariots. The Egyptians were not | |||
Fourth Cataract of the Nile to the northern border 9 completely routed only because the Hittites, assured | |||
of Syria. H of their victory, broke off the pursuit to plunder the | |||
45 | |||
enemy’s abandoned camp. Meanwhile the bulk of his Syrian campaign. Considerable numbers of cap- | |||
the Egyptian army appeared on the scene to succour tives went to the temples. For instance, during his | |||
its pharaoh. thirty-year rule Ramses III, a pharaoh of the Twen- | |||
In his description of the battle Ramses claims tieth Dynasty, gave more than 100,000 prisoners | |||
victory, but that claim is hardly justified. In any case from Syria, Palestine and Ethiopia to the temples, | |||
the Egyptians failed to take the city of Qadesh, and according to surviving records, and also about | |||
the Hittites, led by their king Muwatallish, pursued 500,000 head of cattle and more than a million aruras | |||
the retreating Egyptians. The war continued for a (one arura equals 0.2 hectare) of arable land. Tuth- | |||
long time after, until Ramses II, in the 21st year of mosis III gave a present of 1,588 prisoners of war | |||
his reign, concluded a peace treaty with the new from Syria to a temple in the capital Thebes. | |||
Hittite king, Hattusili II. The original text of the The common people were heavily oppressed, | |||
treaty was recorded on silver tablets, but copies of it There were repeated censuses, so that new taxes and | |||
in Egyptian and Hittite have survived. duties could be imposed. The sources contain a | |||
Soon the power of the pharaohs began to decline, wealth of information on the craftsmen engaged in | |||
ultimately becoming merely nominal. The south of servicing the afterlife cult, in the building and finish- | |||
the country fell into the hands of Theban high ing of the tombs. Masons, plasterers, painters, car- | |||
priests. penters and joiners, copper-smiths, and potters | |||
I’he New Kingdom was a period of Egypt’s worked here. The craftsmen were paid by the state | |||
further economic development. It fell within the in kind in grain, fish, vegetables and other food- | |||
Bronze Age, although stone tools continued in use stuffs. Some materials show that during the Twen- | |||
owing to the expensiveness of copper. A number of tieth Dynasty the state often delayed these pay- | |||
iron artifacts have been preserved since those times, ments, and the craftsmen stopped work. This seems | |||
but as late as the beginning of the 18th century B. C. to be the earliest report of strikes so far available, | |||
iron was seen as a precious metal, almost, and some Trading was highly developed under the New | |||
of the iron artifacts found are mounted on gold. Kingdom. Even private individuals and temples had | |||
Horticulture became an important branch of merchants in their service, but money circulation was | |||
agriculture. Pomegranate, apples, myrrh were still rudimentary. The principal value standard was | |||
grown. Agricultural tools were markedly improved. silver, although gold was also used for that purpose. | |||
In particular, sweeps were used in horticulture for | |||
watering trees, and also for irrigating high-lying | |||
fields not reached by the Nile’s water during natural Egypt in the llth-bth Centuries B. C. By the beginning of | |||
floods. That enabled farmers to extend the area of the 11th century, two kingdoms arose in Egypt: the | |||
fertile land. Lower Egyptian Kingdom with the capital Tanis in | |||
More positive knowledge was accumulated at the north-eastern part of the Delta, and the Upper | |||
that period. The water clock was invented, and the Egyptian Kingdom, with the capital Thebes. By | |||
art of mummification attained a level never sur- that time, Syria, Phoenicia and Palestine had | |||
passed. Glass was produced in great quantity, and already thrown off Egyptian rule, and Egypt’s | |||
the craft of glass-blowing developed. northern half was swamped by Libyan military | |||
Horses and camels came to be widely used. 2 : settlers headed by their chiefs, who formed alliances | |||
There was a marked growth in private estates. 2. with the local Egyptian nobles. Sheshonq I, one of | |||
Endeavouring to restrict the power of the nobility, ^ the Libyan military leaders, founded the Twenty- | |||
the kings sought support among broader sections of jj second Dynasty in the mid-lOth century B.C. But | |||
the free population. ~ his power, just as that of his successors, was not | |||
Slave-owning became widespread as never be- g. strong, and under the Libyan pharaohs of the 9th | |||
fore. Artisans and other simple folk often possessed | and 8th centuries B. C. Lower Egypt disintegrated | |||
slaves. The number of slaves was naturally greatest a into a number of separate provinces, | |||
on crown and temple estates. The sources show that 2 At the end of the 8th century B.C. the Ethiopi- | |||
Amenhotep II, one of the pharaohs of the Eigh- 2 an king Piankhi seized a large part of Upper Egypt, | |||
teenth Dynasty, brought back 89,600 prisoners from I including Thebes. The influential local priests sup- | |||
46 | |||
ported the Ethiopians, hoping to restore their own the border by the Babylonians. I nder Apries | |||
dominant position with their help, but Tefnachte, (589-570 B. C), one of Psammetichus I’s successors, | |||
the ruler of the city of Sais in Lower Egypt sue- Egypt supported Judah in its struggle against Baby- | |||
ceeded in uniting the forces opposed to the invasion Ion. Apries won a naval battle against the fleet of the | |||
with Libyans’ help. Memphis also rose against the Phoenician city of Tyre and the island of Cyprus, | |||
Ethiopians. In three battles, however, the Ethio- and thereupon undertook a campaign against Sidon, | |||
pians routed Tefnachte’s army and, advancing one of Phoenicia’s largest cities. In 586, an Egyptian | |||
north, reached Memphis, which they took by storm. army appeared at the walls of Jerusalem, but was | |||
Tefnachte had to surrender at the victors’discretion. defeated by the Babylonians. | |||
The next Ethiopian king to rule Egypt was Sha- By that time, Hellenes had founded the state of | |||
bako. According to a legend related by Manetho, Gyrene on the Mediterranean coast west of Egypt, | |||
he captured Lower Egypt’s pharaoh Bocchoris and Deciding to conquer it, Apries sent a strong army | |||
burned him alive. In 671 B. C., the Assyrian king against it, which was, however, defeated by the | |||
Esarhaddon defeated the army of the Ethiopian Greeks. The Egyptian army rebelled against Apries, | |||
pharaoh Taharqa and seized Memphis. But Assyrian and Amasis (570-526 B.C.) was declared king, | |||
power in Egypt was not stable, and the next Assyrian The Saite Dynasty mostly relied on foreign mer- | |||
king, Assurbanipal, again had to fight the Ethio- cenaries (Ionian Greeks, Carians and Palestinians), | |||
pians, finally driving them south in 667 B. C. Necho, Most of the warriors were of Libyan extraction, | |||
the nomarch of Sais and Memphis, who had nego- Saite pharaohs were also strongly supported by | |||
tiated with Taharqa before Assurbanipal’s move, the temples, which owned immense tracts of land, | |||
was put in irons and sent to Assyria. But Assurbani- That land was usually leased, and the lease-holders | |||
pal pardoned him, and even gave him fine clothes to could leave it to their heirs. Temples played a great | |||
wear and restored him to his former office of role in the country’s economy, particularly in the | |||
nomarch. sphere of money circulation. Silver, used as the value | |||
In 664 B. C. Taharqa died, and his successor standard, had a guarantee of good quality when it | |||
Tanutamon tried to seize Lower Egypt. At Thebes came from temples’ treasuries. Numerous officials of | |||
and other cities he was received by the inhabitants the Saite times sought positions as priests as these | |||
with delight. In Memphis, an Assyrian garrison gave them access to temple property, | |||
locked the gates but had to surrender after an unsuc- The 7th and 6th centuries B. C. were a period | |||
cessful sally. Soon, however, a new Assyrian army of rapid development of productive forces. Tools | |||
arrived, and the Ethiopians withdrew to the south. were now made of iron, which greatly facilitated | |||
Thebes, which had supported the Ethiopians, was economic progress. | |||
sacked, and many of its citizens were driven into After Amasis’s death, Egypt was ruled by Psam- | |||
captivity. metichus III, but his reign lasted less than a year. In | |||
Egypt was freed and united by Psammetichus I, 525 B. C. Cambyses II, king of Persia, went to war | |||
founder of the Twenty-sixth (Saite) Dynasty, who against Egypt. The Persian army was supported by | |||
was probably Necho’s son. At the beginning of his the Phoenician fleet. Cyprus, a dependency of | |||
rule (664 B. C.), Thebes was still in Ethiopian hands. Jr Egypt, took Cambyses’s side, the Cypriot fleet ren- | |||
Using Ionian and Carian mercenaries, Psammeti- 5 dering Cambyses effective assistance. Cambyses con- | |||
chus seized Thebes in 655 B. C. and united all Egypt " centrated his army in Palestine. Bedouins of the | |||
under his rule. § Sinai desert became Cambyses’s allies and helped his | |||
The next pharaoh, Necho II, tried to assert his £ army to cross the arid territory and reach Pelusium, | |||
dominion over Syria. In 608 B. C., Josiah, king of -T an Egyptian frontier city. Phanes, commander of | |||
Judah, met the Egyptian army at Megiddo, a city in ~ Greek and Carian mercenaries in the service of the | |||
northern Palestine, but was mortally wounded. ? Egyptian pharaoh Psammetichus, betrayed the lat- | |||
After that Judah had to pay a heavy tribute in gold ; ter and fled to the Persians, bringing valuable infor- | |||
and silver to the Egyptian pharaoh. But Egyptian § mation about the enemy’s military preparations, | |||
rule over Syria and Palestine lasted only three years, p The Egyptian army awaited the Persian host at | |||
and in 605 the Egyptian army was driven back to | Pelusium. In the ensuing battle (525 B.C.) both | |||
47 | |||
sides suffered heavy losses, but the Persians emerged | |||
victorious. The remnants of the Egyptian army and | |||
the mercenaries fled in confusion to Memphis. | |||
Now the whole of Egypt was in the hands of the | |||
Persians. The Libyan tribes living west of Egypt, as | |||
well as the Greeks of Cyrene and the city of Barca, | |||
voluntarily submitted to Cambyses and brought him | |||
gifts. | |||
At the end of August 525 B. C. Cambyses was offi¬ | |||
cially recognised as the king of Egypt. He founded a | |||
new dynasty of Egypt’s pharaohs-the Twenty- | |||
seventh. As official Egyptian sources show, Cam¬ | |||
byses disguised his annexation as a personal union | |||
with the Egyptians he was crowned according to | |||
the local custom and adopted the traditional titles of | |||
Egyptian kings. He participated in religious cere¬ | |||
monies at the temple of the goddess Neith in Sais, | |||
made sacrifices to Egyptian gods and rendered them | |||
other honours. Cambyses continued the policies of | |||
the Twenty-sixth Dynasty and tried to win the | |||
Egyptians over to his side. To legalise his seizure of | |||
Egypt, legends were spread about matrimonial links | |||
between Persian kings and Egyptian princesses: | |||
Cambyses was said to be born of the marriage of his | |||
father Cyrus II and the Egyptian princess Nitetis, | |||
daughter of pharaoh Apries. | |||
Egyptian Culture. Egyptian culture traversed a long | |||
path during the several millennia of its development. | |||
Its distinguishing features were a highly developed | |||
writing system, major achievements in mathematics, | |||
astronomy and medicine, splendid architectural | |||
monuments, and masterpieces of literature and art. | |||
The Egyptian system of writing evolved already | |||
during the Early Kingdom period, and on the eve of | |||
the First Dynasty (c. 3000 B. C.) all the principal | |||
types of signs and methods of their combination were | |||
already in use. In scientific literature, the signs of the | |||
Egyptian script are called by the Greek term “hi¬ | |||
eroglyphics”, or “sacred writing”. They looked like ~~ | |||
drawings of living beings and various objects, and 5 | |||
each drawing denoted the word corresponding to a | |||
the given object. Sounds were conveyed by hiero- if | |||
glyphics designating like-sounding names of objects, f | |||
Only consonants were taken into account. For in- a | |||
stance, the symbol for bread (t in Egyptian ; denoted | |||
at the same time the consonant t. Since each of the | |||
24 Early Egyptian consonants was denoted by a spe- ? | |||
cial sign, it would have been possible to write in let¬ | |||
ters only, but the Egyptians never adopted the | |||
alphabetic system of writing. Already by the begin¬ | |||
ning of the First Dynasty a mixed script had been | |||
elaborated, with words noted down both in pictorial | |||
and phonetic signs. During the first two dynasties | |||
and later, ink and long reed brushes were used for | |||
writing. The early development of writing in Egypt | |||
was due to its use in state records and correspon¬ | |||
dence, and on large estates. Apart from the | |||
numerous scribes, high officials were also-some times | |||
skilled in writing. | |||
At about the year 700 B. C., the so-called Demotic | |||
(literally “popular”) writing evolved in northern | |||
Egypt from l,he former business-correspondence cur¬ | |||
sive. Its emergence was necessitated by the growing | |||
need for keeping all kinds of business records in con¬ | |||
nection with the development of commodity-money | |||
relations. | |||
Under the first dynasties, each year of the reign of | |||
a pharaoh was given a name after some remarkable | |||
event that occurred in that year. The names of the | |||
years were entered in a chronicle. A continuous | |||
chain of such records began with the First Dynasty, | |||
whereas before that the list merely gave the rulers’ | |||
names. The earliest of all known circumstantial | |||
annual records date from the times of Sneferu, the | |||
first king of the Fourth Dynasty. At the beginning of | |||
the Nineteenth Dynasty, the famous Turin Canon | |||
was compiled or copied, listing in detail the pha¬ | |||
raohs' reigns with exact chronological data. | |||
Time was reckoned in years divided into months | |||
and days. From the First Dynasty, or probably even | |||
earlier, annual records were kept of the level of the | |||
Nile’s floods, on which the country’s economic well¬ | |||
being depended. | |||
Arithmetic was highly developed already at the | |||
time of the Early Kingdom due to the need to keep | |||
records in the state apparatus and on noblemen’s | |||
estates. At the beginning of the First Dynasty Egyp¬ | |||
tians could handle large numbers up to a million. | |||
The scale of notation was basically decimal. Our | |||
principal sources on Old Egyptian mathematics are | |||
the Rhind Mathematical Papyrus from the British | |||
Museum and the Moscow Mathematical Papyrus | |||
which was studied by Academician V. V. Struve, | |||
the outstanding Soviet scholar. These monuments | |||
contain numerous arithmetical problems showing | |||
that during the Middle Kingdom the Egyptians | |||
48 | |||
were conversant with the four arithmetical op¬ | |||
erations of addition, substraction, multiplication | |||
and division, with fractions and the system of deci¬ | |||
mal notation. Egyptian mathematicians were also | |||
able to find the root of a number and square a number, | |||
they knew proportions and geometrical progressions. | |||
The tasks of practical geometry included finding | |||
the area and volume of various geometric figures- | |||
rectangles, circles, cylinders, etc. It follows that the | |||
Egyptians knew the correlation between the angles | |||
and sides of the right triangle. Among other prob¬ | |||
lems, the Moscow Mathematical Papyrus contains a | |||
very interesting calculation of the volume of a trun¬ | |||
cated pyramid. | |||
The need to calculate the periods of the Nile’s | |||
floods stimulated the development of Egyptian | |||
astronomy. Years were counted by observing the | |||
star Sirius, whose appearance in the morning coin¬ | |||
cided with the beginning of the annual flood. | |||
According to the Egyptians, a year consisted of | |||
three seasons, each of which included four months of | |||
30 days each. Apart from these 360 days, five more | |||
were added to the calendar. Thus a calendar year | |||
differed but insignificantly from a natural year (con¬ | |||
sisting of 365.25 days), the margin of error being one | |||
day in four years. | |||
The Egyptians made great advances in medicine. | |||
There were doctors specialising in the treatment of | |||
eyes, teeth, etc. Fragments from a book of medical | |||
instructions for the treatment of gynaecological dis¬ | |||
eases and another on animal diseases have survived | |||
since the Middle Kingdom. One of the medical | |||
books from the New Kingdom gives a detailed des¬ | |||
cription of blood circulation. Fragments of a MS on | |||
the treatment of wounds (e. g., skull fracture or | |||
damage to the mouth cavity) has also survived from | |||
that time. The achievements of Egyptian medicine | |||
are also attested by the fact that Egyptian mummies .if | |||
prepared several millennia ago have been well pre- 3 | |||
served to the present, and the secret of their making | |||
has not yet been fully unravelled. | |||
The sun, symbolising life, warmth and light, was 5 | |||
regarded as the state god and the chief protector of S | |||
the pharaohs. From the Old Kingdom onwards the | |||
pharaohs erected temples in honour of the sun. ? | |||
The city of Iunu, which the Greeks later called the - | |||
City of the Sun (Heliopolis), was the centre of sun ! | |||
worship. The cult of Ra, the sun-god, was one of the j? | |||
principal cults in Egypt. Gradually, the cult of the f | |||
god Horus merged with the Ra cult; Horus was | |||
usually depicted in the form of a hawk, the protector | |||
of royal power, or as a sun disc with bird’s wings. | |||
Later, during the Middle Kingdom, when Thebes | |||
became the capital of Egypt, the local Theban god | |||
Amon was declared to be the supreme deity of all | |||
Egypt under the name of Amon-Ra, absorbing the | |||
Ra cult along with several local sun cults. During | |||
the New Kingdom, Amon was regarded as the pro¬ | |||
tector of the pharaohs’ power, and his cult was the | |||
principal ideological support of the king, who was | |||
seen as Amon’s son. Under pharaoh Ikhnaton, the | |||
Amon cult gave way to the cult of Aton, the life-giv¬ | |||
ing sun disc, as the state religion. | |||
The pharaoh was regarded as the living likeness of | |||
the sun-god. The deification of royal power was an | |||
important trait of Egyptian religion throughout its | |||
existence. | |||
Apart from the state god, each city had a tutelary | |||
god of its own, and often several gods. | |||
The cult of the god Osiris was also connected with | |||
that of royal power. Whereas the sun was the god of | |||
the living pharaoh, Osiris was the god or the proto¬ | |||
type of the dead one. Underlying the worshipping of | |||
Osiris was the farmers’ deification of the annually | |||
dying and rising forces of nature, the personification | |||
of floods bringing fresh strength to the vegetation. | |||
Beginning with the late Old Kingdom, any dead | |||
person could be regarded as Osiris and acquire his | |||
merits through magic to continue existence in the | |||
next world. Initially, Osiris was the local god of the | |||
cities of Busiris and Abydos, but later it became a | |||
very popular deity throughout Egypt. | |||
Characteristic of the Egyptians was a well-devel¬ | |||
oped afterlife cult. They believed that death was not | |||
the destruction of man but merely his transition to | |||
the next world. To enable man to continue existence | |||
after death, the body had to be preserved by mum¬ | |||
mification. Mummification was known already in | |||
the Old Kingdom, although at that time the art was | |||
only rudimentary. For the dead man to continue life | |||
in the next world, he was also provided with a tomb, | |||
food, drink and various utensils. Huge pyramids | |||
were built for the kings. The common people could | |||
not afford tombs. Those who had no tombs and | |||
made no provision for sacrifices after death stood in | |||
danger of suffering from hunger and thirst in the | |||
next world. | |||
From the earliest times, animal cults were highly | |||
49 | |||
4-344 | |||
developed in Egypt. Numerous gods were wor¬ | |||
shipped in the guise of animals believed to be incar¬ | |||
nations of these deities. Such cults were especially | |||
widespread in the late (Saite) times, from which | |||
whole cemeteries of mummified sacred animals have | |||
survived. For example, the sacred bull Apis was wor¬ | |||
shipped in Memphis, and his cult was strongly sup¬ | |||
ported by the state. | |||
During the Saite and subsequent periods there | |||
was an emphasis on the ancient cult of Neith, the | |||
protectress of Sais and of Egyptian kings. | |||
According to ancient Egyptian beliefs, man was | |||
endowed with several souls. One of the souls was the | |||
person’s “double”, believed to be his spiritual ele¬ | |||
ment. Signs of the faith in the existence of a person’s | |||
double seen as his soul are found already in inscrip¬ | |||
tions from the First Dynasty. A person’s name was | |||
also regarded as one of the souls. Special care was | |||
therefore taken to preserve the name, which was | |||
equated with the preservation of the person. | |||
The funerary incantations and magic formulas in¬ | |||
scribed on the sarcophagi of the Middle Kingdom | |||
period later formed the basis of the Book of the Dead. | |||
The book is a motley collection of logically uncon¬ | |||
nected incantations, hymns, prayers, and glorifica¬ | |||
tions of the gods. Most incantations were intended to | |||
protect the dead from the horrors of the next world | |||
and to ensure their posthumous bliss. The Book of the | |||
Dead contains, in particular, a description of judge¬ | |||
ment after death, with the weighing of the dead | |||
man’s heart (the seat of reason, according to Egyp¬ | |||
tian concepts) and a list of his sins. That part of the | |||
Book of the Dead belongs to the New Kingdom period, | |||
when the view took root that only the righteous were | |||
assured posthumous bliss. During the New Kingdom | |||
this book was usually written on papyrus scrolls and | |||
placed in the dead man’s tomb, to ensure acquittal | |||
in Osiris’s court and bliss after death. The best pas¬ | |||
sages of the Book of the Dead date to the Eighteenth j | |||
Dynasty-a period of efflorescence in Egyptian ~ | |||
literature. | |||
Old Egyptian literature is known with any degree | | |||
of certainty only from the times of the Middle King- ~ | |||
dom. Achthoes’s instructions to his son, a monument 2 | |||
of the profession of scribes, is a mockery of all the | | |||
other occupations, imbued with the complacency of 5 | |||
officialdom. Two more Instructions of the Middle ' | |||
5. | |||
Kingdom period have been preserved, compiled by | |||
royal fathers and containing admonitions to their g | |||
future successors on the art of running the state. | |||
One of the best monuments of Egyptian literature | |||
is the “Tale of Sinuhe”-a work of considerable | |||
artistic merit with a lively and detailed narrative. | |||
In brief, the story is this. A new king succeeds to | |||
the throne some time during the Middle Kingdom. | |||
Sinuhe, a courtier, who is at the time with an army | |||
camp, flees to Syria for fear of being implicated in | |||
court intrigues. After a long series of vicissitudes he | |||
reaches Syria, where he gradually attains riches and | |||
high status. In his old age, tormented by homesick¬ | |||
ness, he returns to Egypt where pharaoh Sinusert | |||
favourably receives him. | |||
The “Story of Shipwrecked Sailor” is a narrative | |||
of voyages to remote lands. After a terrible storm | |||
destroys his ship, a certain Egyptian is stranded on a | |||
mysterious island where a huge serpent lives. That | |||
serpent generously supplies the guest with perfumes, | |||
ivory and other precious objects and sends him on | |||
his way back home. An Egyptian ship picks up the | |||
courageous sailor and brings him to the pharaoh’s | |||
court. The story eloquently describes the fairy-tale | |||
landscape of the island and its wondrous fruits. | |||
The cycle of tales about pharaoh Cheops and the | |||
magicians also dates to the Middle Kingdom, | |||
although they may have appeared as early as the | |||
Old Kingdom. In these tales, the crown princes, one | |||
after another, describe to Cheops the magic deeds of | |||
wizards that lived in the times of his predecessors. | |||
The “Tale of the Eloquent Peasant” reflects the | |||
social relations of the Middle Kingdom. A villager | |||
sets out for the capital but is robbed on the way there | |||
by a highly placed official’s servant. When the vic¬ | |||
tim appeals to the official, the latter is not moved by | |||
his story but notices that the peasant is eloquent and | |||
makes him say long speeches which are recorded and | |||
sent to the pharaoh, a lover of rhetoric. In the end | |||
the pharaoh punishes the robber and rewards the | |||
victim. | |||
Beginning with the Nineteenth Dynasty, a rich | |||
artistic tradition develops in spoken New Egyptian | |||
which became the literary norm of the 15th and 14th | |||
centuries B.C. One of these works, the “Tale of | |||
Truth and Falsehood”, expresses indignation at the | |||
indifference of the powers that be towards the lot of | |||
the underprivileged. The “Life-weary Man’s Dis¬ | |||
pute with His Soul” narrates the sufferings of a man | |||
disillusioned by the evil and soulless society and | |||
seeking death. The soul tries to talk him out of sui- | |||
50 | |||
cide, advising him to enjoy life and not to hope for a | |||
life after death. | |||
During the New Kingdom, several myths were in¬ | |||
vented (or given literary form). Particularly popular | |||
among these was the Osiris myth, according to | |||
which Osiris was killed by his evil brother Seth. Isis, | |||
the wife of Osiris, and his sister Nephthis revived the | |||
dead god. Later Isis gave birth to Osiris’s son Horus, | |||
who vanquished Seth and took revenge upon him. | |||
Tried by the gods, Horus was acquitted and inher¬ | |||
ited his father’s royal power and heavenly throne. | |||
Later myths of creation sing the praises of the sun- | |||
god, who fashioned heaven, earth, plants, animals, | |||
and fishes out of the original aquatic chaos. | |||
The “Myth of the Destruction of Mankind” is the | |||
story of people ceasing to obey the gods when the | |||
supreme god Ra became old. To punish the refrac¬ | |||
tory humans Ra sent the divine Lioness Hathor- | |||
Sekhmet to the earth, who began to destroy them | |||
everywhere. Fearing a complete extermination of | |||
the human race, Ra ordered an inebriating beverage | |||
to be poured on earth. Hathor-Sekhmet took that | |||
beverage for human blood and on tasting it became | |||
drunk. Man was thus saved from complete disap¬ | |||
pearance from the face of the earth. | |||
Narrative literature of later Egyptian epochs is | |||
known but poorly. One of the works of that time, a | |||
papyrus from the Pushkin Fine Arts Museum in | |||
Moscow, offers a detailed and lively account of the | |||
voyage of the Egyptian Wen-Amon to the Phoeni¬ | |||
cian city of By bios to get timber for a temple bark on | |||
instructions from a Theban priest. Quite possibly | |||
this narrative was founded on actual adventures. | |||
Among other interesting points it contains a pictur¬ | |||
esque description of a stormy sea. | |||
Already in the early dynastic period, Egyptian art | |||
made a great contribution to human culture. It was | |||
at that period that the traditional pictorial forms | |||
were forged, which were later used in Egyptian art | |||
for many centuries. | |||
In the pre-dynastic period, some artists achieved | |||
great mastery in the portrayal of men and animals. | |||
A fairly large number of round sculptures from the | |||
times of the Early Kingdom have been preserved. | |||
The sculptural monuments of the Third and Fourth | |||
Dynasties aimed at a faithful reproduction of the ori¬ | |||
ginal. The artists portrayed the faces of pharaohs | |||
and their contemporaries with striking realism. | |||
The pyramids of the Old Kingdom are magnifi¬ | |||
Q | |||
5 | |||
s | |||
51 | |||
cent architectural monuments. During the Middle | |||
Kingdom construction of stone edifices flourished | |||
again. South of Memphis, at the entrance to the | |||
Fayum oasis and in the desert around it, mudbrick | |||
limestone-faced pyramids of the kings were built. | |||
Beginning with pharaoh Tuthmosis I, Egyptian | |||
kings gave up the construction of pyramids. Tuth¬ | |||
mosis ordered a tomb to be cut of rock in a gorge | |||
west of Thebes. Later, a royal cemetery was built | |||
here with cave tombs that were sometimes a | |||
hundred metres long. These tombs could not be seen | |||
from the outside, and their location was a great | |||
secret. | |||
Art in the Middle Kingdom, and especially tomb | |||
painting, made great advances. For example, mili¬ | |||
tary exercises were skilfully and precisely painted | |||
during the Eleventh Dynasty in nomarchs’ tombs | |||
near modern Beni-Hasan.Wooden sculptures of the | |||
Middle Kingdom are quite remarkable for their rea¬ | |||
listic portrayal of craftsmen. | |||
The art of the New Kingdom is particularly rich | |||
in architectural monuments. Construction engineer¬ | |||
ing of that time is known mostly from the ruins of | |||
Akhenaton’s capital at modern el-Amarna which | |||
was abandoned by the pharaoh’s successors and has | |||
survived to our times without much change. | |||
The greatest monument of the New Kingdom was | |||
the Temple of Thebes, or the Karnak temple, which | |||
took centuries to build. Numerous courts and pylons | |||
adjoined the main edifice here. Before the pylons, | |||
immense royal sculptures and polished obelisks | |||
stood. A road lined with sphinxes led to the temple. | |||
The sculptured portraits of Nefertiti, Akhenaton’s | |||
wife, are masterpieces of Egyptian art. Many sculp¬ | |||
tures of exquisite finish have also been preserved | |||
since Saite times. | |||
Ancient Egyptian culture made a great impact on | |||
the neighbouring countries of the ancient Orient | |||
and later on antique culture, particularly of the Hel¬ | |||
lenistic and Roman periods. Greek and Roman his¬ | |||
torians, philosophers, scholars, artists, and sculptors | |||
displayed a lively interest in the history, culture, and | |||
science of Egypt. The present interest for the culture | |||
of ancient Egypt is also understandable. Archaeolo¬ | |||
gical studies now conducted in the Republic of | |||
Egypt continue to yield remarkable monuments of | |||
art, literature and architecture, enabling us to unra¬ | |||
vel the mysteries of that great civilisation of the | |||
East. | |||
Chapter 2 | |||
The Ancient States of Mesopotamia | |||
Geographical Conditions. Population. Mesopotamia is a | |||
flat country between the Tigris and the Euphrates in | |||
their lower and middle reaches. In the north and | |||
east Mesopotamia is bounded by the slopes of the | |||
Armenian and Iranian plateaus, in the west it | |||
adjoins the Syrian steppe and Arabian semi-desert, | |||
and in the south, the Persian Gulf. The Euphrates is | |||
2,700 kilometres, and the Tigris, 1,900 kilometres | |||
long. Both rivers arise on the Armenian plateau, and | |||
in ancient times they emptied separately into the | |||
Persian Gulf. The Tigris is more turbulent than the | |||
Euphrates and carries twice as much water. Both | |||
these rivers have several tributaries each. The major | |||
tributaries of the Euphrates are the Balikh and the | |||
Khabur, and those of the Tigris are the Great and | |||
the Little Zab and the Diyala. In spring and sum¬ | |||
mer these rivers regularly overflowed due to the | |||
thawing of snow in the mountainous areas. They | |||
carried silt containing organic elements and solu¬ | |||
tions of inorganic compounds from rock minerals, | |||
which fertilised the fields. The soil of Mesopotamia | |||
was fertile, but irrigation, melioration and drainage | |||
were needed all the year round to raise good crops. | |||
The earliest population inhabited both banks of the j | |||
two rivers in the lower reaches, but mostly it lived ~ | |||
along the Euphrates, whose waters were easier to use | |||
for irrigation. | |||
In the north of Mesopotamia, the climate is ~ | |||
sharply continental, and in the south, dry and hot. | |||
There was an abundance of clay and natural asphalt | | |||
but neither building stone nor any metals in the val- 2 | |||
ley of the two rivers. Willows grew on the river | |||
banks, and there was a great deal of reed in the “ | |||
marshlands of the south, but no forest at all. The S | |||
plants cultivated here were barley, spelt, millet, | |||
onions, garlic, cucumbers, beans, peas, and sesame. | |||
The rivers teemed with fish, which was an important | |||
element of the diet. | |||
The centre of the development of the earliest civi¬ | |||
lisation lay in the valley of the Euphrates and Tigris, | |||
in the southern part of the country known in anti¬ | |||
quity as Babylonia. Babylonia’s northern part was | |||
called Akkad, its south, Sumer. The northern part of | |||
Mesopotamia, an undulating steppe rising towards | |||
mountainous ridges, was Assyria. It was situated in | |||
the middle reaches of the Tigris, that is, on the terri¬ | |||
tory of modern north-eastern Iraq. | |||
The first settlements in southern Mesopotamia | |||
appeared in the 5th millennium B.C. The people | |||
who settled the lower reaches of the Tigris and | |||
Euphrates found there excellent hunting and fishing | |||
grounds. Gradually, however, the population began | |||
to cultivate land with the help of flint hoes and to | |||
breed livestock, although hunting and fishing con¬ | |||
tinued to play an important role in their lives. It is at | |||
present difficult to determine the ethnic origin of | |||
these first settlers of the lower Tigris and Euphrates. | |||
The first Sumerian settlements emerged in the | |||
extreme south of Mesopotamia not later than the | |||
beginning of the 4th millennium B. C., although the | |||
precise date of those first settlements is difficult to | |||
ascertain. Judging by ancient pictures, the Sumer¬ | |||
ians’ characteristic traits were a round face and a | |||
large straight nose. It appears that the Sumerians | |||
were not the first inhabitants of southern Mesopota¬ | |||
mia, as many toponymic elements occurring there | |||
after the settlement of the lower Tigris and Eu¬ | |||
phrates by that people cannot be explained in terms | |||
52 | |||
of Sumerian. The Sumerians apparently found | |||
tribes in southern Mesopotamia which spoke a lan¬ | |||
guage different from both Sumerian and Akkadian, | |||
and borrowed from them the most ancient names of | |||
the country’s various areas. Gradually the Sumer¬ | |||
ians occupied the whole of Mesopotamia, from the | |||
present-day site of Bagdad in the north down to | |||
the Persian Gulf in the south. Where the Sumerians | |||
originally came from is so far uncertain. Contradic¬ | |||
tory views have been expressed by various scholars, | |||
Iran, Asia Minor and Central Asia being named as | |||
possible homelands of the Sumerians. According to | |||
an ancient tradition of the Sumerians themselves, | |||
they arrived in Mesopotamia from the islands of the | |||
Persian Gulf. | |||
The Sumerians spoke a language whose affinity to | |||
any of the known languages has not yet been estab¬ | |||
lished. Many scholars have endeavoured to prove | |||
kinship between Sumerian and Turkic, Caucasian, | |||
Etruscan and other languages, but so far no defini¬ | |||
tive results have been achieved. | |||
Beginning with the first half of the 3rd millennium | |||
B. C., the northern part of Mesopotamia was inhab¬ | |||
ited by the Semites. These were the cattle-breeding | |||
tribes of the ancient Levant and of the Syrian steppe. | |||
The language of Semitic tribes which settled Meso¬ | |||
potamia was called Akkadian. In southern Mesopo¬ | |||
tamia, the Semites spoke the Babylonian, and in the | |||
north, in the middle Tigris valley, the Assyrian dia¬ | |||
lect of the Akkadian language. | |||
For several centuries the Semites coexisted with | |||
the Sumerians, but later they began to move south | |||
and by the end of the 3rd millennium B. C. occupied | |||
the whole of southern Mesopotamia. As a result, the | |||
Akkadian language gradually ousted out Sumerian. | |||
The latter, however, remained the official state lan¬ | |||
guage as late as the 21st century B.C., although it | |||
was more and more replaced by Akkadian in every¬ | |||
day life. By the beginning of the 2nd millennium | |||
B. C. Sumerian was already a dead language. It was | |||
able to survive only in the out-of-the-way areas of | |||
the lower Tigris and Euphrates, but later it was sup¬ | |||
planted by Akkadian here as well. However, Sume¬ | |||
rian continued to exist as the language of the religious | |||
cult and, to some extent, of science, and to be | |||
studied at schools, until the 1st century A.D. | |||
However, the disappearance of the Sumerian lan¬ | |||
guage did not at all signify a physical extermination | |||
of the people who spoke it. The Sumerians mixed | |||
with the Semites, retaining their religion and cul¬ | |||
ture, which the Akkadians borrowed from them with | |||
some modifications. | |||
Late in the 3rd millennium B. C., stock-breeding | |||
tribes of Semitic origin began to penetrate into | |||
Mesopotamia from the Syrian steppe. Akkadians | |||
called these West-Semitic tribes the Amorites. In | |||
Akkadian, Amurru meant “West”, chiefly with refer¬ | |||
ence to Syria; the nomads of this region included | |||
numerous tribes which spoke different though cog¬ | |||
nate dialects. Some of these tribes were called the | |||
Sutaeans. | |||
Beginning with the 3rd millennium B. C., north¬ | |||
ern Mesopotamia, from the upper Diyala to Lake | |||
Urmia, now the territory of Iranian Azerbaijan and | |||
Kurdistan, was inhabited by the Quti or Guti tribes. | |||
Their occupations were land cultivation and semi- | |||
nomadic stock-breeding. The Gutians’ ethnic origin | |||
is still a mystery; it is certain, though, that they spoke | |||
a language quite different from the Sumerian or | |||
from any Semitic or Indo-European languages. The | |||
language of the Gutian tribes may have been cog¬ | |||
nate with Hurrian. At the end of the 23rd century | |||
the Gutians, who were then still at the primitive | |||
communal stage of development, invaded Mesopo¬ | |||
tamia. For a whole century they held sway there, | |||
imposing a heavy tribute on the population, but at | |||
the end of the 22nd century the Gutians’ power in | |||
Mesopotamia was overthrown, and they were | |||
pushed back to the upper Diyala, where they still | |||
lived as late as the 1st millennium B. C. | |||
Since ancient times, northern Mesopotamia was | |||
inhabited by Hurrian tribes. Apparently they were | |||
the autochtonous population of northern Mesopota¬ | |||
mia, northern Syria and the Armenian plateau. In | |||
northern Mesopotamia, the Hurrians founded the | |||
Mitanni state, which was one of the major powers of | |||
g 3 the Near East in the mid-2nd millennium B. C. The | |||
? Hurrians formed the bulk of the Mitanni popula- | |||
N tion, although there were also some Indo-European | |||
S or, to be more precise, Indo-Aryan newcomers | |||
^ there. In Syria, the Hurrians were apparently in the | |||
| minority. In language and origin the Hurrians were | |||
closely related to Urartaean tribes inhabiting the | |||
S' Armenian plateau. In the 3rd and 2nd millennia, | |||
^ the Hurrian-Urartaean ethnic stratum occupied the | |||
? entire territory from the hilly plains of northern | |||
| Mesopotamia to central Transcaucasia. There is evi- | |||
| dence that in the 3rd and 2nd millennia B.C. the | |||
53 | |||
Sumerians and the Akkadians called the Hurrian | |||
country and the Hurrian tribes Subartu (hence the | |||
modern ethnic name Subareans). The Hurrians still | |||
lived in some parts of the Armenian plateau in the | |||
6th and 5th centuries B. C. In the 2nd millennium | |||
B. C., the Hurrians borrowed the Akkadian cunei¬ | |||
form script, in which they wrote both in Hurrian | |||
and in Akkadian. | |||
In the second half of the 2nd millennium B. C., | |||
considerable migrations of Semitic stock-breeding | |||
tribes occurred in the Near Edst. A great wave of | |||
Aramaean tribes moved into the Syrian steppe, | |||
northern Syria and northern Mesopotamia from | |||
northern Arabia. These tribes are first mentioned in | |||
the middle of the 2nd millennium B.C. At first, the | |||
Akkadians called them Ahlamu and later Aramu. In | |||
the late 13th century B. C. the Aramaeans founded | |||
a great number of small principalities in western | |||
Syria and south-western Mesopotamia. By the | |||
beginning of the 1st millennium B.C., the Ara¬ | |||
maeans assimilated almost completely the Hurrian | |||
and Amorite population of Syria and northern | |||
Mesopotamia. | |||
In the 8th century B. C., all Aramaean states were | |||
seized by Assyria, but the influence of the Aramaic | |||
language only increased after that. By the 7th cen¬ | |||
tury B. C. all Syria spoke Aramaic, and it began to | |||
spread through Mesopotamia as well-a process faci¬ | |||
litated by the fact that the Aramaeans were extre¬ | |||
mely numerous, and their script was convenient and | |||
easily learnt. | |||
In the 8th and 7th centuries B. C. the Assyrian | |||
administration adopted the policy of moving about | |||
the subjugated peoples from one end of the Assyrian | |||
empire to another. The purpose of these depor¬ | |||
tations was to impede understanding between differ¬ | |||
ent peoples and thus to prevent their rebelling | |||
against the Assyrian yoke. Besides, Assyrian kings | |||
endeavoured to settle territories devastated by end¬ | |||
less wars. As a result of the mixing of peoples and | |||
languages inevitable in such cases, the Aramaic lan¬ | |||
guage everywhere emerged victorious, becoming the | |||
dominant vernacular from Syria to the western | |||
regions of Iran. Even in Assyria itself Aramaic came | |||
to be spoken in everyday intercourse. After the | |||
downfall of the Assyrian empire in the late 7th cen¬ | |||
tury B. C., the Assyrians completely gave up their | |||
own language and switched to Aramaic. | |||
Beginning with the 9th century B. C., southern | |||
Babylonia was invaded by the Chaldaeans related to | |||
the Aramaeans; gradually, Chaldaeans occupied the | |||
whole country. | |||
After the conquest of Mesopotamia by the Per¬ | |||
sians in 539 B. C., Aramaic became the official lan¬ | |||
guage of state administration in that country, while | |||
Akkadian lived on only in the major cities, but even | |||
here it was gradually superseded by the Aramaic | |||
and by the late 1st century A. D. completely for¬ | |||
gotten. The Babylonians themselves ultimately | |||
merged with the Chaldaeans and Aramaeans. | |||
Sources. Of great significance for the emergence of | |||
Assyriology - the science studying the languages, his¬ | |||
tory and culture of the ancient Near East-was the | |||
deciphering of Old Persian cuneiform writing by the | |||
German scholar Georg Grotefend in 1802. After | |||
that, the Akkadian cuneiform writing was also deci¬ | |||
phered with the aid of trilingual inscriptions from | |||
Iran. 1857 is regarded as the year when Assyriology | |||
was born. | |||
Archaeological studies of Mesopotamia began in | |||
the first half of the 19th century. At first, however, | |||
the excavations were limited to the search for sensa¬ | |||
tional finds, such as reliefs and precious objects. In | |||
1843, the French diplomat Paul Pmile Botta dis¬ | |||
covered the ruins of the city of Dur-Sharrukin (now | |||
the site Khorsabad), the residence of the Assyrian | |||
king Sargon II. These excavations formed the | |||
beginning of the Assyrian collection of the Louvre. | |||
In 1845-1847 the British diplomat Henry Layard | |||
excavated the Nimrud mound, under which the | |||
ruins of the Assyrian city of Kalhu were discovered. | |||
In 1853, Hormuzd Rassam, a British subject, found | |||
the ruins of Assurbanipal’s palace and library | |||
in Nineveh (modern mound Kuyunjik). These finds | |||
formed the basis of the cuneiform collections of the | |||
British Museum. | |||
Since 1890, the expedition of the University of | |||
Pennsylvania had been digging at the site of the city | |||
of Nippur, with some interruptions. Remains of the | |||
temple of the god Enlil with a ziggurat have been | |||
discovered, as well as ruins of a ruler’s palace and | |||
many Sumerian literary texts. Between 1899 and | |||
1917, a German expedition under Robert Koldewey | |||
dug at the site of Babylon. This was the most costly | |||
excavation in the history of archaeology. The city’s | |||
walls, Nebuchadnezzar II’s palace, city blocks and a | |||
great many other things were found. In 1919, the | |||
British scholar Leonard Woolley began to dig at the | |||
site of the city of Ur, discovering there the remains of | |||
a ziggurat, temples, and a royal necropolis with | |||
1,800 burials and valuable grave goods from the | |||
middle of the 3rd millennium B. C. Since 1933, | |||
French archaeologists under Andre Parrot had | |||
been digging at the Mari site (modern Tell Har¬ | |||
iri) in Syria. The magnificent palace of the king of | |||
Mari has been excavated, as well as an archive with | |||
about 20,000 cuneiform tablets - business texts and | |||
diplomatic correspondence between Mari rulers and | |||
Syrian and Mesopotamian kings. | |||
Although archaeological excavations on Iraqi ter¬ | |||
ritory have been going on for more than a hundred | |||
years, they continue to yield fresh boons to archaeo¬ | |||
logical science - works of art, literature, and docu¬ | |||
ments from everyday life. For the early periods of the | |||
history of Mesopotamia, when writing did not yet | |||
exist (the first written texts appeared at the begin¬ | |||
ning of the 3rd millennium), of great signif icance are | |||
tools, remnants of dwellings, grave goods, and | |||
handicraft products. | |||
As a result of many years of excavation in Iraq, in¬ | |||
teresting materials on the earliest stages of the Meso¬ | |||
potamian civilisation have been obtained by Soviet | |||
archaeologists. | |||
Mesopotamia’s ancient history is documented in | |||
numerous written sources, including hundreds of | |||
thousands of business, administrative, and legal | |||
documents, historical chronicles, laws, literary | |||
works, grammatical, medical, astronomical, mathe¬ | |||
matical and religious texts. | |||
The most ancient business records, about a thou¬ | |||
sand clay tablets all told, have been found at Uruk | |||
and Jemdet Nasr. These documents are inventories | |||
of foodstuffs and tools written in a very early type of | |||
script, the pictographic one. Later, beginning with r | |||
the middle of the 3rd millennium B. C., large 5 | |||
archives of diverse cuneiform texts appear. Of these, N | |||
legal monuments should especially be mentioned, as J | |||
they enable us to study ancient legal norms and pro- ? | |||
cedures. No other country of the ancient world left | | |||
such a wealth of legal codes as did Mesopotamia. £ | |||
The oldest of these are the Laws of Shulgi, dated to 5 | |||
the late 3rd millennium. Laws from Eshnunna, a ^ | |||
peripheral kingdom in the valley of the Diyala, are a | |||
dated to the 20th century. The most comprehensive | | |||
collection of laws is the Code of Hammurapi (18th |- | |||
century B. C.). The law book from Assur, the capital | |||
of the Assyrian state, containing the text of the so- | |||
called Middle Assyrian laws, is dated to the second | |||
half of the 2nd millennium B. C. | |||
Of great importance for the study of political and | |||
military history are inscriptions left by the rulers of | |||
Sumer, Babylonia and Assyria. | |||
At about 290 B. C., a Babylonian named Berossos, | |||
a priest of the Esagila temple, compiled a three- | |||
volume work on the history and culture of Baby¬ | |||
lonia. His sources were astronomical tables, ancient | |||
Babylonian mythology and historical documents. | |||
Regrettably, that valuable work, written in Greek | |||
and based on reliable sources, has only been pre¬ | |||
served in extracts from the works of later antique | |||
authors. | |||
Sumer. At the end of the 4th millennium and begin¬ | |||
ning of the 3rd, almost simultaneously with the | |||
emergence of the state in Egypt, the first states | |||
appeared in the southern part of the Tigris- | |||
Euphrates valley, one of the most important foun¬ | |||
tainheads of world civilisation. | |||
At that time, the ancient population of southern | |||
Mesopotamia began to drain the marshlands and to | |||
use the water of the Euphrates, and later of the more | |||
turbulent Tigris, for land irrigation. The alluvial soil | |||
was soft and loose, so that canals and dams could be | |||
built with the most primitive tools. Gradually the | |||
irrigation system was extended to cover entire pro¬ | |||
vinces. The network of waterways that was the basis | |||
of irrigation later changed but little compared with | |||
the beginning of the 3rd millennium, and abundant | |||
stable harvests were gathered already in remote | |||
antiquity. Texts from the first half of the 3rd millen¬ | |||
nium point to the existence of an efficient administ¬ | |||
ration and to the functioning of a well-kept and | |||
effective system of irrigation and an extensive | |||
network of canals. Relatively high labour producti¬ | |||
vity permitted the use of slave labour as early as the | |||
beginning of the 3rd millennium. The Sumerian | |||
words for male and female slave, which literally | |||
meant “man or woman of the mountains”, show | |||
that originally slaves were foreigners, i. e., prisoners | |||
of war. | |||
At the beginning of the 3rd millennium, the | |||
southern part of Mesopotamia was not yet united - | |||
several small city-states existed here. These cities, | |||
1 | |||
built on natural hills, were surrounded by walls. | |||
They had a population of 40 to 50 thousand each. | |||
Situated in the extreme south-west of Mesopota¬ | |||
mia was the city of Eridu which, according to | |||
Sumerian legend, developed a high culture. Close to | |||
Eridu lay the city of Ur, which played a great role in | |||
the history of Sumer. North of Ur, the city of Larsa | |||
stood on the bank of the Euphrates, and east of | |||
Larsa, on the bank of the Tigris, the city of Lagash | |||
was situated. Uruk, lying on the Euphrates, played a | |||
prominent role in the unification of the country. | |||
Nippur, the principal shrine of the whole Sumer, | |||
stood approximately in the centre of Mesopotamia. | |||
The work of Berossos shows that Babylonian | |||
priests divided the history of their country into two | |||
periods, “before the flood” and “after the flood”. | |||
Berossos lists ten kings that are said to have ruled | |||
432,000 years before the flood. Just as fantastic is the | |||
figure for the reigns before the flood contained in | |||
cuneiform lists compiled early in the 2nd millen¬ | |||
nium B. C. at Isin and Larsa. That Sumerian list of | |||
kings, covering the period from the beginning of | |||
Mesopotamian history to the end of the First | |||
Dynasty of Isin (1794 B. C.) is based on the assump¬ | |||
tion that Babylonia, the areas of Diyala and the mid¬ | |||
dle Euphrates (i. e., the Mari state) always consti¬ | |||
tuted a single state, and that the dynasties listed | |||
there ruled consecutively rather than simul¬ | |||
taneously, as was often the case in reality. Also fan¬ | |||
tastic is the number of years for the reigns after the | |||
flood indicated in the work of Berossos and the list | |||
mentioned above. Beginning with the first centuries | |||
of the 3rd millennium, however, the history of | |||
Sumer can be rather reliably reconstructed from | |||
various cuneiform sources. | |||
In the first half of the 3rd millennium B.C., | |||
several political centres arose in Sumer, whose rulers | |||
bore the title of lugal or ensi. An ensi was an indepen¬ | |||
dent ruler of a city together with the area immedi¬ | |||
ately adjoining it. The title indicates that originally | |||
the representative of state power was also the | |||
supreme priest, as it was actually a priestly title. | |||
Lugal, which literally means “great man” commonly | |||
denoted a king. | |||
In the middle of the 3rd millennium B. C. the city | |||
of Kish claimed a predominant position in Sumer, | |||
its rulers assuming the title of “king of the whole | |||
world”. Somewhat later, the city of Lagash pushed | |||
into the foreground. As the lands of the plains began | |||
to be cultivated, the boundaries of the small Sumer¬ | |||
ian states came into contact, which resulted in con¬ | |||
tinual conflicts between the states in the first half of | |||
the 3rd millennium. In the middle of the 25th cen¬ | |||
tury B. C., Lagash under ensi Eannatum routed in a | |||
fierce battle its constant enemy, the city of Umma | |||
situated north of Lagash. After Eannatum’s death, | |||
however, the war with Umma flared up again. Ente- | |||
mena, ruler of Lagash (c. 2360-2340 B. G.), victo¬ | |||
riously ended that war. | |||
But the internal situation in Lagash was not | |||
stable, as the economic and political position of the | |||
popular masses of that city deteriorated. To restore | |||
their rights, they united under Uruinimgina, an in¬ | |||
fluential citizen. The latter removed an ensi named | |||
Lugalanda, taking his place (c. 2318-2312). In the | |||
second year of his rule Uruinimgina declared himself | |||
king (lugal). During his six years in power he imple¬ | |||
mented important social reforms that were the oldest | |||
legal acts in the socioeconomic sphere known to | |||
date. He was the first to proclaim a slogan that later | |||
became popular throughout Mesopotamia, “Let not | |||
the strong offend widows and orphans!” High taxes | |||
previously imposed on high-ranking priests were | |||
abolished, and payment in kind to dependent tem¬ | |||
ple workers was increased. The independence of | |||
temple economy from the royal administration was | |||
restored. Certain concessions were also made to the | |||
rank-and-file free population: payments for the per¬ | |||
formance of religious rites were reduced, as was con¬ | |||
script labour at irrigation construction and main¬ | |||
tenance, and certain taxes required of craftsmen | |||
were cancelled. Besides, Uruinimgina restored the | |||
courts in rural communities and guaranteed the | |||
rights of Lagash citizens protecting them against | |||
their enslavement by usurers. Finally, polyandry | |||
was abolished. Uruinimgina claimed that all these | |||
reforms were a contract concluded with Ningirsu, | |||
the supreme god of Lagash, and that he was merely | |||
carrying out the god’s will. | |||
While Uruinimgina was implementing his | |||
reforms, a new war with Umma broke out. Umma’s | |||
ruler Lugalzaggesi made a treaty with the city of | |||
Uruk, recruiting its help in the struggle against | |||
Lagash. In the seventh year of Uruinimgina’s rule | |||
the war ended in a defeat for Lagash. The city was | |||
seized by enemy troops, the temple was plundered, | |||
and the reforms abolished. | |||
Umma under Lugalzaggesi was the last major | |||
Hm&w.__ | |||
-,-fJMli. L» i 'WB | |||
Sumerian city before the subjugation of the south of 3rd millennium B. C. the potter’s wheel came into | |||
Mesopotamia by the Akkadian king Sargon. Lugal- use. The most expensive vessels were covered with | |||
zaggesi also seized power in Uruk, adopting there- enamel and glaze. | |||
upon the title of “king of Uruk, king of the Sumer Reed growing in profusion along the banks of | |||
country”. He also succeeded in conquering the cities canals and rivers was a regular substitute for wood, | |||
of Adab and Eridu and extending his rule through It was used for making mats, baskets and boxes. For | |||
nearly all Sumer, of which Uruk became the capital. strength, these were sometimes covered with leather | |||
Lugalzaggesi declared: “From the Fower Sea (the and tarred. The most ancient boats were also made | |||
Persian Gulf) along the Euphrates and Tigris to the of reed. They were given a coating of asphalt, to | |||
Upper Sea (the Mediterranean) the god Enlil make them watertight. Ships, equipped with sails or | |||
handed over all the lands to me.” Lugalzaggesi’s oars, were also made of wood, | |||
rule did not, of course, extended to the Mediter- Bronze tools were made already in the early 3rd | |||
ranean, but direct trading with that area apparently millennium B. C., and they remained the principal | |||
existed in his reign. metal implements until the beginning of the Iron | |||
Sumer’s main branch of the economy was agricul- Age in Mesopotamia in the late 2nd millennium | |||
ture based on a well-developed irrigation system. B. C. A small quantity of tin was added to molten | |||
There is a Sumerian literary monument called the copper to obtain bronze. | |||
“farmers’ almanac” which dates from the 3rd mil¬ | |||
lennium B. C. In it, an experienced farmer instructs | |||
his son on ways of maintaining soil fertility and pre- Mesopotamia under the Dominion of Akkad and Ur. The | |||
venting soil salinisation. Among other things, he in- Semitic Akkadian population gradually assumed | |||
sists that only one crop a year should be gathered in greater sway in Mesopotamia. As early as the 27th | |||
order not to exhaust the land. The text also describes century, the northern part was inhabited by the | |||
all the field works in their proper sequence. Stock- Akkadians, while the Sumerians remained the prin- | |||
breeding was also of great importance for the cipal population in the south. The most ancient city | |||
country’s economy. founded by the Semites in Mesopotamia was Akkad, | |||
At that time, the crafts were already fairly well which later became the capital of a state of the same | |||
developed. House builders were especially numerous name. That city was apparently situated on the left | |||
among urban craftsmen. Excavations of tombs at Ur bank of the Euphrates, where it comes closest to the | |||
belonging to the middle of the 3rd millennium indi- Tigris. Even after the Akkadian state ceased to exist, | |||
cate a high level of Sumerian metallurgy. Helmets, its territory continued to be called Akkad, while the | |||
axes, daggers and spears made of gold, silver and southern part of Mesopotamia retained the name of | |||
copper were found in the tombs. The craftsmen Sumer. It should be noted that there was no racial or | |||
knew chasing and engraving. As there were no metal linguistic enmity between Sumerians and Akka- | |||
ores in southern Mesopotamia, the presence of metal dians-they were rather opposed to one another in | |||
artifacts in the tombs of Ur indicates extensive inter- their mode of life, the Sumerians leading a settled | |||
national trading. Gold was brought from the west- life and the Semites being nomads. Already in the | |||
ern areas of India, lapis lazuli from the territory of f middle of the 3rd millennium, the Akkadians were | |||
modern Badakhshan in Afghanistan, stone for mak- 5 the inheritors of the Sumerian culture, which they | |||
ing vessels from Iran, and silver from Asia Minor. ’ continued to develop. By the mid-24th century, the | |||
The Sumerians bartered these goods for their princi- J Sumerian population which lived in the northern | |||
pal commodities-wool, grain, and dates. ? part of the country was assimilated by the Semites. | |||
The craftsmen’s local resources were very few- | C. 2340, Sargon became king of Akkad. He was a | |||
clay, reed, wool, leather and flax. Ea, god of wis- '§ founder of a dynasty in the true sense of the word: | |||
dom, was regarded as the patron of potters, builders, 1 five kings, beginning with himsell, ruled for 150 | |||
weavers, blacksmiths, and other craftsmen. The )' years, son after father. The name of Sargon must | |||
technique of baking brick in kilns was known a have been assumed on accession to the throne, as it | |||
already at that early period. Buildings were some- | means “the king is legitimate” (Sharrumkin, in | |||
times faced with glazed brick. In the middle of the I Akkadian). The king’s personality was shrouded in | |||
57 | |||
numerous legends even during his life-dme. He said | |||
of himself: “My mother was poor, and I did not | |||
know who my father was... My mother conceived | |||
me, and gave birth in secrecy, then put me in a reed | |||
basket and sent me floating down the river.” | |||
According to one of the legends, Sargon was a gar¬ | |||
dener and cupbearer of the king of Kish, and later | |||
founded the city of Akkad, becoming its king. | |||
Lugalzaggesi, ruler of Umma, who had estab¬ | |||
lished his power over most of the Sumerian cities, | |||
began a long struggle against Sargon. After several | |||
failures, Sargon won a decisive victory over Lugal¬ | |||
zaggesi and fifty vassal rulers. After that Sargon | |||
fought successful campaigns in Syria and the Taurus | |||
Mountains, and defeated the king of Elam. | |||
Sargon established the first regular army known | |||
to history, consisting of 5,400 warriors who, in his | |||
words, daily ate at his table. It was a loyal and well- | |||
trained professional army whose entire well-being | |||
depended on the king. | |||
Under Sargon, new canals were built and irriga¬ | |||
tion was regulated throughout the country. A uni¬ | |||
fied system of weights and measures was introduced. | |||
Akkad traded with India and East Arabia by sea, | |||
importing timber, stone and metals from those | |||
lands. | |||
At the end of Sargon’s rule, famine caused a revolt | |||
in the country, which was suppressed after his death | |||
by his younger son Rimush c. 2260. Later Rimush | |||
fell a victim of a coup, and the throne went to his | |||
brother Manishtusu. After fifteen years of reign, | |||
Manishtusu was killed during another revolt, and | |||
Naram-Sin (2236-2200), son of Manishtusu and | |||
grandson of Sargon, acceded to the throne. | |||
During Naram-Sin’s long rule, Akkad reached the | |||
peak of its might, subjugating numerous opponents. | |||
At the very beginning of Naram-Sin’s reign, the | |||
ancient cities of southern Mesopotamia led by Kish, | |||
resenting Akkad’s rise, revolted. That rebellion was | |||
only crushed after many years of struggle. Having | |||
consolidated his power over Mesopotamia, Naram- | |||
Sin assumed the title of “the powerful god of Akkad” | |||
and ordered reliefs to be made in which he wore | |||
horned headgear, the horns being a symbol of | |||
divinity. The population had to worship Naram-Sin | |||
as a living god, although no king before him had 2 | |||
claimed such honours, and later, too, only a few j) | |||
rulers imitated Naram-Sin in this respect. | |||
Naram-Sin regarded himself as the ruler of the £ | |||
whole world that was then known and bore the title | |||
of “king of the four quarters of the world”. He | |||
waged many wars, seizing new lands, winning vic¬ | |||
tories over the kings of Elam and the Lullubi tribes | |||
living on the territory of modern north-western Iran, | |||
conquering the state of Mari in the middle Euphra¬ | |||
tes, and extending his sovereignty to Syria. At Susa, | |||
capital of Elam, he built edifices of brick stamped | |||
with his name, and gave war booty to the temples of | |||
that city. The Akkadian influence at Susa was so | |||
strong at that time that even legal documents, letters | |||
and literary works were written in the Akkadian and | |||
not Elamite language. | |||
Under Naram-Sin’s successor Shar-kali-sharri | |||
(2200-2176 B. C.), whose name means “king of all | |||
kings”, the disintegration of the Akkadian empire | |||
began. The new king had to wage a long struggle | |||
against the Semitic tribes of Amorites advancing | |||
from the west, and simultaneously against the inva¬ | |||
sion of the Gutians from the north-east. At the | |||
same time there were revolts against central power | |||
in Mesopotamia itself. | |||
The popular unrest was caused by acute social | |||
conflicts. The royal domain grew enormously; | |||
subordinating the temple estates, the king began | |||
mass exploitation of citizens with little or no land. | |||
Enslavement of free members of society unable to | |||
pay their debts significantly reduced the numbers of | |||
such free men who could be called up to the army to | |||
fight off the external enemy. C. 2170 Mesopotamia | |||
was conquered and plundered by the Gutian tribes | |||
of the Zagros Mountains. That was a bad period in | |||
the history of Mesopotamia, which lasted some 60 | |||
years and put an end to the Akkadian dynasty. | |||
C. 2109, the armed people of Uruk under their | |||
king Utu-hegal inflicted a severe defeat on the | |||
Gutian tribes and drove them away from the land. | |||
In Utu-hegal’s words, the god Enlil chose him to | |||
j expunge the very name of “Gutium, the creeping | |||
~ serpent of the mountains, the enemy of the gods, | |||
who stole the kingdom of Sumer and filled Sumer | |||
2 with fear”. After his victory over the Gutian tribes, | |||
Utu-hegal claimed sovereignty over all Sumer, but | |||
the dominion over southern Mesopotamia soon | |||
passed to Ur which was ruled by the Third Dynasty | |||
of Ur (2112-2003). That dynasty was founded by | |||
Ur-Nammu, who bore the title of “King of Sumer | |||
and Akkad”, as did his successors. | |||
Under Ur-Nammu, royal power assumed despotic | |||
58 | |||
character. The king; was the supreme judge, the Babylonia in the 2nd Millennium B.C. The time from | |||
head of the entire administration, and he also the end of the Third Dynasty of Ur to 1595, when | |||
decided on issues of war and peace. On state and Babylonia lost its independence, is called the Old | |||
temple estates, numerous scribes and officials Babylonian period. After the Third Dynasty of Ur, | |||
recorded all the aspects of management even to the many local dynasties of Amorite origin arose | |||
minutest details. An organised system of transporta- throughout the country. Because of the overpopula¬ | |||
tion functioned in the country, so that documents tion of the territory west of Mesopotamia, the Amor- | |||
could be sent by messenger to all parts of the state. ites searched for new grazing lands for their cattle | |||
Ur-Nammu’s son Shulgi (2093-2046) established and settled in Babylonia; by the middle of the 2nd | |||
his rule over Syria and Elam. He also had himself millennium B. C. they had gradually merged with | |||
deified. His statues were set up in temples, and sacri- the local Sumerian and Akkadian population. | |||
ficeS had to be made before them. In Akkad, the Amorites formed a state with the | |||
The text of Shulgi’s laws points to the existence of capital Isin, and in the south of the country, another | |||
a highly developed legal system. Shulgi’s laws are kingdom, whose capital was Larsa. Besides, there | |||
the oldest known to date. They establish, in particu- was the city-state Mari in the middle Euphrates an | |||
lar, rewards for taking a runaway slave back to his important centre of Akkadian settlement already in | |||
owner. Punishments are also envisaged for various the first half of the 3rd millennium B. C. In north- | |||
kinds of mutilation; unlike the later Hammurapi eastern Mesopotamia, in the valley of the Diyala, | |||
laws, the Shulgi laws were not guided by the “an eye there existed the state of Eshnunna, where a code of | |||
for an eye, a tooth for a tooth” principle; instead, laws was compiled in Akkadian in the early 20th | |||
rules for financial compensation were instituted. century. | |||
Shulgi’s laws also envisaged punishments for the C. 1894 B. C., the Amorites seized the north- | |||
wife’s infidelity, and for a woman slave’s attempts ern part of the Isin kingdom, founding an indepen- | |||
“to be on an equal footing” with the mistress of the dent state with its capital at Babylon on the Euph- | |||
house. rates, in the north of the country. Beginning with | |||
Under Shulgi’s successors, the Amorites, who that time the role of Babylon, the youngest of the | |||
attacked Mesopotamia from Syria, became a grave cities of Mesopotamia, steadily grew from century to | |||
danger to the state. To stop their advance, the kings century. | |||
of the Third Dynasty of Ur built a long line of fortifi- At the beginning, the Babylonian kingdom did | |||
cations. But the internal situation was unstable, too. not play a very important role. The first king to | |||
The vast temple estates demanded great numbers of vigorously extend the borders of that state was Ham- | |||
workers, who gradually lost their rights as free murapi (1792-1750). In 1785, relying on the support | |||
members of society and could no longer be recruited of Rim-Sin, a ruler of the Elamite dynasty at Larsa, | |||
into the army. For example, the temple of the god- Hammurapi conquered Uruk and Isin. He later | |||
dess Baba at Lagash alone had land property of helped to drive away from Mari the Assyrian king | |||
more than 4,500 hectares. Shamshi-Adad I’s son who ruled there, and to en- | |||
The army of Ur began to suffer defeats in the wars throne Zimri-Lim, offspring of an old local dynasty, | |||
with the Amorites and the Elamites. In 2003, the jp In 1763 Hammurapi seized Eshnunna, and in the | |||
Third Dynasty of Ur was overthrown, and the last ? following year defeated Rim-Sin, a powerful king | |||
king of that dynasty Ibbi-Sin was taken prisoner and N and his former ally, seizing his capital Larsa. There- | |||
brought to Elam. Ur’s temples were plundered, 3 upon Hammurapi decided to establish his rule over | |||
and an Elamite garrison was left there. After 1997, ^ Mari, too, which had before that been friendly to- | |||
power at Ur was seized by Ishbi-Irra, ruler of | wards him. In 1760 he attained that goal, and two | |||
Isin, in the central part of Babylonia. Of the kings years later he destroyed the palace of Zimri-Lim who | |||
of that dynasty, the most famous is Lipit-Ishtar I tried to restore his independence. Hammurapi then | |||
(1934-1924), who promulgated a code of laws. In ^ conquered the area along the middle Tigris, includ- | |||
the prologue to those laws he declared that he had | ing the city of Assur. | |||
freed the people of Sumer and Akkad enslaved for g At the end of his reign Hammurapi was engaged | |||
their debts and established just order. | in building fortifications along the northern and | |||
59 | |||
1MIUI | |||
aUHMMHI | |||
WM Ml m - • | |||
north-eastern borders of Babylonia. After his death, | |||
his son Samsu-iluna (1749-1712) became king. He | |||
had to repulse the attacks of the warlike Kassite | |||
tribes inhabiting the mountainous regions north of | |||
Elam. C. 1 742, the Kassites under their king Gan- | |||
dash invaded Babylonia but only succeeded in cap¬ | |||
turing the foothills north-east of it. In the following | |||
year, however, Samsu-iluna had to fight against the | |||
coalition of Elam and the cities of Eshnunna, Isin | |||
and Uruk. At the end of his reign, Samsu-iluna | |||
encountered a new enemy, a coalition of chieftains of | |||
Babylonia’s coastal strip along the Persian Gulf, who | |||
attempted to conquer the north of the country. | |||
Under Ammisaduqa (1646-1626), one of Samsu- | |||
iluna’s successors, an important social reform was im¬ | |||
plemented the financial debts of private individ¬ | |||
uals, debts in kind, and arrears of state taxes were | |||
cancelled, and persons enslaved for their debts were | |||
freed. | |||
From the end of the 18th century, Babylonia was | |||
threatened by the Hurrian, Hittite and Kassite | |||
tribes. To defend the country from the Kassites | |||
advancing from the mountains east of Mesopotamia, | |||
a fortress was built in the north-east ol Babylonia. | |||
But Babylonia was plagued by an inner crisis; it no | |||
longer played an important role in the political his¬ | |||
tory of the Near East, and was unable to withstand | |||
foreign invasions for long. The year 1594 marked the | |||
end of the First Babylonian Dynasty, of which Ham- | |||
murapi was the most famous representative. Baby¬ | |||
lon was seized by the Hittite king Mursilis. When | |||
the Hitdtes went back home with a rich booty, | |||
the kings of the coastal areas captured Babylon. | |||
After that the country was conquered by the Kas¬ | |||
sites (c. 1518), whose rule lasted until 1157 B. C. | |||
The whole of that period is commonly called Kas¬ | |||
site, or Middle Babylonian. Kassite kings, however, | |||
were rather rapidly assimilated by the local popula¬ | |||
tion, and their rule was no longer seen as a foreign | |||
yoke. | |||
Babylonian Economy and Society in the 2nd Millennium | |||
B. C. After the fall of the Third Dynasty of Ur, the | |||
gigantic system of the king’s centralised estate was | |||
destroyed, and in its place emerged small holdings of | |||
private individuals. In the beginning of the 2nd mil¬ | |||
lennium B. C., new and better bronze agricultural | |||
implements were invented. The irrigation network | |||
was expanded and improved. Further advances in | |||
the handicrafts were observed; the texts of that per¬ | |||
iod mention builders, blacksmiths, carpenters, ship¬ | |||
builders, etc. Under the Kassite kings, horses and | |||
mules came into regular use, and a combined | |||
plough-and-sower was introduced. | |||
The laws of the state of Eshnunna listed tariffs of | |||
prices and payments for labour, and included arti¬ | |||
cles on marriage, family, and criminal law. Capital | |||
punishment was envisaged for the wife’s infidelity, | |||
the rape of a married woman and the kidnapping of | |||
a free man’s child. It appears from these laws that | |||
slaves were branded and could not cross the city | |||
boundary without the master’s permission. | |||
The laws of king Lipit-Ishtar date from a some¬ | |||
what later period. These regulate, among other | |||
things, the slaves’ status. Penalties were fixed for a | |||
slave’s attempted escape and for the concealment of | |||
runaway slaves. According to those laws, if a woman | |||
slave married a free man, she and her children in | |||
this marriage became free. | |||
The most outstanding monument of ancient | |||
Oriental legal thinking are the laws of Hammurapi. | |||
They are inscribed on a large stele of basalt. Besides, | |||
many copies of parts of that code have been pre¬ | |||
served on clay tablets, as they were studied at schools | |||
until the 1st century A. D. The obverse side of the | |||
stele shows, above the articles of the laws, the king | |||
facing Shamash, the sun-god and the patron of jus¬ | |||
tice. The text of the code follows, covering both sides | |||
of the stele. | |||
The code begins with a lengthy preamble stating | |||
that the gods handed royal power to Hammurapi for | |||
him to protect the weak, the orphans and the | |||
widows from oppression by the strong. The pream¬ | |||
ble is followed by 282 articles of the laws covering | |||
virtually all aspects of contemporary Babylonian | |||
society (civil, criminal, and administrative law, and | |||
the imposition of fines). The code ends in a compre- | |||
j hensive conclusion. | |||
Although the code does not follow any strictly sys¬ | |||
tematic approach, and neither does it envisage all | |||
| the possible juristic situations, the laws of Hammu- | |||
~ rapi, both in their content and the level of the devel- | |||
g. opment of legal thought, are a great step forward | |||
| compared to the Sumerian and Akkadian legal | |||
5 monuments that preceded them. The laws of Ham- | |||
; murapi were only improved upon in the 6th century | |||
(_ A. D., when Roman law was codified under emperor | |||
5 Justinian. In defining penalties, the Hammurapi | |||
60 | |||
Code adopted, though not always consistently, the unless he seduced the wife of a free man. The father | |||
principle of guilt and evil intent. For instance, differ- could not disinherit his son if the latter committed | |||
ent penalties were imposed for manslaughter and no crime, and he also had to teach the son his craft, | |||
murder. But mutilations were punished on the Warriors received grants of land from the king | |||
ancient principle of “an eye for an eye, a tooth for a and had to go to war at the king’s bidding. The plots | |||
tooth”. were handed down from father to son and were in- | |||
The penalties envisaged in some of the articles alienable. A creditor could impound only that prop- | |||
were clearly motivated by the class approach. In erty which a warrior in debt had acquired himself, | |||
particular, severe penalties were envisaged for recal- but not the royal gift of the land, | |||
citrant slaves who refused to obey their masters. Severe penalties were envisaged for robbers. If the | |||
Stealing or concealing someone else’s slave was robber was not found, the whole community on | |||
punishable by death. whose territory the crime was committed was res¬ | |||
old Babylonian society consisted of full-fledged ponsible for paying back damages to the victim, | |||
citizens called “the husband’s sons”, mushkenums or | |||
legally free men deprived of certain rights, and | |||
slaves. Mutilation of a “husband’s son” was Assyria in the 3rd and 2nd Millennia. The city of Assur | |||
punished on the talion principle, while the same was founded on the right bank of the Tigris in north- | |||
mutilation of a mushkenum entailed a fine only. A era Mesopotamia as early as the first half of the 3rd | |||
physician guilty of faulty practice in operating on a millennium. This city gave its name to the whole of | |||
“husband’s son” was punished by having his hand the country lying on the middle Tigris. By mid-3rd | |||
cut off, while the same faulty operation on a slave millennium, a trading station was founded at Assur | |||
would cost him only the price of the slave, payable to by Sumerians and Akkadians. Sumerian influence | |||
the master. If a house collapsed through the on Assur’s culture is proved, in particular, by ship¬ | |||
builder's fault and the son of the master of that house ture, pottery, household utensils and architecture, | |||
died under the ruins, the builder was punished by Later, in the 24th-22nd centuries, Assur became a | |||
the death of his own son. If anyone stole the property major administrative centre of the Akkadian empire | |||
of a mushkenum, the thief had to pay tenfold damages, founded by Sargon. During the Third Dynasty of Ur | |||
while the stealing of the king’s or a temple’s property (22nd-21st centuries) Assur was ruled by governors | |||
was punished by a thirtyfold fine. of Sumerian kings. | |||
To prevent the numbers of warriors and taxpayers Unlike Babylonia, Assyria was a poor country, | |||
decreasing, Hammurapi tried to ease the economic and the Tigris’s narrow valley could not support all | |||
burden of the more oppressed sections of the free of its population. The rise of Assur was due to its geo¬ | |||
population. In particular, one of the articles of the graphic position. Important caravan routes passed | |||
laws limits the enslavement of an insolvent debtor to through that city or its neighbourhood, routes along | |||
three years of working for the creditor, whereupon which precious metals (silver, copper, lead) and | |||
the loan, regardless of its amount, was considered to timber were brought to Babylonia from northern | |||
be paid off. If a debtor’s crops were destroyed by a Syria, Asia Minor and Armenia, as well as gold from | |||
natural disaster, the deadline for paying back the §) Egypt, and Babylonian agricultural and craftsmen’s | |||
loan and the interest was automatically put off by a 5 products were carried in exchange for these goods, | |||
year. N For this reason Assur became a major trading | |||
Some of the code’s articles referred to lease law. ? centre. Besides, Assyrians founded many trading | |||
The payment for leasing a field usually equalled a j»- stations outside their country. | |||
third of the crop, and of a garden, two-thirds. 1 The most important of these trading stations or | |||
For a marriage to be legal, a written contract had g? colonies was in the city of Kanesh in Asia Minor | |||
to be concluded. The penalty for adultery on the 3 (modern Kultepe not far from the town of Kayseri in | |||
wife’s part was death by drowning. If, however, the 0 Turkey). An extensive archive of this colony has | |||
husband wanted to forgive the adulterous wife, both a been preserved, presumably dating to the 20th and | |||
she and her seducer went unpunished. Adultery on | 19th centuries. Assyrian merchants’ donkey cara- | |||
the part of the husband was not viewed as a crime 1 vans brought to Kanesh handicraft products, espe- | |||
mtM WMBMii 1 r Mt*aruwmi flwrwHHBBwwKfc <i nwwn f m | |||
daily dyed woollen fabrics mass-produced in their In the second half of the 13th century, under king | |||
homeland, and exported lead and silver (used at the Tukulti-Ninurta I (1244-1208), Assyria became the | |||
time as value standards in Assyria), copper, wool most powerful state of the Middle East. Seizing | |||
and leather. Besides, Assyrian merchants sold local Babylonia, the Assyrian king appointed his gover- | |||
wares to other countries. nors there and had the statue of Marduk, the | |||
Relations between the colonists and Kanesh supreme god of the Babylonians, brought from the | |||
citizens were regulated by local laws, while the colo- Esagila temple in Babylon to Assur, which signified | |||
ny’s internal life was controlled by Assur, which complete loss of independence by that country, | |||
benefited from the considerable duty brought by But endless wars exhausted Assyria and resulted in | |||
commerce. internal unrest. It is reported in one text that in the | |||
Assur’s supreme organ of power was the council of middle of the 11th century the king’s son and Assur | |||
elders, and events were dated by the names of that noblemen rebelled, driving the ruler from the throne | |||
council’s members, a new member being chosen for and putting him to the sword, | |||
that purpose each year. There was also the heredi- Assyria’s difficult position was aggravated by the | |||
tary office of ruler {ishshakkum), who had the right to fact that Aramaean tribes, living west of the Eu- | |||
convene the council but could make no important phrates, began to penetrate northern Mesopotamia, | |||
decisions without its approval. From the middle of the 11th century the Assyrians | |||
To keep a hold on the existing caravan routes and were engaged, for about a hundred years, in vainly | |||
seize new ones, Assyria had to be a strong military trying to stem the flood of the Aramaean tribes plun- | |||
power. The ishshakkum ’s influence therefore grad- dering and devastating Mesopotamian cities, | |||
ually grew. Late in the 19th and early in the 18th The period between the 15th and 11 th centuries is | |||
century Shamshi-Adad I, son of an Amorite chief- called Middle Assyrian. The Middle Assyrian laws, | |||
tain who had invaded Mesopotamia after the fall of the harshest in ancient Oriental history, date from | |||
the Third Dynasty of Ur, fought to establish his per- that period. | |||
sonal power. He no longer called himself simply an Originally, land in Assyria belonged mostly to the | |||
ishshakkum, as Assyria’s rulers had done before him, members of communities, and was regularly | |||
but also “the king of multitudes”. By and by he redistributed. Beginning with the 15th century, land | |||
spread his rule over the whole of northern Mesopo- could already be sold, although it was still nominally | |||
tamia. He even installed his younger son as viceroy community property. | |||
in Mari. But in c.. 1756 B. C. Assyria was conquered The family was patriarchal, and the father had an | |||
by the Babylonian king Hammurapi. At about the almost unlimited power over his children. The wife | |||
same time Assyria began to lose its caravan trading was, in fact, bought, and her position was little bet- | |||
monopoly. ter than that of a slave. After the husband’s death | |||
In the middle of the 2nd millennium, Assyria had the widow became the wife of his brother (the so- | |||
to recognise the sovereignty of the Mitanni kings in called levirate). A married free woman had to wear | |||
northern Mesopotamia. C. 1500 Mitanni achieved a veil, which was regarded as her exceptional privi- | |||
the peak of its power, seizing the provinces of north- lege. Slave women and prostitutes could not wear | |||
era Syria, but soon it began to decline. First, Egyp- one, and any violations of that rule were severely | |||
tians drove the Mitannians from Syria, and c. 1360 punished (a prostitute was given fifty blows with a | |||
the Hittite king Suppiluliumas utterly defeated * stick, and her head was dipped in molten asphalt, | |||
them. The Assyrian king Ashur-uballit used the while a slave woman had her ears cut off), | |||
opportunity to seize part of Mitanni territory. Later, | In that period, slaves were expensive and far from | |||
Adad-nirari I (1307-1275) waged war on Babylonia ~ numerous. The rich therefore endeavoured to en- | |||
and completely subjugated Mitanni. After that he | slave free farmers by means of usury, loaning them | |||
wanted to conclude a treaty with the Hittite king | money at exorbitant interest rates and demanding | |||
Hattusili III, saying that he could be the latter’s § land, houses or family members as security. The law, | |||
brother. But Hattusili’s reply was insulting: ^ however, restricted to some extent the creditors’ | |||
“What’s this talk of brotherhood... You and me, we ^ abuse of persons put up as security. For example, the | |||
were not born of one mother.” § creditor had no right to strike the person thus | |||
pawned, or sell a girl without her father’s permis¬ | |||
sion. However, if the loan was not paid back in time, | |||
the pawned person became the creditor’s absolute | |||
property. This kind of slavery was not restricted to | |||
any time period. If the loan was not paid back in | |||
time, the creditor could do as he pleased with the | |||
persons in pawn-he could “beat them, pull out | |||
their hair, box or bore holes in their ears”, and even | |||
sell them outside Assyria. | |||
There were also indirect forms of enslaving insol¬ | |||
vent debtors. For example, the creditor could | |||
“adopt” the debtor “together with field and house”, | |||
or take a girl from a destitute family “to revive” her, | |||
whereupon she became in fact a slave. | |||
Babylonia in the 12th-8th Centuries B.C. At the end of | |||
the 13th century, Babylonia’s decline began. Assyr¬ | |||
ian and Elamite troops started to raid and sack its | |||
cities. In the mid-12th century, an Assyrian host led | |||
by its king Ashur-dan I crossed the river Zab in its | |||
lower reaches and seized several Babylonian cities. | |||
But Assyria was not yet strong enough to inflict a | |||
crushing defeat on the Babylonians. The Elamite | |||
king Shutruk-Nahhunte I, on the other hand, | |||
decided that the hour of reckoning had come, and | |||
plundered the Babylonian cities Eshnunna, Sippar, | |||
Opis, exacting heavy tribute from them. After Shu- | |||
truk-Nahhunte’s death his son, Kudur-Nahhunte, | |||
who became king of Elam, continued to plunder | |||
Babylonia, and a Babylonian text says that “his evil | |||
deeds were worse than the evil deeds of his | |||
ancestors”. | |||
The Babylonians united round their king Enlil- | |||
nadin-ahhe (1159-1157) to free their torn country | |||
from the foreign oppressors. But the war, which | |||
lasted about three years, ended in a complete victory | |||
for the Elamites. All Babylonia was captured by the | |||
invaders, its cities and temples were plundered; | |||
Enlil-nadin-ahhe, together with some Babylonian | |||
nobles, was taken into captivity. The statue of Mar- | |||
duk, the Babylonians’ supreme god, was taken to | |||
Elam. That was the end of the almost six hundred | |||
years of rule by the Kassite dynasty, and an Elamite | |||
creature was made ruler of Babylonia. | |||
Meanwhile a certain Marduk-kabit-ahheshu | |||
(1150-1139) from the city of Isin in central Baby¬ | |||
lonia declared himself king and placed himself at the | |||
head of the fight against Elamite rule. Babylonia | |||
began to gather strength little by little, and some¬ | |||
what later, under Nebuchadnezzar I (1124-1103), | |||
it went through a short period of florescence. A fierce | |||
battle was fought and won by the Babylonians near | |||
the fortress of Der, on the frontier between Baby¬ | |||
lonia and Elam. The victors invaded Elam and dealt | |||
it such a blow that thereupon Elam was not men¬ | |||
tioned for three centuries (until 821 B.C.) in any | |||
sources. | |||
After destroying Elam, Nebuchadnezzar won the | |||
fame of a popular hero and claimed dominion over | |||
all Babylonia. He and his successors bore the title of | |||
“king of Babylonia, king of Sumer and Akkad, king | |||
of the four quarters of the world”. The capital of the | |||
country was moved from Isin to Babylon. | |||
When Marduk-nadin-ahhe (1100-1083) acceded | |||
to the Babylonian throne, an Assyrian army led by | |||
king Tiglath-pileser I seized Babylon and burnt | |||
down the royal palace. In the mid-11th century, the | |||
semi-nomadic Aramaean tribes commenced to raid | |||
Mesopotamia, plundering and devastating its cities | |||
and villages. In the decades to come, Babylonia | |||
grew weaker and, forming an alliance with Assyria, | |||
tried to fight off the Aramaeans. | |||
As northern Babylonia was now continually har¬ | |||
assed and invaded by the Aramaeans, the hegemony | |||
over the land passed to the southern cities, and in | |||
1024 power was seized by the Second Dynasty of the | |||
Sealand, an area in the extreme south of Mesopota¬ | |||
mia. The first king of that dynasty Simbar-shipak, | |||
who aspired to rule over all Babylonia, was killed in | |||
1007. His successors managed to hold on to power | |||
for just three years. After that, the separate parts of | |||
the country were ruled by several provincial | |||
dynasties. | |||
Beginning with the 9th century, Chaldaean tribes, | |||
who spoke a dialect of Aramaic, played for many | |||
centuries an important role in the history of Baby- | |||
-d Ionia. The Chaldaeans are first mentioned in 878 | |||
a | |||
~ B. C. in the annals of the Assyrian king Ashurnasir- | |||
" pal II. They lived between the coast of the Persian | |||
| Gulf and the southern Babylonian cities, in the | |||
~ marshes and among the lakes of the lower Tigris and | |||
2 Euphrates. The most numerous tribe of the Chal- | |||
| daeans lived south of the city of Borsippa, in the Bit | |||
a Dakkuri area, while the territory south of this tribe | |||
4 was inhabited by the tribe of Bit Amuqani. Another | |||
~ powerful Chaldaean tribe, namely Bit-Yakin, inhab¬ | |||
it' ited the area along the lower Tigris on the border | |||
63 | |||
with Elam. These tribes were semi-nomads engaged Ionia. The chieftain of the Chaldaean tribe Bit- | |||
mostly in stock-breeding, fishing and agriculture. Yakin, Marduk-apla-iddina (the Merodach-Bala- | |||
The Chaldaeans lived in clans and were ruled by dan of the Bible, the first Babylonian king men- | |||
their chieftains, who jealously guarded their inde- tioned there) took possession of Babylonia and, | |||
pendence from one another and from the Assyrians, forming an alliance with the Elamite king Humban- | |||
who tried to establish their rule in Babylonia. In the nigash, started a war against Assyria. In 720, a | |||
9th century the Chaldaeans were firmly in possession bloody battle was fought between Elamites and | |||
of southern Babylonia and started a gradual Assyrians. Marduk-apla-iddina proudly came on the | |||
advance northwards, assimilating the ancient Baby- scene of battle when the defeated Assyrians already | |||
Ionian culture and religion. began to withdraw. That victory gave Babylonia a | |||
Under Shamshi-Adad V (823-811), the Assyrians ten-year respite, | |||
frequently raided Babylonia and with time con- In 710, Sargon undertook a successful campaign | |||
quered its northern part. Chaldaean tribes seized the against Elam, and then turned on the Chaldaean | |||
opportunity and overran nearly all the rest of Baby- chieftain. Marduk-apla-iddina began a retreat to | |||
Ionian territory. Later, under the Assyrian king the south of Babylonia and later fled to his homeland | |||
Adad-nirari III (810-783), Assyria and Babylon of Bit-Yakin. In 709, Sargon entered Babylon and | |||
kept up fairly peaceful relations. In 747-734, Baby- was solemnly crowned there. | |||
Ionia was ruled by Nabu-nasir, who succeeded in Endeavouring to obtain the support of the Baby- | |||
establishing a stable rule in the central part of the Ionian nobility, Sargon gave rich gifts to Babylonian | |||
country, but his control over the outlying areas was temples and tried to inculcate among his new sub- | |||
very weak. By that time Assyria had become the jects the idea that Marduk-apla-iddina was a for- | |||
most powerful state of the Near East and a great eigner who had illegally seized the throne. But dur- | |||
threat to Babylon’s very existence. In 744, the Assyr- ing the twenty years of that Chaldaean chieftain’s | |||
ian king Tiglath-pileser III, under the plea of help- rule Babylonia had flourished economically, and | |||
ing Nabu-nasir in the struggle against the Chal- Marduk-apla-iddina himself had shown great re- | |||
daeans, invaded Babylonia and, if we are to accept spect for the traditional rights of the Babylonian | |||
the evidence of Assyrian sources, subjugated Chi- citizens, seeing himself as the liberator of Babylonia | |||
daean tribes over a vast territory stretching from from Assyrian domination. | |||
Sippar in the north to the marshlands of the Persian When Sargon II died in 705, and Sennacherib | |||
Gulf in the south, imposing a tribute on them. After acceded to the Assyrian throne, Marduk-apla- | |||
that Tiglath-pileser adopted the title of “king of iddina, who by that time had established control | |||
Sumer and Akkad”, and Nabu-nasir recognised his over the caravan routes of the lively international | |||
sovereignty. The priests, officials, and merchants of trade across the Bit-Yakin territory, was able to form | |||
Babylonian cities gradually became a reliable pow- a powerful coalition. He concluded alliances with all | |||
er-base for the Assyrians, while the struggle for the of Assyria’s potential enemies and began to incite the | |||
country’s independence was mostly waged by the peoples under Assyrian sway to rebel. With this aim | |||
Chaldaeans and the lower urban classes. he sent letters and gifts to Hezekiah, king of Judah | |||
In 729 Tiglath-pileser III captured Babylon, and a nd Sennacherib’s subject. Chaldaean ambassadors | |||
for a hundred years Babylonia lost its independence, j were well received, and promises of support were | |||
The Assyrian kings did not, however, turn this ^ given them, despite prophet Isaiah’s warning that as | |||
country into an ordinary province: Babylonia " a result of such policy the treasures of the king of | |||
retained the status of a separate kingdom. Tiglath- | Judah would be taken to Assyria and his sons made | |||
pileser went through a solemn ceremony of corona- ~ into eunuchs. The Phoenician cities of Tyre, Arad | |||
tion as a Babylonian king under the name of Pulu, jjf and Ascalon also joined the coalition against Assyria, | |||
carrying out the old sacred rites on the first day of | Sennacherib decided to crush his enemies one by | |||
the New Year. Babylonia was granted considerable a one, turning first against Marduk-apla-iddina, who | |||
independence in its internal affairs. had, by 703, united the cities of southern Babylonia | |||
Sargon II, who became king of Assyria in 721, ^ and the Chaldaean and partly Aramaean tribes scat- | |||
failed, however, to keep his sovereignty over Baby- S tered over a vast territory. The Elamite king Shu- | |||
truk-Nahhunte II accepted the rich gifts of gold, | |||
silver and precious stones sent him by the Chaldaean | |||
chieftain, and gave him considerable support in | |||
weapons and troops. | |||
In that same year 703, Marduk-apla-iddina cap¬ | |||
tured Babylon and overthrew the Assyrian-backed | |||
ruler there. In the meantime fierce battle between | |||
the Assyrian and Elamite armies began, but Mar- | |||
duk-apla-iddina, true to his tactics of avoiding deci¬ | |||
sive battles, did not take any active part in the hos¬ | |||
tilities. The Elamites were routed and fled to their | |||
country. After that the Assyrians were able to drive | |||
Marduk-apla-iddina from Babylon, and he stole | |||
away into the marshlands in the south of Babylonia | |||
inaccessible to the Assyrians. | |||
In 700, Marduk-apla-iddina renewed his alliance | |||
with the Elamites. When the Assyrians began to | |||
advance, he ran away to the marshlands in the south | |||
of Elam. After that he is no longer mentioned in any | |||
texts. Still, the Assyrians failed to gain final control | |||
over the areas occupied by the Chaldaeans. | |||
Sennacherib ordered Phoenician craftsmen to | |||
build ships in Nineveh, and in 694 B. C. they sailed | |||
down the Tigris as far as Opis, where they were | |||
dragged on rollers to the Euphrates; here, warriors | |||
and equipment were loaded and the fleet sailed to | |||
the mouth of the river Karkheh in Elam. Disem¬ | |||
barking here, the troops stormed the Elamite cities | |||
on the riverbanks and then returned with their | |||
booty. But the king of the Elamites responded with | |||
an unexpected raid into Babylonia from the north, | |||
capturing and burning down Sippar, and then seiz¬ | |||
ing Sennacherib’s son who was at the time viceroy of | |||
Babylonia. In 693 B. C., however, Sennacherib in¬ | |||
flicted a defeat on the united forces of Babylonians | |||
and Elamites at Nippur. In the following year the | |||
Babylonians under Mushezib-Marduk rose in revolt | |||
against the Assyrians, having formed a coalition of jr | |||
Babylonia, Elam, and the Zagros Mountain tribes, ? | |||
joined by the Chaldaean and Aramaean nomads on N | |||
the borders of the Assyrian empire. The main battle i? | |||
force of the coalition were Elamite and Iranian char- j- | |||
ioteers, infantry and cavalry, whose loyalty was a | |||
bought with gold and other valuables from the tern- g? | |||
pie treasury at Babylon. The Elamite king Humban- a | |||
nimena commanded the joint forces of the Baby¬ | |||
lonians and the Elamites. The decisive battle was a | |||
fought at Halule on the Tigris, not far from the a | |||
modern town Samarra. Both sides suffered severe I | |||
losses, and the Assyrians withdrew to their territory, | |||
but their weakened enemy could not even organise a | |||
pursuit. | |||
In 690 B. C., when the king of Elam was struck by | |||
paralysis, Sennacherib besieged Babylon. Famine | |||
broke out in the city, food prices rose 75-fold, and | |||
the streets and squares were strewn with bodies, with | |||
no one to bury them. In April 689 Babylon fell. In¬ | |||
furiated by the continual conflicts with the Chal¬ | |||
daeans and their sudden attacks, Sennacherib | |||
decided to mete out cruel punishment to them. | |||
Babylon was completely destroyed, the houses of pri¬ | |||
vate individuals and the temples were sacked and | |||
then razed to the-ground, and the population mas¬ | |||
sacred. The few inhabitants that escaped that lot | |||
were made captives and then sold as slaves. The site | |||
of the devastated city was flooded with water from | |||
the canals, so that it would in future be impossible to | |||
find even the place where Babylon had stood. The | |||
country of Babylonia was annexed as an ordinary | |||
province of the Assyrian state. | |||
However, when Sennacherib’s son Esarhaddon | |||
acceded to the Assyrian throne, he gave orders to re¬ | |||
store Babylon and to send the surviving citizens back. | |||
In 669, not long before his death, Esarhaddon | |||
divided the Assyrian empire between his two sons. | |||
Assyria became Assurbanipal’s kingdom, while | |||
Babylonia was given to Shamash-shum-ukin. The | |||
latter was his brother’s vassal, and his kingdom in¬ | |||
cluded only Babylon and the nearby cities of Sippar, | |||
Kutu, Borsippa and Dilbat. The other Babylonian | |||
cities, including Uruk and Nippur, were ruled | |||
directly by the Assyrian king. | |||
In 652, Shamash-shum-ukin concluded a secret | |||
alliance with Egypt, Syrian princes, the Elamite | |||
king Humban-nigash, and the Chaldaean, Ara¬ | |||
maean and Arab tribes. Soon a battle was fought | |||
near the Der fortress between the Assyrians and the | |||
combined forces of the Babylonians and Elamites, | |||
but it was inconclusive. In 651, Assurbanipal’s in¬ | |||
trigues ended in a coup in Susa which eliminated | |||
Humban-nigash. Other allies proved unable to | |||
render effective assistance to the rebellious Baby¬ | |||
lonians. For three years Assyrian armies besieged the | |||
cities under Shamash-shum-ukin’s rule. Epidemics | |||
and cannibalism were rife during the long siege. In | |||
the summer of 648 Babylon fell, its last defenders | |||
headed by their king died in the fires among the | |||
ruins, and the survivors were brutally punished. | |||
5-344 | |||
SCn&RRi | |||
The Assyrian Empire. By the end of the 10th century | |||
B. C., the Assyrians had restored their dominance in | |||
northern Mesopotamia and mounted a series of | |||
aggressive campaigns. At that time, the Assyrian | |||
army was superior to the armies of all the other | |||
countries of the Middle East in numbers, organisa¬ | |||
tion and weapons. | |||
The Assyrian king Ashurnasirpal II (883-859) | |||
swept through Babylonia and Syria putting to sword | |||
and fire the population at the least sign of resistance. | |||
Those who attempted to resist were skinned alive, | |||
impaled or tied together to form whole living | |||
pyramids. The remaining population was ensla¬ | |||
ved. | |||
During the 876 campaign, the Assyrian army | |||
reached the Phoenician coast. When the Assyrians, | |||
led by their king Shalmaneser III (859-824), went | |||
on a new expedition to Syria, they met with | |||
organised resistance from Syria, Palestine, Phoeni¬ | |||
cia, and Cilicia. This alliance was headed by the city | |||
of Damascus. The Assyrian army was defeated in a | |||
major battle. In 845, Shalmaneser led an army of | |||
120,000 against Syria, but this campaign was also | |||
unsuccessful. Soon there was a split in the Syrian | |||
alliance, and taking advantage of it, the Assyrians | |||
undertook yet another expedition and managed to | |||
establish their sway over Syria. But these conquests | |||
proved shaky, and Assyria soon lost its control over | |||
the western neighbour again. In the reign of Adad- | |||
nirari III, who acceded to the throne as a little boy, | |||
the country was actually ruled for many years by his | |||
mother Sammuramat, the Semiramis of the Greek | |||
legend. In that reign, campaigns against Syria were | |||
resumed, and the supreme power of the Assyrian | |||
king over Babylonia was restored. | |||
Soon, however, the Urartaeans began to oust the | |||
Assyrians from the valley of the upper Euphrates; | |||
Syrian states established friendly relations with | |||
Urartu, and Assyria gradually lost all its acquisitions | |||
in the west. | |||
Late in the 9th century B. C., a long-drawn-out | |||
political crisis began in Assyria, which led to civil | |||
wars between the military party led by the king and | |||
the alliance of priests and merchants in the Assyrian | |||
cities. This crisis weakened Assyria, and Urartu, | |||
Assyria’s main rival in this period, took advantage of | |||
it, inflicting several defeats on its neighbour and seiz¬ | |||
ing part of its territory. | |||
Assyria’s new rise began in the reign of Tiglath- | |||
pileser III (745-727), who implemented important | |||
administrative and military reforms that formed the | |||
basis of the country’s new might. In the first place, | |||
the provinces were divided into smaller units, and | |||
the rights of the provincial governors were restricted | |||
to collecting taxes, organising labour conscription of | |||
the subjects, and leading the troops of their prov¬ | |||
inces. The policy towards subjugated peoples also | |||
changed. Before Tiglath-pileser, the purpose of | |||
Assyrian campaigns was mostly plunder, imposition | |||
of tribute, and enslavement of part of the popula¬ | |||
tion. Now the inhabitants of areas seized during war | |||
were moved in a body to ethnically alien regions, | |||
while the population of other territories captured by | |||
the Assyrians was driven to these newly evacuated | |||
areas. More rarely, a people would be left in its | |||
homeland, with heavy tribute imposed on it and its | |||
territory incorporated in Assyria. The tribute was | |||
paid in farming products. The subjugated peoples | |||
were also forced to build houses, roads, and irriga¬ | |||
tion systems, and some were called up to serve in the | |||
army. | |||
A permanent army was established, maintained | |||
entirely by the state. Its nucleus was the “king’s regi¬ | |||
ment”. The army consisted of charioteers, cavalry, | |||
whose significance grew under the influence of the | |||
neighbouring Iranian tribes, infantry, and | |||
engineers. The troops had iron and bronze armour, | |||
helmets, shields, spears, swords, bows, rams, etc. | |||
Assyrian warriors were good at building fortified | |||
camps, roads, at using metal rams and incendiary | |||
devices. Militarily, Assyria was now the leading | |||
power in the region, and it could resume its aggres¬ | |||
sive policy. | |||
In 743 Tiglath-pileser went to war against Urartu | |||
which aspired to establish its dominion over Syria. | |||
After two battles, the Urartaeans had to retreat | |||
beyond the Euphrates. In 735, the Assyrians swept | |||
through the whole of Urartu and reached its capital | |||
Tushpa, but failed to capture it. In 732, Damascus | |||
was taken by storm. By that time, Assyria estab¬ | |||
lished its sway over Phoenicia. In 729 B. C., Tiglath- | |||
pileser seized Babylon. The Assyrian empire now | |||
stretched “from the Upper Sea, where the sun goes | |||
down, to the Lower Sea, where the sun rises”, i. e., | |||
from the Mediterranean to the Persian Gulf. In | |||
other words, the Assyrian king became the ruler of | |||
all the Near East, except for Urartu and several | |||
small areas along the borders. | |||
BUM | |||
In 722-705, Assyria was ruled by King Sargon II, The Fall of Assyria. The New-Baby Ionian Kingdom. In | |||
who had to spend many years fighting the Chal- the last years of Assurbanipal’s reign the Assyrian | |||
daean chieftain Marduk-apla-iddina over the pos- empire began to disintegrate, torn by rivalry and | |||
session of Babylonia. Meanwhile the Urartaean king conflicts between its various centres. In 629 B. C. | |||
Rusa, preparing for a war with Assyria, began win- Assurbanipal died, and Sin-shar-ishkun became | |||
ning over to his side small states situated west of king. | |||
Urartu. In 714, Sargon went on his famous cam- Early in 626, Babylonia rose against the Assyrian | |||
paign against Urartu described in detail in that yoke. The uprising was led by Nabopolassar, a Chal- | |||
king’s report to the god Ashur. During the campaign daean chieftain. In his later inscriptions he stressed | |||
the Assyrians crossed the whole territory round Lake that before his enthronement he was a “little man, | |||
Urmia, inflicting severe defeats on the Urartaean unknown to the people”. At first Nabopolassar made | |||
king Rusa I. no attempt to attack the major cities. He succeeded | |||
Assur continued to be the capital, but beginning in establishing his rule in northern Babylonia, while | |||
with the 9th century, the kings mostly lived in their the centre and the south remained loyal to the Assyr- | |||
residences Kalhu (modern Nimrud) and Nineveh ians. Restoring the traditional alliance between the | |||
(modern Kuyunjik). In 707 B. C., Sargon II Chaldaean tribes and Elam, Nabopolassar made an | |||
moved his capital to the recently completed city of unsuccessful attempt to capture Uruk. After that the | |||
Dur-Sharrukin (modern Khorsabad). The next Babylonians besieged Nippur. But the population | |||
king, Sennacherib (704-681 B. C.) paid a great deal was strongly pro-Assyrian, and the siege was un- | |||
of attention to the orderly planning and amenities of availing. According to some documents from Nip- | |||
his capital Nineveh. Water came to the city along an pur, during the many months of the siege the im- | |||
aqueduct more than 50 kilometres long from the poverished citizens sold their children as slaves to | |||
nearby heights. The royal palace was surrounded by save them from dying of hunger. In October 626, the | |||
a garden in which many exotic trees and other Assyrians worsted Nabopolassar’s army in a battle | |||
plants grew, including cotton. The streets of the city and lifted the siege of Nippur. By that time, how- | |||
were very straight. Whenever a house was built that ever, Babylon took Nabopolassar’s side, and on | |||
deviated from the straight line, its owner was im- November 25, 626 the latter ascended the throne | |||
paled, by royal order, on the roof of his own house. with all pomp, founding a new, Chaldaean dynasty | |||
In 681, Sennacherib was assassinated by his two called New-Baby Ionian. But he still faced a long and | |||
sons in a coup. However, the third son, Esarhaddon, fierce struggle with the Assyrians, | |||
who had been appointed heir to the throne already Only ten years later, in 616, did the Babylonians | |||
during his father’s lifetime, managed to put down succeed in capturing Uruk, and in the next year, | |||
the revolt and seize power. Esarhaddon restored and Nippur, whose citizens remained loyal to the Assyr- | |||
even extended ancient privileges (the right to local ian king for a long time despite great suffering and | |||
self-government, freedom from labour conscription, privation. Now the Assyrians were driven from | |||
etc.) of the citizens of Babylon, Borsippa, Sippar, Babylonia’s entire territory. In that same year | |||
Nippur, Assur and other cities, previously abolished Nabopolassar’s army besieged Assur, the capital of | |||
by Sennacherib. g 5 Assyria. The siege was not a success, and the Baby- | |||
Esarhaddon’s greatest military victory was the I lonians retreated with heavy losses. Soon, however, | |||
capture of Egypt in 671 B. C. An enormous tribute N Assyria was staggering under a fresh and terrible | |||
in gold and silver was exacted from the Egyptians, ? onslaught. In 614 the Medes captured the Assyrian | |||
but the triumph was shortlived. C. 657, power in ^ province of Arrapha, and later surrounded Nineveh, | |||
Egypt was seized by Psammetichus, a nomarch of 1 Assyria’s largest city. Although the Medes failed to | |||
that country, and the Assyrians had to reconcile capture Nineveh, they besieged and took by storm | |||
themselves to the loss of Egypt. The year 655 saw the * Assur, the ancient capital of Assyria, and exter- | |||
beginning of a long war between Assyria and Elam, 7) minated its citizens. Nabopolassar, true to the tradi- | |||
which ended in the capture of Susa by the Assyrians, g tional policy of his Chaldaean ancestors, came with | |||
The Elamite king Teumman was beheaded in full ? his army on the scene of battle when the fighting was | |||
view of his defeated army. 1 over and Assur was no more than a heap of smoking | |||
67 | |||
5 * | |||
ruins. The Medes and the Babylonians concluded an | |||
alliance, reinforcing it by a dynastic marriage | |||
between Nebuchadnezzar, Nabopolassar’s son, and | |||
Amytis, daughter of Cyaxares, king of the Medes. | |||
Although the fall of Assur was a staggering blow | |||
to Assyria, the Assyrians summoned their strength | |||
again and, while the victors were busy dividing up | |||
the booty, they resumed hostilities in the Euphrates | |||
valley, led by their kmg Sin-shar-ishkun. In the | |||
meantime, the combined forces of the Medes and the | |||
Babylonians laid siege to Nineveh, and three months | |||
later, in August 612, the city fell. It was then plun¬ | |||
dered and destroyed, and its citizens massacred. | |||
That was a kind of poetic justice meted out to a state | |||
that for many centuries had plundered and devas¬ | |||
tated the countries of the Near East, exterminating | |||
whole peoples and tribes. | |||
Part of the Assyrian army managed to fight its | |||
way to the city of Harran in the north of upper | |||
Mesopotamia, where they continued to operate un¬ | |||
der their new king Ashur-uballit II. In 610, the | |||
Assyrians had to abandon Harran, too, driven away | |||
by the Medes. A Babylonian garrison was left in the | |||
city. But in 609 the Egyptian pharaoh Necho, fear¬ | |||
ing Babylonia’s increasing might, sent a strong army | |||
to succour the Assyrians. Ashur-uballit now recap¬ | |||
tured Harran, destroying the Babylonian garrison | |||
there to a man. Soon, however, Nabopolassar | |||
arrived with his main force and inflicted a final | |||
defeat on the Assyrian army. The Chaldaean tribes | |||
thus won a final and complete victory after many | |||
centuries of fighting for the liberation of Babylonia | |||
from the Assyrian yoke. | |||
After the downfall of the Assyrian empire, the | |||
Medes took possession of the homeland of the Assyr¬ | |||
ians and the city of Harran. The Babylonians were | |||
making ready to establish their control over the | |||
lands west of the Euphrates, but the Egyptian phar¬ | |||
aoh also claimed the territories of Syria and j | |||
Palestine. ~ | |||
Thus, only three powerful states remained in the ^ | |||
entire Near East-Media, Babylonia and Egypt. | | |||
Besides, there were two small but independent king- ~ | |||
doms Lydia and Cilicia, in Asia Minor. | |||
In the spring of 607 Nabopolassar handed over | | |||
the command of his army to his son Nebuchadnez- 5 | |||
zar, leaving control of the domestic affairs in his own ^ | |||
hands. The new general’s task was capturing Syria ^ | |||
and Palestine. First, however, it was necessary to £ | |||
68 | |||
take the city of Karkemish (Carchemish) on the | |||
Euphrates with its strong Egyptian garrison which | |||
included Greek mercenaries. In the spring of 605 the | |||
Babylonian host crossed the Euphrates and simul¬ | |||
taneously attacked Karkemish from the south and | |||
the north. A fierce battle began already before the | |||
city’s walls, and soon the city became a heap of | |||
burning ruins, while the Egyptian garrison was mas¬ | |||
sacred to a man. After that the greater part of Syria | |||
and Palestine, that is, nearly all the lands between | |||
the Euphrates and Egypt, were subdued by the | |||
Babylonians without resistance. | |||
While he was in conquered Syria, Nebuchadnez¬ | |||
zar received in August 605 the news of his father’s | |||
death in Babylon. He hurried back to that city and | |||
on September 7 was officially recognized king. In | |||
the autumn of that year Nebuchadnezzar returned | |||
to Syria, where he collected tribute from the | |||
defeated peoples until February 604, and then | |||
besieged and took the city of Ascalon (a letter has | |||
survived in Aramaic sent by one of the Phoenician | |||
kings, apparently the ruler of Ascalon, to the Egyp¬ | |||
tian pharaoh, begging him for urgent help in view of | |||
the approach of the Babylonian army). | |||
In 601 B. C., Nebuchadnezzar’s army advanced | |||
towards the Egyptian frontier. In the ensuing battle | |||
both sides suffered heavy losses, and then Nebuchad¬ | |||
nezzar was busy until December 599 reorganising | |||
his army. Early in 598 Nebuchadnezzar campaigned | |||
in northern Arabia trying to establish control over | |||
caravan routes. By that time Jehoiakin, king of | |||
Judah, incited by pharaoh Necho, broke off the | |||
alliance with Babylonia. Nebuchadnezzar besieged | |||
Jerusalem and took it on March 16, 597. More than | |||
3,000 Jews were taken captive and driven to Baby¬ | |||
lonia. Nebuchadnezzar appointed Zedekiah king of | |||
Judah. | |||
In December 595 and January 594, there was un¬ | |||
rest in Babylonia, most likely originating in the | |||
army. The leaders of the rebellion were executed, | |||
and order was restored in the country. A record of | |||
the trial of a certain Baba-ah-iddin has survived; | |||
this conspirator’s case was dealt with by a military | |||
tribunal chaired by the king himself. The defendant | |||
was accused of high treason and breaking his oath of | |||
allegiance to the king; he was executed, and all his | |||
possessions were confiscated. Nebuchadnezzar then | |||
returned to Syria to exact tribute from the popula¬ | |||
tion of that conquered land. | |||
. | |||
I | |||
Soon the new Egyptian pharaoh Apries, in an | |||
attempt to establish control over Phoenicia, seized | |||
the cities of Gaza, Tyre and Sidon, and talked the | |||
king of Judah Zedekiah into rebelling against the | |||
Babylonians. By acting speedily and decisively, | |||
Nebuchadnezzar pushed the Egyptian army back to | |||
the original border and in 587 B. C., after an | |||
18-month siege, captured Jerusalem. This time | |||
Judah was abolished as a kingdom becoming an | |||
ordinary province of the New-Babylonian empire; | |||
thousands of Jerusalem’s citizens (mostly nobles and | |||
craftsmen), together with their former king Zedek¬ | |||
iah, were taken into captivity. After that Nebuchad¬ | |||
nezzar besieged Tyre, whose citizens stubbornly | |||
resisted him for 13 years (until 574). | |||
Under Nebuchadnezzar, Babylonia flourished. It | |||
was a time of economic and cultural upsurge. Baby¬ | |||
lon became a major centre of international trade. | |||
Many irrigation canals were built. A large reservoir | |||
was constructed near Sippar, from which numerous | |||
canals radiated, regulating the distribution of water | |||
during drought and floods. Old temples were res¬ | |||
tored and new ones built. The king’s new palace was | |||
erected in Babylon, and construction was completed | |||
of the seven-story ziggurat named Etemenanki (the | |||
Tower of Babel of the Bible); the famous Hanging | |||
Gardens were laid out. Mighty fortifications were | |||
also raised round Babylon to protect the capital | |||
against future assaults. | |||
In 562 Nebuchadnezzar died, and from that | |||
moment Babylonian nobles and priests began to in¬ | |||
terfere in politics more forcibly, removing kings that | |||
were objectionable to them. Nebuchadnezzar’s son | |||
Evil-Merodach held on to power for just two years, | |||
and in August 559, Neriglissar seized the throne. He | |||
died in 556, and his little son Labashi-Marduk was | |||
killed after a three-month reign. The throne went to | |||
Nabonidus, who was an Aramaean, unlike the New- | |||
Babylonian kings of Chaldaean extraction that pre- | |||
, ] 1 ceded him. | |||
f j Nabonidus’s father was the chieftain of an Ara- | |||
; maean tribe. His mother was a priestess at the tem- | |||
f 1 pie of Sin at Harran, and after the capture of that | |||
t city by the Medes fled to Babylon with her son, over | |||
if whom she later exercised great inlfuence. On com- | |||
s ing to power Nabonidus declared that he had | |||
n become king at the call of the god Marduk, and pro- | |||
i- j claimed himself the guardian of ancient Babylonian | |||
traditions. | |||
Although Nabonidus worshipped the traditional | |||
gods of Babylonia- Marduk, Nabu, Nergal, Sha- | |||
mash, etc., he gradually began to raise to greater | |||
eminence the cult of Sin, the moon-god-not the tra¬ | |||
ditional Babylonian god of that name but, in the | |||
symbolism and forms of worship, an Aramaean god. | |||
In conducting this religious policy, Nabonidus | |||
endeavoured to create a powerful empire by uniting | |||
the numerous Aramaean tribes of the Near East and | |||
declaring Sin the supreme state deity instead of | |||
Marduk. However, Nabonidus’s religious reforms | |||
resulted in a conflict with the priests of the ancient | |||
Babylonian temples of Babylon, Borsippa, Uruk and | |||
other cities. | |||
In 553, war between Media and Persia broke out. | |||
Taking advantage of the garrison of Harran being | |||
recalled by the Median king Astyages, Nabonidus | |||
captured that city in the same year and ordered the | |||
restoration of the temple of Sin destroyed during the | |||
war with Assyrians in 609. Nabonidus also con¬ | |||
quered the Taima area in the northern part of Cen¬ | |||
tral Arabia and established control over the caravan | |||
route to Egypt across the desert via the Taima oasis. | |||
That route was of great importance for Babylonia, as | |||
by the mid-6th century B. C. the Euphrates had | |||
changed its course, and the sea trade across the Per¬ | |||
sian Gulf from the Ur harbour had become impos¬ | |||
sible. Nabonidus moved his residence- to Taima, | |||
entrusting the administration of Babylon to his son | |||
Bel-sharru-usur (the Biblical Belshazzar). | |||
While Nabonidus pursued an active foreign policy | |||
in the west, a new adversary, resolute and mighty, | |||
appeared on the eastern frontier of Babylonia. The | |||
Persian king Cyrus II, who had already conquered | |||
Media, Lydia and many other countries even unto | |||
the borders of India, and who had a vast well- | |||
equipped army, was preparing for a campaign | |||
j? against Babylonia. | |||
By 546, Babylonia and Egypt had given up their | |||
N long-lived enmity, for the rulers of both countries | |||
? were well aware of the need for preparing to fight | |||
^ the Persians. When it became obvious that war was | |||
| imminent, Nabonidus returned to Babylon and | |||
g? began to organise his country’s defences. But Baby- | |||
3 Ionia’s position was already hopeless, as it was | |||
(j blocked by the Persians from the Mediterranean to | |||
g the Persian Gulf. In Babylonia itself, Nabonidus’s | |||
| position was not firm. Since he endeavoured to un- | |||
i dermine the power and influence of the priests of the | |||
supreme god Marduk and neglected the religious large-scale land properties in Babylonia except for | |||
festivities connected with Marduk’s cult, the influen- the temples’ domains, and small-scale farming | |||
tial priests resented their king’s policy and were existed side by side with these estates. When big | |||
ready to assist any opponent of his. Babylonian mer- landowners resorted to slave labour, they pre¬ | |||
chants were dissatisfied with Nabonidus’s policy, ferred to give them land plots for independent farm- | |||
too, as their traditional trading routes were now in ingon a peculium basis (for quit-rent) or else leased it | |||
Persian hands. The commercial circles would wel- to them. Rent was of two kinds: the amount of rent | |||
come the establishment of any great power that might be determined (depending on the quality of | |||
would ensure a stable market and safe routes to the land) when the contract was concluded, or else | |||
Egypt, Asia Minor, and other countries. Thousands the landowner received one-third of the harvest and | |||
of people lived in Babylon who had been forcibly the leaseholder, two-thirds. | |||
taken there from their native lands. These people Temples played a great role in the social structure | |||
naturally awaited the Persians as their liberators. and economic life of Babylonian society. They were | |||
The overwhelming majority of the country’s popula- major land- and slave-owners, and were also | |||
tion, the farmers and the artisans, were indifferent to engaged in usury and commerce. A major source of | |||
Nabonidus’s military preparations, ready to accept a the temples’ income were various taxes, above all the | |||
new set of rulers instead of the old one. Apart from temple tithe, which equalled approximately one- | |||
all that, the Babylonian army had been exhausted tenth of the taxpayer’s income. Farmers, shepherds, | |||
by many years of fighting in the Arabian desert, and artisans, and officials all had to pay tithes. In most | |||
it was hard to expect that it would be able to repulse cases the tithes were paid in barley and dates, but | |||
the onslaught of the much stronger and better often also in sesame, wool, clothes, cattle, fish, etc. | |||
equipped Persian army. Indeed, in October 539 Handicrafts were highly developed. The sources | |||
B. C. Babylonia was overrun by the Persians and for- mention masons, weavers, blacksmiths, copper- | |||
ever lost its independence. smiths, carpenters, builders, jewelers, launders, | |||
bakers, brewers, etc. The craftsmen sold their wares | |||
in the market, but more often they concluded con- | |||
Babylonias Economy and Society in the 1st Millennium tracts with their clients for the making of various | |||
B.C. Agriculture was the main branch of Baby- products for a set payment. | |||
Ionian economy. A considerable portion of arable In legal terms, society consisted of full-fledged | |||
land belonged to the temples, members of the royal citizens, disfranchised freemen, and various under¬ | |||
family, big merchants, and officials in the employ of privileged groups of which slaves formed a consider- | |||
the king and the temples. The holdings of petty able stratum. | |||
landowners were usually between a third of a hec- Full-fledged citizens were members of a popular | |||
tare and several hectares large. assembly which was attached to a certain temple | |||
Barley was the most widespread crop, but spelt, and had the power of a court of law where marital | |||
wheat, sesame, peas, flax, etc. were also sown. Dates and property disputes were settled. These citizens | |||
were a staple food, along with barley. took part in the local temple’s cult and had the right | |||
Precipitation was inadequate, and artificial irriga- to a certain share of the temple’s income. State and | |||
tion was of great importance. The country was j temple officials, priests, scribes, merchants, crafts- | |||
covered with a dense network of canals, owned by ~ men and farmers were all full-fledged citizens. Le¬ | |||
the state and sometimes by temples and private indi- " gaily, they were all considered to have equal rights, | |||
viduals. Lease-holders could use the water of those § and their status was hereditary, although their eco- | |||
canals for special payment. ~ nomic position varied considerably, of course. They | |||
Petty landowners tilled their lands themselves, |) all lived in the cities and had land in the rural | |||
together with members of their families. The tern- | neighbourhood adjoining the city over which the | |||
pies, the king and other big landowners leased their & jurisdiction of the popular assembly extended, | |||
lands to free lease-holders in small lots, as slave ^ Disfranchised freemen were the royal and mili- | |||
labour required permanent supervision and accord- tary colonists as well as foreign officials and mer- | |||
ingly increased overhead costs. There were no real !* chants in the king’s service, and generally all for- | |||
eigners living in Babylonia. These groups sometimes | |||
set up their own organ of self-government. None | |||
of them had any civil rights as they did not own | |||
land belonging to the communal urban stock and | |||
could not therefore become members of a popular | |||
assembly. | |||
The underprivileged strata included farmers who | |||
had no land of their own and worked, generation | |||
after generation, on land belonging to the state, the | |||
temples, or private individuals. In legal terms they | |||
were not slaves - they could not be sold, for instance. | |||
Such farmers lived in rural areas where there was no | |||
urban-type self-government. | |||
Slaves, on the other hand, were the absolute | |||
property of their masters and had only obligations | |||
towards the latter but no rights at all. Hundreds of | |||
slaves worked on temples’ estates, while private indi¬ | |||
viduals owned three to five slaves. Major business | |||
houses had dozens and sometimes hundreds of them. | |||
But the overall number of slaves in the country was | |||
less than that of free farmers and craftsmen. Agricul¬ | |||
ture was therefore based on the labour of free | |||
farmers, and similarly the handicrafts relied on the | |||
labour of free artisans, whose occupation was usually | |||
hereditary. | |||
When owners could not use slave labour on their | |||
farm or in the workshop, or believed such employ¬ | |||
ment unprofitable, the slaves were sometimes given | |||
certain property and an amount of independence in | |||
exchange for quit-rent \peculium). The size of the | |||
quit-rent varied with the slave’s property, but it was | |||
worth on average 12 silver shekels a year. For com¬ | |||
parison it may be pointed out that that sum equalled | |||
the average annual wages of an adult hired labourer, | |||
whether freeman or slave. The slave himself was | |||
worth 60 to 90 shekels (1 shekel equalled 8.4 grams | |||
of silver); one shekel could buy 6 bushels of barley or | |||
dates. g 2 | |||
There were fairly large numbers of slaves in Baby- $ | |||
Ionia who had families, owned houses and consider- N | |||
able property. The slaves could dispose of their 3 | |||
property with relative freedom-for example, they g- | |||
could mortgage, lease or sell it. Slaves could have g | |||
their own seals, they could be witnesses in bargains £ | |||
between freemen or other slaves. Besides, they could a | |||
take their disputes with other slaves or even freemen ' | |||
(except for their masters, of course) to court. Such a | |||
slaves could buy other slaves for employment in their | | |||
business, and hire both freemen and slaves. But even |. | |||
these rich slaves could not buy their freedom, for | |||
only the master had the right to set them free. The | |||
richer the slave was, the more unprofitable it was for | |||
the master to give him his freedom. | |||
Naturally, only a small minority of slaves were in | |||
such a privileged position, while most of them toiled | |||
under the supervision of their masters and had no | |||
property at all. The most recalcitrant slaves, who | |||
made repeated attempts to escape, were kept in spe¬ | |||
cial workhouses no different from prisons. | |||
The existence of the institution of slavery seemed | |||
nothing out of the ordinary, and there are no signs of | |||
condemnation of slavery in Babylonian literature. | |||
Neither were there any organised mass uprisings of | |||
slaves. The reason for that may have been that there | |||
were no large groups of slaves either on the great | |||
estates or in workshops based on slave labour. Char¬ | |||
acteristically, the most striking examples of the | |||
struggle of the slaves are found in documents from | |||
temple archives. Temple slaves had more oppor¬ | |||
tunity for joint action than privately owned ones, as | |||
they often worked in relatively large groups. | |||
Slave labour was mostly used for particularly hard | |||
tasks, also for doing jobs that required no skill or | |||
costly supervision, that is to say, where they could be | |||
used all the year round and not during particular | |||
seasons. Complicated work was done by freemen, | |||
mostly by hired labourers. | |||
The 1st millennium B. C. saw a considerable | |||
change in the forms of the enslavement of debtors in | |||
Babylonia. The creditor could have an insolvent | |||
debtor arrested and put in prison, but he could not | |||
sell him as a slave, and the debtor paid back the loan | |||
by working for his creditor without payment. The | |||
practice of pawning or selling oneself disappeared | |||
completely. As distinct from the earlier periods, the | |||
husband could not, for instance, put up his wife as | |||
security against a loan, but a freeman could do so | |||
with his children. In cases of a debtor’s insolvency, | |||
his children could be sold as slaves. The rule of limit¬ | |||
ing the enslavement of debtors to a definite period, | |||
established by the Hammurapi Code, was no longer | |||
effective in the 1st millennium B.C. | |||
The labour of hired workmen began to play an | |||
extremely important role in the overall economic | |||
structure; it was especially widespread on the larger | |||
estates (particularly those of the temples), where | |||
they worked either all year round or during the har¬ | |||
vest. It was sometimes difficult to find the necessary | |||
number of labourers, and they had to be hired at commercial ventures. The Egibi house was also | |||
fairly high prices. The documents sometimes men- prominent in international trade, | |||
tion hired gangs of workers several hundred strong. The Murashu business house operated in the 5th | |||
These workers often protested against delays of pay- century B. C. in central and southern Babylonia. It | |||
ment, and they did not agree to work for low wages. was mostly involved in commerce and usury. It | |||
This stratum consisted of freemen who owned very rented the lands of officials and military colonists, | |||
little land. Workers were sometimes hired even in paying rent to their owners, and taxes in money and | |||
the neighbouring countries (e. g., Elam); they were in kind to the state treasury. This land the Murashu | |||
paid in money and foodstuffs, returning home after house usually subleased, providing the sublessees | |||
the harvest. with cattle, seeds, tools and water for irrigation. In | |||
The crown estate did not on the whole play an im- other words, the Murashu house was mostly an agri- | |||
portant role and was based on the principles of pri- cultural credit institution and managed property | |||
vately owned estates. As a rule, the king’s lands were funds, mediating between landowners and farm- | |||
leased. Estates owned by temples and private indi- hands. In a single calendar year, 423/422 B. C., the | |||
viduals became the mainstay of the economy in the profit of the Murashu house from date trade (that | |||
1st millennium B. C. was one of the items they sold) amounted to 15,000 | |||
Although minting was invented in Lydia as early bushels or, in terms of money, 350 kilograms of | |||
as the second half of the 7th century B. C., coins were silver. | |||
not used in domestic trade in Babylonia. Payments Just as modern bankers, the Murashu house han- | |||
were made in silver in the shape of bars, rods, wire, died other people’s property, but there is a great dif- | |||
etc. These objects contained various proportions of ference here: Murashu dealt in real estate, not | |||
admixtures. They were stamped with hallmarks in- money. A bank controls numerous small capital | |||
dicating the standard and each time had to be holdings investing the necessary capital in commer- | |||
weighed. Gold was a commodity and was not used as cial or industrial enterprises, while Murashu did | |||
money. exactly the opposite, renting large tracts of land and | |||
Babylonia played an important role in interna- leasing them in small lots to sublessees, | |||
tional trade, being a connective link between the Unlike the Egibi house, which invested capital in | |||
Phoenician-Palestine world and the countries south commercial cooperatives, Murashu played no role in | |||
and east of Mesopotamia. Especially lively was international trade at all. Murashu sold agricultural | |||
Babylonia’s trade with Egypt, Syria, Elam and Asia products (dates, barley, etc.) inside the country, | |||
Minor, where Babylonian merchants bought iron, paying state taxes in silver. The Murashu house was | |||
copper, tin, timber, wine, etc. Alum was brought thus a banker, a manager of land, and a commercial | |||
from Egypt to Babylonia where it was used for enterprise. | |||
bleaching wool and clothes, in the production of The activities of the Murashu house had a perni- | |||
glass and for medical purposes. Along with Egypt, cious effect on the country’s economy, as they ruined | |||
Babylonia was a supplier of grain to other Near the landowners who were often unable to pay back | |||
Eastern countries. Babylonian cities were major their loans. At first, the Murashu house loaned | |||
centres of the production of woollen clothes that money to the landowners, but several decades later | |||
were in high demand in many lands. it began to replace them, concentrating large tracts | |||
Powerful business houses played an important role ~ of land in its hands, | |||
in domestic and foreign trade, the most ancient of | |||
these being the Egibi house. It was in business § | |||
already at the end of the 8th century B. C. and con- ~ The Culture of Ancient Mesopotamia. In the course of | |||
tinued its activities until the beginning of the 5th §_ three thousand years, from its emergence to the | |||
century B. C., selling and buying fields, houses, | downfall of ancient society, the Mesopotamian cul- | |||
slaves, etc. The Egibi house was also involved in 8 ture traversed a long path of development dis- | |||
banking operations, loaning money, accepting depo- tinguished by its creators’ high skill and originality, | |||
sits, handing out and receiving notes of hand, paying ? One of the most remarkable achievements of this | |||
the loans of their creditors, financing and launching 8 culture was the invention of a writing system, as | |||
72 | |||
early as the beginning of the 3rd millennium B. C. | |||
That system was the pictographic script which was | |||
used for elementary business records (inventories of | |||
cattle and other property, accounts of work per¬ | |||
formed, etc.). Gradually this script evolved into | |||
cuneiform writing, in which each sign consisted of | |||
wedges in different combinations. | |||
It is not yet clear which people were the first to in¬ | |||
vent writing, but the Sumerians were undoubtedly | |||
pioneers on the hard path of historical progress, | |||
being the first to use writing in the service of civilisa¬ | |||
tion on a large scale. | |||
The earliest surviving texts date from the begin¬ | |||
ning of the second half of the 3rd millennium B. C., | |||
and 250 years later a well-developed system of cunei¬ | |||
form writing already existed. In the 24th century, | |||
extensive documents in Sumerian were compiled. | |||
Records of Akkadian in Mesopotamia date from the | |||
first half of the 3rd millennium, when the Akkadians | |||
borrowed the cuneiform script from the Sumerians | |||
and began widely using it. In the last quarter of the | |||
3rd millennium B. C. bilingual (Sumero-Akkadian) | |||
dictionaries were compiled - the most ancient known | |||
to date. | |||
Having absorbed the achievements of Sumerian | |||
culture, the Akkadians developed them further. | |||
Already at a very early period, Sumerian words | |||
were borrowed into Akkadian, and sometimes vice | |||
versa. Among others, the Akkadians borrowed from | |||
the Sumerians words for such cultural concepts as | |||
plough, barley, emmer, ploughman, table, and | |||
many terms designating various crafts, cults, and | |||
offices of the state. At that early period the Sumer¬ | |||
ians also borrowed from Akkadian words for onions, | |||
slave, and terms of buying and selling. | |||
By the beginning of the 2nd millennium B. C. | |||
Sumerian gradually disappeared as a spoken lan¬ | |||
guage, but it continued to be studied as the language | |||
of literature, science and cults until the 1st century | |||
A. D., when cuneiform writing went out of use. | |||
Sumero-Akkadian bilingualism therefore existed at | |||
all stages of the Babylonian culture. | |||
Sumerians and Akkadians wrote left to right. The | |||
script included nearly 600 signs, all of which a liter¬ | |||
ate person had to know. Most signs had several | |||
values, so that the reader had to rely on the context | |||
to arrive at the meaning implied. The cuneiform | |||
script was therefore accessible to a narrow circle of | |||
professional scribes only. | |||
Cuneiform writing was borrowed from the Akkad¬ | |||
ians by the neighbouring peoples (Elamites, Hur- | |||
rians, Hittites, and later Urartaeans) adapting it to | |||
their languages, and by 1500 B. C. the whole of the | |||
Near East used that script. Simultaneously Akkad¬ | |||
ian became an international language of everyday | |||
communication, diplomacy and science. In the Tell | |||
el-Amarna period (1365-1358), the Egyptian court | |||
used the Babylonian dialect of the Akkadian lan¬ | |||
guage for communicating with their Syrian vassals | |||
and other states. Babylonian mythological works | |||
have been discovered at Tell el-Amarna in Egypt | |||
with annotations by Egyptian scribes. | |||
The natural resources of the country were of spe¬ | |||
cial importance for the Sumero-Akkadian civilisa¬ | |||
tion. Unlike Egypt and the other fountainheads of | |||
ancient civilisation, Mesopotamia had almost no | |||
stone and, of course, no papyrus, which could be | |||
used as material for writing. But there was an un¬ | |||
limited supply of clay, so that writing materials were | |||
in fact inexhaustible and cost practically nothing. | |||
Besides, clay was a durable material. Clay tablets | |||
were not destroyed even by fire-on the contrary, | |||
they became even harder. For this reason clay was | |||
the principal writing material from the very emer¬ | |||
gence of writing in Mesopotamia. | |||
To increase the lifetime of tablets, they were made | |||
of elutriated clay of the finer types. To remove all | |||
sorts of impurities-straw, leaves, etc.-clay was | |||
placed in water. The mineral compounds were dis¬ | |||
solved in water and settled on the bottom of the ves¬ | |||
sel, and when the water was decanted, the tablet was | |||
absolutely pure. The mineral compounds were also | |||
removed by means of baking, but as there was no | |||
forest in Mesopotamia, only the more important | |||
texts were baked in kilns, including those intended | |||
for libraries. Most tablets were sun-baked. Usually | |||
g- the tablets were seven to nine centimetres in length. | |||
I These were mostly economic and business records in | |||
N cursive. Royal inscriptions were made in large, dis- | |||
ir tinct script. A piece of reed sliced at an angle at one | |||
? end was used to indent the signs in soft clay. | |||
In the 1st millennium B. C., leather and papyrus | |||
js were used as materials for writing, too. Babylonian | |||
a scribes also wrote, in cuneiform characters as well, | |||
)~ on long narrow wooden tablets covered by a thin | |||
a layer of wax. | |||
| Beginning with the 8th century B.C., Aramaic | |||
1 gradually became the language of international | |||
iMHKvnniKflHRAMniiwi | |||
m | |||
trade and diplomacy throughout the Near East. As | |||
Aramaean provinces were added to the Assyrian | |||
empire, and numerous Aramaean tribes continued | |||
their inroads in Babylonia, Aramaic gradually | |||
became an everyday spoken language in Mesopota¬ | |||
mia itself. Aramaean scribes, who wrote on leather | |||
and papyrus, became predominant in Mesopota¬ | |||
mian offices. That was a severe blow for the schools | |||
of scribes using the cuneiform script, which were | |||
now doomed to gradual extinction. | |||
The founding of the most ancient libraries was a | |||
most important achievement of the Mesopotamian | |||
civilisation. Collecdons of literary and scientific texts | |||
were gathered at schools in the centres of cul¬ | |||
ture-Ur, Nippur, Babylon, and other Mesopota¬ | |||
mian cities —beginning with the 2nd millennium | |||
B. C. An essential part of scribes’ training was copy¬ | |||
ing correctly texts reflecting the basic trends in the | |||
written tradition. Large private libraries, reflecting | |||
their owners’ tastes emerged in major cities where | |||
there were many scribes. | |||
The greatest library in Mesopotamia and gener¬ | |||
ally in the ancient Orient was that of the Assyrian | |||
king Assurbanipal (668-627) in his palace at Nine¬ | |||
veh. Remains of that library were found in 1853 by | |||
Hormuzd Rassam under a large mound near the vil¬ | |||
lage of Kuyunjik on the left bank of the Tigris. The | |||
library was carefully selected. On Assurbanipal’s | |||
orders, scribes copied books from state or private col¬ | |||
lections of the ancient cities of Babylonia and | |||
Assyria, or collected the books themselves. | |||
Of some of these texts Assurbanipal wrote himself: | |||
“I read this tablet and placed it in my palace... If | |||
anyone should take it away or put his name next to | |||
mine on it, let the god Ashur and the goddess Belet | |||
pronounce his death, and let them destroy his name | |||
and offspring.” | |||
The texts of Assurbanipal’s library are varied in | |||
content. They include annals, chronicles of the most | |||
important historical events, texts of treaties between | |||
states, legislative monuments, archives of state | |||
administration, myths, fables, epic and other literary | |||
works, hymns, prayers, charms and incantations, | |||
chemists’ prescriptions, lists of animals, plants and | |||
minerals, literary commentaries, Sumero-Akkadian | |||
dictionaries, collections of texts in Sumerian with | |||
explanations of difficult passages, collections of | |||
grammar exercises and examples, etc. There are | |||
hundreds of books here embodying the scholarly | |||
achievements of Sumerians, Babylonians and Assyr¬ | |||
ians. In all, about 25,000 tablets and fragments from | |||
that library, covered in clear legible script, have | |||
survived. | |||
Assurbanipal’s library was not only the largest in | |||
those times but also the first systematically selected | |||
library arranged in a definite order. Many books | |||
were kept there in a number of copies, sometimes as | |||
many as five or six, so that several persons could read | |||
a certain text simultaneously. Serial texts consisted | |||
of many tablets of identical size. Some series in¬ | |||
cluded 40 and even more than 100 tablets. Compila¬ | |||
tion of such series was prompted by the need to | |||
gather in one place all the available information on | |||
a certain subject. Each tablet was numbered, so that | |||
it could be replaced after use. The first words of the | |||
first tablet were the title of a series. The last line of | |||
each tablet was repeated at the beginning of the fol¬ | |||
lowing tablet. Literary texts had colophons which | |||
corresponded to the title pages of our books. The col¬ | |||
ophon contained the name of the work, i. e., its first | |||
line. If a text consisted of several tablets, the col¬ | |||
ophon of each tablet indicated the name of the series | |||
and the number of tablets in the series. | |||
The “leaves” of the clay books were stamped with | |||
the library seal with this inscription: “The palace of | |||
Assurbanipal, king of Assyria, king of the four | |||
quarters of the world.” | |||
The books were classified according to subjects | |||
(branches of knowledge) and were kept on shelves | |||
which have not been preserved, as the library was on | |||
the first floor and crashed down when Nineveh was | |||
destroyed in 612. To make the search for a certain | |||
work easier, tags were tied by pieces of twine to tab¬ | |||
lets, indicating the content, serial title, and the | |||
number of tablets in each series. These tags formed | |||
catalogues of a kind. | |||
By the mid-3rd millennium B. C. there were many | |||
J schools throughout Sumer already. During the | |||
~ second half of the 3rd millennium the Sumerian | |||
x school system flourished, and dozens of thousands of | |||
pupils’ exercises have been preserved since those | |||
~ times. | |||
Just as in later times, the purpose of Sumerian | |||
& schools was preparing scribes for the economy and | |||
§ the administration, especially for state and temple | |||
jT offices. As a rule, schools were not run by temples, | |||
and the curriculum was secular- religious education | |||
& was not even included among the school subjects. | |||
74 | |||
Schools were centres of education and culture; | |||
apart from learning to write, the future scribes | |||
acquired certain grammatical, mathematical and | |||
astronomical knowledge, depending on their future | |||
occupation. Students intending to become scholars | |||
had to have a sound knowledge of law, astronomy, | |||
medicine, and mathematics. But the main subjects | |||
taught were the Sumerian language and literature. | |||
In the Sumerian story of “A Scribe and His Per¬ | |||
verse Son”, a scribe reproaches his son for not want¬ | |||
ing to follow in the footsteps of his father, and | |||
admonishes him to study diligently, not to loaf in the | |||
streets, and to follow the model of worthy pupils. | |||
Another Sumerian literary work tells the story of a | |||
son who was believed to be a bad pupil and was | |||
therefore often beaten; at the pupil’s request, his | |||
father invites the teacher to their place, they heap | |||
attentions on him seating him in the place of honour, | |||
giving him supper and a valuable gift, whereupon he | |||
begins to praise the boy as a capable and diligent | |||
pupil. In one Sumerian text a former pupil accuses | |||
his teacher of failing to teach him anything, | |||
although he attended school from early childhood to | |||
a mature age. To this the teacher replies: “You are a | |||
mature man already, nearing old age... Your time is | |||
past, you are a dried-up seed... But it is not too late, | |||
for if you follow the advice of your comrades and | |||
teachers, you can still be a scribe.” | |||
A great many works of Sumerian literature, | |||
mostly myths, hymns and legends, have survived. | |||
Several poems describe the creation of the earth and | |||
of life. The first Sumerian literary work that we | |||
know of relates the story of the destruction of Lagash | |||
in the mid-24th century by Lugalzaggesi, ruler of | |||
the city of Umma. Many Sumerian texts narrate | |||
stories of the destruction of various cities by raiding | |||
neighbouring tribes. Especially popular among these | |||
works was The Lament of the Death of the Citizens of Ur, | |||
describing the horrible details of people suffering | |||
from hunger, of old men burning to death in flaming | |||
houses, and of children drowning in the river. | |||
The most interesting literary monument of the | |||
Sumerians is undoubtedly the cycle of epic tales | |||
about the legendary hero Gilgamesh. This epic was | |||
most fully preserved in an Akkadian translation, | |||
which is the greatest literary work of ancient Meso¬ | |||
potamia. According to the epic, Gilgamesh, king of | |||
Uruk, was the son of a mortal man and the goddess | |||
Ninsun. But he also figures in a tradition describing | |||
him as a historical personage. Thus, Gilgamesh is | |||
mentioned as one of the first kings of the First | |||
Dynasty of Uruk in the Sumerian lists of the Third | |||
Dynasty of Ur. | |||
In brief, the story of Gilgamesh is as follows. | |||
When Gilgamesh began to oppress the citizens of | |||
Uruk, the latter appealed to the gods to rid them of | |||
the oppression. The gods made a wild hero named | |||
Enkidu, who lived with wild beasts. Later, seduced | |||
by a woman, he left the beasts and came to Uruk. | |||
Enkidu and Gilgamesh met in single combat, but | |||
proved to be equally matched. After that they | |||
became fast friends and performed many deeds | |||
together, killing, for instance, the terrible monster | |||
Humbaba, the guardian of a cedar forest. | |||
Soon the goddess Ishtar offered her love to Gilga¬ | |||
mesh, but he rejected it. The infuriated Ishtar sent a | |||
monstrous bull to punish Gilgamesh, but the latter | |||
killed the bull with Enkidu’s help. After the battle, | |||
however, Enkidu was doomed to die, as he had | |||
offended Ishtar. Saddened by his friend’s death, Gil¬ | |||
gamesh went to the end of the world, to his remote | |||
ancestor Ziusudra, who had survived a Deluge in | |||
times immemorial. Ziusudra told Gilgamesh the | |||
story of the Flood, according to which the gods des¬ | |||
troyed everything that lived on the earth, except | |||
Ziusudra himself. As reward for his pious conduct, | |||
the god Enki warned Ziusudra of the coming flood | |||
and ordered him to build an ark and board it before | |||
the beginning of the flood. Later that legend was | |||
borrowed, even to small details, by the Bible. | |||
At Gilgamesh’s insistence Ziusudra also told him | |||
where the magic plant of immortality grew. Gilga¬ | |||
mesh found that plant after an arduous quest, but he | |||
did not eat it, deciding to share it with the citizens of | |||
Uruk, to make them immortal, too. On his way back | |||
to Uruk Gilgamesh went bathing, and the herb was | |||
? stolen by a snake who became immortal. | |||
^ Late in the 2nd millennium a philosophical poem | |||
was written in Akkadian entitled Ludlul bel nemeqi (I | |||
S' Will Praise the Lord of Wisdom). It consists of 450 | |||
= verses describing the cruel fate of an innocent suf- | |||
I ferer. According to Babylonian beliefs, the world | |||
g was ruled by the god Marduk. Those who wor- | |||
* shipped him expected him to be just, yet he permit- | |||
T ted even the most loyal worshippers to suffer without | |||
| guilt. A righteous man strictly conforming with all | |||
b divine precepts could be endlessly persecuted. The | |||
1 poem implied that it was impossible to help human | |||
75 | |||
sufferers, as the will of the gods was unfathomable, | |||
and men could do nothing but obey the gods: | |||
Who will learn the decisions of gods in heaven | |||
the decisions of the gods of deep waters | |||
[who will] | |||
understand | |||
how can mortals understand the divine paths? | |||
Later this theme was further developed in the Bib¬ | |||
lical “Book of Job”, that virtuous, just and pious | |||
man endlessly pursued by misfortunes. | |||
The narrative of the wise scribe and adviser of the | |||
Assyrian kings Ahiqar is one of the best known | |||
Assyrian literary works. It was known in classical | |||
antiquity and translated in the Middle Ages into | |||
many languages-Aramaic, Greek, Armenian, etc. | |||
Assyrian annals, with their rhythmic style and strik¬ | |||
ing images, can also be counted among literary | |||
works. | |||
As early as the beginning of the 3rd millennium | |||
B. C., the Sumerians worked out in detail a theologi¬ | |||
cal system later borrowed by the Akkadians. Each | |||
city worshipped a local patron god. The deities per¬ | |||
sonified the forces of nature and cosmic bodies the | |||
heaven, the earth and water, which were of great | |||
importance for the economic activity. These deities | |||
were Anu, the god of heaven; Enlil (also called Bel | |||
by the Akkadians), the god of the earth; and Enki or | |||
Ea, the god of water. These gods were worshipped | |||
throughout Mesopotamia, although each of them | |||
had his particular centre of worship. Enlil, whose | |||
main temple stood at the ancient sacred city of Nip¬ | |||
pur, was seen as the god of fate. The founding of | |||
cities and the invention of the hoe and the plough | |||
were all ascribed to him. Highly popular throughout | |||
Mesopotamia was the god of the sun and justice Sha- | |||
mash (Utu in Sumerian mythology); Sin, the moon- 2= | |||
god, who was believed to be Enlil’s son; the goddess ~ | |||
of fertility Ishtar (Inanna in the Sumerian pan¬ | |||
theon) ; and the god of the dying and reviving vege- ? | |||
tation Tammuz (Sumerian Dumuzi), personifica- ~ | |||
tion of the eternally living nature. | |||
Many cults were astral, their gods associated with | | |||
certain celestial bodies. Thus there were the gods of 3 | |||
the sun and the moon mentioned above; next, Ishtar ^ | |||
was identified with Venus; Nergal, the god of war, * | |||
diseases and death, with Mars; the supreme god of I | |||
the Babylonian pantheon Marduk, with Jupiter; | |||
Marduk’s son Nabu, who was believed to be the god | |||
of wisdom, writing and counting, with Mercury. | |||
The supreme god of Assyria was Ashur. | |||
With the political rise of Babylon, the role of the | |||
god of that city, Marduk, also grew. The Babylonian | |||
myth of creation relates that at first the world was in | |||
a state of chaos personified by the monster Tiamat. | |||
Tiamat gave birth to the gods, who were, so noisy | |||
that she decided to destroy them. Marduk (in the | |||
corresponding Sumerian myth his place is taken by | |||
Enlil) agreed to fight the monster on condition that | |||
the other gods would obey him if he should win. | |||
When the gods promised to do so, Marduk fought | |||
Tiamat and, killing her, created out of her body the | |||
sky with the stars, the earth, the plants, the animals, | |||
and water with fishes in it. Then Marduk created | |||
man by mixing clay with the blood of one of the | |||
gods, who had been killed for taking Tiamat’s side. | |||
Sumerians and Akkadians also worshipped the | |||
demons of good and evil, who were pictured as half¬ | |||
men, half-animals. Particularly popular were the | |||
demons of good, imagined in the shape of winged | |||
bulls with human heads. According to popular | |||
beliefs, special amulets and charms could protect | |||
one from the evil demons, who visited all manner of | |||
diseases on men. | |||
Sumerians and Akkadians buried their dead in | |||
clay coffins. The next world appeared to them as a | |||
kingdom of shadows where the dead eternally suf¬ | |||
fered from thirst and ate nothing but clay and dust. | |||
Their heirs were therefore obliged to make sacrifices | |||
to them. | |||
In ancient Mesopotamia, however, there were no | |||
spiritualistic dogmas, no promises of reward in | |||
heaven for the oppressed or punishment for impious | |||
men and oppressors. It is a well-known fact that in | |||
the Middle Ages and even in later times the eschato¬ | |||
logical doctrines of paradise and hell were mostly | |||
used, except for some critical periods, to help the | |||
oppressors to keep the oppressed in obedience. From | |||
time to time dozens of thousands of people awaited | |||
the end of the world and the coming of the long- | |||
promised heavenly kingdom, ready to bid farewell to | |||
the onerous and transient earthly existence. | |||
The ancient Middle East did not know any such | |||
eschatological doctrines, it had no idea of paradise | |||
and hell. Even in the whole of the extensive Old Tes¬ | |||
tament paradise is not mentioned even once, and the | |||
76 | |||
only reward after death which Yahweh promised his | |||
worshippers was that he would make their tribe in¬ | |||
numerable as the sand in the sea. Contrariwise, the | |||
sins of the impious would be visited on the heads of | |||
their offspring even unto the seventh generation. | |||
The ideas of reward after death for a pious life, or | |||
punishment for an impious one, were even less de¬ | |||
veloped in other ancient Oriental societies, includ¬ | |||
ing Mesopotamia. Although religion inculcated in | |||
all the strata of the population the need to worship | |||
the gods, to observe the morality existing in the | |||
given society, and to carry out the obligations con¬ | |||
nected with a certain social status, this ideology | |||
could offer no satisfying answer to the question of | |||
why pious men were sometimes pursued by an evil | |||
fate while impious ones flourished. | |||
The peoples of ancient Mesopotamia made major | |||
advances in architecture. All edifices were built of | |||
mudbrick. Royal palaces and temples were erected | |||
on high brick platforms. The palace of Mari kings, | |||
built as early as the beginning of the 2nd millennium | |||
B. C., occupied an area of about a hectare, and there | |||
were more than 260 inner halls and courts in it. | |||
Numerous frescoes have been found in that palace | |||
portraying scenes of sacrifices to the gods and of the | |||
lives of the rulers of that time. The painters first | |||
drew outlines of their pictures and then applied the | |||
paints. | |||
The attainments of Babylonian architecture can | |||
be judged by the picture of Babylon in the 6th cen¬ | |||
tury B. C., when it became a major city in the | |||
ancient Orient with a population of about 200,000. | |||
The city lay on the Euphrates and two of its major | |||
canals. A third of the city lay west of the Euphrates | |||
(the so-called New City) and was connected with the | |||
rest of Babylon by a bridge 123 metres long and | |||
some five to six metres broad. An enormous castle- | |||
the royal palace-stood at one end of the city and | |||
Esagila, the chief temple of the Babylonians, at the | |||
other. The temple was a square edifice, each side 400 | |||
metres long, built on an artificial terrace. Esagila | |||
formed a single whole with a seven-storeyed | |||
91-metre-high ziggurat lying south of it, which was | |||
believed to be one of the seven wonders of the world | |||
in antiquity. On the top of the ziggurat stood Mar- | |||
duk’s shrine reached by an outside stairway. The | |||
shrine was built of glazed brick, its walls were plated | |||
with gold, the ceiling was likewise plated with gold | |||
and ornamented with precious stones. | |||
A street began at the main entrance to the zig¬ | |||
gurat which, gradually widening, reached 35 metres | |||
across. It was Marduk’s procession street. It ended | |||
at the Ishtar gates, which were 12 metres high. The | |||
gates were embellished with pictures of fantastic ani¬ | |||
mals made of multicoloured tiles. | |||
Another wonder of the world were the famous | |||
Hanging Gardens which rested on high stone walls | |||
supporting the soil and all manner of exotic trees | |||
planted in it. These gardens were intended for | |||
Nebuchadnezzar’s Median wife Amytis, who missed | |||
her mountainous native land in Babylon. | |||
Babylon was an impregnable fortress. The city | |||
was surrounded by a double wall of mudbrick and | |||
fired brick, a solution of asphalt being used for mor¬ | |||
tar. The outer wall was almost 8 metres high, 3.72 | |||
metres wide, and 8.3 kilometres long. The inner wall | |||
stood 12 metres back from the outer one and was 11 | |||
to 14 metres high and 6.5 metres wide. The city had | |||
eight gates guarded by the king’s warriors. Besides, | |||
fortified towers stood on the walls at intervals of 20 | |||
metres; from these, Babylonian soldiers could shoot | |||
at the enemy. Twenty metres outside the outer wall | |||
was a deep and wide fosse, flooded in times of | |||
danger. | |||
The cities where Assyrian kings resided were also | |||
strong fortresses. The inner halls of the royal palaces | |||
in these cities were covered with reliefs; these are | |||
now of great historical value. Of special interest | |||
among them are pictures of animals, hunting scenes, | |||
and battles; they are marked by precision of detail in | |||
portraying the anthropological and ethnographic | |||
features of various peoples. | |||
Production of glass began very early in Mesopota¬ | |||
mia: there are instructions on the making of glass | |||
dating from the 18th century B.C. The Iron Age, | |||
however, came only in the 12th century, when iron | |||
P was first used to make tools and weapons. | |||
I The cultural achievements of the peoples of | |||
N ancient Mesopotamia included the invention of a | |||
^ number of musical instruments, such as the flute, the | |||
- harp, the reed-pipe, etc. | |||
| The attainments of Babylonian mathematics are | |||
2 ? widely known. Originally, they stemmed from the | |||
a practical needs of measuring fields and constructing | |||
A canals and buildings. Advances in mathematical | |||
a astronomy were especially noteworthy. From the | |||
1 most ancient times, multistorey towers, the zig- | |||
| gurats, mostly of seven storeys, or terraces, were | |||
77 | |||
built in Mesopotamia. From the top of the ziggurats, | |||
the priests observed the movements of the celestial | |||
bodies, year in, year out. A considerable body of | |||
empirical observations of the sun, the moon, the | |||
position of the planets and constellations was thus | |||
accumulated. Among other things, the astronomers | |||
marked the position of the moon in relation to the | |||
various planets. Gradually the Babylonians estab¬ | |||
lished the movements of the celestial bodies visible to | |||
the naked eye. They compiled tables of distances | |||
between the stars, which have survived to the pres¬ | |||
ent day. One of these astronomical treatises de¬ | |||
scribes the principal fixed stars and constellations, | |||
their comparative positions, and the periodicity of | |||
sunrises and sunsets. | |||
The 5th century B.C. was the most creative | |||
period in Babylonian mathematical astronomy. | |||
Astronomical schools existed at that time in Uruk, | |||
Sippar, Babylon and Borsippa. Pliny the Elder and | |||
Strabo wrote of the great Babylonian astronomer | |||
Naburianus, who was said to have worked out a sys¬ | |||
tem for determining the lunar phases. This Nabu¬ | |||
rianus is, historians believe, identical with the Nabu- | |||
rimanni of the Babylonian astronomical texts of the | |||
5th and 4th centuries. | |||
Cidenas, another Babylonian astronomer men¬ | |||
tioned by antique authors, is apparently identical | |||
with Kidinnu, compiler of many astronomical texts | |||
of the 5th and 4th centuries. Kidinnu distinguished | |||
between the lunisolar year and the tropical year, | |||
and calculated the duration of the latter at 365 days, | |||
5 hours, 41 minutes and 4.16 seconds, i. e., 7 minutes | |||
17 seconds less than the true duration. Long before | |||
Hipparchus, Kidinnu discovered solar precessions. | |||
The achievements of Babylonian astronomers | |||
were used by other countries of the ancient Orient, | |||
including India, and later by Greece and Rome. | |||
They became part and parcel of our everyday astro¬ | |||
nomical concepts. | |||
With all its impressive results, Babylonian | |||
astronomy was linked with astrology, attempting to | |||
predict the future from observations of the stars. | |||
Astronomical texts contain, for example, comments | |||
on the connections between the stars and certain | |||
illnesses. | |||
By the end of the 4th century B.C., Mesopota¬ | |||
mian science had largely exhausted its potential for | |||
development. The fossilised forms of ancient tradi¬ | |||
tions, the many centuries of domination of religious | |||
concepts without any perceptible changes, and the | |||
absence of new methods of cognition of nature inter¬ | |||
fered with further advances in science. Babylonian | |||
science also lost its vital force because the language | |||
of the religious cult and even of legal, medical and | |||
mathematical literature was Akkadian and, to some | |||
extent, the long dead Sumerian, while the people | |||
spoke Aramaic. | |||
However, before Babylonian science left the his¬ | |||
torical scene, many of its basic results were absorbed | |||
by the Greeks. The remarkable efflorescence of | |||
Greek culture is largely due to its reliance on Baby¬ | |||
lonian mathematics, Phoenician writing, and many | |||
other Oriental achievements. The Greeks themselves | |||
willingly admitted their indebtedness to the peoples | |||
of the East. Herodotus writes, for instance, that the | |||
Babylonians were the teachers of the Greeks in | |||
astronomy. Babylonian astronomers’ treatises were | |||
translated into Greek. Assimilation of Babylonian | |||
astronomical knowledge by the Greeks was greatly | |||
promoted by a school founded by the Babylonian | |||
scholar Berossos on the island of Cos c. 270 B. C. | |||
The Greeks thus had direct access to Babylonian | |||
mathematics, which was in many respects on a level | |||
only achieved again in the epoch of the early Renais¬ | |||
sance. Owing to the continuity of the traditions, the | |||
achievements of Babylonian civilisation became part | |||
of the treasure-house of world culture. It is therefore | |||
not surprising that we still use many words borrowed | |||
from the Akkadian via various intermediate links, | |||
such as “dragoman”, “gypsum”, “mirrh”, “naph¬ | |||
tha”, and others. The sexagesimal system of reckon¬ | |||
ing, worked out many thousands of years ago by | |||
Sumerian mathematicians, reached modern science | |||
by way of Babylonians and Greeks, and we still use it | |||
as we operate with minutes, seconds, and degrees. | |||
Mesopotamian culture thus offers a striking exam¬ | |||
ple of an ancient Oriental culture becoming a living | |||
element of world civilisation, and that explains the | |||
unflagging interest for it among scholars down the | |||
ages. | |||
Chapter 3 | |||
Asia Minor in Ancient Times | |||
Asia Minor is a peninsula bounded by the Black Sea, | |||
the Sea of Marmora, the Aegean and the Mediter¬ | |||
ranean. The natural resources of Asia Minor were | |||
pine and cedar forests, as well as gold, silver, lead | |||
and copper, the mining of which began in very | |||
ancient times. The principal occupations of the | |||
population were cattle-breeding and agriculture. | |||
Asia Minor was one of the earliest areas where | |||
agriculture and domestication of animals (goats and | |||
cattle) developed, and Anatolia is rightly believed to | |||
be the birthplace of mining and metallurgy. Recent | |||
archaeological discoveries show that Anatolia was | |||
the first locality where native copper was mined and | |||
used for making tools; it was also here that the smelt¬ | |||
ing of copper began. Of special importance in this | |||
respect were the excavations at Qayonu-Tepesi and | |||
Qatal Huyiik, where copper and lead artifacts were | |||
discovered in levels dating to the 8th through 6th | |||
millennia B. C. The first iron objects made in the | |||
Ancient Orient (end of the 3rd-beginning of the 2nd | |||
millennium B. C.) were also found in Anatolia. | |||
In the centre of Asia Minor, the Hatti occupied a | |||
mountain-ringed plateau along the middle reaches | |||
of the river Halys (modern Kizil Irmak); this later | |||
became the nucleus of the Hittite empire. In | |||
1906-1907, an expedition of German scholars under | |||
Hugo Winckler excavated the ruins of the Hittite | |||
capital Hattusa (modern Bogazkoy), 100 kilo¬ | |||
metres east of Ankara), where, among other things, | |||
an archive of cuneiform tablets was found, some of | |||
which were written in Akkadian and others in Hit¬ | |||
tite. The archives include annals, royal inscriptions | |||
and laws, an extensive diplomatic correspondence | |||
with Egyptian pharaohs, Assyrian and Babylonian | |||
kings, literary and religious texts, and business | |||
records. | |||
The primordial population of central Asia Minor | |||
called themselves Hatti. That population spoke a | |||
non-Indo-European language related to the Ab- | |||
khaz-Adyg group of the Caucasian languages. At the | |||
beginning of the 2nd millennium B. C., eastern | |||
Asia Minor was invaded (presumably from the Bal¬ | |||
kans) by tribes speaking a tongue of the Indo-Euro¬ | |||
pean family called Nesite, or the language of Nesa. | |||
The newcomers subdued the local population, | |||
which gradually lost its language, was assimilated by | |||
their conquerors, and switched to Nesite. But the | |||
country continued to be called Hatti, and the sur¬ | |||
rounding peoples called its inhabitants Hittites. | |||
Apart from the Nesite-speaking tribes, Asia Minor | |||
was invaded by the Luwians, whose language also | |||
belonged to the Indo-European family. | |||
In the mid-17th century B. C., one of the Hittite | |||
kings, Tabarna, united the Hatti land, capturing | |||
large territories in eastern Asia Minor. Under Mur- | |||
silis I, Tabarna’s grandson, the city of Hattusa, | |||
the country’s oldest cultural centre, became the | |||
g state’s capital. C. 1600 B. C. Mursilis seized | |||
| Halpa (Aleppo), an important city in northern | |||
u Syria. He then concluded an alliance with Kassite | |||
s- tribes and in 1595 B.C. sacked Babylon, which | |||
" offered no resistance because of an internal crisis, | |||
g Mursilis then fell victim to a plot. | |||
Between the second half of the 15th century and | |||
u. the end of the 13th, the Hittites waged endless wars. | |||
| In the 15th century, those wars were directed | |||
s against Mitanni which was finally subjugated under | |||
| the Hittite king Suppiluliumas I. After that the | |||
79 | |||
Hittites were mostly involved in rivalry with Egypt Economic Life and Social Relations. For two centuries | |||
over the domination of Syria. Enlisting the support the Hittites waged successful wars, capturing great | |||
of the Habiru tribes, which lived in the outlying numbers of prisoners. Some of them became slaves, | |||
areas of Syria, Suppiluliumas started an offensive but most were made state peasants who tended | |||
against Syria and Palestine, which met with little fields, gardens and vineyards. Although legally these | |||
resistance. The Egyptian pharaoh Akhenaton was at men were not slaves, they were bound to their places | |||
that time preoccupied with his religious reforms and of residence. Some of them were given plots of crown | |||
ignored the appeal for help from Syrian rulers. land in return for service in the army. Prisoners of | |||
Somewhat later an Egyptian queen, the widow of war that ended up on private estates became slaves, | |||
Tutankhamen, one of Akhenaton’s successors, asked debtor slavery also existed among Hittites, impover- | |||
Suppiluliumas to send a son of his to Egypt, to ished citizens sometimes becoming the slaves of their | |||
become her husband and pharaoh. In her letter she creditors. | |||
wrote: “My husband is dead, and I have no son. Valuable information on the internal structure of | |||
They say that you have many sons. Could you not the Hittite kingdom is found in the will of king Hat- | |||
send one of them, that he might be my husband.” tusili I (c. 1650-1620 B. C.), written in Akkadian | |||
This unexpected and unusual request discomfited and Hittite. He largely restored the importance of | |||
the Hittite king, who could not make up his mind the ancient Hittite organ of self-government called | |||
whether the Egyptian queen was mocking at him or the pankuS, whose members included all free men | |||
wrote in all seriousness. Taking his courtiers’ advice, capable of bearing arms. He also abolished the | |||
he sent a messenger to Egypt to find out precisely the ancient law according to which the son of the king’s | |||
Egyptian queen’s intentions. The messenger came sister was appointed heir to the throne: from now | |||
back with an Egyptian ambassador, who assured on, only the king’s sons could claim the throne. | |||
Suppiluliumas that the Pharaoh’s widow indeed For a whole century the land of the Hittites was | |||
desired to marry a Hittite prince. But a son of Sup- torn by internecine strife between various groups of | |||
piluliumas was murdered on his way to Egypt by the population, blood feuds and palace coups. All of | |||
Egyptian nobles unwilling to accept a foreigner’s this made king Telepinus I (the second half of the | |||
rule. That sparked off a long and inconclusive war 16th century B. C.) promulgate an edict regulating | |||
between the Hittites and the Egyptians. In 1312 succession to the throne. Previously, the right to the | |||
B. C., the famous battle at Kadesh was fought, in throne belonged to the king’s kindred, while now it | |||
which the Hittite army was led by Muwatallish and was transferred to the king’s elder son from the first | |||
the Egyptian one, by Ramses II. That battle, too, wife. If there was no such heir, the throne passed on | |||
brought no decisive victory to either side. The hostil- to the elder son from the second wife. If the king had | |||
ities between Egypt and the Hittites continued for no male issue, the throne went to the husband of the | |||
several more years, until in 1295 B. C. the Hittite king’s daughter from his first wife. That law was | |||
king Hattusili III concluded a peace treaty with approved by a council which included the king’s | |||
Ramses II. The text of that treaty has survived in an sons, his relatives, courtiers, and heads of noble | |||
Egyptian hieroglyphic version and in several cunei- clans. | |||
form copies. The terms of the treaty were acceptable This council played an important role in the life of | |||
to both sides. The peace treaty was sealed with a j Hittite society. Thus, the king had no right to exe- | |||
dynastic marriage of the Hittite king’s daughter to ^ cute his relatives without the council’s agreement. | |||
Ramses II. At this time the Hittite state, weakened Even if the council agreed to the execution of a | |||
by a long war and the onslaught of hostile tribes of § member of the royal family, the guilty party’s pro- | |||
Asia Minor, was compelled to seek Egypt’s help. ~ perty could not be confiscated all the same and | |||
At the end of the 13th century, the numerous | passed on to the executed man’s heirs. If the king | |||
tribes of south-western Asia Minor (the so-called | executed any of his relatives without the council’s | |||
Peoples of the Sea, whose ethnic origin is not yet § permission, the council could sentence the king him- | |||
clear) united, attacked the Hittite empire and de- ^ seif to death. | |||
stroyed it; after that, they took possession of Syria as During the excavations at Bogazkoy, two versions | |||
well. I of Hittite laws have been found which recorded | |||
criminal and family law. The laws are a valuable poem about the god Kumarbi, which runs some- | |||
source for the study of the economic and social struc- thing like this. When the gods overthrew Kumarbi, | |||
ture of Hittite society. Their characteristic feature he decided to revenge himself on them. He gave | |||
was that the severity of the guilty person’s punish- birth to a son, a diorite monster that was given the | |||
ment depended on premeditation or absence of it. Hurrian name Ullikummi. The latter began to | |||
Compared with other Near Eastern laws, Hittite grow, rising from the sea with every hour, and the | |||
criminal law envisaged relatively lenient penal- gods were stunned and terrified. They gathered in | |||
ties, stressing restitution to the victim. However, a heaven to think of ways to destroy. Ullikummi. The | |||
slave disobeying his master died a terrible death. goddess Ishtar began to sing, attempting to charm | |||
The laws also regulated the warriors’ position. A him with her voice, but the deaf and blind stone | |||
large portion of the free population was obliged to monster paid no attention to the divine call. Then | |||
serve in the army. The army consisted of chariotry the gods prepared for a joint fight against Ullikumi, | |||
and heavily armed infantry. The Hittites owed their in which the latter was doomed to defeat (but the | |||
victories largely to the introduction of a light two- end of the poem has not survived), | |||
wheeled chariot. Its advantage, compared to other The mythological poem of the succession of four | |||
people’s heavy war wagons, which only carried a generations of gods in heaven was also translated | |||
driver and a warrior, was that a chariot’s crew con- from Hurrian into Hittite, its theme was later | |||
sisted of three men, and yet it moved very fast. developed in ancient Greek literature, particularly | |||
in Hesiod’s Theogonia. | |||
A vast number of religious texts with detailed de- | |||
Hittite Culture. Clay tablet archives from Bogazkoy scriptions of various rituals and prayers, religious fes- | |||
contain literary and historical works, business tivals and ceremonies, hymns, lists of gods, etc., have | |||
records, and a great many religious texts. All of these been preserved in the Bogazkoy archives. Of special | |||
were written in the cuneiform script borrowed from prominence among them are king Mursilis II’s | |||
Mesopotamia. But the Hittites also had their own prayers dating from the first half of the 14th century | |||
hieroglyphic script which was mostly used for monu- B. C. These prayers voice a passionate appeal to the | |||
mental and decorative purposes (it was deciphered gods to put an end to the plague devastating the | |||
by Bedrich Hrozny, the well-known Czech scholar). land of the Hittites. As the texts show, everything | |||
Of particular interest are annals, mostly written was done to find out the cause of the anger of the | |||
for the glorification of victories by Hittite kings. gods who punished men by sending this terrible epi- | |||
Among other things, works of this genre describe in demic. The author of the prayers was convinced that | |||
realistic detail the peoples on which the Hittites the anger was caused by the crimes and sins of the | |||
waged war. The historical style of Hittite annals was ancestors which were visited on the offspring. In his | |||
later developed by the Assyrians, but the Hittites despair, Mursilis tried to persuade the gods to | |||
were more objective in their description of events stop the plague for their own good, for, if mankind | |||
than the Assyrians. disappeared from the face of the earth, sacrifices | |||
The “Autobiography” of king Hattusili III, who would stop and the gods would be left without food | |||
lived in the 13th century B. C., can also be seen as a or drink. | |||
historical work. It is one of the earliest biographies in g Many Hittite religious texts are translations from | |||
world historical literature. Relating the history of | the Hurrian language. During service, priests some- | |||
the Hittite state and the king’s feats, this text stresses ^ times had to pronounce ritual formulas in Hurrian. | |||
that Hattusili performed all his heroic deeds on j The attributes of the god of thunder, the principal | |||
orders from and with the help of the goddess Ishtar. “ god of the Hittite pantheon, were two mythological | |||
The Hittite culture, and especially their religion, J bulls with Hurrian names. An important monument | |||
was greatly influenced by the Hurrians, the oldest ~ of this synthesis of Hittite and Hurrian religions are | |||
population of Mitanni in northern Mesopotamia as - the reliefs on a group of rocks in the Yazilikaya lo- | |||
well as of Syria and southern Asia Minor. A con- § cality north of Bogazkoy. These rocks, which at one | |||
siderable number of Hurrian literary works were s time formed a temple territory, are covered by reliefs | |||
translated into Hittite, including, above all, the epic § of religious scenes in which Hittite gods are identi- | |||
81 | |||
6-344 | |||
fied with Hurrian ones. It is the most major monu- Sea, invaded Asia Minor via the Caucasus and put | |||
ment of Hittite pictorial art. an end to the existence of the Phrygian state. | |||
Yet another of the Bogazkoy archive’s items is a So far, little is known of Phrygian culture, except | |||
text on clay tablets of nearly a thousand lines, con- for its obvious close affinity with that of the Greeks, | |||
taining the most ancient manual of horse-training Thus, the Phrygian alphabetic script was a version | |||
known to man. The treatise is written in Hittite, but of the Greek one. It may have originally evolved in | |||
its author was a Hurrian of the name of Kikkuli from Asia Minor and later borrowed and improved by the | |||
Mitanni, presumably invited to serve at the Hittite Greeks. | |||
king’s court. As these tablets show, hippology was at Prominent in Phrygian religion was the cult of | |||
an exceptionally high level of development among Cybele, the goddess of fertility seen as the mother of | |||
Hurrians and Hittites. According to the treatise, it the gods and of all that is. According to Phrygian | |||
took seven months to train a cavalry horse. beliefs, she lived on mountain tops and drove a char- | |||
Certain works of Sumero-Babylonian literature iot drawn by lions and panthers. There is a Phrygian | |||
were also translated into Hittite through Hurrian in- myth that Cybele fell in love with Attis, the god of | |||
termediaries. For example, a Hurrian version of the dying and reviving nature. When he was mortally | |||
Babylonian Gilgamesh epic has been preserved in wounded by a wild boar during a hunt, the gods | |||
the Bogazkoy archives, together with fragments of a revived him at Cybele’s request. But when Attis fell | |||
Hittite translation of it, presumably made from out of love with Cybele and decided to marry a mor- | |||
Hurrian. tal woman, the goddess appeared at the wedding | |||
Two tablets containing part of a Hittite code of and drove him mad, whereupon he emasculated | |||
law have also been discovered at Bogazkoy. It is himself and died. Later (c. 204 B.C.) the Attis and | |||
clear even from this scant evidence that strict mone- Cybele cult was officially recognised in Rome, | |||
tary tariffs existed, and marital relations and inheri- Among its main features were the orgiastic character | |||
tance laws were codified. of worship and the fact that Cybele’s priests were | |||
Although the Hittite state ceased to exist in the eunuchs, | |||
late 13th century, Hittite culture made a consider- There are many legends connected with the | |||
able impact on world culture in later times, forming Phrygian king Midas (the last king of that name), | |||
an important link between the achievements of the Especially popular is the tradition that, at Midas’s | |||
ancient East and of Europe. request, the god Dionysus turned everything that | |||
Midas touched into gold. But Midas was cruelly | |||
punished for his greed, as any food that he wanted to | |||
Asia Minor After the Fall of the Hittite Kingdom. In the swallow also became gold. According to another | |||
12th century B. C., Asia Minor was invaded from legend, Midas was the judge at a musical contest | |||
the Balkans by the Indo-European tribes of Phryg- between Apollo and Pan, and awarded the prize to | |||
ians which settled in central Asia Minor. Some time the latter. Angry at this unfair decision, Apollo gave | |||
later, Greeks began to colonise the western coast of Midas ass’s ears, which he used to hide under a | |||
Asia Minor. Phrygian cap. Apart from Apollo and Midas him- | |||
In the 8th century B. C., the Phrygians founded self, only the latter’s barber knew of the ears. Burst- | |||
their state, of which the capital was Gordium, on the j ing to tell the secret, yet fearing the king’s wrath, the | |||
territory west of the river Halys. Towards the end of * barber dug a hole in the ground and whispered into | |||
that century, Phrygia became, under king Midas, a ^ the hole, “King Midas has ass’s ears”. Later, reeds | |||
powerful state, and a major rival of Assyria. In 717, | grew up there and told the whole world of the | |||
the Phrygians formed a coalition with Urartu and ~ Phrygian king’s disgrace. | |||
the states of northern Syria against the Assyrian king f. In the first half of the 7th century B. C., a new im- | |||
Sargon II. But in 714, the Assyrians defeated that | portant state, Lydia, arose in north-western Asia | |||
coalition, and in the following year Phrygia con- 2 Minor. Its rise to eminence was largely due to the | |||
eluded a peace treaty with Assyria. Early in the 7th ; fertile lands in the valley of the Hermus, which | |||
century B. C., Cimmerian mounted hosts, driven ^ needed no artificial irrigation, and to its rich gold | |||
from their homeland in the area north of the Black 2 and silver mines. The country’s advantageous geo- | |||
graphical position enabled the Lydian kings to con¬ | |||
trol the whole of the sea trade between the Greek | |||
world and the Orient. | |||
With the arrival of the Cimmerians on the histori¬ | |||
cal scene, the very existence of the Lydian kingdom | |||
was in jeopardy. C. 660 B.C., the rulers of Lydia | |||
and its neighbours turned for help to Assyria which | |||
was at the time itself worried over the threat to its | |||
borders from the Cimmerians. The message from the | |||
Lydian king Gyges reached the capital of Assyria | |||
Nineveh and was translated to the Assyrian king | |||
Assurbanipal. Having repulsed the Cimmerians’ | |||
onslaught with Assyrian aid, Gyges sent Assurbani¬ | |||
pal rich gifts and two fettered Cimmerian chieftains | |||
whom he had captured. But then Gyges formed an | |||
alliance with Egypt’s pharaoh Psammetichus I, who | |||
had risen, not long before, in revolt against Assyria. | |||
Soon, however, the Cimmerians under their chief¬ | |||
tain Lygdamis again attacked Lydia, which could | |||
no longer rely on Assyrian help, of course, and | |||
between 657 and 654 B. C. they captured and plun¬ | |||
dered Sardis, Lydia’s capital. Gyges himself, who | |||
waited in vain for help from Egypt (“that broken | |||
reed”, as Assurbanipal put it), fell in battle. But then | |||
Scythians, led by their chieftain Madys, son of Pro- | |||
tothyes, invaded c. 639 Cappadocia in eastern Asia | |||
Minor and defeated the Cimmerians. Lydia’s new | |||
king Ardys (652-b05 B.C.), Gyges’s son, renewed | |||
the alliance with Assyria violated by his father. | |||
At the time when Lydia gained ascendancy, con¬ | |||
siderable areas on the western and southern coast of | |||
Asia Minor were occupied by Greek city-state col¬ | |||
onies. The Greeks managed to establish good rela¬ | |||
tions with the local population of Asia Minor; in | |||
some areas (e. g., in Caria), that population was | |||
mixed, consisting of newcomers, the Hellenes, and | |||
local inhabitants speaking Hittite-Luwian lan¬ | |||
guages. The main occupations of the Greeks in Asia | |||
Minor were handicrafts and trade with continental g | |||
Greece, the Black Sea regions, and the Middle East. "I | |||
Ardys and his successor on the Lydian throne, ^ | |||
Alyattes (605-560 B. C.), initiated the policy of con- ■+. | |||
quering the Greek cities of Asia Minor. | |||
During his fourteen-year-long rule (from the § | |||
560th year B.C.), the Lydian king Croesus com- 3 | |||
pleted the conquest of the Greek cities of Asia Minor | |||
and imposed tribute on them. Only Miletus, sit- g | |||
uated on the southern coast of the mainland, resisted ^ | |||
capture by force, yet the Lydians imposed on it a | | |||
treaty of alliance stipulating the payment of tribute | |||
and recognition of nominal allegiance to Croesus. | |||
All the other tribes of Asia Minor west of the river | |||
Halys, i. e., Phrygians, Mysians, Paphlagonians and | |||
Carians, also became Croesus’s subjects, so that he | |||
controlled all western and central Asia Minor. It is | |||
therefore not surprising that Croesus became the | |||
proverbial owner of fabulous riches. | |||
Croesus did not interfere in the internal affairs of | |||
the Greek states of Asia Minor, merely imposing a | |||
fairly moderate tribute on them. As Lydians had no | |||
navy of their own, the sea trade remained in the | |||
hands of the Greeks. Hellenic cultural influence on | |||
Lydia also played a role in the friendly relations | |||
between Greeks and Lydians. The Greeks of Asia | |||
Minor did not therefore find Lydian rule onerous at | |||
all, and Croesus was remembered down the ages | |||
with gratitude by the Greeks. Lydians also estab¬ | |||
lished extensive links with the continental Greek | |||
world. Croesus sent rich offerings to Greek temples, | |||
and sometimes gave valuable presents to citizens of | |||
various Hellenic states. Lydians enjoyed certain | |||
advantages in Greece. For example, all Lydians | |||
were given citizenship at Delphi for all time to come, | |||
as well as freedom from trade duties, etc. Croesus | |||
gave the Greek temple at Delphi a gold statue of a | |||
lion that weighed 260 kilograms. | |||
Soon, however, the well-being of Croesus and his | |||
subjects came to an end: in 547 B. C. Lydia was | |||
overrun by the Persians. | |||
Lydian craftsmen were particularly famous for | |||
their skill in making objects of gold and precious | |||
stones, and in dyeing cloth. | |||
Trade played a great role in the country’s | |||
economy, and commodity-money relations therefore | |||
developed fast. That resulted in the invention of | |||
minting in Lydia. Lydian coins, the first ones ever | |||
made, were minted between 640 and 630 B.C. of | |||
electrum (a natural fusion of gold and silver) with a | |||
lion’s head stamped on the obverse. That was a hall¬ | |||
mark guaranteeing full weight and good quality of | |||
metal. For the first time it became possible to trade | |||
without weighing the metal used as money. | |||
Asia Minor, as a historico-cultural region, played, | |||
on the whole, a considerable role in the emergence | |||
and development of civilisation in the ancient | |||
Orient. It was an area of intense encounters between | |||
Eastern and Graeco-Roman cultures, between the | |||
Aegean world, the Balkans, and the Middle East. | |||
83 | |||
6 * | |||
Chapter 4 | |||
The Ancient States of Syria, Phoenicia, Palestine, | |||
and the Arabian Peninsula | |||
North of Egypt, between the Taurus Mountains and | |||
the middle Euphrates, lay the East Mediterranean | |||
countries-Syria, Phoenicia and Palestine, which, | |||
throughout ancient history, were influenced by two | |||
great civilisations, Egyptian and Mesopotamian. | |||
There were no major rivers here. The most signifi¬ | |||
cant of the available rivers were the Jordan in Pales¬ | |||
tine and the Orontes in Syria. The steppes and the | |||
desert areas were, from the dawn of history, the | |||
habitation of cattle-breeding tribes. Most of Syria | |||
was taken up by semi-desert steppe. In the north, | |||
Syria was bounded by the Amanus and Taurus | |||
mountain ridges separating it from Asia Minor. The | |||
bend of the Euphrates separated Syria from Meso¬ | |||
potamia. The principal routes connecting Asia | |||
Minor, Arabia and Egypt lay across Syria. | |||
Phoenicia occupied a narrow coastal strip along | |||
the northern Mediterranean bounded in the east by | |||
the mountains of Lebanon. Horticulture predom¬ | |||
inated here: olives, dates and grapes were grown. | |||
Fishing played an important role. Cedar forests grew | |||
in the mountains of Lebanon along the coast. | |||
Between Egypt and Syria lay ancient Palestine, | |||
divided geographically into several areas. A fertile | |||
valley stretched along the Mediterranean coast, j | |||
separated from its northern neighbour Phoenicia by ~ | |||
the Carmel mountain ridge. East of the plains lay a | |||
hilly plateau, and east of the Jordan valley began the § | |||
boundless steppes. | |||
Palestine, Phoenicia and Syria made up the west- § | |||
ern horn of the so-called Fertile Crescent, of which | | |||
the middle part lay in northern Mesopotamia and 3 | |||
the eastern horn stretched towards the Babylonian ; | |||
region near the estuary of the Euphrates and the ^ | |||
Tigris. si | |||
In 1975, an Italian archaeological expedition | |||
excavating the ancient city of Ebla lying under the | |||
vast Tell Mardikh mound, with an area of | |||
56 hectares, in northern Syria (70 kilometres from | |||
the modern city of Aleppo), found royal archives | |||
consisting of many thousands of cuneiform tablets | |||
some of which were written in an unfamiliar Semitic | |||
language. The texts belong to the period between | |||
2400 and 2250 B. C. and are written in the Sumerian | |||
cuneiform script. A detailed analysis of the available | |||
material shows that the Eblaite language was similar | |||
to Akkadian and Amorite, but a distinct language in | |||
its own right. | |||
Most texts from Ebla are administrative and | |||
economic records. However, there are also many | |||
dictionaries and literary, historical and legal texts. | |||
The more significant historical texts include royal | |||
decrees, letters of state, and international treaties. | |||
Collections of proverbs, charms and hymns have also | |||
been preserved. | |||
The study of Eblaite texts is only beginning, but it | |||
is clear already that a major state existed on the ter¬ | |||
ritory of modern Syria between 2400 and 2250 B. C., | |||
whose cultural influence extended south to the Sinai | |||
peninsula, west to Cyprus, and north to Zagros. | |||
260,000 people lived in the state of Ebla. | |||
In the 3rd and early 2nd millennia B. C., part of | |||
the Syrian steppe was occupied by the Semitic tribes | |||
of Amorites, whom the Sumerians called martu and | |||
the Akkadians, amurru (“the western ones”). These | |||
tribes began to settle Mesopotamia in very early | |||
times, either peacefully or after repeated raids. | |||
Sumerian and Akkadian texts describe them as | |||
“wanderers who do not know what a city is, who do | |||
not know cereals or a permanent dwelling, or a | |||
grave after death”. Although Semites formed the During the earliest period of their history, Phoeni- | |||
bulk of Syria’s population, Hurrians also lived there cian cities were under Egyptian rule, but late in the | |||
in large numbers. 2nd millennium B. C. they largely became free of | |||
The principal occupations of Syria’s population foreign hegemony. Beginning with the 8 th century, | |||
were land cultivation, horticulture, viticulture and Assyrian kings repeatedly raided the Phoenician | |||
cattle-breeding. coast and gradually subdued all the cities there | |||
In the second half of the 3rd millennium, Hyksos except Tyre. In the late 7th century B. C. Phoenicia | |||
tribes captured the territory of Palestine. Later, after was captured by the Babylonians, | |||
the defeat of the Hyksos in the mid-16th century Phoenician cities were major centres of handi- | |||
B. C., the hegemony in this area passed to the crafts. Glass vessels were made here, mostly for | |||
Mitanni state in northern Mesopotamia, and a export. Phoenician woollen and linen fabrics dyed in | |||
hundred years later Egyptian pharaohs extended purple were very famous in ancient times, | |||
their rule over Syria. Somewhat later the Hittites Phoenicians were experienced shipbuilders and | |||
established their sway there. When the Hittites were courageous seafarers. They dealt in transit trade, | |||
compelled to leave Syria, two unions of small states buying silver and lead in Asia Minor and copper in | |||
arose. The northern union was headed at first by the Cyprus and selling these and other wares in different | |||
city of Meliddu and later by Carchemish, and the countries. In their search for new sea routes Phoeni- | |||
southern, by Damascus. Damascus occupied an cians went as far as Spain and the shores of modern | |||
advantageous geographical position at a point where Great Britain, where they bought tin. Phoenician | |||
the routes linking Mesopotamia with the Mediter- seamen also voyaged along the western coast of | |||
ranean coast crossed. The main route lay across the Africa. A description of one such Phoenician voyage | |||
Syrian steppe; loads were carried across it on led by Hanno has been preserved in a Greek transla- | |||
camels, domesticated not long before that. In the 9th don. In the late 6 th and early 5th century B. C. | |||
and 8 th centuries B. C., some regions of Syria were Phoenicians circumnavigated Africa, on orders from | |||
captured by Assyria. In 717, the Assyrians com- the Egyptian pharaoh Necho; the voyage took them | |||
pleted their conquests in this area, establishing their three years and was only repeated two thousand | |||
rule over Carchemish. S years later by Vasco da Gama. On the Baltic coast, | |||
Late in the 3rd millennium small states began to 1 the Phoenicians exchanged their goods for amber, | |||
arise in Phoenicia, centred round ports. One of such ^ They set up their trading stations on the coast of | |||
centres was Ugarit (modern Ras Shamra site), sit- S Spain (thus, modern Cadiz was Phoenician Gades), | |||
uated south of the Orontes estuary, at the crossing of and founded a colony in Africa that was the seed of | |||
sea routes from Asia Minor to the Levant and Egypt. | the Carthaginian empire. | |||
Many cuneiform tablets of the mid-2nd millennium ^ The Phoenicians’ most important cultural | |||
B. C., chiefly religious texts and business documents, 5 achievement was a script to which ultimately all | |||
have been found at Ras Shamra. Some of the texts ^ modern alphabets of the European peoples go back, | |||
are in Akkadian language and Akkadian script, | That Phoenician invention, which made literacy | |||
while others are in a local Semitic language and a 7. accessible to the masses, was a great step in man- | |||
special type of the cuneiform script of 30 signs only, § kind’s cultural development. Phoenicians wrote in a | |||
invented at Ugarit. s syllabic script of 22 signs of simple outline. Each sign | |||
Byblos, from which timber was exported to Egypt 51 denoted either a consonant or a combination of that | |||
already in the 3rd millennium, lay in the centre of | consonant with any vowel, for which no special signs | |||
the Phoenician coast. In the south of the coastal area existed. For instance, the Phoenician sign A could be | |||
were situated the cities of Sidon and Tyre, which i. read as the consonant d or as da, di, de, or du, and the | |||
were natural fortresses. Tyre stood partly on the ?■ reader chose the necessary vowel depending on the | |||
mainland and partly on an island, to which city g context. Phoenicians wrote right to left. They made | |||
dwellers moved during an enemy attack. All Phoeni- f their business records in ink on papyrus and sherds, | |||
cian cities were independent from one another. Most j Numerous inscriptions carved on the sarcophagi of | |||
of them were ruled by kings, whose power was re- s kings and priests have also been preserved, | |||
stricted by a council of noblemen. ^ From the 9th century B. C., Phoenician writing | |||
85 | |||
began to spread rapidly through many countries. David’s son Solomon. In his time, the temple of | |||
The Greek historian Herodotus wrote that ancient Yahweh was built in Jerusalem. Solomon divided | |||
Greeks learnt to write from the Phoenicians. Indeed, Israel into 12 provinces, each of which had to defray | |||
even the names of Greek letters are Phoenician the expense of keeping the state apparatus and the | |||
words. For example, the name of the letter alpha court for one month in a year. A standing army was | |||
comes from the Phoenician word aleph “ox” (the set up. | |||
original form of that sign resembled an ox’s head), Under Solomon’s son Rehoboam an uprising | |||
beta came from bet , the Phoenician for “house”, bet flared up in the country c. 926, of which the Egyp- | |||
as the sign was originally a simplified picture of a dan pharaoh Sheshonq took advantage, seizing Je- | |||
house. The word “alphabet” itself is a combination rusalem. After that Israel and Judah, which had | |||
of the Phoenician words aleph and bet. previously formed a single state, became indepen- | |||
The most popular Phoenician god was Baal. The dent kingdoms (c. 925). Kings of David’s dynasty | |||
god of dying and reviving nature, Adonis (familiar continued to rule over Judah, which occupied the | |||
from Greek mythology), was also worshipped. south of Palestine. In 876 Omri, a commander of | |||
The settled population of Palestine was Canaanite Israelite troops, founded a dynasty in the north of | |||
and Hurrian. The very name of Palestine is of Greek Palestine under which Israel flourished. Its capital | |||
origin and means “The Country of Philistines”; the was the city of Samaria. But in 722, Samaria fell | |||
latter were one of the Peoples of the Sea who at one to the Assyrians, and the Israelite kingdom ceased | |||
time established their domination over the eastern to exist; a considerable portion of its population | |||
Mediterranean. When Egyptian influence weakened was captured and driven to Mesopotamia, | |||
in the 13th and 12th centuries B.C., numerous small In 597 B. C., Babylonia established its rule over | |||
independent states arose there. Judah. Soon, however, Judah rose in rebellion. In | |||
Late in the 13th century B. C., hegemony in Pales- 586 Jerusalem was taken by the Babylonian king | |||
tine passed into the hands of a Semitic tribal alliance Nebuchadnezzar II, its temple was destroyed, and | |||
that bore the name of Israel. Israel is first mentioned more than 10,000 citizens (mostly noblemen and | |||
in an Egyptian inscription from 1230 B. C. The artisans) were taken captive and driven to Baby- | |||
ancient Jewish tribes gradually occupied the cities Ionia. That put an end to the existence of the king- | |||
formerly inhabited by the Canaanites, destroying or dom of Judah. | |||
ousting the latter. As late as the end of the 11th cen- The most outstanding monument of Old Jewish | |||
tury B. C., however, Canaanite cities still existed, literature is the Bible-a collection of chronicles, | |||
and the ancient Jewish tribes mostly lived in the numerous works on law, and the books of prophets, | |||
hilly areas between the cities. At first they were The latter form a significant portion of the Bible and | |||
nomads, but later settled and began to practise cat- are a characteristic product of the socioeconomic sit- | |||
tle-breeding, farming, as well as olive-growing and uation in Israel and Judah in the 10th-7th centuries | |||
viticulture. B. C., marked by a rapid development of class con- | |||
Until the beginning of the 11th century B. C., tradictions, enrichment of aristocracy, and enslave- | |||
these tribes were ruled by “judges” elected by a ment of the common people. In their religious and | |||
council of tribal elders. In the late 11 th century the political sermons the prophets idealised the past | |||
Israelite kingdom arose. Saul was the first king of j times, when the tribes were not yet divided into the | |||
that state; he was elected to the throne by the popu- ^ rich and the poor, and condemned such sores of con- | |||
lar assembly. Saul succeeded in establishing his rule ^ temporary slave-owning society as enslavement of | |||
over all the Jewish tribes, and won several victories | debtors and impoverished commoners, and forced | |||
over the Philistines. But he fell in a battle against the * buying of their land by creditors. Since the state and | |||
latter and the victors carried his severed head all | its concomitant social contradictions appeared | |||
over the Philistine land. | among the Jews later than in the neighbouring | |||
After that David (1004—965 B. C.) succeeded to 2 Canaanite city states, the prophets believed that the | |||
the throne. He came from the tribe of Judah. He social oppression was due to the mixing of the Jews | |||
captured Jerusalem and made it the capital of his ___ with the local Palestine population and the perni- | |||
state. The kingdom grew even stronger under 5 cious influence of their state institutions and reli- | |||
86 | |||
gious concepts. The prophets therefore denounced to the 1st century A. D., a community implacably | |||
not only the social vices of contemporary society but opposed to the official priesthood in Jerusalem, the | |||
also the polytheistic cults of the neighbouring peo- capital of the Judaean province of the Roman | |||
pies, whose gods were also worshipped by many empire at the time. | |||
Jews. The prophets called for a purification of The manuscripts fall into three large groups: Bib- | |||
the faith in the Jewish god Yahweh from pagan lical texts, Apocrypha, and works written by the | |||
cults. members of the commune. Of these, only 11 books | |||
Most of the territory of the Arabian Peninsula was have been preserved in a more or less complete form, | |||
taken up already in great antiquity by dry steppes Some of the texts throw light on the community’s | |||
and deserts, and agriculture was only possible in a ideological views. The manuscripts include the | |||
few oases. The steppes were the habitation of nomad Manual of Discipline, a scroll concerning the com- | |||
Arab tribes, whose main occupation was cattle- ing War of the Sons of Light with the Sons of Darkness, | |||
breeding. Their pack animal was the dromedary, collections of eschatological and messianic texts, and | |||
the one-humped camel. The population spoke var- liturgical works. The Manual sets out the goals of | |||
ious languages all related to the Arabic. the community, the procedure for recruiting new | |||
The basis of the economy in southern Arabia was members, and the rules regulating the relation- | |||
irrigation agriculture, and already by the end of the ships between community members. According to | |||
2nd millennium B. C. a civilisation had emerged the views of the authors of those books, the world | |||
here that is known to us from remnants of dams, was the scene of eternal conflict between the forces of | |||
ruins of palaces and temples, and fairly abundant in- light, kindness and truth, as represented by the sect | |||
scriptions left by Minaean- and Sabaean-speaking itself, and the kingdom of the “sons of darkness”, | |||
tribes. which included all the rest of the world; the conflict | |||
The oldest of the Arabian states was the Minaean would continue for a long time with varying success | |||
kingdom (12th-7th centuries B. C.). Another major but would ultimately end in a victory for the “sons of | |||
state, the Sabaean kingdom, existed approximately light”. | |||
from the mid-10th century to the end of the 2nd cen- The community was a closed entity, built on col- | |||
tury B. C. In both kingdoms, the most important S lectivist principles and hostile to rich men. Each new | |||
issues of state were decided by a popular assembly 5 member had to go through a two-year initiation | |||
which imposed strict limitations on royal power. *■ period, whereupon all his property was handed over | |||
In the middle of the 1st millennium B. C., the J! to the community. Working together, collective | |||
kingdoms of southern Arabia began to play an im- _ ownership of property, taking meals together, and | |||
portant role in international trade. The principal § joint religious rituals were obligatory for all. The | |||
export commodity were perfumes. Arabia was also o, members of the community had to observe various | |||
engaged in transit trade in spices and precious 2 rigorous regulations for fear of incurring severe | |||
stones, which came by the sea routes from India and punishment. The highest organ of self-government | |||
the Somalian coast of Africa and then were taken by | was the general meeting of the members of the corn- | |||
caravan to various cities of the Near East and the ^ munity, which elected the officials. | |||
Mediterranean. | The significance of the Qumran scrolls goes far | |||
In 1947 and in the years that followed, several dis- g beyond the fact that they provided information | |||
coveries of manuscripts, believed to be among the about previously unknown sect that was an imme- | |||
major archaeological finds of the 20th century, were a diate precursor of early Christian communities, | |||
made in the caves of the Wadi Qumran locality in ' These texts are also important for the study of the | |||
modern Jordan, near the north-western corner of the g. entire Old Testament literature. The materials that | |||
Dead Sea. Some 40,000 parchment and papyrus r have survived in toto include two versions of the Book | |||
fragments of varying size in Hebrew and Aramaic of Isaiah, an Aramaic translation of the Book of Job, | |||
were brought to light. These are all that remains of a s the Book of Psalms, the Book of Ezekiel, and others, | |||
library of about 600 books an immense library for ^ The Old Testament was officially recorded in the | |||
those times. It belonged to a religious community a 7th and 8 th centuries A. D. by learned keepers of the | |||
tha.t existed in the desert from the 2nd century B. C. s - Jewish tradition (the so-called Masoretes, a word | |||
87 | |||
derived from the Hebrew masorah “legend”, “tradi¬ | |||
tion”), and no revisions of it were later allowed. The | |||
text still exists in that form. The oldest extant | |||
manuscripts of the Masoretic text of the Bible date | |||
from the late 9th and early 10th centuries. A. D. Of | |||
the other ancient translations of the Bible, of special | |||
significance is the Greek translation made in | |||
Egypt in the 3rd and 2nd centuries B. C. (the Sep- | |||
tuagint, or translation of 70 learned men), differing | |||
in important respects from the canonical Masoretic | |||
text. The earliest Septuagint manuscript has sur¬ | |||
vived in a 4th century A. D. version, whereas the | |||
earliest Biblical texts from Qumran date to the 4th | |||
century B. C., and the latest, the 1st century A.D. | |||
Owing to the sensational Qumran finds, scholars | |||
now have at their disposal manuscripts a thousand | |||
years older than any of the earlier known texts of the | |||
Bible. This provided a new textological basis for the | |||
study of the Bible, as the Qumran texts differ in | |||
many important aspects from the later, canonical | |||
redaction of the Bible. For example, a Qumran | |||
scroll contains 44 psalms, of which 37 are canonical | |||
and seven apocryphal, that is to say, not included in | |||
the Masoretic canon. Neither did the Masoretes in¬ | |||
clude in the final redaction of the Bible a great | |||
number of works hostile to the prevailing official | |||
religion. These works, regarded as heretical, were to | |||
be buried in oblivion. So, only a few of the works | |||
were preserved in Greek, Latin and other ancient | |||
translations. In the Qumran scrolls, however, the | |||
originals of some works believed to be irretrievably | |||
lost were recovered. | |||
Chapter 5 | |||
Transcaucasia in Antiquity | |||
Transcaucasia and the Armenian uplands were | |||
among the regions of the ancient Orient where farm¬ | |||
ing began to develop in the fertile valleys at a very | |||
early date. The upland steppes and Alpine meadows | |||
were particularly suitable for cattle grazing, and the | |||
mountains were rich in ores. The diversity of the | |||
natural conditions was also the cause of ethnocul¬ | |||
tural variety -sometimes tribes occupying neigh¬ | |||
bouring valleys spoke different languages. Effective | |||
farming of the lowlands required an extensive and | |||
complex system of irrigation. That explains the | |||
somewhat slow rate of initial historical develop¬ | |||
ment: class society and the state appeared here in | |||
the 11 th-9th centuries B. C. in Urartu, which | |||
reached the peak of its power in the 8th century | |||
B. C. Urartu remained for a long time a little-stud¬ | |||
ied civilisation of the ancient East, overshadowed | |||
by the better-known Assyria and Babylonia. Rus¬ | |||
sian and Soviet Orientalists-M. V. Nikolsky, | |||
I. I. Meshchaninov, G. A. Melikishvili-published | |||
Urartaean written monuments with comprehensive | |||
comments, which became a reliable foundation for | |||
the study of that “forgotten kingdom”. B. B. Pio- | |||
trovsky’s excavations of the Urartaean ci ty of Teishe- | |||
baini, the ruins of which, not far from Yerevan, are g | |||
now called Karmir-blur, brought to light many ? | |||
aspects of the Urartaean civilisation. The archaeolo- y. | |||
gical studies of recent decades have enabled scholars ^ | |||
to describe the material culture of such ancien t states I | |||
of Transcaucasia as Colchis, Iberia, Albania, and | | |||
the ancient Armenian empire. | |||
The beginnings of intense development of Trans¬ | |||
caucasian cultures lie in the 6th and 5th millennia | |||
B. C., when small settlements of farmers and cattle- | |||
breeders existed in the valleys of the Kura and the | |||
Araxes, mostly along the banks of their small tribu¬ | |||
taries. They were well studied during the excava¬ | |||
tions at Shomu-tepe in Azerbaijan and Shulaveri in | |||
Georgia. Their inhabitants lived in circular mud- | |||
brick houses and used various tools of flint, stone and | |||
bone. At later stages of that culture, copper artifacts | |||
appeared. The basis of their economy was hoe farm¬ | |||
ing and livestock-breeding. | |||
Further cultural and economic advances were | |||
made in the 3rd millennium B. C., when the Kura- | |||
Araxes culture of the early Bronze Age developed on | |||
the Armenian uplands and in Transcaucasia. A | |||
large part of tools were at that time made of a fusion | |||
of copper and arsenic. A primitive wooden plough | |||
was used in field culdvation. The population grew, | |||
and relatively large centres rose next to the small | |||
settlements, sometimes encircled by a defensive wall | |||
and centred round a cultural focus-the shrine. | |||
Besides tilling the plains and mountain valleys, | |||
Transcaucasian tribes also drove their herds high up | |||
into the mountains, where a special type of the | |||
economy evolved: herds were driven up to Alpine | |||
meadows in summer and taken down into valleys in | |||
winter. | |||
The tribes that settled in the mountain areas | |||
became the masters of ore deposits there-yet | |||
another source of their wealth. During the 2nd mil¬ | |||
lennium B. C. those tribes rose to prominence, and | |||
tribal chieftains and rich noblemen began to oppose | |||
themselves to the ordinary commoners as burials | |||
clearly show. Great stone mounds were raised for the | |||
tombs of tribal chiefs on the uplands, up to 80 and | |||
| 100 metres in diameter. Vast halls, measuring up to | |||
89 | |||
150 square metres, were erected under the mounds, ians went on campaigns of plunder against the Urar- | |||
their walls built of large stones. The halls contained taeans. The need for uniting forces in the struggle | |||
the tomb itself, complete with the hearse, a massive against Assyrian aggression stimulated the consoli- | |||
four-wheeled wagon, and numerous grave goods lay, dation of the first Urartaean states, | |||
including richly ornamented ceremonial weapons of The first ruler of united Urartu was king Aram | |||
silver, and vessels embellished with reliefs of precious (864-845 B. C.), against whom the Assyrian king | |||
metals. Such mounds of tribal nobles have been Shalmaneser III led his armies. These campaigns | |||
excavated on the high-lying plateau at Trialed were in part traditional raids regularly undertaken | |||
south-west of Tbilisi, and they are also known to by Assyria to obtain booty, capture slaves and in- | |||
exist at other sites. timidate the neighbouring peoples. Assyrian politi- | |||
Accumulation of wealth, development of eco- cians, however, also felt the potential threat of the | |||
nomic and social inequality, and ethnic diversity led young state. Descriptions of these campaigns are | |||
to intertribal conflicts. Numerous large fortresses of found in Assyrian sources, naturally inclined to in¬ | |||
stone blocks rose in the mountains. Production of terpret the events in a light favourable to Assyria, | |||
weapons became a specialised craft; light chariots During the 859 campaign areas south of Lake Van | |||
were built in ever greater numbers, and at the end of were devastated, and in 856, according to Assyrian | |||
the 2nd millennium B. C., iron weapons appeared. records, the Assyrians inflicted a second defeat on | |||
Well-equipped warriors formed the bodyguards of Aram capturing the “royal city” Arzaskun. These | |||
tribal chieftains. The burials of such warriors, raids did not, however, affect the main areas of | |||
entombed with their weapons and armour, became Urartu and Musasir, and the growth and strength- | |||
especially numerous in the 13th-11th centuries B.C. ening of the new state continued, contrary to the | |||
The gap between successful chieftains, relying on the hopes of Nineveh’s rulers. | |||
loyalty of their troops, and the bulk of the com- The Urartaean ruler Sarduris I (835-825 B.C.) | |||
moners grew, and the disintegration of the primitive gave his farfetched ambitions an official stamp by | |||
communal relations accelerated. adopting a splendid title borrowed from the Assyrian | |||
That process was especially intense among the kings, merely substituting the name of Urartu for | |||
Urartu tribes inhabiting the Lake Van area. Assyr- that of Assyria. That was a direct challenge to the | |||
ian sources of the 13th century B.C. mention eight power and prestige of Assyria, one of the greatest | |||
countries bearing the common name of .Uruatri. At states of the ancient East. The city of Tushpa was | |||
the end of the 12th century, the Assyrian king Tig- made the capital of the Urartaean state, and mighty | |||
lath-pileser I went on a campaign to the Lake Van stone walls were raised round it. Small principalities | |||
area. He left records of his triumphs over 23 “kings” were united under the aegis of the Tushpa ruler, | |||
of this region, who had chariots and palaces. Pre- becoming a single state organism, | |||
sumably the reference is to the heads of small terri- The Urartaean king Isspuinis (825-810 B.C.) | |||
torial confederations similar to the chieftains buried vigorously worked towards the creation of a strong | |||
in the Trialed mounds. state. Sarduris’s inscriptions had been made in | |||
The fertile lands in the Van area facilitated the Assyrian, while now all the official texts were corn- | |||
development of agriculture, and the area soon piled in Urartaean, in a slightly altered Assyrian | |||
became the centre of a new state in the ancient East. cuneiform script. The young state asserted its inde- | |||
During the 11th and 10th centuries, the small “king- ~ pendence with increasing vigour. The boundaries of | |||
doms” were gradually united into a single major ^ the Tushpa rulers’ possessions were extended to | |||
state. At any rate, documents from the time of the j Lake Urmia, and the Urartaeans’ other state, Musa- | |||
Assyrian king Ashurnasirpal II (883-859 B. C.) men- ~ sir, became their dependency. Now all the Urar- | |||
tion a single country named Urartu, instead of the s taean tribes were united in a single state, which | |||
former numerous small possessions. Another confe- | marked an important stage in the ancient history of | |||
deration of Urartaean tribes, called Musasir, took e Transcaucasia. | |||
shape south-west of Lake LTmia. A common Urar- j A religious reform was implemented to unite the | |||
taean cult centre was situated here, which included ^ new state ideologically. Three main deities- the god | |||
the more popular temples and shrines. The Assyr- 5 of heaven Chaldis, the god of thunder and rain | |||
90 | |||
Teisheba, and Shivini, the sun-god - were given spe- (“on condition of paying tribute”), but at the same | |||
cial prominence. Particular attention was lavished time governors of the provinces, representing central | |||
on the ancient religious centre of the Urartaean power were also appointed. An administrative | |||
tribes, Musasir, with its main temple of Chaldis, the reform-the division of the state of Urartu into pro- | |||
supreme god of the Urartaean pantheon. Cult build- vinces run by governors - was most likely imple- | |||
ings were erected here in the name of Isspuinis and mented in Menuas’s time. In many cases fortresses | |||
his son, and rich offerings to the Chaldis temple were were built in annexed areas, which consolidated | |||
made of weapons, copper vessels, and numerous Urartu’s military presence and at the same time | |||
herds of cattle and flocks of sheep. Simultaneously, became centres of administrative and economic ac- | |||
almost the whole of the state became involved in in- tivity. Thus the fortress Menuakhinili, built on the | |||
tense construction, as recorded in Isspuinis’s right bank of the Araxes, became an important | |||
numerous inscriptions on the temples and palaces he strong point in the Urartaeans’ further advance into | |||
built. Isspuinis also set up numerous temple estates. Transcaucasia. Menuas was also a great builder. | |||
But that was only one aspect of the young state’s More than a hundred inscriptions have been pre- | |||
vigorous activity. Isspuinis’s inscriptions also related served in which Menuas’s name is mentioned, and | |||
the story of his numerous campaigns. Urartaean most of them are connected with some construction | |||
armies raided the Mana state south-east of Lake project. Near the capital, Tushpa, a 70-kilometre- | |||
Urmia. During these raids, the Urartaeans captured long canal was built; in some places the water | |||
numerous herds as their prize, but, unlike the Assyr- flowed along aqueducts 10 to 15 metres high. Apart | |||
ians, they did not devastate the territories they sub- from that structure, which was called the “Menuas | |||
dued. Isspuinis’s inscriptions state that a share of the canal” in antiquity, canals were also laid in other | |||
property was left to the vanquished, who henceforth areas of the kingdom. Irrigation farming with its | |||
had to provide reliable support for the Urartu state. high and stable harvests was apparently intended by | |||
A whole series of inscriptions mentions the name the Urartu government to be the basis of the | |||
of Menuas, Isspuinis’s son, next to Isspuinis himself. country’s economic might. | |||
That outstanding statesman must have begun to Under Menuas’s son and successor Argistis | |||
play a prominent role already in his father’s lifetime. (786-764 B. C.), that strong and well-organised state | |||
Although Menuas’s name does not appear in Assyr- joined the decisive battle with Assyria for hegemony | |||
ian sources, it was this ruler who was the true archi- over the Near East and for the domination of the | |||
tect of Urartu’s might. He personally took a hand in principal trading routes crossing the eastern Medi- | |||
many undertakings. A memorial stele has been pre- terranean areas. Argistis’s rule was the peak of | |||
served, the inscription on which records the fact that Urartu’s might. It is no accident that Assyrian texts | |||
Menuas on his mount Artsibini (Eagle) cleared the describe that Urartaean king in terms of barely con- | |||
distance of 22 ells, i. e., 10 metres 20 centimetres, cealed fear: “Argistis, the Urartaean, whose name is | |||
which is close to modern achievements. awesome as a thunderstorm, whose forces are | |||
Part of the official annals has survived describing, great...” Urartu’s official annals describe military | |||
year after year, the activities of that enterprising triumphs side by side with important measures to | |||
ruler. Incidentally, these annals were also one of advance the country’s economy. Argistis also records | |||
Menuas’s innovations. He paid special attention to his victories over Assyrian armies. Assyrian records | |||
the army. There are reasons to believe that during g mention a series of campaigns or rather encounters | |||
his reign the central authority fully assumed the f with Urartaean troops, but, judging from Urartu’s | |||
burden of providing the army’s equipment, which growing influence, they were unable to stop the | |||
had earlier been imposed on vassals. Menuas’s cam- ^ advance of Urartu’s armies or put an end to | |||
paigns followed two routes-south, towards Syria, 1 Urartu’s increasing might. In a series of campaigns | |||
where his troops subdued the left bank of the Eu- | and treaties of alliance in the south, Argistis exec- | |||
phrates, and north, towards Transcaucasia. The = uted a flank advance against Assyria. Urartu’s | |||
administration of territories under Urartu’s domi- * armies went far into northern Syria, winning over | |||
nion was his particular concern. Apparently in _| local rulers to their side. In the south-east, drawing | |||
some cases the power of the local kings was preserved 3 the Manneian kingdom in the sphere of their in- | |||
fluence, the Urartaeans moved down the mountain | |||
valleys to the basin of the Diyala, practically reach¬ | |||
ing the borders of Babylonia. As a result, Assyria | |||
found itself surrounded on three sides by Urartu and | |||
its allies. | |||
Argistis attached special significance to his move | |||
into Transcaucasia. Here Urartaean armies went as | |||
far as the borders of Colchis in western Georgia, | |||
crossing the Araxes and taking possession of the | |||
extensive territories on its left bank as far as Lake | |||
Sevan. A comprehensive programme of economic | |||
measures and construction was implemented in the | |||
annexed territories. A major city, Argistikhinili, was | |||
built in 776 near Armavir, and the city of Yerebuni | |||
was erected on the site of modern Yerevan in 782. | |||
Four canals were built in the area of Argistikhinili, | |||
and vineyards and gardens were laid out. Gigantic | |||
granaries were built in the new fortress cities, where | |||
the state’s store of grain was accumulated. That far¬ | |||
sighted policy of creating a second important eco¬ | |||
nomic centre of the Urartu state in Transcaucasia, | |||
in an area remote from the main theatre of military | |||
operations, was fully justified by the subsequent | |||
events. | |||
Sarduris II (764-735 B. C.) continued the policy of | |||
his father. Military campaigns and construction pro¬ | |||
jects were the principal occupations of that Urar¬ | |||
taean king. At the beginning of his reign he imple¬ | |||
mented a defence reform, finally rejecting the system | |||
(of which only traces must have survived by that | |||
time) of volunteer forces raised by the Urartaean | |||
communities. The formation of a royal army fully | |||
equipped by the state was thus completed. Sarduris | |||
II’s campaigns followed at first Argistis’s scheme of | |||
outflanking Assyria. A decisive battle for hegemony | |||
in the Near East was imminent, and at that moment | |||
Assyria struck the first retaliatory blow. | |||
In Assyria itself, the internal situation had become | |||
stabilised. The resolute and cruel Tiglath-pileser III | |||
had come to power and considerably increased the | |||
might of the Assyrian army. In 734, the renovated | |||
armed forces of Assyria engaged the coalition | |||
headed by Urartu in a battle near the city of Arpad | |||
in northern Syria. The allies were defeated, and Sar¬ | |||
duris retreated to the Urartaean homeland. In 735, | |||
Tiglath-pileser struck a blow at the very heart of | |||
Urartu, the Lake Van area. Assyrian texts describe | |||
that campaign in glowing terms. Urartu had un¬ | |||
doubtedly suffered a defeat, and a number of its cen¬ | |||
tral districts were put to fire and sword. But the | |||
results of Tiglath-pileser’s campaign should not be | |||
exaggerated. Assyrians besieged Urartu’s capital | |||
Tushpa, but failed to capture its fordfied citadel. | |||
The Musasir area, threatening Assyria’s homelands | |||
from the north, remained intact, in the military-stra¬ | |||
tegic sense. Assyria defeated Urartu in an open mili¬ | |||
tary conflict, but the fight for primacy was not yet | |||
over. | |||
Assyria therefore gathered strength for a second | |||
assault against its principal rival. The blow was | |||
dealt during the reign of the next Urartaean king, | |||
Rusa I (735-713 B. C.). On acceding to the throne, | |||
Rusa found his father’s state somewhat weakened by | |||
the military defeats. There was unrest among the | |||
military, and the new ruler took vigorous measures | |||
to crush it. After routing the rebellious warlords, he | |||
broke up the administrative units of Urartu into | |||
smaller provinces, to prevent further mutiny. In his | |||
foreign policy, Rusa tried to avoid an open confron¬ | |||
tation with Assyria, supporting at the same time | |||
anti-Assyrian attitudes wherever he could. An active | |||
foreign policy in the south was hampered by the in¬ | |||
cursions of Cimmerian nomads into the northern | |||
areas of Urartu. But Urartaean possessions in Trans¬ | |||
caucasia were regularly extended, and new cities | |||
were founded there. Rusa I vigorously worked on | |||
the building of a powerful economic complex in the | |||
area north of Lake Urmia. It may be assumed that a | |||
military-economic basis was established here in | |||
order to support Urartu’s ally, the kingdom of | |||
Mana, which feared the growth of Assyrian might. | |||
Rusa I also took special care of the traditional focus | |||
of his state, the Lake Van area. A large water reser¬ | |||
voir was built there, vineyards and fields were laid | |||
out, and a new city of Rusakhinili rose, which some | |||
researchers are inclined to regard as Urartu’s capital | |||
under Rusa I. | |||
Observing Rusa’s vigour in consolidating Urartu’s | |||
might, Assyria hurried to strike the second blow. | |||
The new campaign was carefully prepared. In | |||
714, Assyrian troops led by Sargon II moved into | |||
the areas east of Lake Urmia, where the local rulers, | |||
skilfully incited by Urartu’s king, were hostile to | |||
Assyrians. Rusa I, too, believed this to be an oppor¬ | |||
tune moment for a decisive battle and tried to attack | |||
Sargon’s army from the rear. The battle took place | |||
in a mountainous area and ended in a defeat for the | |||
Urartaeans. Urartu’s army lost its chariots and | |||
cavalry, but on the whole apparently retreated in Yet the real threat to Urartaean might did not | |||
complete order, contrary to the boasts of Sargon II’s come from the Assyrian state but from the Scythian | |||
chronicle. After their victory, the Assyrians nomadic tribes which invaded the Near East and | |||
repeated, as it were, Tiglath-pileser’s preventive founded their kingdom in the 670s. The Scythians | |||
campaign, but along a different route. Sargon II soon inflicted a defeat on Urartu’s allies, the Cim- | |||
moved round Lake Urmia and devastated the merians. Several regions of Urartu apparently suf- | |||
economic complex being built there. The Assyrians fered at the same time. These blows were all the | |||
then skirted Lake Van but did not dare enter the more dangerous as they affected Urartu’s hinter- | |||
Urartaean homelands with the cities of Tushpa and land, which had remained practically inaccessible to | |||
Rusakhinili. On his way back to Assyria, Sargon II, Assyrian aggression. Driven to a defensive policy | |||
at the head of 1,000 horse, raided in a sudden move and deprived of the countless prisoners of war that | |||
the Urartaean cult centre of Musasir, where the had previously invigorated the economy after suc- | |||
triumphant Assyrians seized immense treasures of cessful raids, Urartu became markedly weaker, sur- | |||
temples accumulated during the reigns of many rendering its positions, once so solid, on the interna- | |||
Urartaean kings. All along the route the Assyrians tional arena. In the second half of the 7th century | |||
did their best to inflict as great a damage on the B. C. Urartu no longer claimed equality with the | |||
enemy as they could and thus to undermine Urartu’s Assyrians. In his letters to the Assyrian king, | |||
economic might. Cities were destroyed, granaries Urartu’s ruler now called the addressee “king” and | |||
turned to heaps of ruins, and fields trampled. Sargon “master”. Construction work in the Van area and in | |||
II’s annals report that, on learning of the seizure of Transcaucasia continued, but its scale diminished. | |||
Musasir, Rusa I committed suicide. But some Early in the 6th century B. C. Urartu became a vas- | |||
sources indicate that in 713 Rusa still continued to sal of Media, a new power in the ancient Orient, and | |||
fight against Assyria. by 590 it ceased to exist as an independent state. The | |||
The importance of the 714 campaign, in terms of Teishebaini excavations, conducted by Soviet | |||
international relations in that region of the ancient archaeologists under B. B. Piotrovsky, revealed a | |||
Orient, was great. Urartu suffered a final defeat in striking picture of the downfall of the last Urartaean | |||
the struggle for political hegemony in the Near East, strongholds in Transcaucasia, which were stormed, | |||
ceding that role to Assyria. The almost century-long plundered and burned. | |||
confrontation between Urartu and Assyria ended in Excavations and inscriptions give a clear picture | |||
a victory for the Assyrian empire. of Urartu’s economic development. The state paid a | |||
In later years, the two sides avoided direct con- great attention to the economy, particularly to irri- | |||
flicts. Argistis II (713-685 B. C.) campaigned mostly gation in farming-the building of irrigation canals | |||
in the east, going as far as the Caspian. The Urar- and reservoirs. Royal estates, which almost all of the | |||
taean kings continued their traditional policy: con- Urartaean rulers founded in their respective reigns, | |||
quered lands were not devastated but rather made played a considerable role in the economy. We know | |||
tribute-paying vassals. Argistis II went on building of the existence of “Menuas’s vineyard”, “Sarduris’s | |||
irrigation systems in the central areas of the Urar- vineyard”, and of large estates-“the valley of | |||
taean state, near Lake Van. This more or less stable Menuas”, “the valley of Rusa II”. When Teishe- | |||
situation continued under Rusa II (685-645 baini was built, Rusa II simultaneously constructed | |||
B. C.). Despite isolated conflicts, relations betwean g a canal and set up large-scale farms. According to | |||
Urartu and Assyria were on the whole peaceful and ^ tentative reckoning, the granaries and wine cellars of | |||
friendly. Assyria extradited Urartaean runaway y. Teishebaini were intended to store products | |||
slaves, and Urartu’s ambassadors were favourably ^ obtained from an area between 4,000 and 5,000 hec- | |||
received at the court of Assurbanipal. It seems that | tares. Cuneiform records show that the staff of the | |||
Rusa II concluded a peace treaty with the Cimmer- | royal estate at Rusakhinili was about 5,500 people, | |||
ians and went on successful campaigns with them to s On royal estates, agricultural products were pro- | |||
Asia Minor. In Transcaucasia, he built extensive “ cessed at artisans’ workshops. Temple estates were | |||
irrigation systems and the city of Teishebaini (now *. less significant. Urartaean temples were small in | |||
the Karmir-blur site). size, their wealth was based on the offerings of all | |||
kinds of utensils and objects of art. In a few cases the siderable. Along with ancient local traditions, Urar- | |||
temples had their own arable fields and herds. taean culture clearly shows signs of assimilation of | |||
Urartu’s social structure fully reflects the distinc- the cultural heritage of the Hurrians and the Hit- | |||
tive features and contradictions characteristic of the tites. The Urartaean language was close to Hurrian. | |||
slave-owning societies of the ancient Eastern type. The palace offices and the cuneiform cursive used in | |||
Commoners, designated by the term “the armed free Urartu indicate obvious links with the Hurrian-Hit- | |||
men of the tribe”, constituted a considerable portion dte traditions. The court culture of Urartu is | |||
of the population. The community retained to some marked by Assyrian influences, with characteristic | |||
extent its self-government and played an important glorification of the king, of the royal warriors, and | |||
role in agricultural production. Communities also strength in general. Evidence of this is found in | |||
had slaves at their disposal. The class of slaves and Urartaean fortresses, whose walls and towers were | |||
bondsmen, whose status closely resembled that of built of huge carefully polished stone blocks. Mighty | |||
slaves, was very numerous in Urartu. The term fortresses were symbolic of the power of Urartaean | |||
“slave” in Urartaean etymologically meant in the kings and slave-owning nobles. The entire palace | |||
first place a stranger, a prisoner of war. During culture was marked by the desire to create an im- | |||
Argistis I’s campaigns alone, more than 280,000 pression of wealth, power and splendour. Shaped al- | |||
slaves were captured, to which Sarduris II added ready in the early stages of the Urartaean state, it re- | |||
some 200,000. The construction and economic pro- produced the traditional norms and canons, creating | |||
jects largely depended on masses of prisoners of war, the impression of stability. Characteristic of interior | |||
captured during numerous campaigns and raids. decoration were the frozen rhythms of recurring fig- | |||
Thus, 6,600 prisoners taken in northern Syria were ures of divinities, animals, and of vegetable motifs, | |||
moved to Transcaucasia to build Erebuni. The use Only the figures of animals in the scenes of royal | |||
of prisoners of war varied, of course. They sometimes hunts showed signs of animation. U rartaean art ob- | |||
were included in Urartaean armed forces, or given jects of bronze-richly decorated weapons and ar- | |||
as bounty to Urartaean warriors, but most of them mour, and parts of the throne-show exquisite crafts- | |||
were intended by the kings to be used as manpower manship. The bronze head of a horse found during | |||
in the economy. The rise and smooth functioning of the Teishebaini excavations is striking in its dyna- | |||
the Urartaean economy were largely predicated on mism and expressiveness. The traditions and canons | |||
this continual influx of fresh manpower. Harsh worked out by the Urartaean civilisation made a | |||
exploitation and complete lack of rights for the considerable impact on the culture of Transcauca- | |||
slaves were just as characteristic of Urartu as of the sian peoples and Scythian tribes. Its best samples be- | |||
endre ancient Orient. came part of the treasure-house of the ancient | |||
The upper stratum of Urartaean society was Orient and world civilisation as a whole, | |||
formed by the numerous higher officials and the In post-Urartaean times, three other Transcauca- | |||
military. It consisted of members of the ruling sian centres-Colchis, Iberia and Albania-also | |||
dynasty, the king’s numerous relatives and, presum- went through the process of disintegration of the | |||
ably, at least part of the tribal nobility and descen- primitive communal structure and the formation of | |||
dantsof the rulers of small principalities that became class society. Here, just as in the historical heir of | |||
the nucleus of Urartu. But the stratum representing j Urartu-the ancient Armenian kingdom a power- | |||
the growing military and administrative apparatus ~ ful impulse of the classical antique civilisation (first | |||
assumed an ever greater importance. The chief war- ^ in its Hellenistic and later in Roman manifestation) | |||
lord, his assistants, and heads of the provinces, § was added to the local and ancient Oriental tradi- | |||
figured prominently here. Managers of royal esta- ~ tions. That general law of historical and cultural de- | |||
tes were called “the holders of the seal”, then g: velopment was realised in a complex political situa- | |||
there were the finance managers (“the man of | tion marked by the formation and disintegration of | |||
money”, “the man of counting”), and managers of 5 new states, by military campaigns, and diplomatic | |||
agricultural production (“the man of sowing”, “the ^ alliances. | |||
chief herdsman”). ? Most former Urartaean possessions became part | |||
Urartaeans’ cultural achievements were also con- g of the Median empire, and later of the empire of the | |||
94 | |||
Achaemenids. They were included in several satra¬ | |||
pies, paid taxes to the central government, and | |||
served in the Achaemenids’ army. In the 6th and 5th | |||
centuries B. C., the Armenian people emerged as an | |||
ethnic entity in these satrapies, gradually absorbing | |||
the descendants of the Urartaeans and some other | |||
tribal groups. The Achaemenids widely used the lo¬ | |||
cal nobles in controlling the satrapies. Significantly, | |||
during the popular movements under Darius I, the | |||
government’s forces in Armenia were headed by the | |||
Armenian Dadarshish and the Persian Vaumisa. | |||
Soon one of the satrapies came to be ruled by mem¬ | |||
bers of old Armenian nobility-Yervandids (or | |||
Orontids, in the Greek version). The sources empha¬ | |||
sise their close links with the Achaemenid rulers; | |||
some of them point out that Yervand II was even | |||
married to a sister of the Achaemenid Artaxerxes II. | |||
The culture and everyday life of the satrap and of his | |||
retinue also followed Achaemenid models. At Yere- | |||
buni, Urartaean edifices were rebuilt so as to form a | |||
large thirty-column hall-a local replica of the royal | |||
halls of Persepolis and Susa. Cultural and trading | |||
links were extended: during excavations of Yerebu- | |||
ni, Greek coins of the 5th century B. C. were found. | |||
Urartaean temples were rebuilt to form fire temples | |||
of the Achaemenid type. Old Iranian religious con¬ | |||
cepts, and in particular Zoroastrianism, made a | |||
great impact on ancient Armenia. But the culture of | |||
the people’s masses largely continued the Urartaean | |||
traditions, being its direct heir in many respects. | |||
Armavir, located on the site of an earlier Urar¬ | |||
taean centre, became the capital of Yervandid posses¬ | |||
sions sometimes called Ayrarat kingdom. Its compa¬ | |||
ratively shortlived independence ended in 220 B. C., | |||
when Antiochus III added that state to the so-called | |||
Great Armenia, which he had created in the frame¬ | |||
work of the Seleucid state. The Seleucids’ crushing | |||
defeat at the hands of Rome gave separatist aspira¬ | |||
tions a chance of realisation. The independent state | |||
of Sophene was formed west of Lake Van, of which g | |||
the first ruler was Zariadres (in Armenian, Zareh). 1 | |||
Another state, officially named Armenia, arose be- v, | |||
tween Lake Van and Lake Sevan. Its first king was ^ | |||
Artases I (in Greek, Artaxias), founder of the new ? | |||
dynasty of the Artasesids. Artases I (189-161 B. C.) | | |||
showed great concern for the cultural and economic 5 | |||
development of his new state; during his reign, a * | |||
new capital, Artaxata was built not far from s | |||
Armavir. § | |||
At that time the Near East became the scene of | |||
Roman-Parthian confrontation, which determined | |||
the principal directions of the foreign and sometimes | |||
domestic policies of the states in that region. C. 95 | |||
B. C., the Parthians helped Tigranes II accede to | |||
the Artasesid throne. But Tigranes turned out to be | |||
a skilful and farsighted statesman, and he soon be¬ | |||
gan to crowd the Parthians himself, adding Atropate- | |||
ne to his possessions. That was the beginning of the | |||
shortlived ascendancy of the old Armenian king¬ | |||
dom which at that time attained vast proportions. In | |||
Syria, Tigranes II established his rule over some of | |||
the former Seleucid possessions, and founded a new | |||
capital, Tigranocerta, south-west of Lake Van, in | |||
the foothills of the Armenian Taurus. The location | |||
was chosen with a view to better links with the Hel¬ | |||
lenistic Orient. The title of the “king of kings”, | |||
which Tigranes II soon adopted, was a true reflec¬ | |||
tion of the status of Armenia as a major world | |||
power. | |||
But the overall situation in the Near East remained | |||
tense. Mithridates VI of Pontus made desperate ef¬ | |||
forts to unite all anti-Roman forces under his aegis. | |||
Tigranes II formed an alliance with him, but did not | |||
show much initiative. A series of military conflicts | |||
(which the Romans called Mithridatic Wars) ended | |||
in the crushing defeat and death of the energetic king | |||
of Pontus, and the Romans turned on his erstwhile al¬ | |||
ly. In 69, Tigranocerta was besieged, and in the next | |||
year the campaign against Armenia was led by Lu- | |||
cullus. Tigranes II had to give in before the Roman | |||
onslaught, and in 66 a peace treaty was signed | |||
with Pompey at Artaxata. The boundaries of “Great | |||
Armenia” were reduced, and the “king of kings” | |||
declared himself to be “a friend and ally of the Ro¬ | |||
man people”. The successes of the Parthians, par¬ | |||
ticularly the decisive victory over Crassus in 53 B. C. | |||
near Carrhae, consolidated for a while Armenian in¬ | |||
dependence, but Antony’s campaigns again reduced | |||
Armenia to the status of a Roman vassal. The throne | |||
passed on to Tigranes III (20-6 B. C.), brought up at | |||
Rome. He had none of the strength and indepen¬ | |||
dence of the other kings of that name. In some areas | |||
of the country Roman garrisons were stationed, and | |||
Tigranocerta was the centre of a pro-Roman group. | |||
With the weakening of state power, Armenia’s throne | |||
became a kind of small change in the game of | |||
politics. In the 30s of the 1st century A. D., it | |||
was even held for a while by relatives of Pharasma- | |||
95 | |||
nes I, king of neighbouring Iberia, who played The country’s extensive commercial links are proved | |||
up to Rome in the situation of Roman-Parthian by the finds at Artaxata of coins from Pontus, Phoe- | |||
confrontation. nicia, Athens, and Nabataea. The Artasesids began | |||
As the Armenian state declined, some of the pat- minting their own coins, but there were masses of | |||
riotically-minded nobles began to look forward for Parthian and Roman money in the markets, too, | |||
help to Parthia. Artaxata, the ancient Armenian cap- which reflected both the economic links and the po- | |||
ital, became the centre of this party. After various litical situation. Slavery was widespread. Distinc- | |||
vicissitudes, Tiridates, who came from the ruling tions were made between enslaved prisoners-of-war, | |||
Parthian family of Arsacids, came to power in 52 or slaves born in the household, slaves bought for silver, | |||
53 A. D. Fighting for survival between the hammer and enslaved debtors. Slaves worked both on royal | |||
and the anvil of the two powerful empires, Armenia estates and those of Armenian nobles. The ideologi- | |||
made formal concessions to Rome, and in 66 Tiri- cal life in the country was strongly influenced by Zo- | |||
dates went there to be confirmed in his rights, as it roastrian views, whose influence went back to the | |||
were, by receiving the Armenian crown from Nero’s Achaemenid period. The principal deity was called | |||
hands. Artaxata was renovated with the help of Rom- Armazd (Iranian Ahuramazda). The temples had | |||
an craftsmen, and was even called for a while Ne- custody of sacred books and kept chronicles. The | |||
ronia. The political situation of Armenia and of the culture of the court and the nobility was strongly | |||
neighbouring states was complicated by a stupen- influenced by Hellenistic views and customs. The | |||
dous raid of the Alans, who crossed at the time the temple at Garni, next to which stood the royal | |||
Great Caucasian Ridge. The memory of that raid palace, was a model application of the canons of | |||
has been preserved in the name of the river Daryal, antique architecture. | |||
from the Iranian Dar-i-alan “the Gates of the These features of cultural syncretism were also | |||
Alans”: the latter followed the valley of that river in characteristic of the other ancient states of Trans¬ | |||
crossing the ridge. Rome’s more active policy in the caucasia. In the western regions the influence of | |||
East affected Armenia probably more than any Achaemenid Iran was weaker, but the Greek states | |||
other state. In 114, under Trajan, Armenia was even (Phasis, Dioscurias, etc.), which arose in the 6th cen- | |||
declared to be a Roman province, if only for a short tury B. C. on the Black Sea coast mostly on the sites | |||
time. Numerous uprisings and Parthian pressure of ancient local settlements, played a great role. Col- | |||
compelled Hadrian to withdraw the Roman garri- chis in the valley of the river Rioni was the most | |||
sons, and from the second half of the 2nd century prominent of these; here, a local state emerged. | |||
A. D. Armenia became practically independent. Sharp social differentiation in Colchis is manifested | |||
True, Valarsh III made a gesture of sending cavalry by burials. In one woman’s grave from the 5th centu- | |||
to serve with the Roman army, but on the whole ry B. C. there were more than 1,600 objects of gold, | |||
Armenia under the Arsacids (or, in the Armenian including splendid diadems with figures of lions tear- | |||
version, Arsakuni), was politically independent. The ing a bull and a gazelle. Urban-type settlements al- | |||
Sassanids who replaced Parthia as the most powerful so appeared on the mainland, far from the coast | |||
state of the region tried to draw Armenia in the (Vani, etc.). The basis of the efflorescence of Colchis | |||
orbit of their policy but were firmly resisted. Arme- was various crafts and highly developed trade. Local | |||
nia, a country with ancient traditions, endeavoured j craftsmen working in iron and gold were particular- | |||
to affirm its ideological independence as well; this ~ ly skilful. Their craft did much to spread the fame of | |||
was of the reasons for the adoption, under Tirida- Colchis as the country of the Golden Fleece, which | |||
tes III (287-330), of Christianity as a state religion, § was so attractive to the Greek argonauts, | |||
which had begun to spread through Transcaucasia ^ There are numerous references in classical litera- | |||
since the 2nd century A. D. |] ture to Colchis, at one time a very powerful and rich | |||
The economic potential of ancient Armenia was | country. It figures in one of the most famous and | |||
great. Various specialised crafts, commerce, and a widely known myths, the legend of the Argonauts | |||
money circulation were rather highly developed. The ; seeking the Golden Fleece. This story and its | |||
coins of Alexander the Great and his successors cir- characters, with which Homer was already fami- | |||
culated here from the end of the 4th century B. C. “ liar, inspired Greek and Roman writers, sculptors | |||
and painters for centuries to come. Until recently, | |||
however, historical science had little data on Col¬ | |||
chis, and to many it was therefore only a legendary | |||
land, the fruit of the ancient Hellenes’ inexhaustible | |||
imagination. The rapid development of archaeology | |||
and regular excavations, particularly in the recent | |||
years, have gradually brought to light previously un¬ | |||
known chapters from the history of ancient Colchis. | |||
Colchis reached its highest efflorescence in the 6th | |||
through the first half of the 4th centuries B.C. In | |||
describing the political situation in the Near East in | |||
the 6th century B. C., Herodotus mentioned the | |||
Colchians along with the powerful Medes and | |||
Persians. | |||
An important branch of the country’s economy | |||
was metalwork, especially iron metallurgy, for | |||
which all the necessary conditions were available- | |||
rich ore deposits in different parts of the country, | |||
abundant forests providing the necessary fuel, and | |||
finally century-old traditions of metalwork. The | |||
wide scope of iron metallurgy in Colchis is confirmed | |||
by numerous discoveries of indications of iron pro¬ | |||
duction (remnants of melting furnaces, production | |||
waste, clay nozzles, etc.). It is clear from archaeo¬ | |||
logical evidence that in the 6th through 4th cen¬ | |||
turies B. C. iron was also processed in areas remote | |||
from iron-producing centres. Numerous finds of | |||
weapons and objects in everyday use, like hoes, axes, | |||
ploughshares, knives, sickles, swords, daggers, var¬ | |||
ious blades, spearheads and arrowheads, horse | |||
tackle, etc, etc., are direct proof of the wide scope of | |||
metalwork. | |||
Colchians continued to produce bronze imple¬ | |||
ments in that period, although the production of | |||
iron and iron tools was economically much more im¬ | |||
portant. Bronze cauldrons were produced in the | |||
mountainous regions of Colchis and exported to the | |||
Northern Caucasus. Bronze was also used in the pro¬ | |||
duction of various ornaments (such as bracelets, tor¬ | |||
ques, fibulae, pendants, plates, signet rings, etc.), Q | |||
cultic and ritual objects, and figurines of various dei- | | |||
ties, animals and birds. Colchian silverware was also y. | |||
of great variety. ^ | |||
The specific and most original features of the Col- § | |||
chian artistic culture were most clearly revealed in | | |||
the work of local goldsmiths, who produced an im- 5 | |||
pressive array of artifacts splendid diadems embel¬ | |||
lished with chased pictures of fighting animals; ear- f | |||
rings and temple rings with “rays” and openwork or 4' | |||
hollow pendants, always profusely and delicately | |||
ornamented; massive bracelets crowned with sculp¬ | |||
tured heads of lions, calves, rams, aurox, and wild | |||
boars; magnificent necklaces with pendants in the | |||
shape of birds, calves, rams, turtles, etc. Most of | |||
them are distinguished for the originality of their | |||
form which is, as a rule, characteristic of Colchis | |||
only and genetically linked with the monuments of | |||
material culture of the preceding epoch. Particularly | |||
striking is the exceptional abundance of gold arti¬ | |||
facts in the richer burials. It was probably these bur¬ | |||
ials that brought Colchis the fame of a land rich in | |||
gold —a point repeatedly made by classical authors, | |||
who also wrote of the gold-carrying rivers of Colchis | |||
and of the method of gold extraction with the help of | |||
sheepskins, a method that survived until recent times | |||
and was described by Georgian ethnographers. | |||
Flax and hemp were also produced for export, | |||
and, as antique geographers especially noted, the | |||
country had everything needed for shipbuilding. | |||
The trade was not local only: merchants dealt in | |||
transit trade, too, and it was believed that 70 tribes | |||
and peoples met at Dioscurias to trade. Early de¬ | |||
velopment of money circulation was largely due to | |||
this fact. On the coast, coins from various Greek | |||
cities were in circulation, while in the internal | |||
regions of Colchis locally minted coins predo¬ | |||
minated. On these, the ruler’s bust was stamped on | |||
one side and a bull’s head on the other. The minting | |||
of these local coins in the 5th through the first half of | |||
the 3rd centuries B. C. points to well-developed com¬ | |||
modity-money relations and, in the view of some | |||
researchers, to the existence of an independent state | |||
of Colchis. | |||
Written sources do not contain any references to | |||
the existence of a slave market in Colchis, but the | |||
fact that slaves were exported from that country | |||
seems to be beyond doubt. A Colchian slave is men¬ | |||
tioned in an inscription compiled in Athens in 415 or | |||
414 B. C. The vase painters and potters who worked | |||
at Athens and signed their works “Colchian” proba¬ | |||
bly were also slaves. | |||
In the 3rd through 1st centuries B.C., one of the | |||
world’s trade routes linking the Orient with the | |||
West passed through Colchis and other Transcauca¬ | |||
sian countries. That route began in India and led to | |||
the Caspian Sea, then on across Transcaucasia along | |||
the Kura, the Suram pass and the river Phasis reach¬ | |||
ing the city of Phasis on the Black Sea coast, which | |||
7—344 | |||
was linked bv sea routes with the cities of Asia Minor to the existence of a local school of architects familiar | |||
and other Pontic centres. with the basic principles of Hellenistic architecture | |||
In the 3rd through 1st centuries B. C., Sinop and which were creatively applied to the local condi- | |||
Rhodes were Colchis’s most important trading tions. Of the greatest interest is the gateway complex | |||
partners. Some objects (black and red lacquered ce- built in the 3th century B. C. of well-dressed snow- | |||
ramies, cups with relief ornaments-the so-called white blocks of stone joined without mortar. Near | |||
Megarian cups, terracottas, toreutic objects, etc.) the entrance, the pedestal survives of a statue of the | |||
also came from the arts and crafts centres of Asia divine protectress which, unfortunately, has not | |||
Minor (mostly from Pergamum, Samos, etc.). been preserved. A shallow vertical groove in a side | |||
The existence of strong links between Hellenistic wall marks the place where an iron grate or port- | |||
countries and Colchis is confirmed by numerous cullis was lowered to bar the entrance in moments of | |||
finds ofHellenistic coins-gold staters of Philip II and danger. Farther in, arclike scratches in the stone | |||
Philip III of Macedonia, of Hiero the tyrant of Sy- threshold can be seen, left by the closing and open- | |||
racusae, gold staters and silver coins of Lysimachus ing of wooden gates covered with iron bars. A small | |||
(struck in Byzantium), Athenian “new style” tetra- pagan temple with a stone altar was built next to the | |||
drachms, and coins from Pontus, Cappadocia, Part- gateway. Twenty-three vessels, two of them filled | |||
hia, Panticapaeum, Chersonese, and other regions. with millet, which must have been donated to the | |||
In the 3rd through 1st centuries B.C., some ele- temple, have been found in it. An 18-metre-long | |||
ments of Hellenistic culture became widespread in stretch of road of small cobbles, in an excellent state | |||
Colchis. Thus apart from pottery characterised by of preservation, leads to the temple. The gateway is | |||
purely local forms and ornamentation, Colchian flanked by a semi-circular tower. | |||
(and probably newly arrived Greek) potters also Inside the city, several monumental public build- | |||
made vessels of the Greek type plates, dishes for ings, shrines, a stepped altar, a round temple, and | |||
fish, cantharus-type cups, and local imitations of red other structures, have been laid bare. The excava- | |||
lacquered pottery. Amphoras and tiles also began to tions have yielded extremely numerous and varied | |||
be produced locally. monuments of ancient Colchian culture and of Hel- | |||
Numerous finds of clay pyramidal plummets lenistic art. The latter include a bronze ritual vessel, | |||
throughout Colchis point to the use of the vertical once magnificent in appearance, from the 2nd cen- | |||
loom in weaving, a type of loom that was widely tury B. C. This vessel was ornamented with three | |||
employed in the Hellenistic world. figurines of eagles with outstretched wings and six | |||
The main trends in the cultural development of heads in high relief (10 to 12 cm in height) of the | |||
that period were most clearly revealed in architec- divine companions of Dionysus, the god of wine- | |||
ture, in which the influences of the new, Hellenistic making-of bearded Pan, young Satyr, Ariadne, and | |||
culture were interwoven with local building con- the beautiful Menads, all executed with great artis- | |||
cepts founded on century-old traditions. tic skill in the so-called Pergamum style. The vessel | |||
These trends are strikingly represented by the is crowned with an 18-centimetre-high figurine of | |||
archaeological excavations of one of the urban Nike, the winged goddess of Victory, coming down | |||
centres lying in inner Colchis, some 10 km distant from heaven in headlong flight. The anonymous | |||
from the sea coast in the picturesque gorge of the j Greek author brilliantly expressed swift movement: | |||
river Suleri (left tributary of the Rioni, ancient Pha- ~ the folds of the tunic fly open revealing a divine leg | |||
sis), where the town of Vani now stands (the excava- impetuously striding forward, | |||
tions were conducted by Georgian archaeologists ! Of great scientific significance for the history of | |||
headed by Prof. Lordkipanidze). Colchian art are the finds of three massive lion heads | |||
In the 3rd-1st centuries B. C. the ancient city was §: (40 cm high and 70 cm long) from the 3rd or 2nd | |||
situated on a triangular hill divided into three ter- | centuries B. C. carved from a local white limestone, | |||
races. Mighty defensive walls of stone and mudbrick, 5 From the artistic point of view they bear traces of | |||
buttressed by towers and counterforts that housed ^ Greek influence, but there is at the same time a dis- | |||
stone-throwing machines, have already been exca- " tinct imprint of the local traditions going back, it | |||
vated. A number of architectural monuments point I would appear, to Late Hittite times. | |||
98 | |||
The absence of residential quarters on the terri¬ | |||
tory of the city, or of cultural strata characteristic of | |||
urban settlements of the ordinary secular type, on | |||
the one hand, and the abundance of temples and | |||
other cubic edifices, on the other, warrant the | |||
assumption that it was a temple centre, a shrine city. | |||
There are grounds to believe that it is the temple city | |||
to which the Greek georgapher Strabo refers in his | |||
description of Colchis and the story of the plunder of | |||
a rich shrine of the goddess Leucothea by Pharnaces, | |||
ruler of Bosporus (c. 49 B.C.), and later by | |||
Mithridates VII of Pergamum (in 47 B.C.). | |||
The excavations revealed evidence of the city | |||
being destroyed twice in rapid succession. The first | |||
sack occurred on a spring day when the people cele¬ | |||
brated a religious festival in honour of the god of | |||
vineyards and wine-making. This is confirmed by | |||
the discovery near the city gate of a terracotta mask | |||
of Dionysus, which originally hung on a wooden | |||
post, and of numerous ritual clay pots. It was then | |||
that the city gates were destroyed, as well as the | |||
shrine with a mosaic floor, a stepped altar, and the | |||
round temple on the central terrace. Traces of a big | |||
fire and ruthless plunder-walls razed to the ground, | |||
stones red with the heat of the fire, burnt tiles and | |||
mudbricks, charred timbers - are found everywhere. | |||
The destruction of that city was the last page in the | |||
history of ancient Colchis. | |||
Gold coins have been found dating from the 3rd | |||
century B. C. in the name of the local king Akku. | |||
Administratively, Colchis was divided into several | |||
provinces headed by persons that bore the title of | |||
skeptouch (“sceptre-bearer”). These may have been | |||
descendants of the local tribal chieftains incorpor¬ | |||
ated in the administrative system of the newly | |||
formed state. The most remarkable feature of | |||
ancient Colchis was the interaction between the | |||
local and the Greek cultures. Greek craftsmen from | |||
Sinope, Heraclea and other centres worked at the | |||
coastal cities, and probably at Vani as well. During 5 | |||
excavations at Vani, many Greek amphoras and ? | |||
other imported wares were discovered. In the ear- | |||
liest times, the local community and the Greek y | |||
colonists existed side by side. In the coastal city of 3 | |||
Pichvnary there were two distinct cemeteries in the | | |||
5th century B. C., one Greek, one Colchian, but in s | |||
the 4th and 3rd centuries there was only one necro¬ | |||
polis here, in which the graves of the descendants of | | |||
Greek colonists and of the locals were alike. .§.- | |||
Eventually, Colchis came into the sphere of | |||
Roman influence, as it extended eastward. Included | |||
in the possessions of Mithridates VI of Pontus, it | |||
became directly dependent on Rome after the defeat | |||
and death of that fierce enemy of the Romans. In 63 | |||
B. C., Pompey appointed a certain Aristarchus of | |||
Colchis, who minted his own coin, “king of the Col- | |||
chians”. In the 1st century A. D., the coastal areas, | |||
designated as Pontus of Polemon, formed a Roman | |||
province. Colchis was soon included in the Roman | |||
province of Cappadocia, and Flavius Arrianus, the | |||
legate of the emperor Hadrian, left an interesting | |||
description of the Black Sea countries. An inscrip¬ | |||
tion mentioning Arrianus was found at Dioskurias. | |||
A certain decline was observed in the local culture | |||
at this time. New tribes apparently came on the | |||
scene. The Colchians are no longer mentioned, but | |||
the Laz and the Abasg are. These were most likely | |||
the ancestors of the modern Abkhaz. Western Geor¬ | |||
gia was called Lazica in antique sources from the | |||
3rdMth centuries A. D., although the local popula¬ | |||
tion called their country Egrisi. Its capital was Tsi- | |||
khe-Godzhi (the Archeopolis of the Greeks). In the | |||
4th century A. D., the spreading of Christianity | |||
began in what is now Georgia. | |||
In eastern Georgia, just as in neighbouring Col¬ | |||
chis, noblemen evolved into a special class in the | |||
6th-4th centuries B. C. (rich burials at Akhalgoreti, | |||
Algeti, Kachaeti), and city centres arose. Of these, | |||
the most important was Mtskheta, called “the | |||
mother city” in Georgian chronicles. Tribal consoli¬ | |||
dation and the formation of the state progressed very | |||
rapidly. According to the tradition of the chronicles, | |||
these processes were complete when Prince Azo | |||
moved to Mtskheta and brought the tribal shrines | |||
there. Soon, Pharnabases supported by the Colchi¬ | |||
ans, defeated Azo, declared himself king of Iberia, | |||
and built Armazis-Tsikhe on the bank of the Ku¬ | |||
ra opposite Mtskheta. Later the two centres were | |||
surrounded by a common wall, and Armazis be¬ | |||
came in fact the citadel of the Iberian capital | |||
Mtskheta. | |||
In the second century B. C., some Iberian districts | |||
were included in the Armenian empire of Tigranes, | |||
and Iberia as a whole came under Armenian in¬ | |||
fluence. Iberia was then ruled by King Artok, | |||
believed to be an ally of Tigranes and Mithridates | |||
VI. Roman expansion of the 1st century B. C. did not | |||
bypass Iberia. Pompey invaded the country, cap- | |||
7 * | |||
tured Armazis, and the Iberians were declared | |||
“friends and allies of the Roman people”. This vas¬ | |||
salage was largely formal, for soon afterwards | |||
Antony’s general Candius Crassus had to set out on | |||
a second campaign against Iberia’s king Pharna- | |||
bases. Romans did not interfere much in Iberia’s in¬ | |||
ternal affairs, while Iberian rulers endeavoured to | |||
use the constant shifts in the balance of power in the | |||
Roman-Parthian confrontation to their advantage. | |||
King Pharasmanes I the Courageous, who ruled Ibe¬ | |||
ria in the 30s of the 1st century A. D., was particularly | |||
successful in this typeofdiplomacy. He even enthron¬ | |||
ed in Armenia some members of his family, if only for | |||
a short time. In A. D. 75, on orders from emperor | |||
Vespasian, a wall was built for the protection of the | |||
valley of the Kura from the raids of warlike moun¬ | |||
tain tribes and northern nomads. Iberians took part | |||
in Trajan’s Parthian campaign of 114-117, and when | |||
the Iberian prince Amazasp died in that war, a | |||
tomb was erected for him in Rome, bearing an in¬ | |||
scription in Greek. When Hadrian gave up all active | |||
military policy in the east, the Iberian king Pharas¬ | |||
manes II, endeavouring to enlist continued Roman | |||
support, went to Rome with his whole family and | |||
retinue. That diplomatic move was a complete suc¬ | |||
cess. Pharasmanes II was allowed to make a sacrifice | |||
on the Capitoline Hill, and his equestrian statue | |||
was erected in the Field of Mars. There were certain | |||
more mundane results, too: added possessions, a de¬ | |||
tachment of 500 warriors, and a battle elephant- | |||
a gift from the Roman emperor. An inscription | |||
at Mtskheta has preserved the hame of Pharas- | |||
manes’s successor, Ksefarnug. | |||
Class distinctions were well-developed in Iberia. | |||
The antique geographer Strabo reports the existence | |||
of four principal social groups there. Kings, supreme | |||
judges and warlords were elected from the first | |||
group; the second group was made up of priests; the | |||
third, of warriors and farmers; and the fourth, of the | |||
common people called “king’s slaves”, who did all | |||
the work of providing the others’ upkeep. The. legal | |||
status of these bondsmen undoubtedly varied | |||
greatly, but just as undoubted is the existence of real | |||
slaves among them. According to the tradition of the | |||
chronicles, the king appointed provincial governors | |||
( eristavi ) and higher officials. Rich tombs of the no¬ | |||
bility have been excavated at Samtavro; they were | |||
built of stone blocks or baked brick and roofed with | |||
tiles. The tomb inscriptions give the administrative | |||
posts of the dead-chief of the royal court, head | |||
architect and artist, and “warlord of the great king | |||
of the Iberians”. | |||
Iberian urban culture was highly developed. | |||
Many edifices had tiled roofs, there were market¬ | |||
places, temples and palaces in the cities. Armaz, the | |||
moon-god, was the supreme deity. His statue is de¬ | |||
scribed as a figure of an awesome warrior in splendid | |||
armour, a sword in his hand. The influence of an¬ | |||
tique culture was great in many spheres: household | |||
utensils, ornaments, coiffures, and even names fol¬ | |||
lowed Roman fashions. In some cases these borrow¬ | |||
ings merged with local traditions. Thus the popular¬ | |||
ity of the Dionysus cult in Iberia is largely explained | |||
by the existence of ancient local fertility cults, which | |||
now took new forms. A temple and palace complex | |||
from the 2nd century A. D. has been excavated at | |||
the Dzalis site, where a floor mosaic pictured | |||
Dionysus and Ariadne sitting on a throne. The | |||
builder’s inscription reads: “Remember Priske who | |||
did it.” An important achievement of the Iberian | |||
culture was the development of an original script | |||
suited to the local language. | |||
Consolidation of tribal groups into a state struc¬ | |||
ture also went on in the south-western Caspian sea¬ | |||
board areas that were called Albania. The sources | |||
say that in antiquity the country was inhabited by | |||
26 tribes, each with its own language (presumably a | |||
dialect) and king, but then it was united under one | |||
ruler. When Roman expansion reached Albania in | |||
the mid-1st century B. C., it was ruled by king Orois | |||
or Oroz. The name of a later Albanian king was | |||
Zober. Albania, just as Iberia and, at certain times, | |||
Armenia, recognised for a while Roman supremacy. | |||
It was proclaimed that its kings were “under the | |||
protection of Roman greatness”. A Roman inscrip¬ | |||
tion in the mountains of Gobustan not far from | |||
Baku, left in the name of a centurion of the Twelfth | |||
Legion, dates from the 1st century A.D. In the | |||
second half of the 2nd century Roman influence | |||
began to wane, and an Arsacid dynasty became | |||
entrenched on the throne of the Albanian province, | |||
called Caspiana. Written sources speak of the fer¬ | |||
tility of Albanian lands and of well-developed cattle- | |||
breeding. Urban centres also existed here; the best- | |||
known was the capital, Kabala (Kabalaki). The | |||
minting of local coin similar to Alexander the | |||
Great’s drachmas points to the development of trade | |||
and money circulation. The Albanians’ armed forces | |||
100 | |||
were highly spoken of. Thus they sent 22,000 horse | |||
and 60,000 foot against Pompey. Priests played a sig¬ | |||
nificant role in society. The supreme priest is de¬ | |||
scribed as a person respected more than anyone else | |||
except for the king. He ruled “a large and densely | |||
populated sacred area, and was also in charge of the | |||
temple’s slaves”. It must have been a temple’s estate | |||
similar to those known from Armenia and Asia | |||
Minor. Hellenistic influences on the local culture | |||
were less pronounced than in Armenia or Iberia. A | |||
few buildings at Kabala were tileroofed, and bullas | |||
with imprints of cameos, both Hellenistic (e. g., | |||
Heracles’s figure) and local (figures of a horseman | |||
and of various animals) have been found. Orna¬ | |||
ments and toilet articles were imported from various | |||
provinces of the Roman empire. | |||
The originality of the culture of each country of | |||
ancient Transcaucasia determined their contribu¬ | |||
tion to the overall development and progress. On the | |||
whole, Transcaucasia in the ancient epoch was a | |||
highly developed area of the ancient Orient, with an | |||
original culture. The heritage of the ancient peoples | |||
lived on for many centuries. The achievements of | |||
Transcaucasian civilisation made a considerable im¬ | |||
pact on the other regions of the ancient East and on | |||
the world of classical antiquity. The medieval cul¬ | |||
ture of the Transcaucasian peoples relied on the tra¬ | |||
ditions of the ancient epoch. | |||
Chapter 6 | |||
Scythians and Their Culture | |||
The tribes inhabiting the Eurasian steppes in the 1st | |||
millennium B. C., Scythian tribes above all, played a | |||
considerable role in the political and cultural history | |||
of the ancient civilisations of East and West. | |||
Scythians. The name of that people, which inhabited | |||
the northern Black Sea areas, is familiar from Near | |||
Eastern sources but mostly from the works of Greek | |||
and Roman authors. Herodotus, who visited Scythia | |||
in the 5th century B. C., asserted that the name | |||
“Skuthes” was used with reference to a member of | |||
that people only among the Greeks, whereas the | |||
people itself used the term “Scoloti”. Modern | |||
linguists believe, however, that this view does not | |||
reflect the true situation, and that “Scythians” and | |||
“Scoloti” are merely two dialect forms of the same | |||
name; the differences between them are explained | |||
by the specific phonetic traits of the dialects of Black | |||
Sea Scythians and the manner of conveying the | |||
sounds of a foreign language in the Greek language | |||
and alphabet. | |||
Since antiquity, the term Scythae “Scythians” has | |||
been used in a different meaning as well: apart from | |||
the concrete people of the northern Black Sea area, j | |||
classical authors often used that term to refer to all ~ | |||
the inhabitants of the extensive steppe belt stretch- "" | |||
ing from the Danube to the Yenisei, and also of some § | |||
forest-steppe and mountainous regions. There were a | |||
considerable similarities between the modes of life of §; | |||
the tribes inhabiting that territory, and, although s | |||
the Greeks knew the names of many of these tribes a | |||
(Sauromatae, Issedones, Massagetae, etc.), they A | |||
called them all Scythae, using the name of the peo- ' | |||
pie they knew best. | | |||
Since none of the peoples of the Eurasian steppes | |||
had a system of writing in ancient times, the scholars | |||
of the modern times endeavouring to reconstruct | |||
their history and culture relied at first on the antique | |||
tradition and, accepting the broad meaning of the | |||
term Scythae, regarded all the inhabitants of that | |||
region as a single people. As archaeology developed, | |||
materials found during excavations were used more | |||
and more extensively in the study of the culture of | |||
these tribes. These materials, however, also tended | |||
at first to confirm the view of the ethnic unity of the | |||
steppe belt’s population, as they pointed to cultural | |||
similarities between its various parts: everywhere, | |||
archaeologists found burials under kurgans or | |||
mounds, and in the tombs were largely similar weap¬ | |||
ons, bits of horse harness, and works of art in “ani¬ | |||
mal style”, as it was called. That was the source | |||
of the concept of a single Scythian culture em¬ | |||
bracing all the Eurasian steppes in the 1st millen¬ | |||
nium B. C. | |||
Further accumulation and interpretation of | |||
archaeological materials showed clearly, however, | |||
that that concept was simplistic. Despite definite | |||
similarities, the steppe monuments discovered by the | |||
archaeologists belonged to different peoples. Each | |||
separate area had a characteristic type of burial | |||
structures, different funeral rites, and specific, if | |||
largely similar, forms of weapons and motives of | |||
pictorial art. Some of these peoples were apparently | |||
related, in other cases the cultural similarities were | |||
due to the largely identical economy, mode of life | |||
and lively contacts, established all the more easily as | |||
all these peoples were nomads. It is not often that the | |||
sources permit to ascertain the real ancient name of | |||
each of these peoples; for this reason they mostly | |||
appear in modern scholarly literature under conven- kept up close contacts with them. The farther east | |||
tional archaeological appelations. Thus tribes of the from these colonies, the more scarce and fragmen- | |||
so-called Tasmolian culture inhabited Central tary and less reliable are the data of the antique tra- | |||
Kazakhstan; the bearers of the so-called Pazyryk dition about the peoples of these regions. Ihis se- | |||
culture, the Altai Mountains; of the Tagar culture, riously affects the range of our knowledge about the | |||
the Minusinsk plain, etc. In our view, the entire various peoples of the Scythian world, | |||
range of these peoples had better be called by the | |||
conventional term the “Scythian (Scythic) world”, | |||
while the term “Scythians” (“Scyths”) should be The Language and the Origin of the Scythians. This dis¬ | |||
used in its concrete historical meaning as the name proportion in our knowledge makes itself felt in the | |||
of the tribes of the northern Black Sea areas in study of the ethnolinguistic characteristics of the | |||
the second and third quarters of the 1st millen- peoples of the Scythian world. In the absence of | |||
nium B C authentic texts, these characteristics can only be | |||
established from the personal names, toponyms and | |||
ethnonyms preserved in monuments in other lan- | |||
The Study of Scythian Antiquities. Interest for Scythian guages. These names are rather abundantly repre¬ | |||
antiquities arose already at the end of the 18th cen- sented in the works of antique authors and Greek in- | |||
tury, when peasants digging in the so-called Litoi scriptions found during excavations of antique | |||
Kurgan in the Ukraine, near the modern town of colonies. From these data, linguists were able to | |||
Kirovograd, discovered remarkable objects of gold— firmly identify the Scythian language as belonging | |||
parts of the ceremonial raiment of an ancient chief- to the Iranian group of the Indo-European family of | |||
tain. Excavations of some of the Scythian mounds languages. This conclusion, throwing light on the | |||
were later undertaken from time to time by laymen; problem of Scythian origin, is in itself of consider- | |||
in the second half of the 19th century and the early able value, but it also has great significance for the | |||
20th, systematic professional studies were made of a interpretation of many features of Scythian culture, | |||
number of mounds, mostly the largest ones, contain- Indeed, much of it is traceable to the remote epoch | |||
ing rich burials of Scythian noblemen. As a result, when all the Iranian (and related Indo-Aryan) pco- | |||
considerable archaeological materials have been pies inhabited a common proto-homeland and had a | |||
accumulated pertaining to the various aspects of single culture; therefore the scant information about | |||
Scythian culture or, to be more precise, to the cul- Scythians preserved by the antique tradition, which | |||
ture of the upper stratum of Scythian society. The in itself often defies unambiguous interpretation, can | |||
data on the life of ordinary Scythians, as well as on sometimes be explained from comparison with the | |||
the peoples of the easterly regions of the steppe belt, more comprehensive data on other Indo-Iranian | |||
remained extremely scarce. During the past few peoples. For example, this method was used to pro¬ | |||
decades, however, planned research by Soviet vide convincing explanation of certain traits of the | |||
archaeologists has largely filled this gap. The Scythians’ social organisation, their mythology, re¬ | |||
number of excavated mounds has increased many- ligion, etc. Applying this method, scholars have | |||
fold, and several previously completely unknown reconstructed the meaning of many Scythian stems | |||
archaeological cultures have been studied in the through comparison with the words of other Indo- | |||
eastern regions of the steppe belt. Burials of rich men P Iranian languages. Thus V. I. Abayev, the well- | |||
as well as of ordinary commoners were excavated, 5 known Soviet linguist, compiled a dictionary of | |||
providing materials on many aspects of the life of the ' Scythian stems including some 200 words and pro¬ | |||
tribes that once lived there. Particularly effective are 's viding essential information on some aspects of | |||
results of archaeological excavations which can be | Scythian culture. | |||
compared with written evidence. But the evidence § The ethnolinguistic membership of the other peo- | |||
that we have mostly pertains to the tribes of the Eu- N pies living in the steppe belt in the Scythian epoch is | |||
ropean part of the steppe belt that lived in close pro- ~ more hypothetical, but some data about them are | |||
ximity to the Greek colonies which arose on the j? nonetheless available. Thus the Sauromatae, the | |||
Black Sea coast in the 7th-5th centuries B.C. and f Scythians’ eastern neighbours, according to Hero- | |||
103 | |||
dotus, have been the offspring of marriages between | |||
Scythian youths and the Amazons, and have spoken | |||
the Scythian language, though distorted already in | |||
ancient times. In other words, the language of the | |||
Sauromatae may apparently be regarded as a dia¬ | |||
lect of the same family of languages. | |||
Antique sources also speak of the Sarmatae, who | |||
originally lived somewhere east of Scythia but later, | |||
as their numbers swelled and military might in¬ | |||
creased, swamped the Black Sea regions and routed | |||
the Scythians, putting an end to the latter’s su¬ | |||
premacy in this area. The question is still unresolved | |||
whether the Sarmatae were descendants of the | |||
Sauromatae or a distinct people, but the onomastic | |||
materials preserved by Greek and Latin sources | |||
show that the two languages belonged to the same | |||
group. | |||
Some other peoples of the Scythian world also un¬ | |||
doubtedly spoke languages of the Iranian group, as | |||
shown by some of their surviving names, but it is un¬ | |||
fortunately not always possible to establish in which | |||
particular areas of Eurasia the peoples that went by | |||
those names lived and what particular archaeologi¬ | |||
cal monuments belonged to them. | |||
Herodotus discusses the origin of the Scythians in | |||
greater detail than any of the ancient authors. He | |||
reports that they came to the northern Black Sea | |||
region from Asia, ousting the Cimmerians that had | |||
lived there. This report is echoed by another Greek | |||
historian, Diodorus, who says that originally the | |||
Scythians, weak and few in number, lived on the | |||
Araxes, but later they grew stronger and conquered | |||
the Northern Caucasus and the whole of the north | |||
coast of the Black Sea. Unfortunately it is not clear | |||
which particular river Diodorus calls the Araxes, as | |||
antique authors used that name for different rivers; | |||
opinions therefore differ sharply on the location of | |||
the Scythians’ homeland. Sometimes it is placed, on | |||
Herodotus’s evidence, too far to the east —say, in | |||
Central Asia. If one bears in mind that the ancient | |||
geographers regarded the Tanais (modern Don) as | |||
the boundary between Europe and Asia, that | |||
hypothesis appears to have little foundation. The | |||
Scythians’ homeland, most likely, did not lie further | |||
east than the Volga basin (could the Volga be the | |||
ancient Araxes?) or the Ural basin at most. Inciden¬ | |||
tally, this assumption is in better agreement with | |||
modern linguistic data on the original habitation of | |||
the Iranian-speaking peoples. | |||
Herodotus’s view that all the Cimmerians were | |||
driven from their land and the Scythians occupied | |||
an already deserted region is not borne out by | |||
archaeological data either. Much of the Scythian | |||
culture shows direct continuity with the culture of | |||
the inhabitants of the northern Black Sea area of the | |||
previous epoch. Accordingly, the Scythians which | |||
were observed in these parts by the antique authors | |||
of the 6th-4th centuries B. C., and which left behind | |||
the Scythian monuments studied by the archaeolo¬ | |||
gists, arose in fact from the mixing of the Cimmer¬ | |||
ians and of some tribes invading from the east, tribes | |||
that were presumably not very numerous, and that | |||
were originally called Scythae or Scoloti. It is not | |||
excluded that these Scythians were direct ancestors | |||
of those Scythians whom Herodotus, in the 5th cen¬ | |||
tury B. C., knew as “royal Scythians” and whom he | |||
described as dominating all the other Scythians, | |||
regarded by them as slaves. In other words, it may | |||
be assumed that the ethnic and political structure of | |||
the Scythian tribal union took shape in the course of | |||
the subjugation of the original Cimmerian popu¬ | |||
lation by the invaders advancing from the east | |||
and related to the Cimmerians in language and cul¬ | |||
ture. | |||
Scythians in the Near East. According to Herodotus’s | |||
account, the Cimmerians, ousted from the Black Sea | |||
coast by the Scythians, went south, across the Cau¬ | |||
casian Mountains, pursued by the Scythians. This | |||
account is based on real events, as the arrival of both | |||
these peoples in the Near East was also recorded by | |||
ancient Oriental sources. However, it was not, | |||
apparently, a one-act invasion but a gradual ad¬ | |||
vance of the steppe tribes, wave following wave, | |||
into the countries of the ancient East. Cuneiform | |||
texts mention the Cimmerians in this region as early | |||
j as the end of the 8th century B. C., and in the early | |||
^ 7th century B. C., the presence of the Scythians is | |||
also recorded here. During the 7th century B.C., | |||
| both the Cimmerians and the Scythians took an | |||
~ active part in the political life in the Near East, in¬ | |||
i’ terfering in the conflicts between various states, sup- | |||
| porting some of them and attacking others. Thus the | |||
3 sources report the taking of Sardis, the capital of the | |||
' Lydian kingdom in Asia Minor, by the Cimmerians, | |||
" the Scythians’ alliance with the Assyrians in the war | |||
a against Media, their raids as far as Egypt, etc. Later, | |||
104 | |||
after several defeats, the Scythians left the Near East | |||
and returned to the Black Sea coast. | |||
That marked the beginning of some four hundred | |||
years of their ascendancy in this area. The Scyth¬ | |||
ians’ experiences in the Middle East and their | |||
acquaintanceship with the Middle Eastern civilisa¬ | |||
tion left a marked imprint on Scythian culture. That | |||
influence was especially tangible in the early Scyth¬ | |||
ian complexes (of the late 7th and early 6th centuries | |||
B. C.), like the Kelermes kurgans in the Kuban | |||
region and the already mentioned Litoi Kurgan. | |||
These rich burials also point to the emergence of a | |||
military aristocracy in Scythian society, of chieftains | |||
of tribes and tribal unions whose power was re¬ | |||
garded as a “divine institution”. The richness of the | |||
chieftain’s attributes and the ornamental designs on | |||
these attributes, with pictures of mythological nature, | |||
were intended to prove the idea of divine origin. | |||
In Cimmerian times, the inhabitants of the north¬ | |||
ern Black Sea regions knew no pictorial art; nothing | |||
but simple geometrical designs were used to orna¬ | |||
ment everyday or ritual utensils. When the social | |||
development of Scythian society demanded an | |||
“artistic language” that could express the idea of the | |||
sacral character of the royal power through religious | |||
and mythological themes and concepts, images bor¬ | |||
rowed from the ancient Oriental art were used for | |||
that purpose. These images, however, were re-inter¬ | |||
preted in the spirit of Scythian notions and were | |||
treated as figures of characters from Scythian my¬ | |||
thology. The kurgans mentioned above contained, | |||
among other pieces of ceremonial military equip¬ | |||
ment, swords with gold-inlaid hilts and sheaths, and | |||
a halberd, also gold-ornamented, with pictures typi¬ | |||
cal of Assyrian-Urartaean art. The ancient Oriental | |||
elements were also strong in the pictorial traditions | |||
of other early Scythian tribes. | |||
Not all of the pictorial motifs borrowed by the | |||
Scythians proved suitable for the expression of their | |||
mythological concepts. Most of them disappeared | |||
from Scythian art, although others became firmly | |||
fixed in it and were reproduced by Scythian | |||
craftsmen for centuries. | |||
Highly popular in Scythian art were animal | |||
figures, which formed the basis of the famous Scyth¬ | |||
ian animal style-the most interesting and original | |||
element of Scythian culture. The problem of the ori¬ | |||
gin of this style is the subject of lively debate among | |||
scholars. Characteristic of that art is a definite set of | |||
_ | |||
images, mostly of hoofed animals, above all the deer, | |||
as well as feline predators and birds, in several | |||
canonic postures. These motifs were mostly used for | |||
ornamenting military equipment, equestrian har¬ | |||
ness, and ritual vessels. All these figures were clearly | |||
endowed with certain content, very important in the | |||
Scythians’ eyes, but the question of the semantics of | |||
the animal style is still acutely debated. | |||
Some researchers hold the view that the basis of | |||
their semantics is magical concepts the idea that | |||
possession of these figures spelt possession of the | |||
qualities of the animals by the owner. Others link | |||
up these images with Scythian mythology, implying | |||
that that was the way in which the Scythians pic¬ | |||
tured their gods, and that their religious and mytho¬ | |||
logical concepts did not rise above that fairly primi¬ | |||
tive level. The view has also been expressed that the | |||
gods of Scythian mythology could be conceived as | |||
beings capable of assuming various guises (a concep¬ | |||
tion characteristic of several other Iranian peoples), | |||
or that the zoomorphic motifs were not images but | |||
symbols of Scythian gods and of the elements of the | |||
universe they personified. | |||
However that may be, the animal style monu¬ | |||
ments with their characteristic laconicism and | |||
expressiveness of the artistic devices are undoubtedly | |||
the Scythians’ most valuable contribution to the | |||
treasure-house of world art. Some of the works of | |||
Scythian craftsmen now in the possession of the | |||
museums of the USSR, such as the gold figures of a | |||
deer (from a kurgan near the Cossack village of Kos- | |||
tromskaya) or a panther (from the Kelermes kurgan | |||
in the Kuban region), which once embellished the | |||
shields of Scythian chieftains, numerous bronze | |||
pole-tops, etc., are world famous. | |||
Scythian Society. The Scythian tribal confederation in¬ | |||
cluded both nomadic and settled agricultural tribes. | |||
The former had by far the greater power and might, | |||
5 and the Scythian kings came from their number. | |||
^ The nomads from the “royal Scythian” tribe im- | |||
| posed tribute on the rest of the population, and their | |||
1 nobles thus accumulated great wealth. The Scyth- | |||
§ ians must have also had professional priests. Thus | |||
0 Herodotus speaks of soothsayers who divined the | |||
3 future by performing certain manipulations with | |||
P bunches of willow twigs. Similar practices existed | |||
f among other Iranian-speaking peoples. | |||
105 | |||
The elements of Scythian mythology, as recon¬ | |||
structed by scholars, indicate that Scythian society | |||
was from the start divided into three main estates, in | |||
accordance with the tradition common to all the In¬ | |||
do-Europeans: military aristocracy, including the | |||
Scythian kings, the priests, and the commoners- | |||
farmers and cattle-breeders. The tradition derives | |||
this division from the three sons of Targitaius, the | |||
mythological forefather of the Scythians. Each estate | |||
had a corresponding sacred attribute—one of the | |||
gold objects which one day, according to the Scyth¬ | |||
ian myth, fell from heaven; the warriors’ symbol was | |||
the bow; the priests’, the cup; and the commoners’, | |||
the plough and the yoke. The dominant position of | |||
the military is reflected in the records concerning | |||
Scythians in the antique authors, who focus mostly | |||
on the military customs. Slave labour must have | |||
played an increasing role in the Scythian economy, | |||
but the data of the sources on this point are meagre. | |||
Scythian Kurgans. Archaeological materials greatly | |||
help to verify the data of the written tradition on the | |||
Scythians’ social organisation. The preponderance | |||
of nomadic elements in Scythian economy deter¬ | |||
mined the nature of the monuments they left behind. | |||
These were mostly burial kurgans - the artificial bar- | |||
rows raised over the tombs, sometimes with a ring of | |||
undressed stone blocks round them. Scythian kur¬ | |||
gans greatly varied in size. Small mounds were piled | |||
on top of the burials of ordinary commoners, which | |||
now, after many centuries of erosion and ploughing, | |||
hardly rise above the level of the surrounding land. | |||
By contrast, giant barrows were raised over the | |||
tombs of tribal chieftains and kings; thus, Cher- | |||
tomlyk, one of the best-known Scythian mounds, | |||
was more than 19 metres high and 330 metres round | |||
at the base before the excavation; another royal kur- | |||
gan, the Alexandropol one, was more than 21 metres | |||
high. | |||
It was these giant barrows that first attracted the | |||
archaeologists’ attention, and many of them were | |||
excavated as early as the 19th and the beginning of | |||
the 20th century These excavations yielded spec¬ | |||
tacular finds of unique art objects, but they could | |||
not provide the necessary information on the | |||
economy and culture of Scythian society as a whole. | |||
In recent decades Soviet archaeologists have paid | |||
considerable attention to the study of ordinary | |||
Scythians’ burials. Hundreds of such mounds have | |||
been studied, and exceptionally valuable new ma¬ | |||
terials obtained. | |||
The main type of Scythian burials is the so-called | |||
catacomb-a cave of a simple or more intricate con¬ | |||
figuration dug in one of the sides of a deep-some¬ | |||
times several metres deep-shaft. Sometimes-espe¬ | |||
cially in the burials of noble personages-the | |||
chamber was connected with the shaft by a rather | |||
long passage, and there could also be. several | |||
chambers leading off the entrance shaft. | |||
The objects meant to accompany the dead person | |||
were placed in the chamber or, sometimes, in the | |||
entrance shaft. In noblemen’s tombs, the bodies of | |||
servants buried together with the ruler-armour- | |||
bearers, grooms, etc.—were often placed here. Some¬ | |||
times, however, additional graves were dug for the | |||
secondary burials and also for the dead man’s riding | |||
horses. | |||
The burial rites of a Scythian king were attended | |||
by all his subjects, and it was they who built the | |||
giant barrow over his tomb. They also took part in | |||
the funeral feast, traces of which are often found dur¬ | |||
ing excavations. Thus the ditch that once sur¬ | |||
rounded the Tolstaya Mogila kurgan, recently exca¬ | |||
vated by Ukrainian archaeologists, contained the | |||
bones of domestic and wild animals (horses, deer, | |||
wild boar) whose quantity indicates that between | |||
two and a half and three thousand people took part | |||
in the rite. Burials of ordinary Scythians were not as | |||
magnificent as these-only the closest relatives took | |||
part in them. The assemblage of objects in Scythian | |||
kurgans is usually defined by tradition, although it is | |||
immeasurably richer in the noblemen’s kurgans | |||
than in the tombs of ordinary Scythians. It is these | |||
grave goods that form the main source for the recon¬ | |||
struction of Scythian culture. The most typical ele¬ | |||
ment of men’s burials were weapons. Herodotus’s | |||
observation that each Scythian is a mounted archer | |||
is borne out by archaeology: bronze arrowheads are | |||
the most common type of find in Scythian burials. In | |||
Scythia, just as in the other parts of the steppe belt, | |||
three-edged arrowheads were the most widespread, | |||
relatively small but of great piercing capacity. The | |||
strength of the Scythian bow also assured the | |||
effectiveness of these weapons. Details of bows are | |||
sometimes found during excavations, but because of | |||
the nondurable nature of the materials of which the | |||
Scythian bows were made (wood, bone plates), these | |||
106 | |||
finds give no real clue Co its form and structure. Beliefs and Rituals. No information can be gleaned | |||
These are better known from pictures on Scythian from archaeological data about any Scythian con- | |||
and Greek monuments. structions other than the burial mounds, because no | |||
Antique authors often likened the Black Sea with such constructions have survived, but the written | |||
the shape of the Scythian bow; the straight line of sources describe some of them. Herodotus speaks of | |||
the southern coast corresponded to the bowstring, gigantic altars made of fagots set up in the centre of | |||
and the northern coast, to the bow itself with a curve each of the Scythian kingdom’s parts, where regular | |||
at the point where the archer held it. The strength of sacrifices were made to the god of war. The symbol | |||
the Scythian bow and the skill needed to bend it can of that deity was an ancient iron sword fixed at the | |||
be judged from Herodotus’s story about the three top of such an altar, sprinkled with the blood of sac- | |||
sons of the Scythians’ forefather, who had to fix the rificed prisoners. The huge bronze cauldron in the | |||
string to the bow as a test in choosing the most Exampaeus locality (between the Dnieper and the | |||
worthy claimant to the Scythian throne. Bow and Southern Bug) seems to have been an all-Scythian | |||
arrows were worn at the belt, in a gorytos or com- sacred object. According to ancient Greek sources, | |||
bined bow-case and quiver. The effectiveness of the that cauldron was cast from the bronze arrowheads | |||
Scythian bow and arrows made this weapon wide- brought to that locality, one for each warrior, at the | |||
spread throughout the ancient world. Arrowheads of bidding of the Scythian king Ariantas, who thus | |||
the Scythian type are found far beyond the area of learnt the number of his subjects. The cauldron has | |||
settlement of the Scythians themselves. The Scyth- not been preserved, of course, but we can judge of its | |||
ians also invented the art of shooting the bow at full form (though not the size, certainly) by the | |||
gallop, both ahead and back (later known as “the numerous bronze cauldrons frequently found in | |||
Parthian shot”). Scythian burials. The meat of sacrificial animals | |||
Spears and short swords (akinakes) were also used during the ritual feasts was cooked in such | |||
by Scythians, but the latter are mostly found cauldrons. | |||
in noblemen’s burials, not the ordinary warriors’. The horse was the principal type of the sacrificial | |||
The typical finds in women’s graves are simple animal, as well as the main domestic animal bred in | |||
personal ornaments and toilet articles-earrings, Scythia. That is confirmed both by archaeological | |||
finger-rings, bracelets, and looking-glasses. data and Herodotus’s story, who described in detail | |||
The objects found in noblemen’s graves are much the Scythian sacrificial ritual. Binding first the | |||
more varied and precious than those of the com- horse’s forelegs, the Scythians pulled him down on | |||
moners’ tombs, although the categories are the the ground and strangled him with a noose thrown | |||
same. The akmakls scabbards and bow-cases were round the neck, which they pulled tight by turning a | |||
often ornamented with gold plates bearing ritual stick. That mode of sacrifice is pictured on the | |||
and mythological pictures. The ritual women’s famous silver vase from Chertomlyk. The meat of | |||
headdresses were also richly embellished with gold the sacrificial animal was then cooked in the caul- | |||
plates. The clothes of noble Scythians and the hang- dron, and the man bringing the offering threw it | |||
ings on the walls of burial chambers were often down on the ground as a gift to the god. | |||
covered with small gold plates with pictures on In this way sacrifices to all the principal gods of | |||
them. All these objects are of special importance Scythia were made. There were seven of them; the | |||
since they reflect the Scythians’ notions of the power J 3 number is also characteristic of the pantheons of | |||
of chieftains as a “divine institution”: its sacral S' other Indo-Iranian peoples. The supreme goddess | |||
nature was confirmed by the numerous mythological worshipped by the Scythians was Tahiti, the goddess | |||
motifs in the ornamentation. § of fire, which all Indo-Iranians held particularly | |||
In some of the richer Scythian barrows remnants I sacred: fire was the element underlying the universe, | |||
of funeral cars were found, in which the dead Scyth- § and its purifying principle. Tahiti was followed in | |||
ian king was taken through the territories of the ^ the religious and mythological hierarchy of the | |||
tribes over which he ruled. The carcasses of horses, a Scythians by a husband-and-wife couple, the divini- | |||
whose gear was sometimes richly adorned, were also ? ties of heaven and earth Papaeus and Api, the ances- | |||
placed in the tomb together with the car. | tors, as it were, of the Scythian kings, the whole | |||
107 | |||
Scythian people, and even the whole corporeal course of the Scythian-Persian war, this story is im- | |||
world. Scythian social and political organisation, portant in that it warrants the assumption that the | |||
and order in the whole world, were traced back by Scythians had a well-developed narrative folklore, | |||
the Scythian tradition to various descendants of that unfortunately lost to us without a trace, | |||
couple. Of some interest is the information this piece offers | |||
We know much less of the four deities of the “third on the organisation of the Scythian army and of the | |||
rank”, but, according to Herodotus, they were Scythian kingdom itself, which was ruled by three | |||
rather similar to the Greek gods, such as Heracles, kings or warlords from the tribe of the royal Scyth- | |||
apparently identical with Targitaus, the first man of ians. The Scythian myth recorded by Herodotus also | |||
the Scythian mythology; Aphrodite Urania, whose speaks of the origin of that structure. Later that | |||
Scythian replica was Argimpasa, a female deity wor- structure ceased to satisfy the level of the develop- | |||
shipped by the Scythians as the symbol of the gener- ment of Scythian society and was replaced by the | |||
ative powers of nature; Apollo, called Oetosyrus in rule of one king. | |||
Scythia; and finally Ares, a deity whose Scythian | |||
name we do not know-but we do know that monu¬ | |||
mental altars were erected to him in all parts of King Atheas's Empire. One of the most powerful rulers | |||
Scythia for making sacrifices, including human of the centralised Scythian kingdom was, according | |||
ones; he appears to have been the god of war, wor- to the antique tradition, king Atheas whose reign | |||
shipped in the shape of an akinakes sword. falls on the middle of the 4th century B. C. Judging | |||
by the archaeological data, that period should be | |||
regarded as an important landmark in the history of | |||
The Scythians' War with Darius. Our knowledge of the Scythian might. It is at this period that the first | |||
political history of Scythia is extremely fragmentary, Scythian city achieved eminence; that city stood at | |||
but the antique tradition has preserved interesting the so-called Settlement Kamenskoye on the lower | |||
information about one of its most important Dnieper and was the economic and politico- | |||
chapters, the war with Achaemenid Iran, whose administrative centre of the Scythian kingdom, | |||
forces invaded the Pontic region. A fairly detailed Soviet archaeologists have studied here craftsmen’s | |||
account of the course of that war in Herodotus streets and the fortified “acropolis” the citadel | |||
apparently goes back to a Scythian epic narrative, which must have been the residence of the Scythian | |||
which presumably relates the story of the war’s main kings (regrettably, only insignificant remnants of the | |||
events with some truth, despite the usual folklore “acropolis” have been preserved), | |||
hyperbole. Aspiring to appear a sovereign ruler of a great | |||
According to that story, Darius crossed the state in the eyes of the neighbours, King Atheas even | |||
Danube and for two months pursued the Scythian tried to mint his own coin, which also served as the | |||
army which retreated without a major battle. The symbol of the state. Accordingly, the coins had | |||
Persian king’s attempt to press the Scythians into a stamped on them the figure of a mounted Scythian | |||
decisive battle was unsuccessful. The Scythian chief- warrior and the head of Heracles who, as has been | |||
tains explained their refusal to accept the challenge mentioned, was identified with the mythical ances- | |||
by the fact that they had no cities or cultivated lands j tor of Scythian kings. Most of the rich (the so-called | |||
that they would have had to defend and so saw no ~ “royal”) Scythian kurgans belong to this time as | |||
reason for engaging in battles they simply con- ^ well. The tombs of Scythian kings were, according to | |||
tinued their normal life, wandering across the I Herodotus, in the locality of Gerrhus somewhere in | |||
steppes. Still, Scythians constantly kept Darius’s ~ the outlying regions of Scythia, but its precise loca- | |||
army in a state of tension, inflicting severe losses on it 2 tion has not so far been established, probably | |||
through sudden attacks. As a result, the Persian | because there are few rich Scythian barrows from | |||
army, having crossed the whole of Scythia and some 5 the early epoch (6th-5th centuries B. C.).They are | |||
neighbouring lands, had to leave its territory with _) very numerous, though, during the second half of | |||
great losses. the 4th and early 3rd centuries. Almost all of them | |||
Apart from the information it provides on the S' are concentrated in a small area on both banks of the | |||
lower Dnieper. Situated here are the better known | |||
vast mounds like the Chertomlyk and Alexandropol | |||
kurgans we mentioned above, the Solokha kurgan, | |||
only slightly smaller than the other two, as well as | |||
more modest kurgans which nonetheless contain just | |||
as rich burials as the former (e. g., the Tolstaya | |||
Mogila kurgan). The Scythian culture as it appears | |||
in the light of the materials from these kurgans is | |||
largely continuous with the earlier epoch, but it is at | |||
the same time essentially different from it. The dif¬ | |||
ference mostly lies in the influence of the antique | |||
world on it. | |||
Graeco-Scythian Art. The close commercial and | |||
economic links with the Greek cities of the northern | |||
Pontic coast and the ancient Greek world as a whole | |||
played an important role in the life of Scythia since | |||
very ancient times. The trade was extremely advan¬ | |||
tageous for both the Greeks and the Scythians. | |||
Scythia provided Greece with the agricultural pro¬ | |||
ducts it needed (above all, with grain), as well as | |||
with slaves and raw materials; moreover it presented | |||
a very large market for objects of Greek art and | |||
craftsmanship. Scythian nobles accumulated consid¬ | |||
erable riches through that trade, and they spent | |||
their wealth on luxury goods. Local Scythian | |||
craftsmen could not compete with Greek artists in | |||
the making of such objects. At the same time the | |||
Greek craftsmen, eager to consolidate their positions | |||
in this profitable market, did not just export their | |||
products to Scythia they tried to take into account | |||
the tastes and demands of the Scythian nobles; thus | |||
they made articles especially intended for sale in | |||
Scythia. | |||
This resulted in the formation of a distinctive | |||
Graeco-Scythian art, whose numerous objects are | |||
found in rich Scythian mounds. Stylistically, these | |||
works are part of the antique ardstic culture and | |||
an embodiment of its highest achievements dy¬ | |||
namism, plasticity, truth and vitality in portray¬ | |||
ing the human or animal body. But in content, the | |||
pictures adorning these objects were linked with the | |||
concepts inherent in the Scythian worldview, since | |||
the objects themselves were of ritual significance and | |||
were intended to express the Scythians’ religious and | |||
mythological concepts. Scholars therefore regard | |||
them as a most valuable source for reconstructing | |||
Scythian concepts and traditions. | |||
In the initial stages, the “repertory” of Graeco- | |||
Scythian art was mostly limited to animal figures | |||
and was thus close to the animal style of the Scyth¬ | |||
ians themselves. But in the 4th century B. C. thema¬ | |||
tic anthropomorphous compositions became wide¬ | |||
spread. In this way, the high artistic skills of antique | |||
craftsmen were used, as it were, in the service of | |||
Scythian ideology. | |||
The first such monument, which became famous | |||
throughout the world, was found 150 years ago in | |||
the Crimea, in the rich Scythian kurgan ofKul Oba. | |||
It is a small electrum vessel ornamented with figures | |||
of Scythian warriors. The find was immediately | |||
appreciated by the specialists, since for the first time | |||
historians had access to a picture of the Scythians | |||
made by an observant and talented contemporary | |||
artist with ethnographic precision. But the meaning | |||
of the scenes on the vessel remained for a long time | |||
incomprehensible. Only recently has the suggestion | |||
been made that those were episodes from the Scyth¬ | |||
ian myth, already mentioned here, of the trial of | |||
three brothers claiming the Scythian throne. One of | |||
the characters-presumably the victorious younger | |||
brother-is fixing the string to the bow, while the | |||
two others are his brothers who have failed and are | |||
now treating their injuries sustained during their un¬ | |||
successful attempts. The same theme most likely | |||
figures on the silver cup found in a small mound | |||
from the Scythian times near Voronezh. Here, the | |||
youngest brother who has won in the trial of strength | |||
is given his father’s bow, while the two other | |||
brothers are driven from the land. The popularity | |||
among Scythians of that theme, reflected in other | |||
monuments as well, is explained by the fact that that | |||
myth was the ideological basis for the institution of | |||
royal power, implying its divine sanctification. | |||
Other ritual and mythological scenes are also repre¬ | |||
sented in Graeco-Scythian art. | |||
One of the most remarkable monuments of that | |||
series is the gold pectoral recently discovered by | |||
r Ukrainian archaeologists in the Tolstaya Mogila | |||
I kurgan; this is an open-work breast ornament com- | |||
** prising several dozen miniature figurines of humans | |||
V and animals. That complex composition reflected | |||
1 the Scythians’, and other Indo-European peoples’, | |||
g view of the universe, of the cycle of death and life un- | |||
H derlying all life processes. The scenes in which the | |||
1- horse, the deer and the wild boar are torn to pieces | |||
p by predators and gryphons symbolise the world after | |||
| death and death itself; they are placed in the lower | |||
109 | |||
frieze of the pectoral. The upper frieze is adorned | |||
with figurines of domestic animals with their young; | |||
that is the world of life, the world of the fertile forces | |||
of nature. There are also two figurines of Scythians | |||
here performing a ritual act making clothes of | |||
sheepskin which, as many peoples believe, has the | |||
magic property of increasing fertility. On the whole, | |||
the composition on the pectoral is a kind of pictorial | |||
equivalent of a charm intended to ensure the well¬ | |||
being and prosperity of the community headed by | |||
the ruler wearing the sacred object. | |||
Many ceremonial objects from the Scythian kur- | |||
gans are ornamented with scenes from Greek myths | |||
and epics, with figures of Athena, Medusa, Heracles, | |||
and episodes from the Trojan War. This is some¬ | |||
times seen as evidence for the spreading of Hellenis¬ | |||
tic cults among Scythians, but it is much more likely | |||
that these pictures were re-interpreted by the Scyth¬ | |||
ians as illustrations of their own myths and as mani¬ | |||
festations of their o.wn gods and heroes. | |||
The Decline of the Scythian Kingdom. The rise of the | |||
Scythian kingdom in the 4th and early 3rd centuries | |||
B. C. was the last one in its history. The internal | |||
causes of the political and cultural decline of Scythia | |||
are not yet clear to the scholars. The external factors | |||
that contributed to it are known better. Antique | |||
sources recorded the grave defeat inflicted on the | |||
Scythians by Philip of Macedonia in 339 B. C., when | |||
the Scythian ruler Atheas, by that time 90 years old, | |||
fell in battle. But the downfall of the Scythians was | |||
determined by a different event the beginning of | |||
the Sarmatian advance into the Pontic region. To¬ | |||
wards the 2nd century B. C. the Sarmatians, occu¬ | |||
pied the whole of the Dnieper’s left bank, and at the | |||
turn of the millennium moved in on the right bank | |||
as well. In describing the Sarmatian invasion, Dio¬ | |||
dorus Siculus reports that they laid waste a consider- ^ | |||
able part of Scythia, massacring all the vanquished ~ | |||
to a man and making a desert of most of the country. | |||
That invasion could not, of course, destroy the entire ? | |||
population of Scythia. Some Scythians survived in ~ | |||
the numerous fortified settlements that arose at the S: | |||
time on both banks of the Dnieper. The culture of I | |||
that region bears traces inherited from the epoch of 3 | |||
the rise of the Scythian kingdom as well as traits bor- - | |||
rowed from the new inhabitants of the Pontic region, | |||
the Sarmatians. | |||
The Eastern Parts of the Scythian World. In treating of | |||
the Scythians, we have constantly compared | |||
archaeological data with evidence provided by an¬ | |||
tique authors, whereas the history and culture of the | |||
more eastern parts of the steppe belt are almost | |||
entirely reconstructed from archaeological mater¬ | |||
ials. Hundreds and even thousands of kurgans | |||
belonging to different tribes inhabiting these lands | |||
have been excavated by several generations of Rus¬ | |||
sian and Soviet researchers, so that a very complete | |||
picture comes to light here. | |||
Thus, an original culture from the Scythian times | |||
was discovered in the Aral Sea area and the lower | |||
reaches of the Syr Darya, where apparently tribes | |||
related to the Pontic Scythians lived. Another peo¬ | |||
ple of related culture left its kurgans in central | |||
Kazakhstan. Excavations of kurgans in eastern | |||
Kazakhstan have yielded two sensational discoveries | |||
in recent decades. One of these was the kurgan in the | |||
Chilikta valley belonging to the earliest monuments | |||
of the Scythian epoch in the Asian steppes. The | |||
monuments of the animal style found in the eastern | |||
regions of the Scythian world-small gold plates | |||
with figures of panthers, deer, wild boars, birds of | |||
prey-are very important for understanding the his¬ | |||
tory of the formation and spreading of that art. The | |||
other discovery was at the famous Issyk kurgan near | |||
Alma Ata. It dates to a later period, 4th or 3rd cen¬ | |||
tury B. C., and contains the tomb of a chieftain in | |||
ceremonial raiment. His whole costume was covered | |||
with stamped gold plates of varying size, of which | |||
there were several thousands. That is one of the few | |||
rich burials of the Scythian epoch that were not | |||
robbed either in antiquity or later, and the | |||
researchers were thus able to reconstruct the dead | |||
man’s garments in detail. Of the greatest interest is | |||
the headdress adorned with protomae of horses, | |||
figures of various animals and gold arrows. The | |||
researchers believe that the structure of that head¬ | |||
dress reflects ancient cosmological notions- the ver¬ | |||
tical division of the universe into three worlds- | |||
heavenly, terrestrial, and subterranean or chthonic- | |||
and the symbolism of the four cardinal points. | |||
Barrows of various peoples of the Scythian world | |||
were also excavated in the Pamir Mountains, the | |||
Minusinsk plain, and in the Tuva Mountains. It was | |||
in Tuva that a remarkable monument, the kurgan | |||
Arzhan, was excavated in recent years. The stone | |||
mound or cairn, 120 metres in diameter, was erected | |||
110 | |||
over the burial of a chieftain of a large tribal union lowed out of the trunks of old larches, sometimes | |||
and his retinue, or the chieftains of the tribes he decorated on the outside by carved figures of moving | |||
ruled over, who accompanied him to the next world. animals. The walls of the burial chambers were | |||
The burial catacomb under the mound was a com- hung with felt carpets covered with ritual-mytholog- | |||
plex structure: radiating from the central burial ical designs. On one of the Pazyryk carpets the | |||
were 70 cabins of thick logs, with nearly a hundred figures of a queen or, more likely, goddess seated on | |||
separate chambers inside and between these cabins. the throne and a horseman standing before her are | |||
Regrettably, the Arzhan burials were thoroughly repeated many times. Wool cloth and nap carpets of | |||
robbed, but the monumental quality of the burial Near Eastern (Persian or Median) provenance were | |||
structures, the objects that survived the plunder, and found here as well as Chinese silk embroideries, the | |||
the number of skeletons of riding horses (about 160) most ancient now existing in the world. These finds | |||
speak of the wealth and nobility of the chieftain bur- point to the wide trading and cultural contacts of the | |||
ied here. The proponents of the Central Asian origin peoples of the Scythian world, | |||
of the Scythians believe that the discovery at Arzhan | |||
provides the definitive answer to the question of | |||
where the homeland of the Scythians lay. But many | |||
features of the Arzhan complex, of the funeral ritual The Heritage of Scythian Culture. The millennia that | |||
and material culture represented in it indicate that have elapsed since the times of Scythian domination | |||
the mound was built by a population similar to the over the Eurasian steppes have been quite turbulent | |||
Scythians in culture yet distinct from them. There is in this region. Its population has changed several | |||
still no conclusive evidence for Central Asia being times over. No peoples now living in the steppe belt | |||
the homeland of the Pontic Scythians. can be regarded as direct descendants of the Scyth- | |||
Of the various cultures of the Scythian world, spe- ians. The search for traces of Scythian heritage in | |||
cial mention should be made of the Pazyryk type of the living cultures of the present-day peoples is an | |||
monuments discovered in the Altai Mountains. In exceptionally difficult though quite feasible task, | |||
ancient times the Pazyryk culture was most likely no Thus many subjects and motifs of the Nartian epics | |||
different from other cultures of the Eurasian steppe of the peoples of the Caucasus, above all of the | |||
belt, but it provides unique information for modern Ossetes, are rightly associated with the Scythian | |||
archaeology on the everyday life, art and culture as epoch. The Ossetes are an Iranic-speaking people, | |||
a whole of the peoples of the Scythian world-much and its historical formation has been affected by | |||
more comprehensive information than the monu- tribes of the Scythian world, if not by the Scythians | |||
ments of other regions. The point is that owing to the themselves. The narrative about Batrazd, one of the | |||
climatic conditions of the areas where monuments of principal protagonists of the Nartian epics, displays | |||
the Pazyryk type are found, and especially because features that are close to the Scythians’ notions of | |||
of the construction of the tombs, local lenses of per- one of their deities, the “Scythian Ares” mentioned | |||
mafrost were formed under the barrows. Because of above. The suggestion has also been made that some | |||
this, certain objects made of wood, leather, and of the motifs of the Nartian epics reflect the contacts | |||
cloth, that is, of materials that ordinarily perish in between the Scythian-related peoples and the rulers | |||
the earth without trace and are not found during of the Bosporus kingdom which existed in antiquity | |||
excavations, have been preserved in the Pazyryk jr on the coast of the Kerch Strait, | |||
tombs and some other burials of this type. A great 5 Elements of Scythian culture also penetrated | |||
number of ornaments and utensils of carved wood, ^ other ethnic environments, e. g., the Dnieper Sla- | |||
the clothes of the dead, felt and nap carpets have % vonic one, so that modfs of Scythian art are some- | |||
been found in the Pazyryk kurgans. Even the bodies 1 times discovered in Ukrainian and Russian folk art. | |||
buried here have been preserved. Their skin was § Thus the view has been expressed that certain ele- | |||
covered with intricate tattoo patterns. ments of folk embroidery, which were still used by | |||
Monumental burial chambers built of thick logs 3 - Russian peasants in the early 20th century, can be | |||
have been excavated in the kurgans of the Altai P traced back to the Scythian epoch. The theme of | |||
Mountains. In these chambers stood coffins hoi- 5 “Viy”, a story by Nikolai Gogol, echoes ancient | |||
Iranian, and in particular Scythian, mythology, its Archaeology has confirmed the truth of much of the | |||
principal fantastic character recognisable as Vayu, evidence of the antique tradition concerning Scyth- | |||
the ancient Iranian god of death and the under- ians, and also refuted or modified some of it. | |||
world. Archaeological studies of the Eurasian steppes con- | |||
Our knowledge of the peoples of the steppe belt tinue and are at present especially intense. Further | |||
ol Eurasia and of their culture has been pieced discoveries undoubtedly will add to the current | |||
together by several generations of scholars through notions of the history and culture of the inhabitants | |||
painstaking comparison of various sources. of this region. | |||
Chapter 7 | |||
The Civilisation of Ancient Iran | |||
Geographical Conditions. The Population. Iran is a table¬ | |||
land surrounded nearly on all sides by mountains; | |||
two-thirds of its territory are taken up by deserts and | |||
steppes. The climate in most regions is continental, | |||
with a very hot summer and hard frost in winter. | |||
There is little rain, and agriculture requires artificial | |||
irrigation. To avoid wasting the meagre water | |||
resources in evaporation, a system of subterranean | |||
canals leading to the fields was built. From very | |||
ancient times, the population’s principal occupa¬ | |||
tions were cattle-breeding and land cultivation. | |||
Iran’s south-western part (the modern province of | |||
Huzistan) was taken up by Elam, a country of | |||
mountains and plains. Its favourable natural condi¬ | |||
tions facilitated a rapid development of the produc¬ | |||
tive forces. The plains of Elam (Susiana) were abun¬ | |||
dantly irrigated by the Karun and the Karkheh. | |||
That alluvial plain was one of the most ancient areas | |||
of agricultural civilisation. Abundant crops of barley, | |||
emmer and fruits were grown there as early as the | |||
4th and 3rd millennia B. C. The mountainous areas | |||
of Elam (the modern Bakhtiari Mountains) were | |||
rich in timber and mineral resources (copper, tin, | |||
lead, basalt, obsidian). .? | |||
Fertile Media in the north-west of the country, 5 | |||
and Persia in the south of the tableland, were of | |||
great significance in Iran’s ancient history. The S' | |||
name Persia comes from “Persis”, the Greek render- •? | |||
ing of the country’s local name, Parsa, of which the | | |||
modern name Fars is an Arabicised form. The name 1 | |||
“Iran” occurs for the first time in antique authors in ^ | |||
the 3rd century B. C. “Iran” is a shortened form of f | |||
“Ariana”, “the land of the Aryans”, as the Persians ~ | |||
and the Medes who lived in this country were a § | |||
branch of the peoples calling themselves Aryans | |||
(Arya, Airy a). | |||
Elam’s primordial inhabitants were the Elamites | |||
who, according to some scholars, were related to the | |||
Dravidic tribes living east of them on the territory of | |||
the modern Baluchistan. Tribes of non-Indo- | |||
European origin -Qutians, Hurrians, Lullubi and | |||
Kassites-lived in the western foothills of the Zagros | |||
Mountains, in north-western Iran. | |||
Late in the 12th and early in the 11th centuries | |||
B. C., Median and Persian tribes constituting the | |||
Iranian branch of the Indo-European peoples began | |||
to settle in what is now western Iran. At present, | |||
most scholars believe that at the beginning of the | |||
2nd millennium B. C. Iranian tribes lived in south¬ | |||
ern Russia, and later part of them moved across the | |||
Caucasus to Iran along the Caspian coast, but | |||
generally the problem of the homeland of Indo-Ir- | |||
anians and Iranians is a controversial one, and no | |||
definitive solution as yet exists. | |||
The Sources. The history of ancient Iran is abun¬ | |||
dantly documented by various written sources, such | |||
as economic records, historical inscriptions, royal | |||
decrees, orders from provincial governors, corres¬ | |||
pondence between officials, etc. The earliest of these | |||
texts throw light on Elamite history between the 3rd | |||
and the 1st millennia B. C. These earliest texts in¬ | |||
clude royal inscriptions, business and legal docu¬ | |||
ments, and treaties between peoples. | |||
Numerous inscriptions of Persian kings from the | |||
6 th and 5th centuries have also been preserved in | |||
Old Persian, Elamite and Akkadian texts. The most | |||
113 | |||
8—344 | |||
famous of these is the Behistun rock inscription story of the rebellion led by the Persian prince Cyrus | |||
recording the turbulent political events of the later the Younger in the late 5th century B. C., are of spe- | |||
period of Cambyses’s reign and the first years of the cial value, with their wealth of cultural-historical | |||
reign of Darius I in the 6th century B.C. materials on the mode of life, modes and customs of | |||
Of great importance for the study of the ideology the Persians and other peoples of the Persian empire, | |||
of the ancient Iranians is Avesta, the sacred books of At the same time Anabasis is one of the best works of | |||
the Zoroastrian religion. Originally it consisted of world literature, which can still evoke a lively | |||
twenty-one books expounding the mythological and interest. | |||
religious concepts of eastern Iranians living in Cen- Written sources pertaining to Iran of the Parthian | |||
tral Asia. But only fragments of these texts have sur- period (3rd century B.C. 3rd century A. D.), | |||
vived to the present times. Avesta was finally mostly works by classical authors, are very scant. Of | |||
collected, canonised and recorded in Aramaic these sources, Pompeius Trogus’s history of Parthia, | |||
script by Zoroastrian priests in the lst-4th centu- ending with the events of the year 9 B.C., is espe- | |||
ries A. D. daily important, but it has survived only in a short- | |||
Several thousands of cuneiform documents in Ela- ened version by Justin, a 3rd-century A. D. author, | |||
mite from the late 6th and the first half of the 5th Excavations of Soviet archaeologists at Nisa, on | |||
centuries B. C. have been found in the ancient city of the territory of the modern Turkmenian Soviet | |||
Persepolis. These texts, which form part of the Socialist Republic, the homeland of the early Parth- | |||
archives of a royal estate, record the transportation ian kings, revealed large archives of business docu- | |||
of foodstuffs, collecting of taxes, distribution of ments written in Indian ink on clay sherds in Parth- | |||
rations among labourers, and payment of salary to ian. More than 2,500 texts dating from the period | |||
state officials. between 100 B.C. and 13 A. D. have been found. | |||
Numerous papyri and leather scrolls in Aramaic, The Soviet scholars V. A. Livshits and I. M. Dyako- | |||
which was the official language of the Persian state nov have achieved some remarkable results in the | |||
administration, have also been preserved. They in- study of these most valuable materials. These excava- | |||
clude edicts of Persian kings and other official docu- tions have also yielded a wealth of data for the | |||
ments. Of special value are the archives of Arsamea, study of the history of culture, including objects of | |||
Persian satrap in Egypt, whose letters offer a living art and remnants of buildings, | |||
picture of the Persian rule in that country in the 5th Most sources on the history of Iran in the Sas- | |||
century B. C. The letters contain instructions on re- sanian epoch (3rd to 7th centuries A. D.) are narra- | |||
cruiting manpower, handling recalcitrant slaves, and tive in character. One of them is Chuataynamak (Book | |||
managing the estates of Persian magnates. of Lords), translated in the 8th century from Middle | |||
The principal narrative sources on the history of Persian into Arabic. To the same genre belongs the | |||
ancient Iran are works by Greek authors. Almost all historical novel The Book of the Deeds oj Ardashir, Son | |||
of the diplomatic and political history of the 5th and of Papak- an account of the struggle for the throne at | |||
4th centuries B. C. is known to us from these works the time of the emergence of the Sassanian state. A | |||
only. Particularly important among them is Herodo- considerable number of rock inscriptions made by | |||
tus’s History. It is an extremely valuable source on kings and magnates have also been preserved, | |||
the history, economy and ethnography of the peo- j Of special interest is a code of laws from Sassanian | |||
pies of the Persian empire, providing detailed de- 2. times providing solutions for marital and property | |||
scriptions of its administrative system and material x legal disputes. | |||
resources. In his History, Thucydides offers a detailed ; In Sassanian times, an extensive religious litera- | |||
and reliable account of the wars between Persia, ~ ture arose, of which only insignificant remnants have | |||
Sparta and Athens between 433-411, and even cites s: survived. Especially interesting among them is Den- | |||
the texts of the treaties concluded between these kart, with its wealth of data on Zoroastrian doctrines | |||
states. Xenophon’s Hellenica is in fact a continuation 5 and customs. | |||
of that work. Xenophon wrote several other books Extensive materials on the history of ancient Iran | |||
containing vital information about the Persian * have been brought to light by archaeological exca- | |||
empire. His historical memoirs entitled Anabasis, a ? vations on its territory that have gone on for | |||
114 | |||
decades. The ground plans of the palaces and mite kings ruled over a territory stretching from the | |||
mighty fortifications of Iran’s ancient capitalis- Persian Gulf in the south to the neighbourhood of | |||
Susa. Pasargadae, Persepolis, monumental statues the modern city of Hamadan in the north. But then | |||
and reliefs, exquisite objects of precious metals (rhy- the Elamites suffered a defeat at the hands of the | |||
tons, weapons and ornaments) have been thor- Babylonians. Late in the 12th century B.C., the | |||
oughly studied. Babylonians invaded Elam and laid it waste, and it | |||
took Elam three centuries to recover from that | |||
depredation. | |||
Early Civilisation on the Territory oj Iran. Elam was the In the 8th century B. C., when Babylon was fight- | |||
first state that arose on Iran’s territory. During the ing for its independence from Assyria, Elam became | |||
3rd millennium B. C., the first tribal unions, which Babylonia’s ally and was embroiled in endless wars | |||
were in fact early state formations, appeared here. with the Assyrians. At first Elam and its allies were | |||
The capital of one of these unions was Susa, a large successful in their military operations. In 720 B. C., | |||
city in the valley of the Karun and the Karkheh the Elamites inflicted a crushing defeat on the Assyr- | |||
(Karkheh) at a point where the most important ians in the battle of Der, in eastern Babylonia, but in | |||
routes connecting Elam with Mesopotamia and 710 the Assyrian king Sargon II invaded Elam and | |||
northern and eastern Iran crossed. Apart from Susa, routed its army. In 700, an Assyrian flotilla sailed | |||
there were also the states of Awan, Anshan and towards the mouth of the river Karkheh, and the | |||
Kimash there, later included in a single state with Assyrian troops, disembarking there, looted the Ela- | |||
the capital at Susa or, in some periods, at Anshan. mite cities on the river’s banks and returned home | |||
Elam’s history was always closely linked with that with a rich booty, | |||
of Mesopotamia. These countries were frequently at In 692, the Babylonians rose in revolt against the | |||
war, the wars ending in peace treaties and lively Assyrians, and Elam, true to its traditional policy, | |||
trading. In the 24th and 23rd centuries B.C. Susa decided to support the rebels. All the tribes of the | |||
was included in the Mesopotamian kingdom of Zagros Mountains, including the Persians, united | |||
Akkad. In the 22nd and 21st centuries, under the round Elam. A strong army was raised, with Elamite | |||
kings of the Third Dynasty of Lfr, Elam remained and Persian charioteers, infantry and cavalry for its | |||
under Mesopotamian domination, but in the second nucleus. The battle with the Assyrians took place in | |||
half of the 21st century it won independence and the locality of Halule on the Tigris. Although the | |||
then subjugated the city of Ur. Under king Kudur- Elamites defeated the Assyrians, their losses were so | |||
Nahhunte I (1730-1700 B. C.), the Elamites invaded heavy that they could not pursue the enemy into his | |||
Mesopotamia and, as a cuneiform inscription puts it, territory. | |||
“laid their hands on the shrines of Akkad and turned When the Babylonian king Shamash-shum-ukin | |||
Akkad to dust and ashes”. Elam retained its inde- rebelled in 652 against Assyria, the Elamites again | |||
pendence until the mid-14th century, but then it was were involved in the war on the side of Babylonia, | |||
conquered by the Babylonians and remained under The war ended c. 642 in a complete defeat for Elam | |||
their rule for a long time. C. 1180, the Elamite king and the seizure of Susa by the Assyrians. | |||
Shutruk-Nahhunte I drove the Babylonian army C. 596 B. C., the Babylonians managed to estab- | |||
from Elam’s territory and, after a victorious cam- ^ lish their rule over Elam, and in 549 it was seized by | |||
paign in that country, sacked the cities of Sippar, 5 the Persians and lost its independence for ever. | |||
Kish, and Opis, leaving with a rich booty which in- N The Elamites created an original culture. In the | |||
eluded the stele bearing the Hammurapi Code. S' early 3rd millennium B. C. they invented a picto- | |||
In 1159-1157 B. C., the Elamite king Kudur-Nah- s graphic script which had several hundreds of sym- | |||
hunte III waged war on Babylonia, ruled at that L bols and was used for 400 years for business records, | |||
time by Enlil-nadin-ahhe, the last member of the § In this system, cattle, jars, etc., were drawn on clay | |||
Kassite dynasty. The war ended in a complete vie- A tablets to express certain concepts, | |||
tory for the Elamites who seized Babylon, Sippar, f In the second half of the 3rd millennium, the Ela- | |||
Nippur, and other cities. That was the time when mite linear syllabic script emerged, which had some | |||
Elamite might reached its peak; in Iran itself, Ela- § 80 signs and could be used to record not only | |||
115 | |||
economic but also political and religious texts. But in 105 metres). Millions of bricks and hundreds of thous- | |||
most areas of Elam the linear script was in use for a ands of stone blocks were used in its construction, | |||
short time only; the most important texts in it refer After the capture of Elam by the Persians, the cul- | |||
to the 23rd century. It was soon replaced by the tural achievements of the Elamites made a great im- | |||
Sumerian-Akkadian cuneiform script. In the first pact on the material and spiritual culture of the | |||
half of the 2nd millennium B. C., the Elamites conquerors, | |||
mostly used Akkadian for writing business and legal | |||
documents as well as literary texts, but in the second | |||
half of that millennium considerable numbers of The Median Kingdom. Beginning with the 9th century | |||
cuneiform texts in Elamite appeared. The Elamites B. C., the Assyrians regularly raided and looted | |||
used the cuneiform script borrowed from Mesopota- Media. At that time, the transition from primitive | |||
mia until the 5th century B. C. communal relations to class ones was only beginning | |||
Elam’s religious centre was Susa. The Elamite in the north-western corner of Iran, and dozens of | |||
pantheon was headed by Pinekir (“the great god- small principalities existed there, with a mixed | |||
dess”), regarded as the mother of the gods. The cult population of Medes and the older settlers of | |||
of “the great goddess” indicates the existence of sur- Qutian-Kassite origin. The Assyrians campaigned as | |||
vivals of matriarchal relations in Elamite society. A far east as the central areas of the Iranian plateau, | |||
great role was also played by the cult of Inshushinak, Thus in 744 the Assyrian king Tiglath-pileser III | |||
the patron of Susa and the god of the subterranean reached Bikni Mountains (modern Demavend near | |||
world. The sun-god Nahhunte was regarded as the Tehran), exacting from the Medes the tribute of | |||
creator of daylight. All gods, according to Elamite nine tons of lapis lazuli and 15 tons of bronze ware, | |||
beliefs, had supernatural, magic powers, which pro- During the 8th century, the population of the | |||
tected royalty. The numerous priests were presided Median provinces was under Assyrian domination | |||
over by the supreme priest, who enjoyed consider- and regularly paid the Assyrians tribute, mostly in | |||
able influence at court and often accompanied the handicraft products and cattle, | |||
king during his campaigns. Late in the 8th century B. C., the first major tribal | |||
Original art emerged in Elam already in the 4th unions, the embryonic states, began to arise on the | |||
millennium B. C. Elamite pottery of that period is territory of western Iran, headed by tribal chieftains, | |||
ornamented with elegant geometrical patterns and Manna, a region east of Assyria, was one of such un¬ | |||
stylised figures of birds, animals and humans. The ions. Manna was ruled by Dayukku (Gr. Deioces), | |||
art of the 3rd millennium is represented by pictures who was regarded as Assyria’s governor of that | |||
of gryphons, winged lions and daemons, and by country. In 716, the Urartaean king Rusa captured | |||
scenes of everyday life preserved on contemporary 22 Mannaean fortresses and compelled Dayukku to | |||
seals. break off with Assyria. But the Assyrian king Sar¬ | |||
in the second half of the 3rd and in the 2nd mil- gon II destroyed the Urartaean army, captured | |||
lennia Elamite art was strongly affected by that of Dayukku in 715 and deposed him. | |||
Sumer and Babylonia. The masterpiece of Elamite Assyria’s position was soon aggravated by the in¬ | |||
art, skilfully wrought bronze statue of queen Napir- vasion of Cimmerian tribes into the territories under | |||
asu, weighs 1,800 kilograms. The queen’s posture is its sway. In the last decades of the 8th century B. C. | |||
one of majestic tranquillity. ~ the Cimmerians headed from the north Pontic | |||
With the growth of the country’s political role in region along the Black Sea coast to Asia Minor. In | |||
the 13th and 12th centuries, Elamite art flourished. ! the early 7th century B. C., Scythian tribes also | |||
A striking example of Elamite monumental architec- a advanced into Asia Minor, though by a different | |||
ture of that time is the 13th-century ziggurat in the s route, namely, along the Caspian coast. Some Scyth- | |||
city of Dur-Untash (modern Tchoga-Zembil) not | ians settled in the Sakasena area in Transcaucasia | |||
far from Susa. Golden and silver figures of lions, g and from that stronghold raided on Urartu and | |||
bulls, gryphons, and statues of gods and kings stood A Assyria. Ethnically and linguistically, both Scyth- | |||
at the entrance to the four-storey ziggurat (total ' ians and Cimmerians were related to Persians, | |||
height, 42 metres; length of each side of the base, g For a long time, the Cimmerians stayed in the | |||
country of Gimirra in the eastern part of Cappado- sal. Cyaxares also captured Parthia and Hyrcania, | |||
cia (Asia Minor). In 679 they invaded Assyria but the regions south and east of the Caspian. C. 593, the | |||
suffered a defeat there. Medes conquered Urartu, and in 590 also annexed | |||
In 673, taking advantage of the hostilities between Manna, previously a dependency of Assyria. | |||
Assyrians and Cimmerians, Median tribes rose In 590 all of Cappadocia (in Asia Minor) as far as | |||
against the Assyrian yoke under the leadership of the Halys (modern Kizil Irmak) was seized by the | |||
Kashtariti, a tribal chieftain. The Cimmerians and Medes. In that same year, as the Median army | |||
the Scythians supported the Medes, but the Assyrian approached the Halys, Alyattes, king of Lydia, the | |||
king Esarhaddon broke up that alliance by marrying largest state in Asia Minor, worried by Cyaxares’s | |||
his daughter to the Scythian chief Partatua. The conquests, attacked him. The war between Media | |||
Medes, however, continued the struggle and in 672 and Lydia lasted six years, but neither side could | |||
succeeded in founding an independent state. Little win it. When a solar eclipse occurred during a battle | |||
by little Kashtariti began to unite all the Median on the river Halys on May 29, 584, both sides inter¬ | |||
tribes, abolishing the petty principalities. preted it as a bad omen and decided to stop the war. | |||
By the mid-8th century, Media became a major Soon a peace treaty was concluded, according to | |||
state, of the same stature as Assyria, Urartu or which the Halys became the border between Lydia | |||
Manna. In 653 the Median king Kashtariti went to and the Median empire. The peace treaty was fol- | |||
war against Assyria, but was attacked by the Scyth- lowed by a marriage between Alyattes’s daughter | |||
ians, at that time Assyrian allies. Unable to keep up and Cyaxares’s son Astyages. | |||
the fighting on two fronts, the Medes were defeated, In 584 Cyaxares died, leaving to Astyages the her- | |||
and Kashtariti himself fell in battle. After that fail- itage of a powerful empire. Soon Astyages estab- | |||
ure, the Medes were subjugated by the Scythians lished his rule over Elam, formerly a vassalage of | |||
(653-625). Babylonia. This brought about a sharp deterioration | |||
In 625, Cyaxares became king of Media. Defeat- of the relations between Babylonia and Media, and | |||
ing the Scythians, he finally united all the Median both sides began to prepare for war, little knowing | |||
tribes in one state, of which the capital became that they would soon have to fight for their lives | |||
Ecbatana (modern Hamadan). Soon Cyaxares had against a new and powerful enemy. That enemy was | |||
a strong regular army reorganised into forces the Persians, who revolted against Media and in 550 | |||
according to the type of weapons (spear-bearers, B. C. conquered that country, | |||
archers, and cavalry), instead of the former tribal | |||
levies. | |||
The Medes could now turn on their old enemy, Median Society and Culture. Unfortunately, we have at | |||
Assyria, which at the time had been fighting Baby- present no direct information on the social and state | |||
Ionia for ten years. In 614, the Median army led by structure of Median society, as no archives of eco- | |||
Cyaxares attacked Assyria and defeated it in several nomic documents from Median times have so far | |||
decisive battles fought over a number of years. That been discovered. | |||
brought them mastery over northern Mesopotamia. The seizure of the stupendous wealth accumu- | |||
Relations between Media and Babylonia lated during many centuries by Assyrian kings and | |||
remained good, but the Babylonian king Nebuchad- C nobles through aggressive wars and heavy tributes | |||
nezzar II was afraid of the growing might of that 5 noticeably accelerated the class stratification of | |||
country, realising that sooner or later that ally Median society, since the lion’s share of the booty | |||
would become a dangerous adversary. Nebuchad- ^ fell into the hands of the nobles, while the economic | |||
nezzar therefore built a fortified wall along the p position of the commonalty, who made up the nu- | |||
Median border. | cleus of the Median army, deteriorated as a result of | |||
In the meantime the Median king Cyaxares 3 the long years of war. Towards the middle of the 6th | |||
expanded his state at the expense of his southern and century B. C., when large sections of the Median | |||
eastern neighbours. Persia was among the first to be S commonalty became enslaved by the nobility the | |||
attacked, and the Persian king Cambyses held on to ~ country fell prey to external enemies, | |||
power only at the price of becoming a Median vas- 1 In the 7th and first half of the 6th century Media | |||
117 | |||
was the focus of the development of both material | |||
and nonmaterial culture in Iran, which was later | |||
absorbed and further developed by the Persians. | |||
However, excavation of Median archaeological | |||
monuments is only beginning. Median palatial cul¬ | |||
ture, just as specimens of Median monumental art, | |||
still have to be discovered. The task is made very dif¬ | |||
ficult by the fact that the ruins of Ecbatana, Median | |||
capital, now lie under the houses of Hamadan, the | |||
modern Iranian city. Herodotus and Polybius left | |||
descriptions of the royal palace at Ecbatana, which | |||
apparently formed a whole architectural complex | |||
surrounded by seven fortified walls. Each wall rose | |||
as high as the bastion of the next outer wall, and the | |||
bastions themselves were painted in different col¬ | |||
ours. Two of them, those closest to the palace, were | |||
covered with silver and gilt. The palace was more | |||
than one kilometre in circuit. The ceilings and porti¬ | |||
coes of the palatial chambers were made of cedar | |||
plated with gold and silver. | |||
The Emergence of the Persian Empire. Late in the 9th | |||
century B. C. and early in the 8th the Persians separ¬ | |||
ated from the related Median tribes and went south, | |||
to the valleys of the Zagros Mountains. Already at | |||
the end of the 8th century the Persians formed a tri¬ | |||
bal union headed by chieftains from the noble | |||
Achaemenid clan. According to the Persian tradi¬ | |||
tion, the dynasty was founded by Achaemenes. In | |||
the 7th century the Persians occupied Elamite terri¬ | |||
tory in the south and south-west of Iran, which came | |||
to be known as Parsa (Persia), and later gradually | |||
spread out across considerable portions of the | |||
Iranian tableland. | |||
Between c. 640 and 600 B. C., the Persians were | |||
ruled by Cyrus I. When the Assyrians defeated Elam | |||
in 642, Cyrus I recognised Assyria’s supremacy. | |||
Cyrus I was succeeded by Cambyses I (c. 600-559 | |||
B. C.), a vassal of the Median king Astyages. Cam¬ | |||
byses was married to Astyages’s daughter Mandane, | |||
and Cyrus II was thus Astyages’s grandson. | |||
Several contradictory legends, a fantastic mixture | |||
of historical data and folktale motifs, have been pre¬ | |||
served about the childhood and adolescence of | |||
Cyrus II. The most widespread of these is the legend | |||
recounted in Herodotus’s work, according to which | |||
Astyages had a dream which was interpreted by the | |||
court priests in the sense that soon a grandson would | |||
be born to him who would seize the royal throne. | |||
Astyages then sent for Mandane, deciding to eli¬ | |||
minate the grandson that had just been born and | |||
named Cyrus. He entrusted Harpagus, a courtier of | |||
his, with the task. The latter in his turn handed the | |||
child over to Mithridates, a royal slave, ordering | |||
him to take the child into the mountains, where | |||
there were many wild beasts, and leave him there. | |||
When Mithridates brought Cyrus to his hut in the | |||
mountains, his wife had just produced a stillborn | |||
child. The parents decided to bring up Cyrus as | |||
their own son, dressing the stillborn child in the | |||
splendid clothes of Astyages’s grandson and leaving | |||
it in a remote corner of the mountains. Mithridates | |||
then reported to Harpagus that he had carried out | |||
the latter’s orders, whereupon Harpagus sent certain | |||
men loyal to him to examine Cyrus’s body and bury | |||
it, convinced that the king’s will had been done. | |||
When Cyrus was ten, he was one day elected king | |||
while playing with other children and punished the | |||
son of a certain noble Mede for refusing to carry out | |||
his orders. The father of the child thus abused com¬ | |||
plained to Astyages, saying that a slave of his was | |||
beating the sons of royal officials. When Cyrus was | |||
brought to Astyages, the latter formed the suspicion | |||
that it was his own grandson, for he saw his own fea¬ | |||
tures in the child. Interrogating Mithridates under | |||
threat of terrible torture, Astyages learnt the truth. | |||
First of all he cruelly punished Harpagus, inviting | |||
him to a feast and secretly giving him to eat the meat | |||
of his own son, Cyrus’s playmate. Then Astyages | |||
again asked his priests whether there was still any | |||
danger to his throne from Cyrus. The priests an¬ | |||
swered that the dream had already come true, as | |||
Cyrus had been elected king in playing with other | |||
children, and that Astyages no longer needed to be | |||
afraid of his grandson. The king’s mind was thus set | |||
at rest, and he sent Cyrus to Persia, to his parents. | |||
In 558 B. C., Cyrus became king of Persian tribes | |||
of husbandmen, among which Pasargadae were the | |||
most important. At approximately the same time he | |||
founded the city of Pasargadae, which became the | |||
capital of the Persian state. | |||
At the beginning of his reign, Cyrus recognised | |||
Astyages as his suzerain. At that time, there were | |||
four major powers left in the Middle East Media, | |||
Lydia, Babylonia, and Egypt. Media was already | |||
preparing to attack Babylonia, and the relations | |||
between the two states were strained. But Babylonia | |||
118 | |||
was temporarily saved from an onslaught from the | |||
east by Cyrus’s revolt against Astyages in 553 B. C. | |||
When Astyages learnt of Cyrus’s preparations for | |||
a war with Media, he summoned him through a | |||
messenger. Cyrus replied that he would come sooner | |||
than Astyages expected him. That impudent answer | |||
sparked off the rebellion. The outcome of the war | |||
was decided in two battles. Astyages did not take | |||
part in the first engagement, and his general Har- | |||
pagus, together with a large part of the army, | |||
deserted to Cyrus. Then Astyages ordered all Medes, | |||
including old men and youths, to take up arms, and | |||
led the army into battle himself, despite his | |||
advanced age. Still the Medes suffered a defeat, and | |||
Astyages himself was captured. Cyrus did him no | |||
harm, however, and even treated him graciously. | |||
The war ended in 550 with the capture of the | |||
Median capital Ecbatana by the Persians. | |||
In the next few years the Persians conquered the | |||
countries which were part of the former Median | |||
empire Elam, Parthia, Hyrcania, and Armenia. | |||
Worried by Cyrus’s meteoric success, Croesus, | |||
king of Lydia, the most powerful state of Asia Minor, | |||
began preparations for a war with Persia. | |||
On the initiative of the Egyptian pharaoh Amasis, | |||
an anti-Persian alliance was concluded c. 549 | |||
between Egypt and Lydia. But the allies failed to | |||
realise the need to act speedily and decisively, as | |||
Persia was growing more powerful with every pass¬ | |||
ing day. | |||
Before starting active operations, Croesus sought | |||
moral support in favourable omens from the gods, | |||
sending his messengers to the Apollo temple at Del¬ | |||
phi, to the shrine of the Egyptian god Amon in the | |||
Libyan oasis, and other temples. The messengers | |||
bore numerous valuable gifts, most of which went to | |||
Apollo. When asked whether the Lydians should | |||
start a war with Cyrus, Apollo’s oracle gave an | |||
ambiguous answer, saying that Croesus would de¬ | |||
stroy a great kingdom if he crossed the river Halys, | |||
and also advising him to find a powerful ally. | |||
Interpreting this answer as favourable to himself, | |||
Croesus sent ambassadors to friendly Sparta with | |||
gifts and a request for a military alliance. The Spar¬ | |||
tans willingly agreed to an alliance against a people | |||
whose name they most likely had not even heard | |||
before. Thereupon Croesus, sure of his success, | |||
began military operations in Cappadocia. | |||
Croesus set up camp near Sinope in Cappadocia. | |||
Cyrus also went there, increasing his army along the | |||
way by recruiting the forces of those countries which | |||
he was crossing. A bloody battle was fought, but it | |||
ended inconclusively, and neither side risked start¬ | |||
ing a new engagement. | |||
Croesus retreated to his capital Sardis, deciding to | |||
make thorough preparations for the war and to | |||
enlist effective support from his allies, Egypt and | |||
Sparta. He sent messengers to Sparta with a request | |||
to send an army some time in spring, when he | |||
planned to engage the Persians in a decisive battle. | |||
He also dismissed his mercenaries, ordering them to | |||
return to his army before spring. | |||
Cyrus, who knew of Croesus’s actions and inten¬ | |||
tions, decided to catch the enemy unawares; cover¬ | |||
ing several hundred kilometres at a fast clip, he | |||
appeared before the gates of Sardis, whose citizens | |||
were not expecting the Persian king at all. | |||
Croesus led his cavalry, which was considered to | |||
be invincible, onto the plain before Sardis. On the | |||
advice of his general Harpagus, Cyrus mounted | |||
some of his warriors on the camels from his transport | |||
and sent them before the main body of his troops. | |||
On seeing and smelling these strange animals, | |||
Lydian horses stampeded. The Lydian warriors did | |||
not lose their heads, however; dismounting, they | |||
fought on foot. A bloody battle ensued, but the | |||
forces were too unequally matched. Overwhelmed | |||
by superior numbers, the Lydians had to withdraw, | |||
and then fled to Sardis, where they were besieged in | |||
an impregnable fortress. | |||
Assuming that the siege would be a long one, | |||
Croesus sent messengers to Sparta, Babylon, and | |||
Egypt appealing for immediate help. Of all the | |||
allies, only the Spartans responded to the Lydian | |||
king’s plea and prepared an expeditionary force, but | |||
soon received the news that Sardis had fallen. | |||
The siege of Sardis lasted only 14 days. An | |||
f attempt to take the city by storm failed, but a war- | |||
’ rior of Cyrus’s army, who came from the Mardi | |||
mountain tribe, chanced to notice that a warrior | |||
? went down an apparently inaccessible rock to pick | |||
? up the helmet he had dropped and then climbed | |||
| back. That part of the acropolis was believed to be | |||
§ entirely impregnable and was therefore not guarded | |||
by the Lydians at all. The Mardian clambered up | |||
| the rock and was followed by other warriors. The | |||
city fell, and Croesus was taken prisoner (547 B. C.) | |||
| According to a tradition, Croesus reproached | |||
119 | |||
Apollo’s oracle for having deceived him, despite the | |||
generous gifts, by predicting victory and thus incit¬ | |||
ing him to war. When the wily priests of Delphi | |||
learnt of these reproaches, they declared that | |||
Croesus had misinterpreted the oracle’s prophecy | |||
about the Lydian king destroying a great kingdom | |||
by beginning a war. The prophecy had come true, | |||
the priests said, for the Lydian kingdom had fallen; | |||
before starting the war, Croesus should have asked | |||
which kingdom the oracle meant. | |||
Cyrus spared Croesus’s life. | |||
After the capture of Lydia came the turn of the | |||
Greek cities of Asia Minor. Their citizens sent mes¬ | |||
sengers to Sparta, appealing for help. All Greek | |||
cities were in danger, except for Miletus, which had | |||
hurried to sumbit to Cyrus, and the insular Hellenes, | |||
whom the Persians could not touch, having no fleet. | |||
When the messengers from the Greek cities of Asia | |||
Minor arrived at Sparta, they appealed for help but | |||
were refused by the Lacedaemonians. | |||
The task of conquering the Greek cities and the | |||
other peoples of Asia Minor was entrusted to Cyrus’s | |||
general Harpagus. He raised high mounds before | |||
the walls of Greek cities and then stormed them. In | |||
that way Harpagus conquered the whole of Asia | |||
Minor with relative ease. | |||
Between 545 and 539, Cyrus extended his con¬ | |||
quests as far as Drangiana, Margiana, Khorezm, | |||
Sogdiana, Bactria, Arachosia and other countries | |||
east of Iran. The Persian empire now stretched to | |||
India’s north-western borders and the basin of the | |||
river Jaxartes (Syr Darya). Cyrus then decided that | |||
the time had come to wage war on Babylonia. | |||
In the spring of 539, the Persian army took the | |||
field. In August of that year, the Persians routed the | |||
Babylonian army near the city of Opis on the Tigris. | |||
In the autumn, Sippar was taken by storm, and soon | |||
the country’s capital, Babylon, fell too. | |||
After that all the western countries lying as far as | |||
the borders of Egypt voluntarily acknowledged Per¬ | |||
sian supremacy. The commercial circles of Phoeni¬ | |||
cia were interested in the setting up of a large state | |||
with safe roads, in which all transit trading would be | |||
in their hands. | |||
Cyrus undoubtedly intended to seize Egypt as | |||
well, but he first decided to make the north-eastern | |||
borders of his state safe from the invasion of the Saka | |||
(Sacae) tribes of Central Asia. During a battle | |||
against the Massagetae, a Saka tribe, on the eastern | |||
bank of the Oxus (Amu Darya) in the summer of | |||
530, Cyrus’s army was utterly destroyed and he him¬ | |||
self fell in battle. | |||
Several versions of Cyrus’s death have been pre¬ | |||
served. According to antique authors, the Persians’ | |||
losses in the war against the Massagetae amounted | |||
to 200,000 dead. That figure is undoubtedly exag¬ | |||
gerated. The most popular account of Cyrus’s death | |||
is set down in detail in Herodotus’s work. According | |||
to this tradition, Cyrus took the Massagetae’s camp | |||
by cunning and slaughtered part of their force, but | |||
then the bulk of the Massagetae’s army led by queen | |||
Tomyris inflicted a crushing defeat on the Persians, | |||
and Cyrus’s cut-offhead was dropped into a sack full | |||
of blood. | |||
In August 530 B. C. Cambyses II, Cyrus’s son, | |||
became king of the Persian empire. Several years | |||
later he began preparations for a war against Egypt. | |||
Besides Persians, contingents from all the peoples | |||
conquered by Cyrus served in Cambyses’s army. | |||
Cambyses also had at his disposal the strong fleet of | |||
the Phoenician cities. The people of the island of | |||
Cyprus also took Cambyses’s side, and their fleet | |||
supported his army. The Persian army was concen¬ | |||
trated in Palestine. The nomads of the Sinai desert | |||
became the Persians’ allies, and they helped them to | |||
cross the arid territory in order to get at Pelusium, | |||
an Egyptian frontier city. | |||
In 525 B. C., after several battles, Egypt had to | |||
submit to the Persians. Cambyses then began prepa¬ | |||
rations for a campaign against Ethiopia. With that | |||
aim in view, he founded several fortified cities in | |||
LJpper Egypt. But Cambyses invaded Ethiopia with¬ | |||
out sufficient supplies of food, his army resorted to | |||
cannibalism, and he had to retreat. While Cambyses | |||
was campaigning, the Egyptians, aware of his fai¬ | |||
lures, rose in revolt against the Persian rule. | |||
The Uprisings of Subjugated Peoples. At the end of 524, | |||
Cambyses returned to Memphis, Egypt’s capital, | |||
suppressed the Egyptian revolt and executed former | |||
pharaoh Psammetichus. In March 522 Cambyses | |||
received the news that his younger brother Bardiya | |||
had mutinied in Persia and seized the throne. Cam¬ | |||
byses set out for Persia but died on the way there | |||
under mysterious circumstances. | |||
This coup in Iran against Cambyses is reported | |||
in several sources. The official version is set down in | |||
120 | |||
the Behistun inscription made on the orders of the | |||
Persian king Darius I. Other versions of the events of | |||
those times are contained in the works of the ancient | |||
Greek historians Herodotus, Ctesias, Xenophon, | |||
and others. | |||
According to the Behistun inscription, Bardiya, | |||
Cyrus’s younger son, was killed already before the | |||
Egyptian campaign. But according to Herodotus, | |||
Smerdis (that is his name for Bardiya) accompanied | |||
the army to Egypt. Cambyses, afraid that Smerdis | |||
might cook a plot, sent him back to Persia and had | |||
him secretly assassinated. | |||
Both the official and unofficial versions concur as | |||
to the subsequent course of events. A certain court | |||
Magian (named Gaumata, according to the Behis¬ | |||
tun inscription, and Smerdis, just as Cyrus’s mur¬ | |||
dered son, according to Herodotus) declared himself | |||
to be Bardiya, i. e., Cyrus’s son. Herodotus, Ctesias, | |||
and other antique historians insist that the Magian | |||
looked very much like Cyrus’s younger son, and that | |||
helped him to become king under the latter’s guise. | |||
According to Ctesias, the Magian resembled Cyrus’s | |||
son so closely that even their nearest relatives could | |||
not distinguish them. Some modern scholars believe | |||
that Bardiya and the Magian Gaumata mentioned | |||
by Darius in the Behistun inscription are one and the | |||
same person, namely Cvrus’s younger son whom | |||
Darius declared to be an impostor in order to justify | |||
his usurpation of royal power. It is at any rate hard | |||
to accept that the murder of Bardiya, Cyrus’s son | |||
and ruler over several important countries, should | |||
have remained a secret for five years. How could | |||
Bardiya’s sisters, mother, daughter and other rela¬ | |||
tives, his friends and servants fail to notice the substi¬ | |||
tution for such a long time, revealing the “secret” | |||
only five years later through Darius, who had killed | |||
his predecessor on the Persian throne and became | |||
king instead of him? | |||
In relating the events that brought him to power, .? | |||
Darius was, most likely, compelled to consciously ; | |||
distort the facts. Darius admitted himself that his | |||
story would seem improbable to the reader of the ~ | |||
Behistun inscription. Still, he insisted that everybody ? | |||
should believe his words and spread them as the true | | |||
account. Darius’s contemporaries apparently had § | |||
little faith in the official version of the events of those "■ | |||
times. It is for this reason that the king was so insist- § | |||
ent in his plea to be believed: “You who will later ~ | |||
read this inscription, believe what I have done, do 1 | |||
not regard it as lies... Tell the people about this... If | |||
you do not conceal this report from the people ... let | |||
your tribe increase and you yourself live long... If | |||
you conceal this report from the people ... let the god | |||
Ahuramazda strike you.” According to Herodotus, | |||
before seizing the throne, Darius addressed his | |||
accomplices with these words: “Where there is need, | |||
one must lie. For we all pursue the same goal, those | |||
who lie and those who speak the truth.” It is there¬ | |||
fore doubtful that we shall ever know precisely who | |||
Darius’s predecessor on the Persian throne was the | |||
Magian Gaumata or Cyrus’s son Bardiya. | |||
But we know exactly that Gaumata revolted in | |||
522 B. C. and won general recognition, was crowned | |||
according to the ancient custom at Pasargadae and | |||
became king of the whole empire of Cyrus and Cam¬ | |||
byses. To prevent further uprisings of the subjugated | |||
peoples, Gaumata cancelled taxes and conscription | |||
for three years. Throughout his reign there were | |||
therefore no uprisings in the whole state. | |||
In the same year 522, after a seven-month reign, | |||
Gaumata was killed by conspirators in a sudden | |||
assault. The organiser ol the conspiracy was the aris¬ | |||
tocratic Persian Otanes, who had attracted Darius | |||
and some other persons to his side. After Gaumata’s | |||
assassination, discord began among the conspirators, | |||
but in the end Darius, who was at the time only 28, | |||
seized the throne. | |||
Immediately after Darius’s coming to power, | |||
Babylonia rose against him. Here, if we are to | |||
believe the Behistun inscription, a certain Nidintu- | |||
Bel declared himself to be the son of the last Baby¬ | |||
lonian king Nabonidus and began to rule under the | |||
name of Nebuchadnezzar. Darius himself led the | |||
campaign against the rebels. In the winter of 522, | |||
the Babylonians were defeated on the river Tigris, | |||
and five days later Darius won a new victory on the | |||
Euphrates. After that the Persians entered Babylon, | |||
and the leaders of the revolt were executed. | |||
While Darius was in punitive action against Baby¬ | |||
lonia, Persia, Media, Elam, Margiana, Parthia, Sat- | |||
tagydia, the Saka tribes of Central Asia, and Egypt | |||
all rose against him. A long, cruel and bloody fight | |||
for restoring the empire began. | |||
The satrap of Bactria Dadarshish attacked the in¬ | |||
surgents of neighbouring Margiana, in Central Asia, | |||
and defeated them. This was followed by the mas¬ | |||
sacre of some 55,000 people. | |||
In Persia itself a certain Wahyazdata, under the | |||
name of Cyrus’s son Bardiya, challenged Darius and him, and the troops of the garrisons which, as a rule, | |||
gained extensive support among the people. He also consisted of foreigners in each satrapy. Darius used | |||
captured the eastern Iranian provinces as far as Ara- these forces very skilfully, unerringly sending them | |||
chosia, and the revolt was crushed only after six against the most dangerous uprisings, | |||
months. Wahyazdata was taken prisoner and im- After defeating his enemies, Darius could begin to | |||
paled, together with his closest confederates. After build his splendid monument on the Behistun rock, | |||
this the whole Persia was in the hands of Darius. This was a relief cut in the 105-metre-high sheer | |||
But uprisings in other countries continued. The cliff, 30 kilometres south of the modern city of Ker- | |||
first of these was in Elam. It was quickly suppressed, manshah. The relief is accompanied by a magnifi- | |||
and the rebel leader was executed, but soon a certain cent inscription telling of Darius’s victories. The | |||
Martiya again led the country in revolt. By the time relief was cut in the rock above the inscription. In it, | |||
Darius restored his power in Elam, all Media the god Ahuramazda, floating as it were over all the | |||
mutinied, led by Frawartish. That was one of the figures, holds out a ring to Darius with his left hand, | |||
most dangerous uprisings, and Darius personally led symbolically handing him the royal power, and with | |||
the punitive expedition against it. In 521, the Medes his raised right hand he gives Darius his blessing, | |||
were defeated; Frawartish and some of his sup- Darius himself is portrayed lifesize, wearing the | |||
porters fled but were soon seized and taken to royal crown. His right hand is raised in prayer to- | |||
Darius, who punished them most cruelly. Frawar- wards Ahuramazda, and the left one holds a bow. | |||
tish’s ears, nose and tongue were cut off, an eye was Darius’s left foot tramples Gaumata, whose leg and | |||
put out, and then he was taken to Ecbatana and im- arm twitch in agony. To the left, behind Darius’s | |||
paled. His closest supporters were also taken there back, stand two courtiers, a spearbearer and an | |||
and gaoled in the fortress, then skinned alive and archer. Next to Gaumata are eight rebellious impos- | |||
hung on the bastions. tors and Skunkha, the chieftain of one of the Saka | |||
Despite the terrible reprisals, fighting in other tribes in Central Asia. Their hands are tied behind | |||
areas continued. In various provinces of Armenia, their backs, and they are all fettered to a long chain. | |||
Darius’s generals spent a long time trying to put Several years passed after Darius pacified the | |||
down the revolt, but they only succeeded after empire, and he decided to undertake new cam¬ | |||
receiving strong reinforcements from Darius. paigns. Between 518 and 512, the Persians con- | |||
Some time later, the Babylonians made a new quered Thracia and Macedonia; went on a cam- | |||
attempt to win independence but were routed again. paign against the Pontic Scythians (a bootless one, it | |||
That was the last major uprising, although unrest must be said); and captured the north-western part | |||
in the empire continued. It took Darius more than a of India. At the end of the 6th century the Persian | |||
year to consolidate his power base in the country empire stretched from the river Indus in the east to | |||
and restore the empire of Cyrus and Cambyses in its the Aegean in the west, from Armenia in the north | |||
old boundaries. to the First Nile Cataract in the south. | |||
The numerous uprisings of the conquered peoples | |||
were caused by the heavy tribute imposed on them. | |||
Besides, these peoples had to bear the onus of the The Graeco-Persian Wars. In the 6th century B. C., the | |||
military conscription, and thousands of their j leading role among the Greek regions was played by | |||
craftsmen were deported to Iran to build royal ~ the Greek colonies in Asia Minor-Miletus, Ephesus, | |||
palaces. and others —and not by the Greeks of the Balkan | |||
Darius’s victory over the rebellious peoples was a peninsula. These colonies had fertile lands, handi- | |||
largely due to the absence of unity or coordination ~ crafts flourished there, and they had access to the | |||
amongst them, and the exclusively defensive char- | extensive markets of the Persian empire, | |||
acter of their actions. Still, that victory would have | After the capture of Asia Minor, Persian kings | |||
been impossible if he had no loyal regular army at 3 began supporting the tyrants, endeavouring to do | |||
his disposal. He had the support of the ten-thousand- ; away with the democratic self-government in the | |||
strong “immortal” regiments (as the royal body- ^ autonomous Greek states. In 500 B. C., an uprising | |||
guard was called), of the army, the satraps loyal to § against the Persian rule flared up in Miletus. The | |||
122 | |||
Greek cities in the south and north of Asia Minor into account the sad experiences of the past, the Per- | |||
joined in the revolt, and the tyrants thrust on the sian generals decided to ship the army across the | |||
cities by the Persians were everywhere overthrown. Aegean Sea. | |||
Aristagoras, the leader of the insurgents, appealed in With the help of experienced Greek pilots, Persian | |||
499 to the mainland Greeks for help. The Spartans ships set out for Attica and disembarked on the Ma- | |||
refused to render any assistance, referring to the rathon plain, 9 kilometres long and 3 kilometres | |||
greatness of the distance. Only the Athenians and wide, 40 kilometres from Athens. The Persian force | |||
the Eritreans on the island of Euboea responded to could hardly have been more than 15 thousand | |||
the appeal, but they, too, sent only a small number strong. | |||
of ships. Both sides marked time on the Marathon plain, | |||
The rebellious cities set out against Sardis, the not daring to start a decisive battle. The Persian | |||
capital of the Lydian satrapy, took that city and army stood on open ground, where cavalry could be | |||
burnt it. The Persian satrap and the garrison found employed. The Athenians, who had no cavalry at | |||
refuge in the acropolis which the Greeks failed to all, were concentrated at the bottleneck of the plain, | |||
take by storm. The Persians began drawing up their where the Persian horsemen could not operate. As | |||
forces, and in the summer of 498 defeated the Greeks time went by, the position of the Persian army was | |||
near the city of Ephesus, whereupon the Athenians becoming more and more difficult, and Datis had to | |||
and the Eritreans fled, leaving the Greeks of Asia decide promptly on some course of action. He knew | |||
Minor in the lurch. In the spring of 494, the Persians of the Spartans’ intention to take the field, in accor- | |||
besieged Miletus, the insurgents’ main stronghold, dance with the tradition, after the new moon | |||
on land and sea. The city was captured and razed to appeared, and wanted to decide the outcome of the | |||
the ground, and its population driven into cap- war before their arrival. At the same time he could | |||
tivity. not move his cavalry into the defile held by the | |||
After that Darius began preparations for a cam- Athenians. He decided to transfer part of the army | |||
paign against mainland Greece, which at that time to another area and capture Athens. The army had | |||
consisted of a great many autonomous city-states to be divided, which involved some risk. A task | |||
with different political systems permanently at war force, including cavalry, was embarked on | |||
with one another. It appeared that the conquest of ships - probably during the night, in the light of the | |||
Greece would not be too difficult for the Persians, moon. The success of the operation now depended | |||
who had a huge well-equipped army and the best on the surprise factor. But Miltiades, an Athenian | |||
fleet in the world at that time. general, guessed Datis’s plans, or he may have had | |||
In 492, the Persian army took the field, crossing definite knowledge of them from the lonians in the | |||
Macedonia and Thrace, which had been conquered Persian camp. It was reported to Miltiades that the | |||
some twenty years before. But the Persian fleet was enemy cavalry had been embarked on ships, and | |||
destroyed by a storm near Cape Athos on the Chal- only infantry with their light weapons remained on | |||
cidice peninsula, with a loss of some 20,000 lives and the plain. | |||
300 ships. After that the land forces had to be taken The morning of August 12, 490 came. The Athe- | |||
back to Asia Minor, and the campaign had to be _ nian army left its camp in battle order and swiftly | |||
prepared anew. .§ advanced towards the enemy to engage him in a | |||
In 491 B. C., Persian messengers were sent to 5 pitched battle. The Athenians’ battle line was as | |||
Greece with demands for “earth and water”, the ‘ long as the Persians’, but their ranks were not as | |||
tokens of submission to Darius. Most Greek cities ? deep in the centre. That disposition accorded best | |||
acceded to the demand, but Athens and Sparta § ! with the traditional tactics of the two sides: the Per- | |||
refused to submit to Persia and killed the royal | sians concentrated their best units in the centre, | |||
messengers. § while the Greeks endeavoured to win the fight on the | |||
In the summer of 490, the Persian fleet under l °' flanks at any cost, in order to hit at the enemy’s | |||
Datis was concentrated off Cilician shores. Cavalry § centre afterwards. | |||
and infantry under Artaphernes also gathered there, - Persian warriors fought courageously and crushed | |||
as well as transport ships to carry the horses. Taking g the Athenian ranks in the centre, but their flanks | |||
123 | |||
were overrun. After that the Athenians and Pla- dice peninsula near Cape Athos, fearing that his | |||
taeans set upon the Persians who had broken fleet might be destroyed by yet another storm. Two | |||
through in the centre. The Persians and their allies pontoon bridges were built across the Hellespont | |||
began to retreat, sufferring heavy losses; they left near Abydos for moving the land forces to Europe. | |||
6,400 dead on the battlefield, while the Athenians The Athenians realised that the Persian threat | |||
lost just 192 men. was not a thing of the past at all. They had used the | |||
The remnants of the Persian army sailed for ten-year respite to build a strong fleet. Two hundred | |||
Athens, but the Greek warriors rapidly moved there triremes, that is, ships with three tiers of oarsmen, | |||
too, arriving earlier than the Persians. After that all were built. The attitude of most Greek states to the | |||
the latter could do was set sail for Asia Minor. imminent war with the Persians had also changed: | |||
The Greek victory at Marathon was the first vie- they were now ready for joint action against the | |||
tory over the Persian army, which had previously common enemy. | |||
been regarded as invincible. There were several In the spring of 480, Xerxes took the field at the | |||
causes for the Persians’ defeat. Although their army head of a vast army. All satrapies from India to | |||
was somewhat stronger than the Athenians’, only Egypt had sent their contingents. According to He- | |||
part of it was able to fight in the decisive battle. rodotus, the Persian army consisted of 1.7 million in- | |||
Besides, the Persians were operating in an unfamiliar fantrymen, 80,000 horse- and 20,000 camel- | |||
country. The Greek infantrymen ( hoplites ) were clad mounted cavalry, and an auxiliary force - a total of | |||
in armour, and the Persian archers with their light 5.3 million men. All modern scholars believe that | |||
weapons could not break up their ranks. The main that is a gross exaggeration, and that the army was | |||
thing was, of course, that the Athenians were fight- not more than 100,000 strong. For those times, flow¬ | |||
ing for their country and their democratic system, ever, it was indeed an immense army. The Persian | |||
and could expect nothing but slavery in case of fleet numbered 1,200 ships. | |||
defeat. The united forces of the Greeks had to leave the | |||
Despite the debacle at Marathon, Darius would rich land of Thessaly, as it was ruled by pro-Persian | |||
not give up his plans of a new campaign against aristocrats. The Greeks decided to fight in the nar- | |||
Greece. Preparations for such a campaign required a row mountain gorge called Thermopylae, which was | |||
great deal of time, though, and in the meantime a easy to defend as the Persians could not deploy their | |||
revolt against the Persian rule flared up in October army there. But Sparta sent there only a small force | |||
486 in Egypt. A month later Darius died, and one of of 300 warriors under king Leonidas. The entire | |||
his sons, Xerxes, acceded to the throne. Greek army at Thermopylae was 6,500 strong. For | |||
In January 484, Xerxes crushed the revolt in three days they staunchly repulsed the enemy’s fron- | |||
Egypt. The country was ruthlessly pillaged, and the tal attacks. Through a traitor, however, the Persians | |||
property of many temples was confiscated. In the learnt of the existence of a roundabout route, and | |||
summer of 484, a fresh uprising broke out, this time after that the Greeks could resist no more. Leonidas, | |||
in Babylonia, but it was quickly put down. Two who commanded the Greek army, ordered the main | |||
years later, however, the Babylonians rebelled force to withdraw, while he himself, with his 300 | |||
again. That mutiny, which involved most of the Spartans, covered their retreat. They fought coura- | |||
country, was especially dangerous, as by that time j geously until they all fell. | |||
Xerxes was already in Asia Minor, preparing for a ~ After that, it was impossible to defend Athens | |||
war against the Greeks. The siege of Babylon lasted ^ against the vast Persian army. It was therefore | |||
a long time, and ended in March 481 in harsh repris- | decided to abandon the city, to arm all men who | |||
als. The city walls and other fortifications were ~ could carry weapons, and to evacuate the rest of the | |||
razed, and many houses destroyed. Babylonia was s population to allied Greek cities. The Persians | |||
degraded to the rank of an ordinary satrapy, and its | seized, plundered and burnt down Athens, | |||
capital lost its political significance for ever. The Greeks adopted the tactics of taking the offen- | |||
In the meantime, preparations for a new cam- sive at sea and the defensive on land. The united | |||
paign against the Greeks continued. Xerxes gave ' Greek fleet stood in the bay between the city of | |||
orders for a new canal to be dug across the Chalri- 5 Salamis and the Attic coast, where the great Persian | |||
124 | |||
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IS | |||
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:e | |||
e | |||
>r | |||
l- | |||
1S | |||
id | |||
f, | |||
in | |||
30 | |||
a- | |||
ns | |||
re | |||
ho | |||
he | |||
ns | |||
•n- | |||
ed | |||
of | |||
an | |||
fleet could not manoeuvre. The Greek fleet consisted | |||
of 380 ships, of which 147 belonged to the Athenians | |||
and had recently been built in accordance with the | |||
latest requirements of the military art. Themistocles, | |||
a talented and resolute general, played a great role | |||
in commanding the naval force. Xerxes hoped to | |||
destroy the enemy fleet at one stroke, but not long | |||
before the battle a storm had raged for three days, | |||
and many Persian ships had been smashed on the | |||
rocky shore. On September 28, 480, the battle of | |||
Salamis was fought, which lasted for 12 hours. The | |||
Persian fleet was cramped in the narrow channel, | |||
and its ships fell foul of one another. The Greeks | |||
won a complete victory in that battle, and the | |||
greater part of the Persian fleet was destroyed. | |||
Xerxes then decided to go back to Asia Minor, leav¬ | |||
ing his general Mardonius in Thessaly with a force of | |||
about 50,000. | |||
Mardonius proposed to conclude peace with the | |||
Athenians, and the Spartans, fearing that the propos¬ | |||
al would be accepted, sent a strong force to Boeotia, | |||
to the city of Plataea. The forces of the other Greek | |||
cities, totalling about 50,000, also gathered there. | |||
For ten days the two sides refrained from active | |||
operations, not daring to be the first to start a deci¬ | |||
sive battle. Mardonius realised that he could only | |||
win on open ground, where he could use his cavalry. | |||
But the position of the Persian army became unten¬ | |||
able, as the Greek force was constantly being joined | |||
by fresh contingents from the nearer and more | |||
remote cities. The Persians depended for their food | |||
supplies on local resources, which began to give out. | |||
The Greek army occupied mountain slopes, where | |||
the Persians could not deploy their cavalry. Further | |||
delay was becoming dangerous to the Persians, and | |||
Mardonius decided to engage the enemy in battle. | |||
During the night king Alexander of Macedonia, a | |||
Persian vassal, secretly came to the Greeks’ camp, | |||
desiring to win their friendship in case they should | |||
win. He informed the Greeks that the Persians | |||
would begin the battle in the morning, as they had | |||
only provisions for three days. The Hellenes thus | |||
were able to prepare to repulse the enemy. | |||
Mardonius sent his mounted archers forward, | |||
who attacked the enemy with bows and arrows. The | |||
Persians then drove the Greeks away from the | |||
sources of water and cut off their food supply routes. | |||
When night came, the Hellenes started withdrawing | |||
towards the city of Plataea, and here the decisive | |||
battle took place (479). Assuming that the Greeks | |||
had decided to flee, the Persians rushed after them. | |||
That was Mardonius’s great error. He moved his | |||
forces against the hills where the Greeks, fearing Per¬ | |||
sian cavalry, had taken up their positions. Soon the | |||
Persians overtook the Lacedaemonians and engaged | |||
them in hand-to-hand fighting. The other Greek | |||
units did not know that the battle had been joined, | |||
and took no part in it. | |||
At the head of 1,000 picked warriors Mardonius | |||
began to press the Lacedaemonians and killed many | |||
of them, but soon he fell together with his body¬ | |||
guard, and the Spartans began to gain the upper | |||
hand. Although the Persians were just as courageous | |||
as their foes, rushing at the hoplites’ long spears and | |||
breaking them with bare hands, they had no heavy | |||
armour, and their military training was inferior to | |||
the Greeks’. The Persian host split into several un¬ | |||
coordinated detachments. In a fierce battle with the | |||
Lacedaemonians, who fought ferociously, taking no | |||
prisoners, the Persians were routed. The remnants of | |||
their force retreated and sailed for Asia Minor. | |||
Late in the autumn of the same year 479, a major | |||
naval battle was fought off Cape Mycale (Samos | |||
Island) near the shores of Asia Minor. During the | |||
fighting the Ionians went over to their mainland | |||
brothers, and the Persians were utterly routed. That | |||
defeat became a signal for the revolt of all the Greek | |||
states in Asia Minor against Persian domination. | |||
The Greek victories at Salamis, Plataea and | |||
Mycale made the Persians give up the idea of con¬ | |||
quering Greece. Sparta and Athens now moved the | |||
theatre of operations to enemy territory in Asia | |||
Minor. The war continued for a long time yet, and | |||
only in 449 was the peace treaty between Persia and | |||
the Greek states concluded. | |||
ji The Decline of the Persian Empire. In the summer of | |||
5 465 B. C., Artaxerxes I, son of Xerxes, became king | |||
of Persia. In 460, the Egyptians, headed by Inaros, | |||
? rose against the Persians and established their con- | |||
? trol over the Delta, while Memphis, the capital of | |||
I the satrapy, and Upper Egypt remained in the | |||
§ hands of the Persians. The Athenians sent a fleet to | |||
^ aid the rebels. In the same year the Persians were | |||
§ defeated in the battle at Papremis. The Athenian | |||
~ fleet sailed up the Nile towards Memphis, where the | |||
| Persian forces were concentrated. Aided by Inaros’s | |||
125 | |||
army, the Athenians captured Memphis, and the ing against the Persians was in full swing. | |||
Persian garrison took refuge in the citadel. In 401, Cyrus led his army from Sardis to Baby- | |||
Artaxerxes then sent the satrap of Syria Mega- Ionia without meeting any opposition, and reached | |||
byzus, with a strong land force and the Phoenician Cunaxa, 90 kilometres from Babylon. The army of | |||
fleet, against the insurgents and their Athenian Artaxerxes II also arrived there. According to | |||
allies. The revolt was crushed. Memphis was taken Xenophon, whose Anabasis contains a detailed de- | |||
by the Persians. In 454, Inaros and other Egyptian scripdon of Cyrus’s campaign, Cyrus’s army con- | |||
chiefs were taken prisoner, brought to Persia and sisted of 100,000 warriors, not counting 13,000 | |||
executed. Greek mercenaries, while the army of Artaxerxes | |||
The unending uprisings of the conquered peoples was, “according to rumour”, 1,200,000 strong, | |||
and military defeats made Artaxerxes and hissucces- Except for the number of Greek mercenaries, these | |||
sors radically change their diplomacy: they began to figures must have been exaggerated out of all pro- | |||
incite some states against others, resordng to subor- portion. Such armies could not have been deployed | |||
nation. When the Peloponnesian War broke out on a relatively small territory or provided with the | |||
between Sparta and Athens in 431, Persia helped necessary food supplies. | |||
now one, now the other of these states, aiming at The decisive battle took place on September 3, | |||
their complete exhaustion. 401. Cyrus stepped down from his chariot, put on his | |||
In February 423 B. C., Darius II, son of Artaxer- armour, mounted a horse and bade his force to draw | |||
xes I, became Persian king. During his reign, the up in battle order. The Greek mercenaries stood on | |||
Persian satraps in Asia Minor-Tissaphernes, Phar- the flanks, while the rest of the army occupied the | |||
nabazos, and Cyrus the Younger-mounted success- centre. The right flank of Artaxerxes’s army was | |||
ful operations against Athens and brought many overrun by the Greek mercenaries. Cyrus’s friends | |||
Greek cities under Persian control again. But on the advised him not to risk his life, but on seeing Artax- | |||
whole Darius II’s reign was marked by the empire’s erxes, he rushed at him, leaving his warriors far | |||
further decline, increased influence of the court aris- behind. He managed to wound Artaxerxes, but was | |||
tocracy, court intrigues and conspiracies, in which immediately killed himself, and even his body was | |||
queen Parysatis was very active. The Peloponnesian mutilated. Having lost its leader, the rebels’ army | |||
War enabled the Persians to concern themselves was defeated. | |||
with their domestic affairs, but they failed to make The Spartans, who expected the Persians to go to | |||
full use of the respite. Between 411 and 408, there war against them because of their assistance to | |||
were uprisings in Asia Minor, Media, and Egypt. Cyrus, decided to take the offensive and in 396 dis- | |||
Besides, beginning with the late 5th century, the embarked an army under Agesilaos in Asia Minor, | |||
satraps of Asia Minor, kept fighting against one While that army was fighting there, Artaxerxes’s | |||
another, while the Persian kings usually did not in- mother Parysatis kept intriguing against the enemies | |||
terfere in these conflicts. The satraps often rose of the dead Cyrus, who was her favourite son, and | |||
against the central power and, using Greek mer- many of them were executed under various pretexts, | |||
cenaries, fought to become independent rulers. In 395 she accused Tissaphernes, Cyrus’s worst | |||
When Darius II died in March 404, his elder son enemy and his successor in Asia Minor, of inaction | |||
Artaxerxes II became king. At that time Cyrus the j in the war against the Spartans. He was beheaded, | |||
Younger, the new king’s brother and satrap of ~ and Persia lost its most prominent diplomat and | |||
several provinces in Asia Minor, began to gather a " general. | |||
large army intending to seize the throne. He insisted ? The hostilities in Asia Minor continued, but Per- | |||
that his military measures were in preparation for a ~ sian gold proved more powerful than Spartan | |||
war with Tissaphernes, satrap of Caria in Asia §': weapons. In August 394, a united Graeco-Persian | |||
Minor. Artaxerxes believed that, since internecine | fleet consisting of ships from Cyprus, Rhodes and | |||
conflicts between satraps had long become the order 5 Athens, inflicted a severe defeat on the Lacedae- | |||
of the day. The Spartans decided to support Cyrus A monians, which put the latter out of action for ten | |||
and helped him to hire mercenaries. Besides, Sparta ' whole years. In 386, a treaty was concluded between | |||
formed an alliance with Egypt, where a fresh upris- S the Persians and the Greek states. According to that | |||
126 | |||
treaty, the Persians again established their rule over | |||
the eastern coast of the Aegean and restored their | |||
control over the long lost Ionian cities. | |||
In 362, power in Egypt passed on to the energetic | |||
pharaoh Takhos, who set himself the goal of captur¬ | |||
ing the Persian provinces of Syria and Palestine. At | |||
about that time, Cyprus also broke with the Per¬ | |||
sians; then there were uprisings in Phoenician cities | |||
and later in Asia Minor. | |||
The year 358 saw the end of the long reign of | |||
Artaxerxes II, and Artaxerxes III mounted the | |||
throne. For a start, he exterminated all his brothers, | |||
to prevent any chance of revolt. | |||
The new king proved to be a man of iron will; he | |||
firmly held the reins of government in his hands, | |||
banishing the eunuchs who had considerable in¬ | |||
fluence at court. He vigorously tackled the task of | |||
restoring the old Persian empire. In 349, the new | |||
king led a great army against the rebellious city of | |||
Sidon, which was burned and raized to the ground; | |||
its surviving citizens were enslaved. Then came the | |||
turn of Egypt. In the winter of 343, Artaxerxes took | |||
the field against the Egyptians. The Persian com¬ | |||
mand succeeded in bringing their ships up the Nile, | |||
and the Persian fleet turned up in the rear of the | |||
Egyptian army. The Greek mercenaries in the | |||
employ of the Egyptians deserted to the enemy. The | |||
country was again brought to heel, plundered and | |||
devastated. | |||
In 337, however, Artaxerxes Ill’s vigorous activi¬ | |||
ties came to an end, as he himself was poisoned by | |||
his physician. Arses, the king’s son, acceded to the | |||
throne, but in the following year also fell prey to a | |||
conspiracy. Codommanus, a member of a collateral | |||
line of the Achaemenid clan, was now put on the | |||
throne and began to rule under the name of | |||
Darius III. | |||
While the ruling sections of Persian aristocracy | |||
were busy with intrigues and coups, a dangerous | |||
enemy appeared on the political horizon. In 336, | |||
King Philip of Macedonia sent 10,000 warriors to | |||
Asia Minor under the pretext of liberating the Greek | |||
cities from Persian rule, but in that same year he was | |||
assassinated by conspirators. Alexander, Philip’s | |||
son, became king at the age of 20. Realising that a | |||
war with the Persians would require long prepa¬ | |||
ration, he recalled the Macedonian force from Asia | |||
Minor. | |||
Persia was thus given a respite of two years, but | |||
nothing was done to repulse the imminent threat. | |||
Although the Persian command realised the advan¬ | |||
tages of Macedonian weapons, particularly of their | |||
siege equipment, it did not reorganise its army, me¬ | |||
rely increasing the contingents of Greek mercenaries. | |||
In the spring of 334, the Macedonian army took | |||
the field. It consisted of 30,000 foot and 5,000 horse. | |||
The army was accompanied by 160 warships. | |||
Although Darius’s army was stronger in numbers, | |||
it was greatly inferior to the Macedonian troops | |||
(particularly to their heavy infantry) in fighting abil¬ | |||
ity; the hardiest fighters in the Persian army were | |||
Greek mercenaries. But Darius was confident of an | |||
easy victory, ordering Alexander to be captured and | |||
brought to his residence at Susa. The Persian satraps | |||
assured their king that the enemy would be de¬ | |||
stroyed in the very first battle. The only person who | |||
soberly assessed the situation and had a definite plan | |||
of strategic action was Memnon, commander of the | |||
Greek mercenaries in the Persian employ. He pro¬ | |||
posed to avoid decisive battles with the enemy and | |||
retreat, leaving a scorched land behind. Memnon | |||
also advised to transfer hostilities to Greece (which | |||
was quite possible, given the superiority of the Per¬ | |||
sian fleet) and to conclude an alliance with Alex¬ | |||
ander’s enemies there. But that plan of action was | |||
rejected by the Persian satraps. Memnon’s death | |||
in 333 delivered Alexander from a dangerous | |||
enemy who was probably as great a strategist as | |||
himself. | |||
The first encounter occurred in the summer of 334 | |||
on the Hellespont coast near the river Granicus, | |||
where Alexander emerged victorious. He then cap¬ | |||
tured the Greek cities of Asia Minor and advanced | |||
deep into the country. In the summer of 333, the | |||
Macedonians occupied Cilicia and thereupon | |||
moved into Syria, where the Persians’ main forces | |||
were concentrated. In November 333, a new battle | |||
was fought near Issus, on the border of Cilicia and | |||
Syria. The Persians’ right and the Macedonians’ left | |||
flank abutted on the sea. The nucleus of the Persian | |||
army consisted of 30,000 Greek mercenaries, but | |||
Darius staked his success on the Persian cavalry, | |||
which was intended to crush the Macedonians’ left | |||
flank. To reinforce that flank, Alexander concen¬ | |||
trated his cavalry there, while he himself led his | |||
troops against the enemy right flank and routed it. | |||
However, the Greek mercenaries broke through in | |||
the centre, and Alexander hurried there with some | |||
127 | |||
troops from the left flank which was left badly weak- of the lands were the king’s direct property. Persian | |||
ened. The fierce fighting continued, but Darius lost kings also owned major canals in Babylonia, Egypt, | |||
his head and fled without waiting for the outcome of and Transcaspian Asia, forests in Syria, as well as | |||
the battle, abandoning his family which fell into mines, gardens, parks and palaces in various parts of | |||
enemy hands. The battle ended in a triumph for the state. | |||
Alexander. The Phoenician cities Arad, Byblos and The following system of land tenure was wide- | |||
Sidon surrendered without resistance. The Persian spread: the king assigned land to his warriors who | |||
fleet now lost its supremacy on the seas. tilled their lots collectively, in groups, and had to | |||
Declining Darius’s plea for peace, Alexander pre- serve in the army and to pay taxes in money and in | |||
pared to continue the war. In the autumn of 332 he kind. These allotments were called the “allotments | |||
seized Egypt, then returned to Syria and headed for of the bow”, “of the horse”, “of the chariot”, etc., | |||
the locality called Gaugamela, not far from Arbela, and their owners had to serve in the army as archers, | |||
where Darius stood with his army. The battle cavalrymen and charioteers, | |||
occurred on October 1, 331. Greek mercenaries In some parts of the Persian empire highly devel- | |||
formed the centre of Darius’s army, faced by Mace- oped handicraft centres existed. Pottery was pro- | |||
donian infantry. Just as in the battle of Issus, the duced for export at Naucratis (Egypt) and Miletus | |||
Persians outnumbered the Macedonians on the right (Asia Minor). Egyptian craftsmen wove thin linen, | |||
flank, and succeeded in crushing their ranks there, which was in high demand in the neighbouring | |||
but the decisive battle took place in the centre, countries. Phoenician craftsmen from Sidon, Tyre | |||
where Alexander led his cavalry right into the midst and other cities made glass, clothes and luxury | |||
of the Persian army. The Persians threw chariots wares, and the craftsmen of Babylonia, woollen | |||
and elephants into action, but Darius prematurely clothes both for domestic consumption and for | |||
assumed, as he had done at Issus, that the battle had export. | |||
been lost, and fled. After that, only the Greek mer- There were several caravan routes in the Persian | |||
cenaries continued to resist. Alexander won a clear empire, connecting provinces that lay at distances of | |||
victory and occupied Babylonia, and in February hundreds of kilometres from one another. One such | |||
330, the Macedonian army entered Susa. Later, route began in Lydia, crossed Asia Minor and went | |||
Pasargadae and Persepolis fell into Alexander’s as far as Babylon. Another led from Babylon to Susa | |||
hands. Alexander sacked these cities and burned and then on to Persepolis and Pasargadae. Of great | |||
Persepolis. significance was also the caravan route connecting | |||
Darius escaped with his retinue to eastern Iran, Babylon with Ecbatana and then running on to | |||
where he was killed by the Bactrian satrap Bessus. Bactria and the Indian borders. | |||
The latter declared himself king, and began to rule After 518, Darius I ordered the 84-km canal to be | |||
Bactria under the name of Artaxerxes IV, but in restored that led from the Nile to Suez, which had | |||
329 Bactria was captured by the Macedonian army, existed already under pharaoh Necho but later | |||
and the Persian empire ceased to exist. became unfit for navigation. Highly important for | |||
the development of trading links was also the expedi¬ | |||
tion of the seafarer Skylax who sailed in 518 on | |||
j Darius I’s orders down the river Indus for the Indian | |||
Economic Life and Social Relations in the Persian Empire. ~ Ocean and on to the Red Sea. | |||
In most areas of the Persian empire the main branch Differences in terrain and climatic conditions of | |||
of the economy was agriculture. As new countries | the various countries of the Persian empire also stim- | |||
were conquered, the Persian kings robbed the subju- ~ ulated trade. Egypt supplied Greek cities with grain | |||
gated peoples of their most fertile lands. These were s and linen, buying their wine and olive oil, and pro- | |||
handed out as large inheritable estates to members | vided many provinces with gold and ivory. Lebanon | |||
of the royal family, aristocrats, high officials, etc., 3 exported cedar. Silver was brought from Asia | |||
who owned them absolutely and tax-free. The (j Minor; copper from Cyprus; gold, ivory and incense | |||
owners of large estates had at their disposal a staff of ^ from India; lapis lazuli, cornelian and turquoise, | |||
judges, administrators, managers, scribes, etc. Part § from Transcaspian Asia. Babylonia, like Egypt, was | |||
128 | |||
t | |||
1 | |||
t | |||
? | |||
D | |||
e | |||
i | |||
r | |||
T | |||
n | |||
n | |||
jf | |||
l- | |||
in | |||
D- | |||
>n | |||
ia | |||
se | |||
ic, | |||
as | |||
a supplier of grain. International sea trade was large¬ | |||
ly in the hands of Phoenician merchants. | |||
The administrauve and financial reforms of | |||
Darius I did a great deal to consolidate the Per¬ | |||
sian empire. The implementation of these reforms | |||
took a number of years. They were begun in 519 | |||
with a reorganisation and unification of the system | |||
of provincial administration, as a result of which a | |||
new administrative system was established. Darius I | |||
divided the state into administrative and taxation | |||
districts called satrapies. The satrapies were as a rule | |||
greater than the provinces of earlier empires, and in | |||
some cases the boundaries of satrapies coincided | |||
with those of the state and ethnic constituent entities | |||
of the Persian empire (e. g., Egypt). | |||
The new administrative districts were headed by | |||
satraps or governors. Under Cyrus and Cambyses, | |||
many countries were governed by local officials, | |||
while Darius’s reforms were aimed, among other | |||
things, at concentrating the high posts in the hands | |||
of Persians, who now headed most of the satrapies. | |||
Under Cyrus and Cambyses, the satrap combined | |||
civil and military functions, while Darius restricted | |||
the power of the satrap, establishing a clear-cut divi¬ | |||
sion between the functions of the satraps and of the | |||
military authorities. The satraps became civil gover¬ | |||
nors only, directing the administrative mechanism of | |||
the satrapy, the work of its courts and tax-collectors, | |||
enforcing law and order within the boundaries of | |||
their satrapies and controlling the local officials. In | |||
times of peace, only a small personal bodyguard was | |||
allowed them. The armies were run by military | |||
commandants who were independent of satraps and | |||
responsible directly to the king. The satraps usually | |||
also controlled hereditary vice-regents or kings, and | |||
in Asia Minor also the city communities. | |||
The reforms resulted in the setting up of a large | |||
centralised mechanism. The central government of | |||
the state had its seat at Susa, the administrative | |||
capital of the Persian empire. Satraps and military | |||
commandants were closely linked with the central | |||
government and constantly supervised by the king | |||
and his officials. Supreme control of the whole state | |||
and supervision over all the officials was in the hands | |||
of a hazarapatish (literally, “head of a thousand”), | |||
who was simultaneously commander of the king’s | |||
personal bodyguard. Everyone in the centre and in | |||
the provinces was under the surveillance of the | |||
“king’s ears and eyes”-officials who were indepen¬ | |||
dent of satraps and other local authorities, obeyed | |||
only the king and reported to him any seditious | |||
speeches or acts they might get wind of. | |||
The official language of the offices of the Persian | |||
empire was Aramaic, but local languages were also | |||
used in the various satrapies in compiling official | |||
documents. | |||
Persians occupied a special position in the state | |||
machinery, holding all the most important military | |||
and civil offices. However, Persian administrators | |||
also widely used the services of persons from other | |||
ethnic groups. Babylonians, Egyptians, Elamites, | |||
Greeks, etc., served as judges, city governors, | |||
managers of state arsenals, heads of royal construc¬ | |||
tion projects, and so on, in Babylonia, Egypt, Asia | |||
Minor, and other regions. | |||
Under Cyrus and Cambyses there was no firmly | |||
regulated system of taxes founded on the economic | |||
potential of the various lands of the empire. The sub¬ | |||
jugated peoples brought gifts or paid tribute, part of | |||
it in kind. | |||
C. 519, Darius I established a new system of state | |||
taxation. All the satrapies now had to pay taxes in | |||
money strictly determined by the area and fertility | |||
of farmed land. Persians did not pay taxes in money, | |||
but they were not exempt from payments in kind. | |||
Other peoples, including the population of autono¬ | |||
mous states (such as Phoenicians, Cilicians, etc.) | |||
paid a total of 7,740 Babylonian silver talents | |||
(232,200 kg) annually. The greater part of that sum | |||
was paid by the peoples of the economically | |||
advanced countries Asia Minor, Babylonia, Syria, | |||
Phoenicia, and Egypt. Countries which had no | |||
mines of their own had to get silver to pay taxes by | |||
selling the products of farming and handicrafts, | |||
which stimulated the development of commodity- | |||
money relations. | |||
The system of gifts was also preserved, but the gifts | |||
were not voluntary at all. The amount of the gifts | |||
was firmly fixed, but, unlike taxes, they were paid in | |||
kind only. The majority of the subjects paid taxes, | |||
while gifts came mostly from the peoples of the out¬ | |||
lying areas (such as Colchis, Ethiopia, Arabia, etc.). | |||
Darius I introduced a single monetary unit | |||
throughout the empire, which constituted the basis | |||
of the Persian monetary system-the gold daric | |||
weighing 8.4 grams. The minting of gold coin was | |||
the prerogative of the Persian king alone. For several | |||
centuries, the daric was the commercial world’s | |||
129 | |||
9-344 | |||
principal gold currency. The most common instru- Darius I’s reign. The Persian kings realised the ad- | |||
ment of exchange was the silver shekel weighing 5.6 vantages of Zoroaster’s teaching as an official religion | |||
grams, which equalled one-twentieth of the daric’s but did not give up the cults of the ancient gods per- | |||
value. Silver coins were minted by Persian satraps in sonifying the elements of nature. In the 6th century | |||
their residences and at the Greek cities of Asia Minor B. C. Zoroastrianism had not yet become a dogmat- | |||
for paying mercenaries during military campaigns, ic religion with firmly fixed norm, and various mo- | |||
and also by autonomous cities and dependent kings. difications of the new religious doctrine arose. | |||
The price of gold in relation to that of silver in the The Persian religion dating from Darius I’s times | |||
Persian empire was 1 to 13.3. The precious metal in was precisely such a form of early Zoroastrianism, | |||
the state’s possession could only be minted on orders Since its emergence, Zoroastrianism had gone | |||
from the king, and most of it remained unminted. through a complex evolution. The teaching of Zoro- | |||
The total amount of gold and silver in the royal trea- aster himself was reflected in the Gathas, i. e., the | |||
suries towards the end of the existence of the Persian earlier parts of the Avesta sacred books. Many of the | |||
empire was not less than 235,630 talents (more than Gathas are framed as answers of the god Ahura- | |||
seven million kilograms). mazda to Zoroaster’s questions. According to the | |||
Domestic and foreign trade, exceptionally highly Gathas, the god gave Zoroaster the mission of reno- | |||
developed under the Achaemenids, contributed to vating the religion, and Zoroaster carried out the | |||
the exchange of cultural values as well. The peoples reform, announcing his faith in the final victory of | |||
of the empire absorbed the achievements of their Ahuramazda, rejecting some of the tribal deities, | |||
neighbours and of the more remote lands, and placing others below Ahuramazda. According | |||
geographical horizons were extended, and exper- to Zoroaster’s teaching, Ahuramazda (Greek Oro- | |||
iences in long-distance voyaging were accumulated. masdes) was the only omnipotent and omnipresent | |||
The East and Greece came to know each other. In god of the good personifying light, life, and the | |||
an enormous empire comprising many countries and truth. He was the creator of the world. From the | |||
peoples, culture advanced as the isolation of various very beginning, however, next to him stood the Evil | |||
regions from the external world was breached. The Spirit Angra Mainyu (Ahriman) personifying dark- | |||
old Iranian civilisation produced remarkable monu- ness and death and doing evil. Ahuramazda and | |||
ments of literature, art, and science; original reli- Angra Mainyu were in eternal conflict, Ahuramazda | |||
gious doctrines arose in that period which made an relying in this struggle on his assistants personifying | |||
impact on Greek thinkers, too. “good sense”, i. e., the idea of the good, truth, and | |||
immortality. Man was created by Ahuramazda but | |||
was free in the choice between the good and evil and | |||
The Religion and Culture of Persia. Zoroastrianism, a thus accessible to the influence of the spirits of evil, | |||
religious doctrine which emerged in Transcaspian Man must fight against Angra Mainyu in his | |||
Asia and was named after its founder Zoroaster, thoughts, words and deeds. According to Zoroas- | |||
played a great role in the ideological life of ancient trianism, life after death existed. The lot of men in | |||
Persia. the next world depended on his earthly life. If a man | |||
Soon after its emergence in the first half of the 1st helped the good to triumph, his soul would go to | |||
millennium B. C., Zoroastrianism began to spread j paradise and enjoy happy life and good food, other- | |||
to Media, Persia, and other Iranian countries. The ~ wise it was doomed to eternal torment in the dark- | |||
priests of the Zoroastrian religion were the ness of hell. | |||
Magians - experts on and guardians of the cult, its | Ancient religions were tolerant towards the beliefs | |||
rituals and rites. ~ of other peoples, and Persian kings patronised the | |||
The people’s masses in Persia worshipped the §j cults of conquered peoples. Thus in Babylonia Cyrus | |||
ancient deities of nature-Mithra the sun-god, Ana- | extended his patronage to the local ancient cults, | |||
hita the goddess of water and fertility, and other dei- a helping to revive them and bringing offerings to the | |||
ties personifying light, the moon, the wind, etc. Zoro- A local gods. Persian kings made sacrifices in the tem- | |||
astrianism found recognition in Persia late in the ' pies of many gods trying to win their favour. As the | |||
6th and early in the 5th centuries B. C., i. e., in s documents of the Persepolis archives of the late 6th | |||
130 | |||
and early 5th centuries show, foodstuffs from the private palaces of Darius I and Xerxes. Two stair- | |||
royal stores (wine, sheep, grain, etc.) were provided ways led to the apadana, on which reliefs of courtiers, | |||
at Persepolis and other Persian and Elamite cities the king’s personal bodyguard, of cavalry and char- | |||
not only for the practice of the cult of Ahuramazda iots still survive. On one side of the stairway is a long | |||
and other Iranian gods but also for those of the gods file of representatives of the 33 peoples of the empire | |||
of Elam and Babylon. bearing gifts and tribute to the Persian king. It is a | |||
The Persians and other Iranian peoples absorbed veritable “ethnological museum”, with its portrayal | |||
and developed many of the achievements of the Ela- of the characteristic features of the various tribes, | |||
mite, Babylonian, and Egyptian civilisations, thus Under Darius I, a great deal was built at Susa, | |||
enriching the treasure-house of world culture. One too. Twelve countries, from India to Ethiopia, pro¬ | |||
of the Persians’ major achievements was the devel- vided the materials for the construction of the | |||
opment of an original cuneiform script. Unlike the palaces. | |||
Akkadian script with its nearly 600 signs, the Persian As the architectural monuments of the Persian | |||
system was almost alphabetic and had 40 odd signs kings were built and adorned by craftsmen from dif- | |||
only. ferent countries, old Persian art presented an | |||
The palatial complexes at Pasargadae, Persepolis organic synthesis of Iranian artistic traditions and | |||
and Susa were magnificent monuments of Persian technical devices and those of Elam, Assyria, Egypt, | |||
architecture. Pasargadae was situated on an exten- Greece, and other lands. Despite a certain eclecti- | |||
sive plain 1,900 metres above sea level. The city’s cism, it has an inherent unity, being a product of | |||
buildings the most ancient monuments of the Per- definite historical conditions and of an original | |||
sian material culture stood on a high terrace. They ideology which endowed the borrowed forms with a | |||
were faced with light fine-grained sandstone new meaning. Above all it was intended to symbolise | |||
resembling marble. The royal palaces stood among the grandeur of the power of the Persian kings and | |||
parks and gardens. Probably the most remarkable of their empire. | |||
Pasargadae’s monuments, fascinating in its noble The distinguishing feature of old Persian art is a | |||
beauty, is the tomb of Cyrus II which has sur- virtuoso treatment of an isolated object, usually a | |||
vived to this day. Seven broad steps lead to the metal cup or vase, a cup carved out of stone, a rhy- | |||
burial chamber two metres wide and three metres ton of ivory, a piece of jewelry, etc. Of these, parti- | |||
long. This tomb is ancestral to many other monu- cularly interesting are cylindrical seals cut out of | |||
ments of this kind, including the Halicarnassus agate, chalcedony and jasper. These are cov- | |||
Mausoleum of Caria’s satrap Maussollus regarded ered with figures of kings and heroes fighting their | |||
in antiquity as one of the seven wonders of the enemies and fantastic creatures. Many of these seals, | |||
world. just as other works of old Persian art, are fascinating | |||
The construction of Persepolis was begun c. 520 in their perfection of form and originality of | |||
and continued until c. 450. The city covered an theme. | |||
area of 135,000 square metres. An artificial platform Old Iran attracted Greek scholars and philoso- | |||
was built at the foot of a mountain. For this, about phers. Actually, the works of antique authors are | |||
12,000 square metres of uneven rocky surface had to _ among the principal sources of our knowledge of the | |||
be smoothed out. The city built on this platform was jr history and culture of Achaemenid Iran. The old | |||
surrounded on three sides by a double wall of mud- 5 Iranian civilisation was inherited by the Middle | |||
brick, and on the eastern side it abutted on an inac- Ages. The scholarly treatises of Iranian authors were | |||
cessible mountain rock. A wide stairway of 110 steps S' especially highly valued in the Arabic world. Many | |||
intended for ceremonial occasions led to the city, g 5 features of the old Iranian cultural heritage have | |||
The official palace {apadana) of Darius I consisted of | been preserved as an inseparable part of Iranian cul- | |||
a great hall of 3,600 square metres surrounded by 1 ture in later epochs. Old Iranian themes and sub¬ | |||
porticoes. The ceiling of the hall and of the porticoes 'A jects formed the basis of remarkable epics, such as | |||
was supported by 72 thin, elegant stone columns | the great Firdaousi’s Shahridma. The epic works of old | |||
more than 20 metres high. The apadana was used for ~ Iranians are now among the most treasured posses- | |||
solemn state occasions. It was connected with the | sions of world literature. | |||
131 | |||
9 * | |||
Parthia. C. 250 B. C., the Parni tribes which had | |||
wandered in the steppes between the Amu Darya | |||
and the Caspian, invaded the valley of the Atrek (on | |||
the territory of the modern Turkmenia in the | |||
USSR) and in 247 elected their chieftain Tiridates | |||
king. He adopted the throne name of Arshak (Arsa- | |||
ces). The later Parthian kings, who also adopted | |||
that name upon accession to the throne, took that | |||
year as the start of their chronology. | |||
In founding their kingdom, the Parni challenged | |||
the Seleucid rulers of Mesopotamia and of many | |||
other countries, including Iran and Bactria. The | |||
Seleucids, preoccupied with the war against Rome | |||
and dynastic strife, could not attack the rebels at | |||
once. In 239 B. C., the Parni invaded the province of | |||
Parthyene ruled by Andragoras, a former governor | |||
of the Seleucid kings who had become independent | |||
of them as early as 245. Capturing that province, the | |||
Parni later merged with the related Parthian tribes | |||
inhabiting it. | |||
In 232 and 231, the Seleucid ruler Seleucus II | |||
attempted to restore his power over the rebellious | |||
areas in the east of Iran and in Transcaspian Asia. | |||
But his campaign misfired, as he had to hurry back | |||
to the western provinces of his empire where unrest | |||
had broken out. | |||
C. 171 B. C., Mithridates I became king of | |||
Parthia and made this formerly insignificant and | |||
remote kingdom a powerful empire. C. 155, the | |||
Parthians took possession of Media, and that opened | |||
a way to Mesopotamia, which Seleucid kings were | |||
unable to defend. In 141 Mithridates declared him¬ | |||
self king of Babylonia. The Parthian kingdom now | |||
covered almost the whole of Iran, large tracts of | |||
Transcaspian Asia and the whole of Mesopotamia, | |||
and the centre of the state shifted west. | |||
C. 137, Mithridates died. His throne was inher¬ | |||
ited by Phraates II. During his reign, nomadic | |||
tribes began to raid the eastern borders of the | |||
empire. Taking advantage of this, the Seleucid ruler | |||
Antiochus VII went to war against the Parthians in | |||
130 and, after several victories, occupied Mesopota¬ | |||
mia and Media. After that he stationed his army in | |||
Media, dividing it into small garrisons among var¬ | |||
ious villages. Soon the Medes rose in rebellion | |||
against Antiochus, and his scattered army was un¬ | |||
able to offer effective resistance to the rebels. Antio¬ | |||
chus went to succour one of the beleaguered garri¬ | |||
sons, but was attacked by Parthian cavalry. In the | |||
ensuing battle Antiochus was killed, his son was | |||
taken captive, and the Seleucid army soundly | |||
routed. | |||
In the meantime the nomad tribes in the east | |||
began to threaten the very existence of the Parthian | |||
empire, and c. 128 Phraates fell in an encounter | |||
with them. | |||
Parthia reached a new peak of power under Mith¬ | |||
ridates II (123-87 B. C.), who consolidated his posi¬ | |||
tions in the east and then renewed the drive against | |||
the countries lying west of the Parthian empire. | |||
That created a threat of war with Rome. In 92, | |||
Sulla, representing Rome, and the Parthian ambas¬ | |||
sador Orobases met on the Euphrates. No details of | |||
their negotiations are known, but Orobases was later | |||
accused of having failed to check Sulla’s provocative | |||
escapades and executed. | |||
In the spring of 54 B.C., the Roman general | |||
Crassus came to Syria, which had become a Roman | |||
province, and began preparations for a campaign | |||
against the Parthians. He had at his disposal 35,000 | |||
foot and 5,000 horse. | |||
Parthia’s king at the time was Orodes II. He | |||
believed that Crassus would advance across moun¬ | |||
tainous Armenia, where it would be difficult for the | |||
Parthians to deploy their first-rate cavalry. Orodes | |||
therefore led his main force to Armenia, entrusting | |||
the defence of Mesopotamia to his general Suren. | |||
Crassus, however, confident of an easy victory, | |||
decided to beat the Parthians in Mesopotamia, not | |||
Armenia. | |||
Suren made careful preparations for the battle. | |||
His command consisted of 10,000 mounted archers. | |||
As the Roman army approached, the Parthian | |||
cavalry began to retreat. On May 6, 53 B. C., | |||
Crassus reached the city of Carrhae, and on learning | |||
that Suren’s force was not far, attacked him without | |||
a pause for his tired legionaries to rest. The Romans | |||
j formed a square, and were immediately surrounded | |||
~ by the enemy. The Parthian horsemen loosed clouds | |||
of arrows. Crassus then ordered his son Publius to | |||
drive the enemy away with a force of 4,000 foot and | |||
~ horse. The Parthians began to retreat rapidly, entic- | |||
ing the hot-blooded and inexperienced Publius deep | |||
| into the steppe, far from the main body of Roman | |||
a troops, in which they succeeded. The Parthian | |||
^ cavalry then suddenly turned on the Roman unit | |||
' and slaughtered it to a man. Upon learning of the | |||
s defeat and the death of his son, Crassus moved his | |||
132 | |||
force behind the walls of the city of Carrhae, but it | |||
was soon also destroyed almost completely by the | |||
Parthian cavalry. | |||
In the meantime Orodes II concluded an alliance | |||
with the Armenian king Arlavasdes and consoli¬ | |||
dated it through a dynastic marriage between his | |||
son Pacorus and an Armenian princess. At the | |||
height of the nuptial festivities, Suren’s messenger | |||
brought Crassus’s head and hand to the court of the | |||
Armenian king at Artaxata. At that time, Euripi¬ | |||
des’s Bacchae was being shown at Artavasdes’s court | |||
theatre, and when the head of Pentheus had to be | |||
brought on stage, the actor appeared with Crassus’s | |||
head in his hands instead of the prop, greeted by | |||
delighted shouts from the audience. | |||
The defeat of Crassus’s army stopped the advance | |||
of the Romans into the Mesopotamian possessions of | |||
Parthia, and the Roman power in Asia Minor, | |||
Syria, and Palestine was shaken. By the 40s of the 1st | |||
century B. C., the Phoenician cities (with the excep¬ | |||
tion of Tyre), as well as Syria and Palestine, were in | |||
Parthian hands, which created a direct threat to the | |||
Roman rule over the eastern Mediterranean regions. | |||
But the Parthians failed to consolidate their suc¬ | |||
cesses, unable to build an effective administrative | |||
machine in the conquered lands. Besides, the Parthi¬ | |||
ans could not organise long campaigns or besiege | |||
fortified cities. The main thing was, however, that | |||
the economic potential of the Parthian empire was | |||
insufficient for a long confrontation with Rome. By | |||
38 B. C., the Romans restored their control over | |||
Syria and Palestine. In that year, Mark Antony | |||
went on a campaign against the Parthians, but it | |||
ended in failure. | |||
Soon, however, the Parthian empire went into a | |||
long decline. At the beginning of the 3rd century | |||
A. D., it was torn by internecine strife, hard pressed | |||
to contain the advance of the Romans in the west | |||
and the raids of the nomads in the east. It began to | |||
disintegrate into a number of independent states | |||
and in the 20s of the 3rd century A. D. collapsed | |||
completely. | |||
We have so far little data on the inner structure of | |||
the Parthian empire. It comprised economically | |||
advanced countries of Mesopotamia and Syria as | |||
well as rather backward regions of eastern Iran and | |||
semidependent kingdoms. The king’s council, con¬ | |||
sisting of Parthian tribal nobility, played an import¬ | |||
ant role in ruling the state. Separate provinces were | |||
run by satraps appointed by the king. The defence of | |||
strategically important points was in the hands of | |||
commandants bearing the title of pitiahsh.es. The core | |||
of the Parthian army was cavalry. | |||
The capital of the state was the city of Hecatom- | |||
pylos in eastern Iran, and after the conquests in the | |||
west, Ctesiphon in Babylonia. The city of Nisa, 18 | |||
kilometres north-west of modern Ashkhabad, where | |||
Parthian kings were entombed in their tribal | |||
sepulchres until the 1st century B. C., was of great | |||
political significance. The more ancient of its three | |||
parts, covering an area of about 18 hectares and in¬ | |||
cluding the citadel, stood on a rise. All that area was | |||
surrounded by a high wall with one gate. Inside the | |||
wall were the ruler’s palace, the temple, administra¬ | |||
tive buildings, and army barracks. The houses of | |||
Parthian nobles and merchants, as well as handi¬ | |||
craftsmen’s blocks, adjoined that part of the city and | |||
were also surrounded by a thick wall. Beyond lay the | |||
rural zone of the city, surrounded by a mudbrick | |||
wall over seven kilometres in circuit. | |||
A treasure-trove of ivory wares, including remark¬ | |||
able specimens of Parthian applied art, was found in | |||
Nisa’s royal palace, in a large hall 60 by 60 metres | |||
square, by Soviet archaeologists. The treasure-trove, | |||
dated to the 2nd century B. C., mostly consists of | |||
carved rhytons with sculptured figurines of winged | |||
gryphons, centaurs and other fantastic and real ani¬ | |||
mals. The rhytons are made of ivory inlaid with | |||
gold, silver and precious stones. | |||
Many Parthian kings declared themselves to be | |||
Philhellenes. Tragedies by Greek authors were pro¬ | |||
duced at their courts, and Greek was widely used in | |||
the state apparatus. | |||
Zoroastrian priests, the Magians, played an im¬ | |||
portant role in Parthia. Under king Vologeses I | |||
(c. A. D. 43-50), ancient Zoroastrian texts were | |||
collected and recorded in the Aramaic script. | |||
By the end of the 2nd century B. C., the Great Silk | |||
Route between China and the Mediterranean | |||
became established. Parthian kings controlled a con¬ | |||
siderable part of that route, deriving large profits | |||
from the transit trade between East and West. Silk, | |||
iron, ivory, textiles, perfumes, and precious stones | |||
were carried from the East, and glass, ceramics, | |||
cloth, etc., flowed from the West. | |||
Parthia’s cultural traditions became part of the | |||
common old Central Asian civilisation, which later | |||
made a great impact on the development of culture | |||
133 | |||
in Transcaspian Asia during the Middle Ages. included even Egypt. But in A. D. 637 the Sassanian | |||
Parthian history has been thoroughly studied by army was routed by the Arabs, and soon after that | |||
Soviet archaeologists, historians and linguists. In the empire ceased to exist. | |||
their works, Parthia emerges as a major centre of the Under the Sassanids, Iranian society was | |||
ancient Orient (see also the chapter on Hellenism for organised on the estate principle. The free popula- | |||
further information on Parthia and Persia). tion was divided into four estates, the first three of | |||
them being privileged - the priests, the warriors and | |||
the officials. The fourth estate was made up of mer- | |||
Iran in the Sassanian Epoch. In the early 3rd century chants who, unlike the first three, had to pay taxes. | |||
B. C., Persis, the southern region of Iran, was The estates were closed, and movement from one | |||
divided into several small principalities, semi- estate to another was impossible. The priests were | |||
dependencies of Parthia. One of the rulers there was headed by the supreme Magian of the Zoroastrian | |||
Sassan, who gave his name to the Sassanid dynasty. religion; the warrior estate, by the army com- | |||
A successor of Sassan, Ardashir I, began to expand mander; and the officials, by the “great scribe”. The | |||
his possessions at the expense of the neighbouring head of the tax-payers’ estate was appointed by the | |||
territories. Uniting all Persis under his rule, he also king precisely for the purpose of collecting taxes, | |||
annexed the kingdoms of Kerman and Huzistan. The separate provinces making up the empire | |||
Worried by Ardashir’s successes, the Parthian king were headed by governors from the ranks of the Per- | |||
Artabanus V decided to stop him. A battle was sian aristocrats or by local kings who recognised the | |||
fought in A. D. 224 in Media, in which Ardashir Sassanids’ suzerainty. | |||
won a decisive victory, slaying Artabanus. In 226, Under the Sassanids, Zoroastrianism turned into | |||
Ardashir seized Ctesiphon and the neighbouring a dogmatic religion with strictly regulated rites, | |||
Parthian possessions in Mesopotamia. In that same militant and intolerant of other religions. The devel- | |||
year he was solemnly crowned king of Iran. Thus a opmentof these features, mainly connected with the | |||
new and powerful dynasty arose in the ancient name of Kartir, a major statesman, was gradual. He | |||
homeland of the Achaemenids. began his career under Ardashir I, who was | |||
After Ardashir’s death, his throne was inherited reported to have said that the throne was the sup- | |||
by his son Shapur I, who proved himself an out- port of the altar and the altar, the support of the | |||
standing strategist in the conflict with Rome over throne. Under Ardashir, however, Kartir occupied | |||
possession of Mesopotamia and Armenia. In 244, the modest post of tutor of Zoroastrian priests at | |||
Shapur defeated the Romans on the Euphrates, some temple. Later, Shapur I entrusted him with | |||
where the Roman emperor Gordian fell in battle. In the task of reorganising Zoroastrian temples and the | |||
260, the Romans suffered yet another defeat in the Zoroastrian community. Kartir rose to omnipotence | |||
battle of Edessa in Mesopotamia, and their emperor under Varahran II (A. D. 276-293), when he | |||
Valerian was taken prisoner. These victories are became head of the temple of Anahita at Istakhr, the | |||
recorded in the rock inscriptions at Naksh-i-Rustam, shrine of the Sassanian clan, supreme priest and | |||
not far from Persepolis. Shapur is portrayed there as supreme judge of the state. The Magians as an estate | |||
a triumpher, and a detailed inscription relates his were reorganised throughout the country to conform | |||
military exploits. j to the demand of a single religion for the country, | |||
Under Shapur I, the Sassanian state became a ~ and to become the king’s support. Kartir now laid | |||
centralised empire and a dangerous enemy of Rome. ^ claims to being the only interpreter of the gods’ will, | |||
But late in the 3rd century the Romans inflicted | and Zoroastrianism became the ruling religion, the | |||
several defeats on the Sassanians. Later, during ® only “true faith”. In Iran itself and beyond its | |||
Shapur II’s long reign (A. D. 309-379), Iran lar- 5 borders, Kartir ruthlessly persecuted Christian, | |||
gely recovered from these setbacks. | Manichaean and other cults. | |||
In the first quarter of the 7th century the Sas- a Four of Kartir’s inscriptions have survived, in | |||
sanian empire encompassed vast territories from In- ^ which he declares himself to be a prophet chosen by | |||
dia and northern Afghanistan to Northern Cau- ^ the gods. The inscriptions relate the events of his life | |||
casus, Syria and Arabia, and for a short while £ and his reform of the state religion. In one of these | |||
134 | |||
inscriptions Kartir appealed to the gods begging was obliged to fight evil actively and to lead a | |||
them to explain to him the nature of paradise and righteous life. | |||
hell and to endow him with the ability to explain to Christians were hostile to that religion, as is | |||
men how to distinguish between a righteous man attested by their extensive polemic literature against | |||
and a sinner, so that he might become even more Manichaeism. The latter presented a considerable | |||
pious. According to the other inscriptions, the gods threat to Christianity, rapidly spreading among the | |||
enabled Kartir to travel to the next world to the masses due to the simplicity of its precepts, | |||
throne of the supreme ruler Ahuramazda. Accom- At first, the Sassanids did not interfere with the | |||
panied by a maid personifying the Zoroastrian faith, spreading of Manichaeism and sometimes even sup- | |||
Kartir’s soul reached the golden throne where the ported Mani himself. Thus in 240, on the day of his | |||
scales for the weighing of good and evil stood. The coronation, Shapur received the young prophet, | |||
souls of righteous men, including that of Kartir, ate who was then only 25. But when the popular masses | |||
of the ritual feast and crossed the bridge called Chin- rose under Manichaean slogans against the founda- | |||
vat leading to paradise. After that journey, Kartir tions of the state, they were subjected to severe | |||
began to preach that the souls of those who chose the reprisals. Mani himself was thrown into gaol, where | |||
righteous way would go to paradise after death, he died of terrible torture in 277. | |||
while the souls of the godless would be plunged in In the later period of the existence of the Sas- | |||
hell. Accordingly, righteous men would flourish dur- sanian state, popular uprisings became frequent. In | |||
ing their life on earth, too, like Kartir himself. How- the late 5th century, there was a major revolt by | |||
ever, Kartir was not destined to die peacefully - he broad sections of the city poor and of peasants led by | |||
was apparently killed during a palace coup. Mazdak. If we are to accept the evidence of later | |||
Apart from Zoroastrianism, several other religions sources, Mazdak advocated the distribution of prop- | |||
existed in Iran. One of them was Christianity. Sha- erty between men; he said that no people should go | |||
pur II gave refuge to Christians pursued in the hungry or poor, as all men were equal. The same | |||
Roman empire, hoping to use their support in the sources insist that during the revolt the ordinary | |||
struggle against his main opponent. But when Chris- people “became brutalised”, and that slaves rose | |||
tianity was recognised as an official religion in against their masters. The revolt lasted for 30 years | |||
Rome, its adherents began to be persecuted in Iran. and was severely suppressed. | |||
Manichaeism enjoyed considerable influence in The art of Sassanian Iran is characterised above | |||
Iran and the neighbouring countries. This religion all by the portrayal of official personages. Some of | |||
was founded by Mani, born in Babylonia the monuments of this genre are colossal rock reliefs | |||
c. A. D. 215. In his youth, he travelled in the east portraying kings, their magnates and bodyguard, | |||
for a long time, studying Buddhism, Brahmanism The art of toreutics was particularly advanced. A | |||
and other religions. Mani began to preach already good sample of it is a silver dish with a picture of | |||
under the founder of the Sassanian state Ardashir king Shapur II hunting lions. The king is gallop- | |||
and continued to do so under Shapur I. He strove to ping at a lion, his bow taut, while nearby another | |||
found a universal religion that would supplant all lion, already dead, is lying. The technique employed | |||
the other religions. He insisted that his faith knew no in the making of these objects was as follows: an out- | |||
frontiers and extended to the most remote countries ? line was stamped on the reverse side of a plate, and | |||
and peoples. - then the obverse side was worked on with special in- | |||
Mani’s principal dogmas were recorded in Middle ^ struments. After that the plate was inserted in a | |||
Persian in Syrian script. Since Manichaeism rapidly S' silver dish, with the plate’s ends bent round the | |||
spread from Babylonia to Central Asia, various ? edges of the dish. | |||
modifications of it arose. Considerable remnants of | A fairly well-developed theory of music existed in | |||
the once extensive Manichaean literature, written in § Sassanian times. Of the musical instruments particu- | |||
diflerent languages, have survived. The basis of larly popular were the flute, the chang (a kind of | |||
Manichaeism, just as of Zoroastrianism, was the | harp), the lute, etc. Noblemen’s children studied | |||
dualist doctrine of the struggle between good and ~ reading, writing, counting, riding, playing nard (a | |||
evil, between the forces of light and darkness. Man i game ancestral to chess) and the art of using arms. | |||
135 | |||
Mathematics, astronomy and law were well | |||
advanced in Sassanian Iran. Links with the neigh¬ | |||
bouring countries were consolidated; thus, some | |||
literary works came to Iran from India and were | |||
translated into Pahlavi; later they became known in | |||
the Arabic world and in Byzantium and forming | |||
part of world literature. Manichaeism was strongly | |||
influenced by Buddhism. | |||
Despite the continual conflict with Rome, the | |||
antique world learnt a great deal about Iranian cul¬ | |||
ture under the Sassanids, while ancient Iranians | |||
absorbed the rich traditions of Graeco-Roman cul¬ | |||
ture. During the crisis of the Roman empire, interest | |||
for the Iranian religion grew among antique philoso¬ | |||
phers, who studied the doctrines of the Magians; the | |||
cult of the god Mithra was worshipped in various | |||
regions of the enormous Roman empire. | |||
In Iran, just as in the other countries of the | |||
ancient world, the encounter between the Eastern | |||
and Western civilisations facilitated a cultural rap¬ | |||
prochement and the creation of common cultural | |||
values in different areas of knowledge. | |||
Chapter 8 | |||
Western Central Asia in Antiquity | |||
For a long time the history of Central Asia was | |||
mostly known from brief accounts in the works of | |||
historians and geographers of the Graeco-Roman | |||
world. The true discovery of the ancient civilisations | |||
of Central Asia came through the studies of Soviet | |||
archaeologists which have been conducted on a | |||
large scale in the Central Asian republics since the | |||
1930s. These excavations have yielded monumental | |||
palaces and temples, first-class art monuments, and | |||
ancient archives-the Parthian one at Nisa near | |||
Ashkhabad and the Khorezmian at Toprak-kale on | |||
the right bank of the Amu Darya north-east of | |||
Khiva. The study of all these materials, which still | |||
continues, has shown some profound differences | |||
between the type of culture, settlements, and the | |||
esthetic canons of these ancient civilisations from | |||
those of the local medieval societies which began to | |||
develop here in the 6th and 7th centuries A. D. In | |||
the view of Soviet scholars, these differences are | |||
closely linked with the qualitatively different nature | |||
of the socioeconomic relations which existed in | |||
ancient Transcaspian Asia. Prof. S. P. Tolstov was | |||
the first to formulate this thesis, relying mostly on g | |||
the materials from ancient Khorezm. According to | |||
his hypothesis a local variety of slave-owning society | |||
of the early Oriental type existed here in ancient s | |||
times. New materials obtained in subsequent work | | |||
bear out this view, although the scarcity of local ^ | |||
data, especially of economic archives, makes it | | |||
difficult to characterise in detail the specificity of ^ | |||
the local culture. 5 | |||
Sharp contrasts are the outstanding feature of the ° | |||
natural conditions of Central Asia. Desert-and- ?. | |||
steppe landscapes, notably the Kara Kum and | |||
Kyzyl Kum deserts, adjoin fertile oases irrigated by | |||
two major rivers, the Amu Darya and the Syr | |||
Darya, and a number of their tributaries and less sig¬ | |||
nificant rivers. The high mountain-masses of Tien | |||
Shan and Pamir also form distinctive landscapes. | |||
Here, cultures differing in external traits and | |||
economic modes developed under varied ecological | |||
conditions. The interaction of diverse cultures is one | |||
of the marks of the country’s ancient history, as are | |||
the long and close links with the ancient sources of | |||
civilisation of the Orient, in the first place with the | |||
Near East. | |||
These features were clearly manifested already at | |||
the ancient stages of the history of the tribes and peo¬ | |||
ples in this region. In the 6th millennium B. C., the | |||
Jeitun Neolithic culture evolved in the south-west | |||
of Central Asia on the narrow foothill plain between | |||
the Kopet-dag Ridge and the Kara Kum desert. | |||
Jeitun tribes led a settled life, grew wheat and bar¬ | |||
ley and raised livestock. With advances in farming | |||
and livestock-breeding, the standard of living and | |||
culture of these tribes rose. Jeitun settlements | |||
consisted of solid mudbrick houses. A large build¬ | |||
ing-the communal shrine with fresco-covered | |||
walls-was the focus of such a settlement. Some fea¬ | |||
tures of construction techniques, of pottery covered | |||
with simple designs, and some others, point to close | |||
links with the settled peasant cultures of Iran and | |||
Mesopotamia, particularly with the Jarmo culture. | |||
In the 5th and 4th millennia B. C., these agricul¬ | |||
tural communities made further progress. They | |||
began to smelt copper and raise cattle and later | |||
camels; moving east, they settled the delta of a fairly | |||
large river, the Tedjend-Gerirud. Ditches were dug | |||
137 | |||
to irrigate the fields, and that formed the beginning | |||
of irrigation farming yielding high and stable crops. | |||
As a result of these economic and cultural devel¬ | |||
opments, the first cities and of an early-urban civili¬ | |||
sation arose in south-west Central Asia. Its best- | |||
known monument is Altin-depe. The Altin-depe | |||
civilisation, which dates to 2300-1900 B. C., has all | |||
the features of the highly developed cultures of the | |||
ancient Orient. Its centres were two urban settle¬ | |||
ments Altin-depe and Namazga-tepe surrounded | |||
by walls of mudbrick, the gates leading into the city | |||
framed by monumental towers or pylons following | |||
the model of similar constructions of ancient Meso¬ | |||
potamia. The focus of Altin-depe was the | |||
monumental cultic complex with a four-step tower, | |||
obviously imitating the stepped ziggurats of Sumer | |||
and Babylonia. The cultic complex included | |||
numerous storehouses, the supreme priest’s house, | |||
and the tomb of the priestly community. Among | |||
other things, a gold bull’s head was found here with | |||
a crescent-shaped insert in the forehead made of tur- | |||
qoise. The entire temple complex was dedicated to | |||
the astral moon-god who is often described in Meso¬ | |||
potamian mythology as a flame-coloured bull. | |||
Another line of cultural links leads from Transcas¬ | |||
pian Asia to the Indus valley-the seat of the Har- | |||
appa civilisation. Harappa ivory objects have been | |||
found at Altin-depe among the things placed in rich | |||
tombs and in walled-in treasure-troves. Seals of the | |||
Harappa type have also been discovered here, in¬ | |||
cluding one bearing two signs of proto-Indian writing. | |||
The urban population of the Altin-depe civilisa¬ | |||
tion clearly falls into three groups differing in the | |||
level of well-being, the character of the houses, and | |||
even in their food. The ordinary commoners, the | |||
craftsmen and farmers, lived in houses consisting of | |||
numerous tiny rooms; only a few bits of pottery have | |||
been found in the tombs adjoining them, while half | |||
the meat they ate was that of wild animals. The | |||
houses of the nobler members of the community | |||
were more imposing, and their tombs contain neck¬ | |||
laces of semi-precious stones, silver and bronze rings | |||
and seals. The social and economic differentiation | |||
was most marked in the third group of the popula¬ | |||
tion-chieftains and priests. Their large dwellings | |||
were well laid out and occupied areas of 80 to 100 | |||
square metres. The tombs in the “aristocratic | |||
quarters” contain various ornaments, including | |||
objects of silver and gold, as well as imported ones of | |||
ivory. The measurements of the skeletons show that | |||
members of the urban elite were even taller than | |||
ordinary citizens-another sign of a well-fed, easy | |||
life. The more prominent noblemen may have used | |||
the labour of slaves, whose burials, without any | |||
funerary objects, sometimes lie next to the rich | |||
tombs. A society of equal farmers was thus replaced | |||
by a social system based on inequality, and an early | |||
class society gradually took shape. | |||
In the mid-2nd millennium B. C., the urban set¬ | |||
tlements of that most ancient civilisation of Trans¬ | |||
caspian Asia declined, and the principal centres of | |||
development moved east, to the delta of the Mur- | |||
gab, and the middle Amu Darya area where new | |||
farming oases sprang up. The oases in the Murgab | |||
delta centred round large urban-type fortified settle¬ | |||
ments. Several fortified settlements of ancient com¬ | |||
munities have been excavated in the middle reaches | |||
of the Amu Darya, but no major towns have been | |||
discovered. All the settlements had walls and towers, | |||
and bronze weapons became widespread. We | |||
observe all the earmarks of an epoch of wars and | |||
conflicts. Judging by their culture, the population of | |||
these oases seem to be direct descendants of the | |||
founders of the Altin-depe civilisation, although | |||
some new cultural features are also observed, includ¬ | |||
ing flat stone seals portraying, with considerable | |||
skill, dramatic scenes of fighting between bulls and | |||
dragons, serpents attacking tigers, a mythological | |||
hero conquering wild beasts. Some of these themes | |||
point to increasing links with Mesopotamia and | |||
Elam. By the 1st millennium B. C., the whole of | |||
southern Central Asia was dominated by a highly | |||
developed culture of the ancient Oriental type, and | |||
new centres arose in the areas which in the 1st mil¬ | |||
lennium B. C. were named Margiana (the Murgab | |||
basin) and Bactria (the middle course of the Amu | |||
Darya). | |||
Simultaneously with the emergence of new oases | |||
in the south of Central Asia, the northern steppes | |||
were settled by cattle-raising tribes. Herds of cattle | |||
were their principal wealth, and horse-drawn char¬ | |||
iots were widely used for transportation. Some fea¬ | |||
tures of this culture are reminiscent of the monu¬ | |||
ments of the steppe dwellers of the modern Volga | |||
area and western Kazakhstan. Many researchers | |||
believe that the spreading in Central Asia of the peo¬ | |||
ples of the Indo-Iranian language branch, who | |||
called themselves Aryans, is linked with the pene- | |||
138 | |||
tration of the steppe tribes. Wheels and swastikas, lower Amu Darya) and some areas on the territory | |||
formed of stones laid end to end, which played a of modern Afghanistan. This is probably a descrip- | |||
great role in the cultic notions of the old Indian tion of a temporary political union, a military confe- | |||
tribes, have been found in the burials of the steppe deration of tribal unions. True, the power of the | |||
pastoral peoples. As they settled here, Indo-Iranian petty kings heading such confederations was re¬ | |||
tribes came into contact with the local population stricted by the “council of first men”, but the ten- | |||
and mixed with it, so that the language of some of dency towards establishing a stable state with a | |||
the population of the settled oases probably became strong authority was universal. | |||
Iranised. This was the historical background for the activi- | |||
These distinctive conditions of interaction ties of Zarathustra or Zoroaster, founder of the new | |||
between northern nomads and southern sedentary religion of Zoroastrianism. The recurrent theme of | |||
farmers formed the background for an intense pro- Zoroastrianism is the idea of an eternal struggle | |||
cess of the development of class relations and the for- between good and evil, between truth and falsehood, | |||
mation of the state. Technical progress was prima- The good and positive principle is personified by | |||
rily marked by the introduction of iron. In the 10th Ahuramazda (Ormuzd), his antipode is Angro | |||
through 7th centuries B. C., iron tools and weapons Mainyu (Ahriman or Ariman). | |||
appeared in southern Central Asia, and beginning Zoroaster is believed to have lived and preached | |||
with the 6th-4th centuries B. C., iron objects became in the 7th century B. C. He seems to have begun | |||
widespread throughout this territory. Iron spades, preaching at the court of an east Iranian king, Vish- | |||
axes and sickles largely facilitated a further rise in taspa, who ruled Drangiana, an area in the south¬ | |||
land cultivation. Complex irrigation systems were west of modern Afghanistan. The internecine strife | |||
built in the south-eastern Caspian area and in the between the rulers of several countries seems to have | |||
Murgab delta. Large settlements with citadels on ended in a success for Bactria, a “fine land with its | |||
mighty mudbrick platforms formed the centres of banners raised high”, according to the Avesta. The | |||
irrigated oases, with monumental palaces of rulers antique tradition has preserved the legend of a once | |||
inside the citadels. A typical settlement of this type is powerful Bactrian kingdom where Zoroaster himself | |||
Yaz-depe in the Murgab delta the Margiana of is said to have ruled. | |||
antiquity. Soon Central Asia formed part of the Achaemenid | |||
Related cultures existed on the territory of Bactria empire. When the Achaemenids attempted to annex | |||
and, as latest studies have shown, in the Zeravshan the new lands here, they ran into fierce opposition | |||
and Kashkadarya valleys, i. e., on the territory from a powerful union of nomadic tribes called the | |||
called Sogd in ancient times. Indications are that Massagetae by the antique sources. Cyrus II, the | |||
most of the population of Central Asia was by that founder of the Achaemenid empire, fell in 530 B. C. | |||
time entirely Iranian-speaking, both the oases- in a battle with the Massagetae headed by their | |||
dwellers and the tribes of horsemen living in the vast queen Tomyris. In the end, the areas where the | |||
open spaces of the steppes, whose sudden raids often nomads lived remained largely independent, but | |||
terrorised the former. Economic development, accu- most of the settled oases were included in the new | |||
muladon of wealth, and the growing gap between 5 state’s satrapies. The Bactrian satrapy, presumably | |||
the rich and the poor stimulated the tendency to- | one of the most important, was often governed by a | |||
wards the creation of larger political units. .» member of the ruling dynasty. The satrapies paid | |||
The epico-heroic tradition of the East Iranian J the central government taxes and sent military con- | |||
tribes, partially surviving in the Avesta, throws light | tingents to the Persian army, and the local nobility | |||
on some aspects of that process. An ancient hymn n helped to collect the taxes and levy the troops, which | |||
dedicated to the god Mithra mentions “the ruler of | accelerated the growth of social differentiation and | |||
all rulers” - apparently a chieftain who headed, for a i. class conflicts in society. When Darius acceded to the | |||
time at least, several oases. The text goes on to de- f' throne in 522 B. C., revolts and separatist move- | |||
scribe Mithra himself riding a fast steed and looking * ments enveloped almost the whole of the Achae- | |||
down from high mountains on the fertile “Aryan | menid empire, including the Transcaspian satrapies, | |||
land”-Sogd, Margiana, Khorezm (a region in the £ The fighting was particularly fierce in Margiana, | |||
139 | |||
where the Margianans lost 55,000 dead and 6,500 | |||
prisoners in one battle. Although these figures are | |||
most likely exaggerated, there can be little doubt but | |||
that the revolt in Margiana was a mass popular | |||
movement. | |||
After the dramatic events of the first years of | |||
membership in the Achaemenid empire, the 5th cen¬ | |||
tury saw the beginning of a period of relative calm in | |||
the eastern satrapies. Cities developed, particularly | |||
Marakanda, the capital of Sogdiana which lay in the | |||
valley of the Zeravshan on the site of modern Samar¬ | |||
kand. Various crafts flourished, and regular trade | |||
routes between different countries became estab¬ | |||
lished, for the protection of which the Achaemenid | |||
government showed special zeal. One of such routes | |||
led across Bactria to India. Bactria may have begun | |||
to mint its own coin. Local traditions, going back to | |||
the Altin-depe civilisation, remained the basis of the | |||
culture of settled oases, but they were enriched by | |||
stronger contacts with other countries. Coins from | |||
Greek cities, including Athens, reached the local | |||
markets at that time, as Greek objects of art probab¬ | |||
ly did, too. The local rulers built monumental | |||
palaces following the canons of the imperial capital | |||
Persepolis. | |||
After a prolonged Graeco-Persian confrontation, | |||
the declining Achaemenid empire was shattered by | |||
Alexander the Great’s army. But the lucky con¬ | |||
queror had to fight hard to keep his hold over the | |||
vast territories he had seized, and his greatest diffi¬ | |||
culties were in Central Asia. Bessus, the last Achae¬ | |||
menid satrap of Bactria, hurried to declare himself | |||
“king of Asia”, and tried to organise a new state on | |||
the basis of the eastern satrapies, but things did not | |||
even come to a military encounter here. Hearing of | |||
the approach of a Graeco-Macedonian force, Bessus | |||
fled but was soon handed over to Alexander by his | |||
own confederates. However, Graeco-Macedonians | |||
ran into serious resistance at Sogd, where repeated j | |||
revolts led by Spitamenes, an energetic Sogdian ^ | |||
nobleman, shook the country for nearly three years | |||
(329-327 B.C.). | |||
Alexander’s policy of achieving a rapprochement ~ | |||
between the Hellenic and Oriental parts of his vast s: | |||
empire was implemented in Central Asia. He began | | |||
to include Sogdian and Bactrian contingents in his 3 | |||
army, and his marriage to Roxana, daughter of the j | |||
noble Bactrian Oxiartes, was both a romantic and a s | |||
political act. Vigorous construction was begun; £ | |||
cities were founded in Bactria, Sogd and Parthia | |||
(areas of modern southern Turkmenistan and north¬ | |||
eastern Iran) which were called Alexandrias. | |||
After the death of Alexander the Great, Central | |||
Asia became part of one of the states that arose on | |||
the ruins of the new empire which never got on its | |||
feet. That state was the new empire of the Seleucids, | |||
of which the centre was Babylon and which | |||
extended its rule to Bactria c. 305 B. C. Following in | |||
Alexander’s footsteps, the Seleucids tried to gain | |||
support among the upper strata of the population of | |||
the conquered countries, stimulating the develop¬ | |||
ment of local economy and culture. | |||
In the Seleucids’ eastern possessions the chief pro¬ | |||
ponent of that policy was Antiochus I, the son of the | |||
empire’s founder Seleucus. In 289 B. C. he was | |||
appointed joint ruler with his father and was given | |||
the satrapies east of the Euphrates. Antiochus took | |||
vigorous measures to restore the economy. He | |||
rebuilt the capital of Margiana, which was named | |||
Antiochia of Margiana, and the entire oasis was sur¬ | |||
rounded by a wall 250 kilometres long to protect it | |||
against the nomads’ raids. Other cities and settle¬ | |||
ments were also fortified or built anew, and the in¬ | |||
flux of colonists begun under Alexander continued. | |||
Silver coins were minted in Bactria under Antiochus | |||
which followed the Greek weight standard and the | |||
local face-values. After several decades of tribula¬ | |||
tions, a period of relative stability came to Central | |||
Asia. At the same time, political authority was just | |||
as alien to the majority of the local population as un¬ | |||
der the Achaemenids and Alexander. The tendency | |||
towards political independence became stronger | |||
with the rise of the local economy. The Seleucids, | |||
too, mostly saw their eastern satrapies merely as a | |||
source of money and military contingents for their | |||
wars in the west. A combination of diverse interests | |||
and aspirations gradually led to the formation of in¬ | |||
dependent states in Central Asia. | |||
C. 250 B. C., the Bactrian satrap Diodotus de¬ | |||
clared himself an independent ruler. Nearly simul¬ | |||
taneously, Parthia broke with the Seleucids, too. | |||
The new historical period of independent existence | |||
of Central Asian states began. There were three | |||
major states of this kind: Parthia, which arose as an | |||
independent state in the south-west of Central Asia | |||
but soon became a world empire with its principal | |||
centres far in the west, in Iran and Mesopotamia; | |||
the Graeco-Bactrian kingdom, a kind of Hellenist | |||
outpost in the east; and the Kushan empire, pow- At the same time it was an important stage in the | |||
erful and very little studied so far yet fascinating in development of Bactrian civilisation. Hellenic cul- | |||
its unusual richness and diversity of monuments of ture made a strong impact on the original substra- | |||
culture and art. turn of the ancient local traditions. The role of Greek | |||
Graeco-Bactria occupied a special position among culture and language were particularly great in Bac- | |||
these states. Its policy, history and culture mani- tria. Significantly, the Indian ruler Ashoka, who | |||
fested especially clearly the fusion and creative inter- temporarily established his rule over some regions | |||
action between the Hellenic and Oriental principles south of Hindu Kush, inscribed an edict on the rocks | |||
which ultimately created the unique aura of Hel- addressed to the local population in which two kinds | |||
lenism. Graeco-Bactria’s political history abounds in of script were used Aramaic, employed in Achae- | |||
dynamic events. Its first ruler Diodotus endeavoured menid offices, and Greek, introduced by Alexander | |||
to create dynastic traditions, and called his son Dio- and the Seleucids. On the right bank of the Amu | |||
dotus as well. But c. 230 B.C., Diodotus II was Darya, at the mouth of its tributary Kunduz, exca- | |||
deposed and assassinated, along with his whole vations at the Ai Khanoum site have revealed the | |||
family, by Euthydemus. The Seleucid ruler Antio- ruins of a city founded by Greek colonists. In anti- | |||
chus III was at the time making desperate efforts to quity the city was apparently called Alexandria | |||
restore the former might of the empire. During his Oxiana, from Oxus, the ancient name of the Amu | |||
campaign in the east, he spent two years on a futile Darya. There is no doubt about the Hellenic nature | |||
siege of the city of Bactria, the capital of the Graeco- of the city. There was a gymnasium here, and in- | |||
Bactrian kingdom, and had to be satisfied with a scriptions were found in it dedicated to Hermes and | |||
treaty of cooperation. Euthydemus’s son Demetrius Heracles. A peristyle court has been excavated in the | |||
crossed the Hindu Kush and conquered some prov- administrative centre, the four porticoes of which | |||
inces of the Indian kingdom of Maurya. The lucky had 116 stone columns with capitals in a style close | |||
ruler had coins stamped with a portrait of himself to the Corinthian order. The inscriptions found by | |||
wearing a ceremonial helmet in the shape of an ele- the archaeologists include copies of Delphian aphor- | |||
phant’s head. Sensitive to the feelings of his new sub- isms. But there is also evidence of interpenetration of | |||
jects, he put Indian inscriptions along with the the cultural traditions. Thus the mighty mudbrick | |||
Greek ones on the coins. But the situation in Bactria walls of the fortress are obviously a development of | |||
itself was not stable, and c. 171, when Demetrius the local monumental architecture. The buildings of | |||
was still in India, power in the metropolis was seized the administrative centre include an 18-column hall | |||
by Eucratides, presumably one of the generals. The built in the traditions of the Achaemenid palatial | |||
latter seems to have been active on many fronts, architecture. Apart from marble sculpture, there | |||
fighting, among other enemies, Parthia on his west- were also statues at Ai Khanoum made of gypsum | |||
ern frontiers, which was then gathering strength, but and clay. Clay sculpture is a purely Oriental feature, | |||
in the end he was defeated. C. 155, he was killed by not a Greek one. The interaction of the two cultures | |||
his son Heliocles, as he returned from one of his cam- was a characteristic feature of Bactria in the 3rd and | |||
paigns. The new usurper was the last major ruler of 2nd centuries B. C., although the two traditions | |||
Graeco-Bactria, and his rule did not last long at g often developed along parallel lines. The coins of | |||
that. Between 140 and 130 B. C., nomadic tribes in- f Graeco-Bactrian kings were remarkable specimens | |||
vading from the north put an end to Graeco-Bactria p» of the art of medal-making. | |||
as a major power. J Parthia existed much longer as an independent | |||
This kaleidoscope of coups and conspiracies | state than the Graeco-Bactrian kingdom. Parthia’s | |||
should not eclipse certain more fundamental pro- o independence from the Seleucids was originally pro¬ | |||
cesses. The Graeco-Bactrian period was marked by | claimed, as in Bactria, by the local satrap, whose | |||
intense city building. Abundance of Graeco-Bac- ^ name was Andragoras. But soon the country was | |||
trian coins points to well-developed trade. It was in » overrun by the neighbouring nomadic tribes, whose | |||
the Graeco-Bactrian period that Bactria, formerly a /_ ruler Arsaces assumed the title of king in 247. The | |||
rich agricultural area with isolated urban centres, subsequent rulers of Parthia adopted Arsaces as one | |||
became a country of advanced trade and crafts. § of their throne names. Originally, the new state was | |||
not large, including, apart from Parthia proper, the and the rise of handicrafts and money circulation. In | |||
neighbouring Hyrcania (a region adjoining the Parthyene itself, the best-known city was Nisa, | |||
south-eastern Caspian). However, under Mithrida- whose ruins lie not far from modern Ashkhabad, | |||
tes I (c. 171-138 B. C.) Parthia began vigorously The royal palace and the tombs of the elder Arsacids | |||
expanding towards the west as far as Mesopotamia, lay next to the city proper. Intense economic devel- | |||
ultimately becoming a major world power. The opment made an impact on the social relations, too. | |||
Parthian period in the history of Iran and Mesopo- Slave labour played a great role in the economy, | |||
tamia is one of its more striking chapters. The According to law children of slaves remained slaves, | |||
ancient homeland in the north-east of the Parthian The position of ordinary commoners, who paid high | |||
empire was now only one of its important centres. taxes to the state, was hard, too. Cultivation ofland | |||
The powerful movement of nomadic tribes which by commoners was regarded as a duty to the state | |||
had brought down Graeco-Bactria also affected and was strictly controlled. The system of govern- | |||
Parthia’s eastern regions. Two Parthian kings fell in ment required a smooth working of the administrat- | |||
the hard struggle against the nomads; only under ive and fiscal machinery. As shown by the numerous | |||
Mithridates II (123-87 B. C.) was that constant economic records found in the Nisa excavations, | |||
threat localised, and a special province set aside for detailed records were kept of the payments in kind | |||
the invading tribes which was called Sakastan coming from the commoners’ lands and temple and | |||
(modern Seistan). In the long-drawn-out confron- royal estates. Each record indicated the year when | |||
tation with Rome, Parthia often suffered military the supplies came and the name of the official in | |||
and political defeats at the hands of this strong and charge. | |||
highly experienced rival, who also claimed suprem- Cultural achievements were especially significant, | |||
acy in the Near East. After prolonged internecine In Parthia, just as in neighbouring Bactria, the tra- | |||
strife, Artabanus III, a member of the so-called ditions of the local civilisation of the early Oriental | |||
younger Arsacid dynasty, came to power in Parthia type blended with Hellenic cultural features. Thus | |||
in A. D. 11, supported by the nomadic tribes of its two cultural traditions can clearly be traced in the | |||
deep-lying regions. royal residence in the area of Nisa which was called | |||
At the end of the 1st and the beginning of the 2nd in antiquity Mithridatekert (“built by Mithri- | |||
century A. D., Parthian empire went into a de- dates”; now the Old Nisa site). The monumental | |||
cline-a process paralleled by the growing indepen- mudbrick architecture, the heavy ground plans of | |||
dence of the various provinces headed by the the square ceremonial halls, the Zoroastrian names | |||
members of the numerous Arsacid clan or other in the documents of the palace archives and the | |||
noble Parthian families. Hyrcania also showed a ten- Zoroastrian calendar point to the deep-lying local | |||
dency towards separatism, sending its ambassadors roots of this culture. The records are kept in Parth- | |||
directly to Rome. A dynasty in its own right asserted ian, in an Aramaic script, which became widespread | |||
itself in Margiana; its first king Sanabares called in the Achaemenid epoch, adapted to the Parthian | |||
himself by the same title as the ruling Arsacid, i. e., language; the records directly borrow cliches from | |||
“the king of kings”. The power of the Margianan the bureaucratese of that preceding period. At the | |||
ruler may have extended to Parthyene, or Parthia same time, the architectural decor widely uses the | |||
proper, where coins of Margianan minting are often splendid capitals of the Corinthian order decorated | |||
found. Some sources also report that in the west ~ with an acanthus leaves design, and marble statues | |||
Margiana bordered on Hyrcania, so that the lands in the best traditions of Hellenistic sculpture are car- | |||
of Parthyene must have been under the rule of the efully preserved in the royal treasure-house. Ori- | |||
Margianan “king of kings”. This semi-independence ^ ginally, the inscriptions on the coins minted in | |||
of the eastern Parthian provinces apparently con- Parthia were also in Greek only. Evidence of the syn- | |||
tinued until the fall of Arsacid Parthia in the 220s, a. thesis of these two cultural traditions is also found in | |||
when it was shattered by Ardashir, the founder of a 3 the large ivory drinking horns or rhytons discovered | |||
new and powerful Sassanid dynasty. at Mithridatekert. The form of these vessels is tradi- | |||
The Parthian period in south-western Central ^ tionally Oriental but some motifs of ornamentation | |||
Asia was marked by the development of urban life ! are undoubtedly Greek, including those on the | |||
142 | |||
friezes portraying twelve Olympian deities and Kanishka, but there is little agreement among | |||
Artemis the Huntress. After the beginning of the researchers on the time of his reign. The most likely | |||
Christian era a kind of Oriental reaction to Hel- period is the first third of the 2nd century A. D. | |||
lenism set in, and the properly Parthian, Oriental Under Kanishka, the centre of the Kushan empire | |||
canons asserted themselves, while Greek motifs definitely moved towards the Indian possessions, | |||
appeared in modified form. Parthian inscriptions on and Purushapura (modern Peshawar) became its | |||
coins, gradually ousted Greek ones, the latter capital. | |||
becoming more and more indistinct and distorted. Since Kushan possessions bordered on Parthia in | |||
Similar changes took place at nearly the same the west and Han China in the east, military con- | |||
time in the culture of Bactria, where the Kushan flicts with these states were not infrequent. Before | |||
kingdom was coming into being. Originally, the core the emergence of the Kushan state, Parthian pre- | |||
of the Kushan state was Bactria. Graeco-Bactria was sence in Bactria was considerable, as was reflected in | |||
supplanted by small political unions, including pos- the spreading of Parthian coins and in cultural in¬ | |||
sessions of the nomadic chieftains who had brought fluences. But later the relations on the western | |||
down the power of the Graeco-Bactrian kings. These borders of Kushana were stabilised and remained so | |||
nomads rather rapidly assimilated the traditions of a during several centuries. Late in the 1st and early | |||
settled culture, showing themselves to be industrious 2nd century A. D., there was some hard fighting in | |||
and intelligent workers. In the 1st century B. C., eastern Turkistan, where the Kushan army stopped | |||
they built new canals and cities, creating whole the Han expansion. | |||
farming oases. Soon one of their chieftains, named Later, the Kushan kingdom suffered a defeat in | |||
Heraius, had his image as an armed horseman the conflict with the Sassanian state which replaced | |||
stamped on the large silver coins of the realm accom- Parthia. Especially important were the events of the | |||
panied by an inscription in Greek, the whole mid-4th century A. D., when the Sassanian troops | |||
symbolising, as it were, the link between the noma- invaded the territory of Bactria, and Sassanian gov- | |||
dic traditions and the Hellenistic state. Even more ernors in the east adopted the titles of “the king of | |||
interesting is the fact that he calls himself a the Kushan” and even “the great king of the | |||
“Kushan”. Further growth of Heraius’s small pos- Kushans”. That was the end of a once great empire, | |||
session ultimately led to the creation of the enormous Some of the Kushan possessions remained indepen- | |||
Kushan empire. dent, and at the end of the 4th and beginning of the | |||
Its founder was Kadphizes I, who established his 5th centuries they even had a period of resurgence, | |||
rule over four small principalities of nomadic tribes when cities were rebuilt, dilapidated fortifications | |||
on Bactrian territory, first pushing back and then repaired, and palaces erected. But the unified | |||
conquering the last Greek dynasts. As a result, the Kushan state, whose territory once stretched from | |||
whole of Bactria was united under a single ruler, the Ganges to the Amu Darya, no longer existed, | |||
who adopted the magnificent title of “the king of Presently, incursions of nomadic tribes and new | |||
kings”. These events assumedly happened in the 1st pressure from the Sassanids resulted in the downfall | |||
century A. D. The new empire expanded along the of the late Kushan rulers, too. | |||
traditional route south beyond the Hindu Kush 5 The Kushans inherited Bactria’s well-developed | |||
passes, where Kadphizes I asserted his dominion | agriculture based on artificial irrigation, with its | |||
over several provinces. The minting of coins with In- °= attendant high population density. Intense develop- | |||
dian inscriptions shows that lands with Indian popu- J ment of trade and crafts facilitated a further rise in | |||
lation now formed part of his possessions. Under | urban life. The role of money relations in trade kept | |||
Kadphizes I, Bactria formed the core of the Kushan p growing, as shown by hundreds of Kushan small | |||
empire, of which Bactria was most likely the capital. | copper coins used in retail trading, found in abun- | |||
Kushan territory was further expanded under Kad- dance in the excavations of both major centres and | |||
phizes II, son and successor of the founder of the “ small settlements. New cities emerged and the old | |||
state, who annexed a large part of north-western * centres expanded. There are grounds to believe that | |||
India. .f a considerable proportion of Bactria’s inhabitants | |||
The best known among Kushan rulers was § lived in urban-type settlements. Particularly inter- | |||
esting are cities built on the rectangular plan under the world of the nomadic Asian tribes’ artistic cul- | |||
the aegis of central authority, such as Zar-tepe and ture and is close to the works of Sarmatian art. | |||
Dalverzin in northern Bactria and Begram and Dyl- Another group of themes represents the purely an- | |||
berdjin in the southern part of it. They offer evi- tique line, as, for instance, the figure of a warrior in | |||
dence of clearcut town-building and fortification ceremonial armour of the Macedonian type, a | |||
canons. woman riding a lion, or a jolly Silenus with a rhyton | |||
Kushan cities, both large and small, old and in his hands. Many of the complex groups and scenes | |||
newly built, formed a whole system, being linked by have not been properly interpreted so far.. Presuma- | |||
roads and caravan routes. Commercial links with bly they reproduce local Bactrian themes combined | |||
the Roman empire, and in particular with its eastern with Hellenistic and Indian influences. From the | |||
provinces, figured especially prominently in trade evidence of the coins, the burials may be dated to the | |||
relations. The trade was conducted along land and 1st century B. C. or the first half of the 1st century | |||
sea routes; the latter began in the western ports of A. D. We have here an early stage of cultural integ- | |||
Hindustan. The land route led north across the Fer- ration, in which the sources of the remarkable | |||
ghana valley to China. The commodities travelling Kushan culture lie. Kushan cities became the car- | |||
along these trading routes were numerous and var- riers of the new cultural standards represented by | |||
ied. Spices, perfumes, precious stones, ivory, and stable assemblages ranging from everyday utensils to | |||
.sugar were carried to Rome. Of particular impor- cultic objects. This urbanised culture and money | |||
tance was trade in rice and cotton wares. Silk, relations also penetrated into rural areas, | |||
leather and other goods were in transit from China. During the Kushan period, Buddhism became | |||
The greatest international trade artery of those times widespread, and its monuments are found in all the | |||
was sometimes even called “the great silk route”. corners of the vast empire. As a rule, they are gener- | |||
Textiles and clothes suited to the local tastes, glass- ously decorated with sculptures, reliefs and paint- | |||
ware and jewelry, statues and wines were brought ings. A Buddhist cave monastery is situated at Kara- | |||
from Rome. Gold and silver Roman coins came to tepe near Termez, which was the capital of northern | |||
the local markets in large numbers and often occur Bactria. A number of buildings on the surface and | |||
in the treasure-troves found on the territory of the cave cells were located here. Fajas-tepe, another | |||
Kushan empire. monastery in the neighbourhood of Termez, is built | |||
Probably the most significant achievement of the entirely on the ground. Its focus is a court with cells | |||
Kushan times was high level of culture. Kushan cul- and chapels at the sides and a hall for general meet- | |||
ture, with all its variation of time and place, was a ings in the centre. Fajas-tepe is abundantly orna- | |||
creative blend of the achievements of the local civili- mented with painted clay sculpture and pictures, in | |||
sation of the ancient Oriental type, the life-giving which the figures of the donators show obvious in¬ | |||
principles of Hellenism, the sophistication of Indian fluences of the Hellenistic psychological portrait. A | |||
art, and the dashing style contributed by the nomad- Buddhist shrine containing gypsum sculpture has | |||
ic tribes from the Asian steppes. The initial stage of been discovered in the suburb of Dalverzin. The | |||
that syncretic Kushan art is well represented by the ruins of a stupa, another type of Buddhist monu- | |||
materials from noblemen’s burials discovered by ments, have also been discovered on the territory of | |||
Soviet archaeologists on the Tillya-tepe site in south- j Bactria. These are monumental dome-shaped build- | |||
ern Bactria. The bodies were entombed in rich ~ ings of mudbrick. Of considerable interest are in¬ | |||
clothes adorned in gold designs. Stamped and cast ^ scriptions in the Brahmi and Kharoshthi script dis- | |||
gold buckles, plates, dagger sheaths, and pendants | covered at Kara-tepe and Fajas-tepe. They are | |||
were profusely ornamented with insets of pearl, tur- ~ written in Prakrit or the Middle Indian language, | |||
qoise, and lapis lazuli. There are traces here of |_: Soviet scholars and the Hungarian scientist J. Har- | |||
several artistic traditions which affected early | maua have shown that the names of various Budd- | |||
Kushan culture. Thus the motifs and the manner of 5 hist schools occur in the inscriptions. Borrowed from | |||
execution of scenes of fighting animals rolled into a ^ India, Buddhism assumed original forms in Central | |||
single tangle, the tense and expressive figures of ani- ^ Asia, where Indian Buddhist traditions were com- | |||
mals, and the winged dragons-all this leads us into t bined with local ones, as can be seen from the sculp- | |||
144 | |||
ture and architecture of the monasteries, and from rulers on its territory minted coins imitating those of | |||
bilingual inscriptions in Bactrian and Indian. the Graeco-Bactrian kingdom. In the 1st century | |||
Patronising Buddhism, Rushan rulers endeav- B. C., inscriptions on coins began to be made in Ara- | |||
oured at the same time to assert the authority of maic script adapted to the Sogdian language. It is | |||
secular power. The Surkh-kotal shrines in northern difficult to say just how great was the power of the | |||
Afghanistan, south of Puli-humri, are monuments of rulers who struck these coins, but at least one of | |||
such a dynastic cult. The main temple with its fire them proudly called himself “the king of kings”. In | |||
altar stood on a high hill fortified by a wall, with a the first centuries A. D. the culture of Sogdiana was | |||
long staircase leading up to them. An inscription affected by the Rushan cultural standards, and the | |||
found here gives the name of the whole complex country was apparently politically dependent on the | |||
the Temple of Ranishka the Victorious. The early powerful neighbour. | |||
Rushan palace at Rhalchayan in northern Ba'ctria Rhorezm, lying on the lower Amu Darya, occu- | |||
also represents a dynastic cult. A sculptured frieze pies a special place in the ancient history of Central | |||
reproduces heroicised images of noble personages, Asia. The country became independent of the | |||
apparently members of the local ruling dynasty. Achaemenid kingdom as early as the 5th century | |||
Some of the sculptures obviously convey individu- B. C., and in 329-328 B. C. the Rhorezmian king | |||
alised features, but not the inner world of the person Pharasmanes arrived for negotiations with Alex- | |||
portrayed. ander the Great accompanied by a cavalry unit of | |||
Along with official cults and religions, there were 1,500. At that time, a well-developed urban culture | |||
mass popular beliefs in the Rushan kingdom. already existed at Rhorezm. Soon after, probably | |||
Numerous terracotta figurines found both in the during nomadic confederations’move south towards | |||
cities and in rural settlements are linked with these Parthia and Graeco-Bactria, a dynasty of nomadic | |||
popular beliefs. There are not many Buddhist effi- origin became established here. In any case, when | |||
gies among them. The most favourite subjects were the first local coins were minted in the 1st century | |||
female deities wearing clothes falling in heavy folds A. D., the figure of the mounted ruler was stamped | |||
and holding a cult vessel or sacred fruit. They are on the reverse. Rushan coins also occur on Rhorezm | |||
most likely some version of the female patroness of territory, but the minting of the local coin was | |||
fertility and of the home hearth. That must be the apparently never interrupted. The type site of a city | |||
reason why such figurines occur in each house. in ancient Rhorezm is Toprak-kala. Its most impor- | |||
Another type of objects of mass popular culture is tant part was a citadel on a high brick platform, | |||
terracotta figurines of horsemen or just saddled with a palace complex of ceremonial halls and a | |||
horses reminders of the founders of the Rushan number of auxiliary buildings. The halls were pro¬ | |||
empire and symbol of its principal armed force. fusely decorated with frescoes and clay sculpture. | |||
Rushan cultural standards exerted a significant in- The decorations show traces of the influence of the | |||
fluence on the neighbouring countries and peoples. Hellenistic portrait school as well as of Rushan stan- | |||
In particular, this influence is observed in Sog- dards and even, in the reliefs of grazing deer, the im- | |||
diana, yet another important region of ancient Cen- pact of the artistic style of the steppe nomads. The | |||
tral Asia, which included fertile oases in the valleys p city itself was built on a gridiron plan with longitu- | |||
of the Rashkadarya and Zeravshan. It appears that | dinal and transverse streets dividing the space within | |||
Sogdiana was included in the Seleucids’ empire and a. the rectangle into regular quarters consisting in their | |||
the Graeco-Bactrian kingdom. Citadel walls and j turn of separate households. Business records were | |||
other structures of that time have been discovered on | found in the palace complex made in Aramaic script | |||
the site of its capital Marakanda (whose ruins, p popular in the Orient and adapted to the Rhorez- | |||
known as Afrasiab, lie on the outskirts of modern | mian language. The records list, in particular, the | |||
Samarkand). Its culture, pottery included, is _ members of “house families”, that is, presumably, | |||
marked by the influence of Greek models; there is a s large family communities occupying the separate | |||
Greek inscription on one of the cups found here. houses of the Toprak-kala quarters or sections. | |||
Sogdiana seems to have fallen under the rule of | There were between 20 and 40 persons in each such | |||
nomadic tribes even earlier than Bactria. Several | household. The households had slaves, sometimes in | |||
considerable numbers-up to 12 persons. At present, ancient civilisation and the disintegration of its | |||
Soviet scholars are preparing the publication and socioeconomic foundations. | |||
translation of the numerous Khorezmian docu- The cultural heritage of the ancient epochs made | |||
ments. a considerable influence on the subsequent develop- | |||
It is thus clear that the ancient Central Asian civi- ment of the Central Asian civilisation. Many ancient | |||
lisation can be described as the sum of the achieve- attainments in both material and nonmaterial cul- | |||
ments of a number of local cultures Bactrian, ture were preserved and developed during centuries. | |||
Parthian, Sogdian and Khorezmian. It was proba- The ancient civilisations of Central Asia also | |||
bly within these countries that the ancient ethnic made a considerable impact on the other regions of | |||
groups merged to form the separate peoples-Bac- the ancient Orient (especially India, Iran, China, | |||
trians, Parthians, Sogdians and Khorezmians. The and eastern Turkistan) and the Graeco-Roman | |||
main cultural achievements were brought about by world. Central Asian states stubbornly resisted the | |||
the development of the cities. In the 4th and 5th cen- expansion of the Greek and Roman empires and | |||
turies A. D., the main cities in all the provinces de- even, as in the case of Parthia, competed with them, | |||
dined and were replaced by fordfied manors and The cultural synthesis of the local Central Asian | |||
castles. In the view of Soviet historians, these and Graeco-Roman traditions showed great original- ■ q | |||
changes were brought about not only by the incur- ity, producing remarkable specimens of art and | |||
sions of the nomadic tribes of the Chionites and architecture. This civilisation is one of the most in- I | |||
Hephtalites but also by an internal crisis within the teresting chapters in the history of the ancient Orient. ■ I | |||
v | |||
t | |||
( | |||
a | |||
f | |||
Chapter 9 | |||
The Old Indian Civilisation | |||
The Indian civilisation was one of the oldest and | |||
most original in the East. Its contribution to the cul¬ | |||
ture of humankind is immense. Already in antiquity | |||
India was known as “the country of sages”. At a | |||
very early stage, ancient India maintained close cul¬ | |||
tural contacts with many countries of the ancient | |||
Orient and with the Graeco-Roman world. The | |||
achievements of the Indian civilisation made a signi¬ | |||
ficant impact on Arabic and Iranian culture. Many | |||
ancient writers and philosophers travelled to India | |||
to study Indian culture and the Indians’ original | |||
views of the universe and the place of man in it. But | |||
a scientific study of its history and culture only | |||
began in the late 18th century. William Jones, | |||
founder of the Bengal Asiatic Society (1784), is | |||
regarded as the father of modern Indology. He was | |||
the first to translate the monuments of ancient In¬ | |||
dian literature from Sanskrit into English. Grad¬ | |||
ually, several Indological schools-English, Ger¬ | |||
man, French, and Dutch-took shape in Western | |||
Europe. | |||
Unfortunately, the scientific study of Indian cul¬ | |||
ture in the 19th and early 20th centuries had a | |||
strong European bias. Many Indian phenomena | |||
were declared to have been borrowed from the West, | |||
and the development of state and society in ancient | |||
India were assessed tendentiously, from the positions | |||
of “European education”. | |||
Many West European scholars wrote, with co¬ | |||
lonialist prejudice, of the backwardness of Indian | |||
culture, its predominantly spiritualist character, and | |||
of the passivity of the Indians. These views were, in | |||
fact, a justification of the British rule in India. | |||
Russian Indologists took a different approach to | |||
the assessment of the Indian cultural heritage. | |||
Rejection of any bias and a profound respect for the | |||
people of India and its ancient culture have always | |||
been the distinguishing features of the Russian Indo¬ | |||
logical school. I. P. Minayev, S. F. Oldenburg, | |||
and F. I. Shcherbatskoy made outstanding contri¬ | |||
butions to the study of India. Their works on old In¬ | |||
dian literature and India’s philosophy and religions | |||
have not lost their significance even in these days. | |||
I. P. Minayev (1840-1890), one of the first Russian | |||
Indologists and a profound scholar of old Indian cul¬ | |||
ture, always defended the country’s independence | |||
and supported the progressive forces fighting against | |||
British colonialism. | |||
Indian scholars, who saw the protection of their | |||
ancient culture as a form of fighting for national | |||
liberation, have made a great contribution to the | |||
study of ancient India. | |||
A new stage in the study of the ancient Indian | |||
civilisation began after India attained national inde¬ | |||
pendence. Indian archaeologists carried out impor¬ | |||
tant excavations in various parts of the country, dis¬ | |||
covering many monuments of material culture; | |||
Indian historians published fundamental works on | |||
various aspects of the history and culture of ancient | |||
S' India. At present, the first pages of the country’s his¬ | |||
torical chronicle have been given a basically differ- | |||
? ent interpretation, and the stages of the formation | |||
g and development of civilisation in India have been | |||
5- defined with greater precision. | |||
1 The results of archaeological excavations indicate | |||
P that India was settled in remote antiquity. Early | |||
g Palaeolithic cultures have been discovered in differ- | |||
! ent regions. The development of economic and | |||
147 | |||
10 * | |||
social relations determined the transition from the Its discovery and study permitted a new interpre- | |||
Palaeolithic to the Mesolithic and later the Neolithic tation of early Indian history. Some views had to be | |||
periods, whose monuments have been found in var- modified, others rejected out of hand. It is now im- | |||
ious parts of Hindustan. As early as the 7th and 6th possible to assert, as some authors did, before the | |||
millennia B. C., farming cultures existed in Baluchis- study of the monuments of the Harappa culture, | |||
tan whose founders knew many cereals, practised the that civilisation was brought to India from the out- | |||
crafts, and made objects of art. The latest excava- side, by Indo-Aryan or Sumerian tribes. At present, | |||
tions at Mehrgarh (in modern Pakistan, by a French the Harappa civilisation is seen as a highly devel- | |||
expedition) have revealed a successive development oped and locally based entity in no way inferior to | |||
of local cultures from the pre-ceramic Neolithic to the other civilisations of the ancient Orient (say, | |||
the Chalcolithic epoch, necessitating a revision of Egyptian or Mesopotamian)-it was even in some | |||
the traditional viewpoint concerning the relatively ways superior to them. | |||
late (4th millennium B. C.) origin of the settled Springing from the local cultures, it gradually | |||
farming cultures in Hindustan. It is now clear that evolved into an urban civilisation. A sudden appear- | |||
as early as the 7th millennium B. C. the local popu- ance of a well-developed civilisation (a view preva- | |||
lation cultivated many cereals, domesticated cattle, lent not long ago) is decidedly out of the question, | |||
and established close contacts with the contempor- Through a long and natural process, farming cul- | |||
aneous cultures of Iran and Central Asia. Thus In- tures of the pre-urban type developed into an urban | |||
dia became one of the fountainheads of civilisation culture, both pre- and early-Harappan settlements | |||
side by side with the most ancient Oriental cultures. in the Indus valley being fairly advanced. The Har- | |||
Our knowledge of the ethnic map of early India is appa civilisation absorbed all the achievements of | |||
still fragmentary. The country’s north-west was the previous epochs, but it was a qualitatively new | |||
apparently settled by Dravidian-speaking tribes, stage in the historical process, | |||
whose domain was gradually expanded as they As long as excavations were restricted to the Indus | |||
moved to Deccan and southern India. Anthropolo- valley, archaeologists believed that the Harappa cul- | |||
gically, that population was Caucasoid. In the ture’s areal was limited to that region, too. Now | |||
south, Australoid tribes lived before their arrival Harappan settlements have been discovered over a | |||
that were similar to Sri Lanka’s Veddas. Judging vast territory measuring 1,100 kilometres north to | |||
from palaeoanthropological materials, eastern India south and more than 1,600 kilometres west to east, | |||
was inhabited by Caucasoids, with significant Aus- After the Harappa and Mohenjo-Daro excava- | |||
traloid admixtures. Linguistically, the ancient tribes tions, the view gained currency that these two cities | |||
of the east belonged to the Austroasiatic language were two capitals greatly surpassing all the others | |||
family and were ancestral to the Mundas. both in size and level of development. Major Harap- | |||
One of the most striking chapters in the history of pan cities have now been discovered in other parts of | |||
ancient Indian culture was the Harappa civilisation. India as well. It has been reckoned that up to | |||
100,000 lived in the largest of them. At that time, | |||
cities were centres of crafts, trade and administ- | |||
The Harappa Civilisation. When the British general ration, but the majority of the population, who were | |||
A. Cunningham, who conducted archaeological > farmers and livestock-breeders, continued to live in | |||
excavations in India, discovered a seal with un- ^ rural communities. | |||
known signs during an examination of a site at Har- " The chronology of the Harappa civilisation is a | |||
appa (northern Pakistan) in the 1850s, he was un- g matter of considerable controversy, but the most | |||
doubtedly unaware of the importance of his dis- ~ widely accepted dating is 2500 (2300)-1800 (1700) | |||
covery. Before the systematic excavations begun in |. B. C. | |||
the 1920s by Indian and later British archaeologists | Precise planning in town-building, monumental | |||
in the Indus valley (the digs at Harappa and a architecture, the existence of writing, of a weights | |||
Mohenjo-Daro, “the city of the dead” in Sindhi), (j and measures system, and of art works are all indica- | |||
archaeologists knew practically nothing of the * tions of a high level of the Harappa culture. Excava- | |||
remarkable civilisation now termed Harappan. | tions at the major centres have shown that Harap- | |||
148 | |||
pans’ cities were laid out on a grid plan, with the and painted. Their ornamental designs were varied, | |||
main streets up to 10 metres wide. Almost all the including vegetable and animal motifs, hatching, | |||
major cities consisted of two parts the citadel rising etc. | |||
above the city, and the “lower town”. The dwellings But the population’s principal occupation was | |||
of the city’s rulers were apparently in the citadel agriculture. Harappans cultivated wheat (of several | |||
(some scholars believe that the priest’s houses were varieties), barley, peas, and grew fruit. Rice has | |||
also there), while most of the population lived in the been found in some settlements. Irrigation was | |||
“lower town”. The intercourse between the two widely used in river valleys. Animals were domesti- | |||
parts was, judging from the excavations, limited : the cated, such as the dog, the cat, and the donkey; cat- | |||
citadel gates could be closed to lock the common tie, sheep and goats were reared. Harappans gath- | |||
people out. Well-to-do citizens lived in two- and ered in two harvests annually, and used fertiliser, | |||
even three-storey homes. Both baked brick and Harappan cities were major centres of trade, both | |||
mudbrick were used in house construction. Mud- domestic and external. Judging by finds of seals in | |||
brick buildings offered protection against the tropi- Mesopotamian cities, trade with that area was par- | |||
cal heat. Each household had auxiliary premises- ticularly lively. The trade routes apparently lay both | |||
kitchens, closets, pantries, and special rooms for across land and sea. Excavations on Bahrain Islands | |||
performing ablutions. The dwellings clearly show have shown that it was a kind of staging post. Here, | |||
marks of social differentiation: the poor lived in merchants from India must have met those going | |||
hovels. from Mesopotamia to the East. The discovery of a | |||
The systems of water supply and drainage were port and docks at Lothal (a Harappan city not far | |||
worked out in detail. Dirty water flowed into settling from modern Bombay) and pictures on Harappan | |||
basins, then into canals and beyond the city limits. seals of ships with mast rigging point to the existence | |||
The settling basins and canals were cleaned regu- of sea trading. | |||
larly. There were wells in the streets, and rainwater Recent excavations in Soviet Central Asia and | |||
was collected in special reservoirs. The whole system Afghanistan show that the Harappa civilisation | |||
was more advanced than in ancient Egypt or Meso- had close links with these areas, too. Soviet archae- | |||
potamia. The Indians were very keen on hygiene ologists working under Professor V. Masson have | |||
already in hoary antiquity, realising the harm that found a number of typically Harappan objects from | |||
can be done by accumulations of sewage and the the period of Harappa’s heyday in the south of | |||
resultant epidemics. Turkmenia (the Altin-depe site, not far from the | |||
Apart from the living quarters, archaeologists modern city of Merv). The most curious of these | |||
have discovered public buildings in the Harappan finds was a Harappan seal with an inscription con- | |||
cities-an enormous granary on a brick platform, sisting of two signs. A “Harappan factory” was dis- | |||
with special platforms for thrashing, a public swim- covered by the French expedition in northern | |||
ming pool 11.9 metres long, 7 metres wide, and 2,4 Afghanistan. | |||
metres deep, with a bitumen-covered bottom, the The Harappan language and writing system are | |||
city market place, and what looks like a temple. perhaps the most difficult riddles of the Harappan | |||
Artisans specialising in the various crafts-metal civilisation. More than 1,000 seals with inscriptions | |||
workers, jewelers, potters, engravers in ivory toiled __ have been found. Inscriptions were also made on | |||
in Harappan cities. Bronze and copper were the ^ pottery and metal wares. Scholars have identified | |||
principal metals of which weapons, agricultural ? 400 different signs, but the sources of that writing | |||
tools, instruments, and even objects of art were system and the language spoken by the Harappans | |||
made. Stone was still an important material in tool- ? are a matter of acute debate. All kinds of hypotheses | |||
making, and iron was not yet known. g have been suggested, including conjectures about | |||
Weaving flourished. Spindle whorls have been g- the connections between the Harappan writing sys- | |||
found in nearly every house. Archaeologists have 1 tern and that of the Easter Island, the Hittite hiero- | |||
also been lucky to have discovered small bits of cot- 0 glyphic writing, the Semitic script, etc. | |||
ton fabric. Harappan potters were expert profes- f Opinions about the Harappan language vary just | |||
sionals. Vessels were made on potter’s wheels, baked | as widely. Some Indian scholars believe that it was | |||
149 | |||
Sanskrit, as they assume that India was the home¬ | |||
land of the Indo-Aryan peoples. In recent years, new | |||
methods have been applied to the decoding of the | |||
Harappan writing and language based on computer | |||
techniques (work was done simultaneously by Soviet | |||
scholars headed by Professor V. Knorozov, who had | |||
obtained excellent results with the Maya writing, | |||
and by Indian and Finnish researchers). It has been | |||
established that the script was of the right-to-left | |||
type, but more important was the confirmation of | |||
the previously expressed hypothesis concerning the | |||
link between the Harappan language and the proto- | |||
Dravidian ancestral to the Dravidian languages | |||
spoken in modern southern India. Proceeding from | |||
this basic assumption, specialists are now trying to | |||
read the inscriptions, although the readings sug¬ | |||
gested are so far hypothetical. Unfortunately, no bi¬ | |||
lingual inscriptions have yet been found. Such a find | |||
would enormously facilitate the solution of the | |||
problem. | |||
The conclusion that the Harappan population | |||
spoke a language related to the proto-Dravidian | |||
raised yet another extremely important problem — | |||
that of the Dravidian homeland. The view has been | |||
expressed that it lay north of the Indus valley-in | |||
south-eastern Iran and southern Central Asia. In | |||
any case, the Dravidian-speaking Brahui tribes now | |||
inhabiting some areas of Afghanistan and Pakistan | |||
are the descendants of the proto-Dravidians who | |||
lived in these and the neighbouring districts several | |||
millennia ago (apparently in the 4th millennium | |||
B. C.) | |||
judging from excavations, by a decline of the cul¬ | |||
ture. Its course varied in different regions, and the | |||
reasons may have varied, too (floods, climatic | |||
changes, tectonic phenomena, epidemics, etc.), but | |||
the striking feature is that all the settlements went | |||
into decline at about the same time the 18th and | |||
17th centuries B. C. There may have been one single | |||
underlying cause stemming from the society’s inter¬ | |||
nal crisis. Significantly, similar phenomena were | |||
observed in the urban civilisations of south-eastern | |||
Iran and southern Central Asia. It is hard to say | |||
what may have been the cause or causes of this | |||
phenomenon, but they could hardly have been | |||
external. | |||
Some West European scholars, and in particular | |||
the famous British archaeologist Mortimer Wheeler, | |||
believed the decline of the main centres on the Indus | |||
to be due to a mass invasion of Aryan tribes. He | |||
cited in particular the fact that the excavations at | |||
Mohenjo-Daro have revealed a group of unburied | |||
skeletons lying in unnatural postures right in the | |||
street. At present, Wheeler’s view finds no sup¬ | |||
porters. No traces of mass appearance of foreign | |||
tribes have been found. Where features of new cul¬ | |||
tures in the later strata of Harappan cities have been | |||
identified, they belong as a rule to different types, | |||
not to a single stream of Indo-Aryans. Besides, one of | |||
Wheeler’s chief arguments has been shattered: the | |||
American archaeologist J. Dales has shown that the | |||
unburied skeletons belong to different levels (and | |||
therefore to different periods). In recent times, | |||
anthropologists applied new methods of analysis to | |||
Archaeological materials and impressions on seals these skeletons. In their view, malaria rather than | |||
provide some material on Harappan religious con- violence was the cause of death. This conclusion does | |||
cepts. The abundance of terracotta figurines points not rule out the reality of the arrival of Indo-Aryan | |||
to the cult of the mother-goddess. Harappans also tribes in India, but the historico-linguistic indica- | |||
deified animals and worshipped fire and water. tions are that it happened several centuries later. | |||
Totemistic beliefs were still widespread, as eviden- Besides, the Indo-Aryans first penetrated the eastern | |||
ced by the figures of bulls, elephants, crocodiles, j Punjab, not the Indus valley, as is clear from the | |||
rhinoceros, lions and tigers found on seals. Some ~ monuments of Vedic literature, above all from the | |||
scholars see certain figures on the seals as the pro- " Rigveda. That penetration proceeded in waves rather | |||
totypes of the Hinduist god Shiva; the Harappan ! than through a simultaneous mass incursion. Thus | |||
deity is portrayed as having three faces, seated ~ the theory of the Aryan conquest of India, once fash- | |||
in a Yogin’s posture, among animals. If we are s ionable, cannot now be accepted, | |||
to accept this hypothesis, the effect of the Harappa | | |||
civilisation on the subsequent development of India, 5 | |||
and above all on Hinduism, is obvious. A The Indo-Aryans and the Formation of States in the Ganges | |||
These features are characteristic of the so-called 7 Valley. Some scholars saw the coming of Indo-Ar- | |||
highly developed Harappa which was followed, s’ yans to India as a conquest of backward aborigines | |||
150 | |||
by the advanced Aryans, who brought civilisation to the main cause of conflicts between Vedic tribes. | |||
India and created a well-developed society. The Ox-drawn carts and horse-drawn chariots were | |||
proponents of this theory also introduced the theme their means of transportation, | |||
of the racial difference between the strong and cap- The Vedic tribes lived in small fortified settle- | |||
able Aryans and the peoples of India racially incap- ments which, as archaeological excavations show, in | |||
able of independent development and progress. no way resembled the large cities of the Harappa | |||
According to these totally unscientific theories, class civilisation. With the development of the crafts, | |||
society and the state emerged in India only with the however, cities gradually arose in the Ganges valley, | |||
arrival of the Aryans in India. Various craftsmen are mentioned in the texts, in- | |||
This view has now been abandoned, but many eluding blacksmiths, weavers, carpenters, jewelers, | |||
problems pertaining to the arrival of the Aryans in gunsmiths, etc. | |||
India remain unsolved. According to most scholars Vedic society showed obvious signs of economic | |||
the Indo-Aryans’ earliest written monument, the inequality. There were the rich men possessing con- | |||
Rigveda, should be dated to the 11th or 10th century siderable quantities of cattle, and the poor men. | |||
B. C. The data of Vedic texts are sufficient to trace. The emergence of slavery was a clear indication of | |||
in general outline, the eastward movement of the the development of such economic and social in- | |||
Indo-Aryan tribes and their settlement of the Ganges equality. At first, the slaves ( dasa) were war captives, | |||
valley. It was a long process, lasting several centuries later members of the community were enslaved, | |||
and involving military conflicts with the local tribes too. | |||
and among the Indo-Aryan tribes themselves. In that epoch, slavery was as yet undeveloped and | |||
Advancing across wooded terrain was by no patriarchal, as Vedic society was at the stage of tri¬ | |||
means an easy undertaking. The Indo-Aryans had bal organisation. | |||
to clear forests, often resorting to burning them-a Vedic tribes lived in communities or ganas; orig- | |||
natural enough process in those times. The principal inally tribal in character, they developed into class | |||
occupations of the Vedic tribes were land cultivation entities. The communities consisted of large patriar- | |||
(very limited at first) and cattle-raising. At the time chal families, or kulas. Consanguine ties were still | |||
they first settled in India, the Indo-Aryans made very strong, and the clan’s influence extended to all | |||
weapons and tools of copper, but later they mastered areas of life. Gradually tribal communities became | |||
the techniques of iron production. Iron tools made it differentiated, economic and social inequality arose, | |||
easier to penetrate into the forest areas of the Ganges and the organs of tribal self-government became | |||
valley, to till the soil and build artificial irrigation those of state power. Judging from the early Vedic | |||
systems. The development of the handicrafts was texts, the ruler or raja was originally elected by the | |||
also spurred on by the introduction of iron. The people apparently meeting in an assembly for that | |||
wooden plough was soon replaced by one with an purpose. There are hymns devoted to the election of | |||
iron blade, which opened up new possibilities for the a ruler. “The people elect you that you should rule,” | |||
tilling of stony soils. says one of the hymns. As the formation of the state is | |||
The Indians of the Vedic epoch knew many ce- a long process, survivals of the old political organisa- | |||
reals, including barley, rice, wheat, and leguminous tion persisted for a long time. Popular assemblies | |||
plants. Rice began to be grown during the settle- continued to play an important role. The tribal host | |||
ment of the Ganges valley. Some scholars believe gradually became a standing army headed by its. | |||
that the Indo-Aryans had not known rice before 3 chief. In battle, the king and the professional war- | |||
their arrival in India, and borrowed the art of its riors (Kshatriyas) fought on chariots, and ordinary | |||
cultivation from the local tribes. ? commoners on foot. Later, the practice of electing | |||
Along with land cultivation cattle-raising con- g the ruler was replaced by the hereditary principle, | |||
tinued to play a great role in the life of Vedic tribes. =- power being handed down to the elder son as a rule. | |||
Vedic texts often repeat that cattle is man’s principal § The early Vedic ganas evolved into state structures, | |||
wealth. The authors of hymns keep pleading with j? usually embracing small territories. Depending on a | |||
the gods to give them cows. War was seen as a means g number of conditions, they assumed the forms of | |||
of getting cows. The capture of cattle was probably I monarchies or republics. However, archaic institu- | |||
tions and features of the primitive communal system Alexander entered Indian territory after winning | |||
survived for a long time, particularly in remote a number of great victories. His immense and well- M; | |||
areas. equippel army was a pledge of fresh success. North- | the | |||
Vedic hymns and epics mention a great many western India was divided into tribal confederations | |||
early dynasties and names of the earliest states in the warring against one another, and there was no unity the | |||
Ganges valley, but the historical reality of these data between the rulers of small states. Some local kings | |||
is highly questionable, as in most cases they are not as, e. g., Taxila’s ruler, formed alliances with Alex- | |||
borne out by archaeological materials. ander in return for a promise of autonomy and | |||
Of the great number of states in the Ganges val- sovereignty over their former possessions. From the | |||
ley, Magadha with time became the most prom- very beginning of his Indian campaign, however, | |||
inent. The position of ancient Magadha (on the ter- Alexander encountered a stubborn resistance from | |||
ritory of modern southern Bihar) was very advanta- the local tribes. Many Indian tribes refused to nego- | |||
geous geographically and commercially. The sources tiate with the Graeco-Macedonians and sometimes I | |||
speak of the fertility of the Magadha lands. The even won victories against superior force, | |||
country conducted a lively trade with many regions The strongest of the Indian rulers of north-west- I | |||
of India and was rich in mineral resources, especially ern India was king Porus, who decided to meet Alex- | |||
metals. Its ancient capital was Rajagriha. ander in open battle. The battle occurred on the | |||
Little is known of the dynastic history of bank of the river. Hydaspes (modern Jhelum) and | |||
Magadha. We have some data on king Bimbisara lasted several days. According to Arrian, 30,000 | |||
(545/544-493 B. C.), who, according to Buddhist foot, 40,000 horse, 300 chariots and 200 elephants | |||
texts, conquered the neighbouring state of Anga. took part in the last and decisive encounter. Alex- | |||
That consolidated Magadha’s positions and laid the ander only managed to break through the ranks of | |||
beginning of its expansive policy. Bimbisara took Porus’s army after a cunning manoeuvre. Alexander | |||
great pains to strengthen the inner fabric of the state, won the battle, but Porus continued to fight even | |||
introducing strict control over state officials. Under when he was covered with wounds. The Indian | |||
Bimbisara’s son Ajatashatru (493-461 B. C.) a fierce king’s courage won Alexander’s heart, and he spared | |||
conflict flared up with Prasenajit, ruler of Kosala, Porus’s life and did not even take away his M | |||
another strong state in the Ganges valley. After possessions. | |||
a long period of rivalry Magadha emerged victo- The Graeco-Macedonian army moved farther | |||
rious. east to Hydroates (modern Ravi). Alexander began (:| | |||
There followed an intense struggle against the re- preparations for crossing the Hyphasis (modern | |||
publican union of Licchavis lying north of Ma- Beasj, but at that time unrest began in his own A1 | |||
gadha. The cause of the conflict was the seizure army, many soldiers insisting on ending the exhaust- | |||
by Licchavis of a port on the river Ganges to ing campaign. After some deliberation, Alexander | |||
which Magadha also laid claims. gave up his dream and ordered a retreat, which was I fu | |||
To increase Magadha’s might, Ajatashatru’s son accompanied by a new wave of anti-Macedonian I co | |||
Udayin (461-445 B. C.) moved the capital of the revolts and disturbances. | |||
state from Rajagriha to Pataliputra, which became Alexander’s campaign showed that lack of unity | |||
ancient India’s premier city. After that, the Nanda j, and inner strife were the main causes of the Indians’ i'Otf | |||
dynasty took possession of Magadha’s throne and ~ defeat. The struggle against the foreign forces com- I | |||
made Magadha a major empire. " pelled the local rulers to unite their efforts. At the I | |||
The situation was different in north-western In- | same time that campaign considerably extended and I | |||
dia, where there was no large state capable of unit- ~ consolidated India’s external cultural and trading | |||
ing tribes and peoples differing ethnically, linguisti- 2 links. India itself exerted an increasing influence on H tr | |||
cally and culturally. Late in the 6th century B. C., s. the Hellenic world. I w | |||
some areas of north-western India were included in a During Alexander’s campaign, Magadha was ■ til | |||
the Achaemenid empire. Later, certain provinces of ruled by the Nanda dynasty mentioned above. The il w | |||
north-western India were conquered by Alexander * state built by the Nandas prepared the ground for I gi | |||
the Great during his campaign in the East. § the great Maurya dynasty. | |||
152 | |||
India in the Mauryan Epoch. The founding of the between them (in 303 or 302 B. C.). It is difficult to | |||
Mauryan empire was a most momentous event in describe the course of that struggle with any degree | |||
the country’s history. For the first time, a very exten- of reliability, but, judging by the conditions of the | |||
sive territory (the whole of Hindustan, in fact, with peace treaty (Seleucus received 500 battle elephants, | |||
the exception of the extreme south) was united and the Mauryan king, certain areas in the north- | |||
within one state. But the significance of that epoch is west of India, previously conquered by Alexander), | |||
even greater than that: it was the time of a rise in the Chandragupta emerged, in fact, victorious. After | |||
economy, including trade, a time of flourishing concluding the peace treaty, Seleucus sent his | |||
urban life and important changes in the ideological ambassador Megasthenes to the court of the Mau- | |||
concepts. ryan king. | |||
The study of the preceding period is founded on His memoirs, mentioned above, give a general | |||
the materials of archaeology and of the Vedic reli- picture of the administrative system of the empire, | |||
gious literature, while the Mauryan epoch left The army was very strong. Megasthenes quotes such | |||
behind some precisely dated epigraphic monuments, figures as 600,000 foot, 30,000 horse, 9,000 ele- | |||
such as king Ashoka’s edicts, and the evidence of for- phants. A special staff of 30 military officials ( astino- | |||
eigners visiting India, especially the notes left by mes) divided into six committees was in charge of the | |||
Megasthenes, a Seleucid ambassador at the court of different armed forces. Tax collecting was a matter | |||
the first Mauryan ruler Chandragupta in the of prime concern. According to Megasthenes, the | |||
empire’s capital Pataliputra. The Mauryan epoch farmers paid the king taxes amounting to a quarter | |||
can be said to be reflected to some extent in a most of the harvest (Indian sources usually mention a dif- | |||
interesting political treatise, Arthashastra, or The Art ferent figure-one-sixth). | |||
of Achieving the Useful whose compilation is tradi- Megasthenes’s successor at the Mauryan court | |||
tionally ascribed to Chandragupta’s adviser Kauti- was another Seleucid ambassador, Deimachos; in | |||
lya but which was apparently written in the first his time, the empire was ruled already by Chandra- | |||
centuries A. D., although it was based on earlier gupta’s son Bindusara. During that period, the | |||
materials, including the official proceedings of the Mauryas also kept up diplomatic relations with | |||
Mauryan period. Egypt of the Ptolemies: ambassador Dionysius was | |||
The sources are not unanimous on the question of sent to Pataliputra. The data of the local sources on | |||
the origin of the Mauryas. Classical authors write of Bindusara’s reign are extremely sketchy, but it is | |||
Chandragupta’s struggle against the Graeco-Mace- known that one of his sons, Ashoka, ruled | |||
donian garrisons and governors left in India by north-western India, and that his capital was Tax- | |||
Alexander. Plutarch even gives a curious account of ila. After his father’s death, Ashoka acceded to the | |||
a meeting between young Chandragupta and Alex- Mauryan throne. | |||
ander in Punjab. Anyway, Chandragupta’s success- Ashoka’s numerous epigraphs of edicts, found in | |||
ful struggle against the remnants of the Greek troops different parts of India, recount the most important | |||
considerably strengthened his positions and enabled events of his reign, and provide ample materials on | |||
him to move from his original base in north-western his policy and system of government. The inscrip- | |||
India to Pataliputra. In a fierce battle with the last tions permit a fairly precise dating of the beginning | |||
of the Nanda kings, he won a victory and with it, _ of his rule: he was apparently crowned in 268 or 267 | |||
possession of the Magadha throne. |( B. C. The locations of his edicts also provide a frame | |||
C. 314 B. C. Chandragupta became a full-fledged - of reference for the boundaries of his empire : it in¬ | |||
ruler and founder of the new dynasty of the ' eluded not only western, central, eastern and south- | |||
Mauryas. But the political situation remained ex- ? ern India (with the exception of the extreme south) | |||
tremely tense. Especially difficult were the relations g but also the territories of modern Pakistan and some | |||
with the Seleucids, who had created their state on 5 - regions of Afghanistan. Comparison of the Indian | |||
the ruins of Alexander’s empire. Antique authors I and non-Indian versions of king Ashoka’s edicts | |||
write of the military conflicts between Chandra- 0 shows that the principal version was written in Pata- | |||
gupta and Seleucus Nicator, the then ruler of that g liputra, the empire’s capital, and then was sent to | |||
state, and of the conclusion of a peace treaty 1 the various provinces, where the local scribes trans- | |||
153 | |||
lated them into the local dialects or languages, | |||
adapting the original to these languages. Most of the | |||
edicts are written in the Brahmi script, and only the | |||
north-western versions, in Kharoshthi-a script that | |||
evolved from Brahmi under the influence of Ara¬ | |||
maic. The Brahmi and Kharoshthi scripts were de¬ | |||
ciphered in 1837 by James Prinsep, a British scholar | |||
and an official of the East Indian Company. | |||
The emperor’s inscriptions speak of his bloody | |||
war with the state of Kalinga on the east coast | |||
(modern Orissa), in which more than 100,000 men | |||
died and 150,000 were taken prisoner. The seizure | |||
of this strategically and commercially important | |||
country, which used to be the Nandas rival, did | |||
much to consolidate his positions. | |||
After that victory, Ashoka’s main attention was | |||
directed towards the domestic situation. Relying on | |||
ethical principles that were popular throughout the | |||
country, he worked out a new concept-that of dhar- | |||
mavijaya, or “winning through dharma”. The dharrrn | |||
rules were of general ethical character and, judging | |||
from the king’s edicts, implied obedience to seniors | |||
and parents, support for the basic principles of state | |||
policy, respect for teachers, deference to Shramans | |||
and Brahmans, generosity, refusal to take a living | |||
being’s life, etc. | |||
Special officials called dharmamahamatras were | |||
appointed to supervise the observance of these | |||
norms. They were sent to different regions of the | |||
empire, different strata of the population and | |||
members of different religious faiths. Dharma was | |||
thus placed above religious, ethnic, or social norms; | |||
it was in no way sectarian. | |||
Judging from the edicts, Ashoka showed a special | |||
interest in Buddhism. He says himself that he visited | |||
a Buddhist community ( sangha ) and became an upa- | |||
saka, or lay follower of Buddha’s teaching; travelling | |||
through the empire, he visited Lumbini (in modern | |||
Nepal)-the place where the founder of Buddhism | |||
was born, according to the tradition. His religious | |||
policy was based on the principle of tolerance. The | |||
emperor realised the importance of supporting | |||
Buddhism for consolidating the empire, but adopt¬ | |||
ing it as a state religion would have aggravated the | |||
already tense ideological confrontation of various | |||
religions and interfered with his basic aim of creat¬ | |||
ing a solid and unified state. | |||
This policy strengthened the unity of the empire | |||
and extended the social basis of the Mauryas. To¬ | |||
s | |||
u. | |||
I | |||
o | |||
& | |||
? | |||
3 | |||
A | |||
s- | |||
•\ | |||
wards the end of his reign, however, Ashoka violated | |||
the principle of religious tolerance, showing special | |||
concern for the Buddhist community and interfering | |||
in its affairs. At the same time his attitude to the | |||
other religions changed for the worse. All of this | |||
resulted in acute religious conflicts and actually de¬ | |||
stroyed the principles he had declared in his edicts. | |||
In the last years of Ashoka’s reign the situation | |||
became very tense due to the opposition of Brah¬ | |||
mans, discontent at court, and revolts in the prov¬ | |||
inces, which took advantage of the emperor’s weak¬ | |||
ening power to start fighting for their independence. | |||
Late Buddhist and Jaina sources have preserved | |||
some interesting stories concerning the last years of | |||
Ashoka’s reign. His generous gifts to the Buddhist | |||
community ruined the state treasury and his own | |||
estate. His grandson Sampadi (Samprati) achieved | |||
great eminence at court. Ashoka is reported to have | |||
uttered words full of sadness and disillusionment: | |||
“Earlier, when I gave orders, no one dared to | |||
oppose me. Now my orders are not carried out ... my | |||
edicts are dead letters.” It is hard to say whether | |||
these later sources are an accurate reflection of the | |||
actual events, but it may be assumed that they | |||
express the general mood of the times. | |||
Soon the empire was divided (presumably after | |||
Ashoka’s death) into two parts, eastern and western. | |||
The emperor’s successors were unable to preserve | |||
the empire’s former might and unity. In 180 B. C., | |||
power at Pataliputra passed on to a member of the | |||
new Shunga dynasty. Thus one of the most famous | |||
ancient Indian dynasties disappeared from the poli¬ | |||
tical arena, and one of the most powerful empires of | |||
the ancient Orient fell. | |||
Explanations of this event vary. Some scholars | |||
believe that Ashoka’s policy of inculcating dharma | |||
could not be an effective means of unifying the | |||
empire, and that Ashoka was a dreamer and not an | |||
astute statesman. Others stress the importance of the | |||
Brahmanic opposition which managed to seize | |||
power. These explanations, however, touch on the | |||
external circumstances rather than the basic causes. | |||
Despite its seeming unity, the Mauryan empire | |||
was, even at its peak, a union of peoples and tribes at | |||
different stages of social, economic and cultural | |||
development. Held together by a strong army, the | |||
empire was a unified structure in form only. | |||
Actually, each of the provinces followed its old tradi¬ | |||
tions and customs, secretly aspiring for indepen- | |||
154 | |||
dene | |||
enta | |||
also | |||
kno' | |||
Sele | |||
Hin | |||
the | |||
beli | |||
clue | |||
rule | |||
acn | |||
cho | |||
Ma | |||
/ | |||
vas | |||
reij | |||
the | |||
Ya | |||
km | |||
Sh | |||
be: | |||
pr | |||
by | |||
as | |||
pa | |||
tri | |||
or | |||
te | |||
ht | |||
s | |||
n< | |||
I | |||
ei | |||
ii | |||
t< | |||
o | |||
f | |||
I | |||
\ | |||
dence. A weakening of central authority inevitably the possessions of Indo-Greek and Indo-Saka rulers, | |||
entailed a disruption of unity. External factors may Indo-Parthians became particularly strong under | |||
also have been instrumental in this process. We king Gondophares, but soon they had to give way to | |||
know from antique sources that in 206 B. C. the the new and more powerful Kushan dynasty. Ori- | |||
Seleucid king Antiochus the Great crossed the ginally, the Kushans occupied the territory of Bac- | |||
Hindu Kush and “renewed a friendly alliance with tria in Central Asia. Chinese chronicles report that | |||
the Indian king Sophagasenus”. Modern scholars Yiieh-chi tribes invaded Bactria from the east in the | |||
believe that the alliance with Antiochus was con- 2nd century B. C., forming five possessions there, | |||
eluded by Somasharman, one of the last Mauryan The strongest of these gave the name to the dynasty, | |||
rulers. Polybius reports that Antiochus travelled At the time of the Yiieh-chi invasion of Bactria, solid | |||
across Arachosia and Drangiana. Previously, Ara- traditions of state and culture already existed there, | |||
chosia was part of Ashoka’s empire, but now the The Bactrians spoke Bactrian, an Iranian language, | |||
Mauryas apparently lost control over that region. and had their own writing system derived from the | |||
Antiochus’s campaign was not the only foreign in- Greek script. The Kushan culture was based on a | |||
vasion in India at that time, it seems. During the synthesis of Bactrian elements and the Kushan | |||
reign of the Shungas, the country was invaded by traditions. | |||
the Graeco-Bactrians called in the Indian texts the Kushan kings gradually extended their territory. | |||
Yavanas (Greeks). Patanjali, the author of a well- Under Kujula Kadphises they established their | |||
known grammatical treatise who lived in the dominion over Arachosia, part of Parthia. The cap- | |||
Shunga epoch, pointed out that the Yavanas even ture of these areas inevitably led to a conflict with | |||
besieged the capital, Pataliputra. Similar reports are Indo-Greek rulers. Judging from Kujula Kadphi- | |||
preserved in one of the Puranas and even in a drama ses’s coins, he was apparently compelled to recognise | |||
by the great Kalidasa. Some classical authors, such the Indo-Greeks’ sovereignty: the obverse side of his | |||
as Strabo, also speak of the Graeco-Bactrians’ cam- coin is stamped with a portrait of the Indo-Greek | |||
paign, but it is hard to say which of the Bac- king, and on the reverse side his own name is written | |||
trian kings, Menander or Demetrius, led it. We can in Kharoshthi script. But this situation did not con- | |||
only assume that the Bactrians achieved their grea- tinue long: Kujula Kadphises’s later coins were | |||
test successes under Menander, whose army may minted in his name only, and he himself was named | |||
have advanced deep into India, but it cannot be “king of kings”. | |||
stated positively whether he seized Pataliputra or Kujula’s son Vima Kadphises expanded the | |||
not. Kushan empire to the lower Indus. His coins are also | |||
found in the Ganges basin, which may mean that he | |||
captured those Indian regions as well. The Indiani- | |||
The Kushan Empire. After the fall of the Mauryan sation of the Kushans was reflected in Vima Kad- | |||
empire, several small Indo-Greek states were formed phises’s coins, on which the figure of the god Shiva is | |||
in the north-west of Hindustan; their political his- stamped. The king is sometimes called Maheshvara, | |||
tory has so far been reconstructed in general outline which is one of Shiva’s names. Under Vima an im- | |||
only. The best known Indo-Greek king was portant monetary reform was implemented - a new | |||
Menander, whose kingdom, judging from the finds ^ gold coin was introduced with the face-value of one | |||
of coins, may be assumed to have included Gand- ~ Roman aureus , and definite face-values of copper | |||
hara, Arachosia, and some areas of the Punjab. " coins were established. This may have been necessi- | |||
The Indo-Greek kings came into conflict with the | tated by a monetary crisis and the existence of differ- | |||
Saka tribes, which penetrated India from Central ~ ent monetary systems in different regions of the | |||
Asia in the 1st century B. C. At first, the Indo-Greeks | empire. The unification of coins was of great signifi- | |||
were more successful in this struggle, but later the | cance for the centralisation of the state. | |||
Sakas gained the upper hand, founding Indo-Saka a Unfortunately, the materials now available do not | |||
states in north-western India. Later the political ^ permit a precise dating of the reigns of Kujula and | |||
map of the region became even more checkered, as * Vima. Opinions vary, but the most generally | |||
Indo-Parthian dynasties rose, endeavouring to seize s accepted dates are 25 B. C.-A.D. 35 for the reign of | |||
155 | |||
Kadphises I, and A. D. 35-62, for Kadphises II, or | |||
slightly later. | |||
The Kushans’ best known ruler was Kanishka. In | |||
his reign, the empire flourished, the economy and | |||
culture reached a peak, and Mahay ana, or “north¬ | |||
ern Buddhism”, became widespread. Our informa¬ | |||
tion on the rule of Kanishka is based on a brief series | |||
of inscriptions in which time is reckoned in terms of | |||
the “Kanishka era”, and on numismatic data. | |||
Besides, there is a considerable body of data about | |||
him in the late Buddhist narratives, where he is por¬ | |||
trayed as a zealous Buddhist. Under Kanishka, the | |||
Kushan state expanded considerably to include the | |||
areas of Bihar and certain territories of central | |||
India as far as the river Narmada. | |||
Chinese chronicles relate the story of the struggle | |||
between the Kushans and China over eastern Tur- | |||
kistan. The Kushan army advanced deep into these | |||
territories, but we do not know precisely how long | |||
the power of the Kushan kings lasted there. It is only | |||
clear that under Kanishka Kushana became one of | |||
the strongest empires of the ancient world, compet¬ | |||
ing with China, Rome and Parthia. The links with | |||
Rome became especially animated at this time. The | |||
report of antique authors concerning an Indian | |||
embassy in Rome during the reign of emperor Tra¬ | |||
jan (A. D. 99) refers probably to Kushans. | |||
Kanishka’s religious policy must have been one of | |||
tolerance, as indicated by his coins bearing the im¬ | |||
ages of Indian, Hellenistic and ZorOastrian deities. | |||
Buddhism was not a state religion under Kanishka, | |||
although Buddha was several times portrayed on his | |||
numerous coins. | |||
The problem of dating Kanishka’s reign, the | |||
“Kanishka era” mentioned in his and his successors’ | |||
inscriptions, is extremely controversial. For a long | |||
time the view was prevalent that the “Kanishka | |||
era” began in A. D. 78, but now many specialists are | |||
inclined to date the beginning of his reign to a later j | |||
time-the first quarter of the 2nd century A. D. ^ | |||
Kanishka’s better known successors were | |||
Huvishka and Vasudeva. In their reigns, the | |||
Kushans’ attention became focused on the Gangetic ~ | |||
territories. It was more and more difficult to main- ff: | |||
tain Kushan rule over the north-western provinces. | | |||
The Kushans absorbed the Indian traditions and 3 | |||
established close contacts with the local population. A | |||
Under king Vasudeva, signs of a beginning de- ' | |||
cline of the empire became apparent. His heir fought | |||
hard both against the strong Sassanid dvnasty in | |||
Iran and the local dynasties that became established | |||
in different regions of India. The fight against Sas- | |||
sanian Iran was most acute under Shapur I (A.D. | |||
241-272), when the western provinces of the Kushan | |||
empire became part of the Sassanian state Towards | |||
the end of the dynasty, the Kushans ruled over the | |||
Gandhara region only, and later nearly all of the | |||
Kushans’ Indian possessions became part of the | |||
Gupta empire. | |||
The Kushan period was an important epoch in | |||
the historical and cultural development of many | |||
regions of the ancient world. Different peoples were | |||
united within a single empire in which certain com¬ | |||
mon traditions arose; close links were established not | |||
only within the Kushan state but also with Rome, | |||
the countries of South-East Asia, and the Far East. | |||
Kushan coins are found in the most diverse regions, | |||
even as far as Africa and Northern Europe. The | |||
Kushan culture matured on the basis of different tra¬ | |||
ditions-elements of the local civilisation were com¬ | |||
bined with the achievements of the Graeco-Roman | |||
world. | |||
Soviet scholars’ recent excavations in Central Asia | |||
have yielded important materials on the develop¬ | |||
ment of the local schools of architecture and sculp¬ | |||
ture. The Bactrian school occupied a special position | |||
in Kushan art, exerting its influence over all the | | |||
others. The Kushan epoch was one of wide spread¬ | |||
ing of Mahayana and of the moulding of various | |||
schools of that branch of Buddhism. | |||
After the fall of the Kushan state, a long period of | |||
political fragmentation set in which continued until | |||
the beginning of the 4th century A. D., when the | |||
new and powerful Gupta empire began to take | |||
shape. | |||
The consolidation of the Gupta state commenced | |||
during the rule of Chandragupta I, who adopted the | |||
magnificent title of Maharajadhiraja, “ruler of great | |||
kings”. The beginning of Chandragupta’s reign (the | |||
“Gupta era”) is dated to A. D. 320. | |||
Under Samudragupta, the empire reached still | |||
greater might. The Allahabad inscription, compiled | |||
by the court poet Harishena in honour of the king’s | |||
splendid victories, mentions the names of kings and | |||
countries conquered by the Gupta ruler. Samudra¬ | |||
gupta seized many areas of the Ganges valley and | |||
even Deccan. The southern regions, which appar¬ | |||
ently formed no part of the empire, were regarded as | |||
156 | |||
a tribute-paying vassalage. Some regions of western battle, and Mihirakula had to go back to | |||
and north-western India were also the Guptas’ north-western India, retaining power over Gand- | |||
dependencies. Samudragupta also kept up close hara areas and some of the provinces of Punjab only | |||
links with Sri Lanka. (his capital was the city of Sakala, modern Sialkot). | |||
Under Samudragupta, the empire became one of For some time the Guptas maintained their | |||
the greatest in the ancient East. Its influence grew, dominion over Magadha and other areas, but these | |||
and close links were established with many states. were merely weak descendants of the once powerful | |||
According to epigraphic data, Samudragupta ruled Guptan kings. Chronologically, the post-Guptan | |||
until A. D. 380, when his throne passed on to his son period belongs to the early medieval epoch, not the | |||
Chandragupta II, whose reign ended in A. D. 413 or ancient history of India. | |||
415. | |||
Chandragupta II is one of the most popular | |||
figures of the Indian tradition, where he is known as Southern India. It was believed for a long time that | |||
Vikramaditya, or “The Sun of Might”. Traditions southern India lagged far behind the country’s north | |||
link up his reign with the work of many great in antiquity, that civilisation there took shape much | |||
writers, poets and scholars. Chandragupta II’s reign later, and only under the influence of northern cul- | |||
is often called “the golden age of the Guptas” by tures. That mistaken view was due to the fact that no | |||
modern Indian historians. regular archaeological work was done in southern | |||
After Chandragupta’s death, his son Kumara- India, while the earliest written monuments in Dra- | |||
gupta (A. D. 415-455) inherited the throne. Soon vidian languages date only from the first centuries | |||
after his death his successor Skandagupta had to A. D. After the latest discoveries of Indian archaeo- | |||
fight hard against the tribes of Hephthalites, or logists and historians, it has become clear that south- | |||
White Huns, who invaded India. ern India went through the same stages of historico- | |||
That tribal union, which had earlier inhabited cultural development as the North. Major states | |||
Central Asia, became especially powerful in the 5th existed here already in the first millennium B. C. | |||
century, growing into a mighty threat to Sassanian During the Maurya period, the most important of | |||
Iran and the last rulers of the Kushan dynasty. First, these were Chola, Chera and Keralaputra. Particu- | |||
the Hephthalites defeated the isolated kings who larly famous was the Satavahana empire founded in | |||
ruled the western regions oi the once powerful Deccan in the 2nd and 1st centuries B. C. The Sata- | |||
Kushan empire, and then won impressive victories vahanas also had possessions in western India and | |||
over the rulers of Sassanian Iran. They also invaded competed with north Indian states, | |||
north-western India and seized Gandhara. At that In that period, and especially in the first centuries | |||
time (c. A. D. 457-460) the first encounter between A. D., southern India became a most important | |||
the Guptas and the Hephthalites took place. The centre of Indian trade. It established extensive and | |||
war entailed considerable financial difficulties for solid links with Rome. The Romans founded a trad- | |||
the Guptas. ing colony in the south of India; remnants of a | |||
Under Skandagupta’s successors, the empire was Roman factory have been excavated at Arikamedu | |||
troubled by strong separatist movements, the more (not far from modern Pottuchcheri). | |||
remote provinces fighting for independence from During that period, Sanskrit and Prakrits were | |||
central authority. The unity of the empire was Jr highly popular in the south. Inscriptions, literary | |||
breaking down. S' and scholarly works were written in these languages. | |||
Fresh incursions of the Hephthalites dealt a new > The South was introduced to the epics of northern | |||
blow to the Guptas. Under the Hephthalite king 3 India. But the local Dravidian substratum played a | |||
Toramana (A. D. 490-515) the White Huns g great role in the general process of cultural develop- | |||
advanced deep into India, seizing Sind and certain 5 - ment. Significantly, some coins of Satavahanan | |||
areas of Rajasthan and western India. Toramana’s | rulers are stamped with the title and name of a king | |||
heir Mihirakula at first won several victories over Q in Sanskrit on one side and in ancient Tamil on the | |||
the Guptas, but then the Guptan king Narasimha- other. | |||
gupta, or Baladitya, routed his army in a decisive g Epigraphic materials offer a general picture of the | |||
system of government in the states of Deccan and Although farming was the leading branch of pro¬ | |||
southern India in the first centuries A.D. The Sata- duction, cattle-breeding also played a considerable | |||
vahanas created a well-developed system of central role in the economy. | |||
government: the empire was divided into provinces, In the second half of the 1st millennium B. C., | |||
and into districts, run by numerous officials, includ- urban centres of crafts and trade began to arise in | |||
ing military governors, officials in charge of food the Ganges valley. The cities varied in size, of | |||
supplies, chief scribes, and rural officials. course. Pataliputra, the capital of the Mauryan | |||
Certain data are available on the religious policy empire, was the largest and most populous of these | |||
of the southern Indian dynasties. The Satavahanas cities. According to Megasthenes, who lived in the | |||
patronised Buddhism. The work of the well-known capital, its territory was more than 25 square kilo- | |||
Buddhist philosopher Nagarjuna may have been metres. If this evidence is to be accepted, Pataliputra | |||
linked with the Satavahanas. Side by side with was one of the largest cities of antiquity (Alexandria | |||
Buddhism and Jainism, Hinduism became wide- was three times smaller). | |||
spread. Religious syncretism was one of the specific The urban handicrafts, especially weaving, metal- | |||
features of the cultural development of Deccan and working, and jewelry-making, were highly | |||
southern India in antiquity and the early Middle advanced. We admire, though we still cannot under- | |||
Ages. stand the secret of it, the skill of 5th-century Indians | |||
who made the iron column, seven metres high and | |||
weighing more than seven tons, which has not been | |||
The Economic Development. During many centuries, corroded in all the centuries gone by, despite the | |||
agriculture played a most important role in the humid climate. Royal metalworkers and armourers | |||
economy of ancient Indians. The introduction and made up a craftsmen’s guild especially strictly con- | |||
wide spreading of iron facilitated the settlement and trolled by the state, as the king was regarded as the | |||
cultivation of the Ganges valley, as iron agricultural owner of all the mineral resources, and the mining | |||
implements (especially iron ploughshares) qualita- rights were a crown monopoly, | |||
tively changed the nature and results of agricultural Iron wares were produced in great variety. Dur- | |||
work. ing the Kushan and Guptan periods, armourers’ art | |||
In some areas, two and even three annual harvests was influenced by Graeco-Roman and Central | |||
were taken in. Ancient Indians grew rice, wheat and Asian models, but on the whole the metalworkers | |||
barley. Rice was especially widely grown in followed local traditions. Iron and steel products | |||
Magadha. Archaeological evidence and written were of very high quality, and widely exported. The | |||
sources show that, apart from barley, wheat and Periplus of the Eritrean Sea mentions the export of In¬ | |||
legumes were widely cultivated. In southern areas, dian iron and steel to African ports. It also speaks of | |||
where the climate was more arid and the soils less the export of copper. Indian jewelry was highly | |||
fertile, millet was extensively sown. Much work on prized far beyond the country’s borders. In Taxila | |||
the construction and maintenance of irrigation sys- (western India) foreign jewelers must have worked | |||
terns was done by the state, as well as by the rural who were familiar with Hellenistic traditions, as | |||
communities and individual landowners. many of the jewelry items found here are similar to | |||
The role of agriculture sharply increased in the j objects from Egypt and Syria. In eastern India, | |||
first centuries A.D. Many cereals were already ~ external influences were less significant, | |||
exported. The Periplus of the Eritrean Sea (2nd century ~~ Weaving was highly developed, especially the | |||
A. D.) records exports of rice and wheat from India. | making of cotton fabrics which were exported along | |||
Horticulture became especially highly developed, - with silk to the West, where they were highly prized, | |||
and new varieties of fruits (e. g., peaches and pears) g Benares fabrics and thin cotton fabrics from Bengal | |||
and vegetables appeared. Ancient Indians grew s were particularly widely known. In the north-west, | |||
mangoes, oranges, grapes, and bananas. The a woollen fabrics were also woven, | |||
coconut palm became widespread, particularly in Trading along river and sea routes, as well as | |||
coastal areas. Whole plantations of such palms were * overland, was vigorous. The sources relate stories of | |||
cultivated in that period. S' Indian merchants going on dangerous sea voyages | |||
158 | |||
which lasted up to six months. Their ships went to definite conditions slaves, especially temporary ones, | |||
Sri Lanka, Burma, and South Arabia. Many Indian could buy their freedom. | |||
goods-spices, precious stones, ivory, rare types of Slaves did various types of work. The sources | |||
wood went to Hellenistic countries. mention the use of slaves in agriculture; together | |||
Sea trading became especially active in the with hired workers, slaves cut down trees, clearing | |||
Kushan-Guptan period. Ancient Indians were lots for cultivation. Slave labour was also used in the | |||
expert seafarers and could use the monsoons ap- handicrafts. | |||
parently long before they were discovered by the Ancient Indian slavery had certain distinctive | |||
Greek seaman Hippalos in the mid-lst century A. D. traits. Slave labour was very close to that of free | |||
The author of the Periplus of the Eritrean Sea saw hired workers, the karmakaras. Significantly, many | |||
large Indian ships on the Malabar Coast. In the first sources mention slave labour along with that of | |||
centuries A. D., Egyptian traders voyaged to India, hired workers. Another characteristic feature of slav- | |||
while Indian merchants, according to the same ery was wide use of slave labour in the household, | |||
source, permanently lived on the island of Dioscurias which was a basic part of ancient Indians’ life. That | |||
(Sokotra). gave a certain patriarchal quality to the relations | |||
The Chinese pilgrim Fa-hien made an interesting between master and slave, | |||
voyage from India to China, first travelling from On the whole, however, slavery played a most | |||
Tamralipti, in the east of India, to Sri Lanka, then important role in the structure of ancient Indian | |||
across the ocean to Jawa and on to China. society, despite its patriarchal character, similarity | |||
between slave labour and the labour of free pro¬ | |||
ducers, and the continued existence of rudimentary | |||
The Class and Social Structure. In ancient India, just as economic forms. Slavery was the prime form of | |||
in the other countries of the ancient Orient, there exploitation. | |||
were three principal classes: the class of slaves and The principal producers in ancient India were | |||
hired workers whose position was similar to that of the free commoners engaged in farming. The village | |||
slaves, the class of free producers, and the ruling community was the most widespread type of societal | |||
class consisting of various groups of slave-owners. group, although primitive consanguine communities | |||
Slave labour was used already in the Vedic still existed in the more backward regions. Each | |||
period, but only in the Magadha-Mauryan times community existed within certain borders; it owned | |||
and especially later in the Kushan-Guptan epoch, the villagers’ common land and the public buildings, | |||
did it become particularly widespread. It should of The cultivated land was divided between the free | |||
course be borne in mind that different areas of the members of the community. Besides the royal taxes | |||
vast country were at various stages of social develop- paid by the owners of individual lots, the community | |||
ment. In the more advanced regions, the slave-own- also had to pay a communal land-tax. | |||
ing socioeconomic structure was the leading one. A Economic differentiation was already rather pro¬ | |||
slave in ancient India was regarded as a thing or a nounced in the community, the gap steadily growing | |||
kind of domestic animal; slaves were called two- between the commoners who tilled their plots and | |||
legged animals, as distinguished from the four- the richer men who exploited slaves and hired | |||
legged livestock. There were rules for inheriting workers. Some commoners became ruined, losing | |||
slaves, along with other property. Slaves toiled in the ^ their land and being obliged to become lease- | |||
royal palace, in the houses of well-to-do citizens, and 5f holders. The lower strata made up the exploited | |||
in rural communities. Owners of small plots of land ' group. The position of rural craftsmen was not uni- | |||
also could have slaves, although their number was S form either. Some of them worked in their own | |||
not great, of course. A slave could be given away, g workshops, while others were hired for wages, | |||
sold, pawned, or lost in a game of dice. t. The community retained some features and tra- | |||
Slaves fell into several types, according to the |' ditions of an integral, undifferentiated entity. Free | |||
manner of their acquisition, but the main criterion p commoners organised community festivities, includ- | |||
was whether the slavery was for life or temporary, g ing religious ones. The community as a whole could | |||
Only the master could set the slave free, but under | make contacts with other communities and the king. | |||
159 | |||
The community protected the rights of its free state. The view, expressed by some researchers, that | |||
members and was to some extent independent in its the state had the monopoly of owning land in | |||
internal affairs. The free commoners gathered in ancient India is untenable. | |||
assembly to handle various matters of community One of the characteristic features of the social | |||
management. At first, although the community’s top structure of ancient India was the existence of a sys- | |||
people carried much more weight than the rest, the tern of varnas (social groups) and castes. Four varnas | |||
head of the community was elected by commoners’ existed already in the Vedic epoch: the priests, or | |||
assembly, but later he was appointed by the state Brahmans; the top military, or Kshatriyas; the | |||
authorities, gradually becoming their representa- traders and farmers, or Vaishyas; and the artisans | |||
tive. Only free commoners could vote in the assem- and free but impoverished strata, or Shudras. The | |||
bly; slaves and hired workers had no political rights division into the varnas cannot of course be equated | |||
at all. in its social content with the basic division of ancient | |||
Besides communal lands, there were privately society into classes, existing side by side with it. The | |||
owned and crown estates in ancient India. The dif- varnas embraced only the free population, while the | |||
ferentiation among private landowners was very slaves were not included in any of the varnas and | |||
advanced: their possessions ranged from vast tracts were thus outside the system, | |||
of land to small plots. The social position of the Brahmans was espe- | |||
The rights of property owners were protected. cially prominent. They had a great influence in | |||
Unlawful appropriation of other people’s property ideology and the cult. Brahmans occupied the posts | |||
was punished by a large fine, and the person guilty of chief advisors at royal courts and in the courts of | |||
of such an act was declared to be a thief. It was for- law. Many of them were very rich and owned large | |||
bidden to interfere in the owner’s affairs. Only the estates. | |||
owner of land could decide what to do with it - he The political power was in the hands of the Ksha- | |||
could sell it, give it away, pawn it, or lease it. triyas, whose influence grew at the time of the found- | |||
The king endeavoured to restrict the rights of ing and expansion of strong empires. The kings were | |||
private owners. He received taxes from the lands of as a rule Kshatriyas and had command of the army, | |||
private owners and kept a close watch over the state Many sources tend to oppose the two higher varnas | |||
of their affairs. If an owner abandoned his lot at the to the two lower ones and even to lump the varnas of | |||
time of sowing or harvesting, the king could impose Vaishyas and Shudras together. However, as some | |||
a fine on him. Fines could also be imposed for failure Vaishyas grew rich, their status approached that of | |||
to pay taxes, but the state could not take avyay the the higher varnas, while the impoverished ones | |||
owner’s land. The state also took measures against actually degraded to the state of Shudras. These | |||
violations of the rules regulating the sale of land. processes began with the development of trade and | |||
The community, like the state, tried to restrict the crafts, | |||
private ownership of land, imposing especially tight In the course of historical development the divi- | |||
controls on the sale of land, in which relatives and sion into varnas began to recede into the background, | |||
neighbours had pre-emptive rights. The com- Noble origin lost its primacy, and economic position | |||
munity’s opinion was taken into account in disputes began to play an increasing role. The division into | |||
over the boundaries of settlements and land lots, j jati or castes, which were hereditary, endogamous, | |||
State lands and the king’s private domain consti- ~ and associated with certain occupations, became | |||
tuted another part of the country’s stock of land. ^ paramount. | |||
The state land category included forests, mines, and ? The number of the jati gradually increased, | |||
uncultivated land. Royal estates were managed by a ~ Owing to the division of labour and specialisation, | |||
staff of overseers. The king could also have small lots s castes especially multiplied in the cities, among the | |||
of land in the communities, which he might dispose | various categories of artisans, but they also devel- | |||
of as his own —he could give them away, sell, or rent, i oped in the villages. The jati as an institution were | |||
Royal estates were tilled by slaves, hired workers, ^ separate from the varnas, which continued to exist as | |||
and various categories of lease-holders. But the king ’ distinct and rigid groups. | |||
was not the owner of all the land cultivated in his s The lowest rung of the social ladder came to be | |||
160 | |||
occupied by the “untouchables”, who stood outside | |||
the caste system. These outcasts had to do the dir¬ | |||
tiest work (as dustmen, graveyard sweepers, etc.). | |||
The higher varnas were forbidden to come in contact | |||
with the “untouchables”. | |||
The first centuries A. D., and particularly the late | |||
Guptan period, were marked by new features in the | |||
social relations. Private ownership of land became | |||
especially widespread. Special deeds recording the | |||
sale and buying of land appeared. The number of | |||
royal grants of land to private individuals grew, but | |||
perhaps more importantly, their character changed. | |||
Previously, a gift of land merely meant the right of | |||
using land without any rights with regard to the | |||
peasants, but later the situation changed. Earlier, | |||
many grants of land were temporary-for the term of | |||
office only, but now they became more and more | |||
often hereditary. Some types of land grants became | |||
“eternal”, the certificates specifying that the land | |||
was given for good, “as long as the sun, the moon | |||
and the stars shine”. That strengthened the rights of | |||
private owners and made them rather independent | |||
from central authority. | |||
As the private owners assumed some of the rights | |||
of managing these lands and the farmers working on | |||
them, they began to exercise certain judicial func¬ | |||
tions. Later the kings handed over almost all of the | |||
fiscal, administrative and judicial functions to the | |||
private owners. Even the right to the exploitation of | |||
mines, which was traditionally regarded as a crown | |||
monopoly, was transferred to private individuals. | |||
These practices increasingly changed the status of | |||
temporary landowners into that of hereditary feu- | |||
dals who gradually established their sway over the | |||
peasants. It was a slow process, of course, and for a | |||
long time the state retained many of its administra¬ | |||
tive functions. | |||
The sources from the first centuries A. D. increas¬ | |||
ingly provide evidence of “the gifts of villages”, or | |||
the handing over of the right to collect taxes from J 3 | |||
these villages. The land was not transferred in this 5 | |||
act-it only meant a change in the person who col- 50 | |||
lected the taxes from the peasant. These “gifts” were ^ | |||
not yet feudal, but there was an undoubted drift g | |||
towards the development of feudal relations here. | |||
Significant changes also occurred in the position § | |||
of direct producers-slaves, free commoners, and D | |||
hired workers. There was a distinct tendency to ? | |||
check the permanent enslavement of temporary | | |||
slaves. Fines could now be imposed on slave-owners | |||
for violation of their obligations, which were set | |||
down in written form. | |||
In the Guptan epoch, the manumission of slaves | |||
became a particularly acute issue, often mentioned | |||
in the sources of the period. The conditions of | |||
manumission, especially of temporary slaves, were | |||
eased. | |||
The position of free farmers also changed. Not | |||
only lands but also the people who tilled them were | |||
now often given away by the king to private indi¬ | |||
viduals. This practice was gradually extended to | |||
previously free commoners, as a result of which they | |||
became dependent peasants. By the middle of the | |||
first millennium A. D., the feudal structure and feu¬ | |||
dal relations became established in India. | |||
The Culture of Ancient India. Early Indian culture is | |||
rightly believed to be one of the most original cul¬ | |||
tures of the ancient epoch. Its achievements in the | |||
most diverse areas in literature, art, science and | |||
philosophy have formed part of the treasure-house | |||
of world civilisation and exerted a considerable in¬ | |||
fluence on the further development of India itself | |||
and of some other countries. Indian influence was | |||
especially great in South-East and Central Asia and | |||
in the Far East. | |||
Religion was a major factor in the life of an | |||
ancient Indian, as it generally was in antiquity. It | |||
largely determined the character of contemporary | |||
nonmaterial culture. We therefore begin our con¬ | |||
sideration of ancient Indian culture with its princi¬ | |||
pal religions. | |||
Hinduism. Hinduism was the main religion in those | |||
times (more than 80 per cent of the Indian popula¬ | |||
tion still belong to this faith). Its roots lie in remote | |||
antiquity. | |||
The religious and mythological concepts of the | |||
tribes of the Vedic epoch are reflected in the Vedas, | |||
offering a wealth of material on mythology, religion | |||
and ritual. Vedic hymns have always been regarded | |||
as sacred texts in India. They were handed down | |||
from generation to generation by word of mouth in | |||
their original form. These hymns, pleas addressed to | |||
the gods, and charms provide a picture of the Vedic | |||
man’s world, his concepts of the universe and his | |||
161 | |||
11-344 | |||
beliefs. The totality of these bends is termed An Indian of the Vedic epoch deified the natural | |||
Vedism. Vedism was not a common Indian religion forces, personifying plants, mountains, and rivers, | |||
but only that of a group of Indo-Aryan tribes which Later, the doctrine of metempsychosis evolved. After | |||
settled the Eastern Punjab and Uttar Pradesh and death, a righteous man went to paradise while sin- | |||
was the creator of the Rigveda and other Vedic col- ners awaited a messenger from Yama, the god of the | |||
lections or samhitas. Vedism as a religious system also underworld. To win the favour of the gods, Indians | |||
reflected the faiths of an earlier time, since the Indo- made sacrifices and prayed for assistance, offspring | |||
Aryans of the Rigveda epoch retained many of their and wealth. The offerings varied, of course. Rich | |||
concepts of the Indo-Iranian period. It is only men’s sacrifices were splendid ceremonies, while | |||
natural that considerable similarities are found in poor men were content with offerings of flowers and | |||
the beliefs of ancient Indian and Iranian tribes. “holy water”. The Vedas speak of the sacrificial fire | |||
A characteristic trait of the Vedic religion was in honour of the gods, consuming grain, Soma-“the | |||
polytheism worshipping many gods and other dei- holy intoxicating drink”, the drink of immortality, | |||
ties rather than a single one. They were usually and sacrificial animals. It was deemed especially | |||
endowed with human traits (anthropomorphism), righteous to make the sacrifice of a horse (ashvamed- | |||
but sometimes also with those of half-gods and half- ha)— a ritual that only the king could perform. The | |||
animals (theriomorphism). Indra, the god of complex rituals demanded the services of persons | |||
thunder and a powerful warrior, was the principal initiated in the mysteries of the cult, the magic acts | |||
god. Particularly popular were hymns recounting and songs. Originally, there were no professional | |||
Indra’s victory over the daemon Vritra. Ancient In- priests as a separate social group it only evolved | |||
dians believed that that victory gave men access to with the increasing complexity of rituals, | |||
water, making their fields rich in moisture and The Vedas reflect the spiritual world of the In¬ | |||
bringing rich harvests. dians of that remote epoch and their interesting cos- | |||
Together with other gods, Indra gained victories mogonic concepts. Already at that time man began | |||
over their numerous enemies. Indians believed that, to ponder over the mysteries of the universe, the | |||
besides kind and gracious gods, there was a whole causes of the emergence of the world, and of all that | |||
host of evil daemons bringing misfortunes to man. lives on the earth. Those were, of course, naive | |||
The god Varuna was believed to be the guardian of attempts at a mythological explanation of the mys- | |||
world order and justice. Agni, the god offire, protec- teries of the universe. The Vedic hymns expressed | |||
tor of the hearth, “the guardian of the house and of the idea that even gods were not eternal, that the | |||
the people”, was an object of special worship. Surya world was created by a certain abstract deity, that | |||
the sun-god was associated with the coming of the the earth, the sky, the sun, human beings and gods | |||
day; driving his chariot in the morning, he dispelled all appeared from the giant called Purusha. One of | |||
the darkness of night. The Indians of the Vedic the hymns, known as the Hymn of the Creation of the | |||
epoch divided the whole universe into three World, declared a certain featureless substance to be | |||
spheres heaven, earth, and antariksha , i.e., the the basis of being. | |||
space between them, and certain gods were as- One might say that the Vedic conceptions of the | |||
sociated with each of these spheres. Surya and world were extremely contradictory, but it is signifi- | |||
Varuna were the gods of heaven, Agni and Soma, j cant that already at that remote epoch the Indians | |||
the god of the “holy intoxicating drink”, were the ~ doubted the omnipotence of the gods, despite the | |||
gods of the earth. ~~ enormous influence of religion and magic: the gods | |||
Characteristic of Vedism was a certain syn- * could not explain the mysteries of nature, the origin | |||
cretism of the god’s images. There was no strict hier- ~ of man and the world. Water was regarded as the | |||
archy of the deities, no supreme god, so that in § first element giving birth to everything that lived | |||
appealing to some god, the Vedic people endowed g. and determining the cyclic transformation of mat- | |||
him with the characteristics of many deities - at each 1 ter. | |||
concrete moment the god spoken to seemed to be the ^ Many features of the Vedic religion became part | |||
most important one, the one that brought happiness of Hinduism, although the latter was a more sophis- | |||
and warded off diseases and misfortunes. s’ ticated religion reflecting a different stage in India’s | |||
162 | |||
spiritual life and certain qualitative changes’in the the most popular avataras, and Krishna became the | |||
social order. theme of many myths. The Krishna cult became so | |||
As distinct from Vedism, Hinduism emphasised popular that its followers even formed a special | |||
the idea of god the creator and established a strict branch of Vishnuism called Krishnaism. The ninth | |||
hierarchy in the pantheon. The cults of the gods avatara, in the image of Buddha, resulted from the | |||
Brahma, Vishnu, and Shiva began to play a special absorption of Buddhist concepts in Hinduism. The | |||
role, these three gods forming a triad or Trimurti per- tenth avatara, as Kalki, reflects the notion that at | |||
ceived as a manifestation of a single supreme deity. the end of the Kaliyuga, the present age, Vishnu will | |||
a rahma was regarded as the creator and ruler of the appear riding the white horse Kalki and destroy all | |||
world, and he also established the social laws ( dhar- misfortunes, restoring order and justice on the earth. | |||
ma) and the division into varnas\ it was he who In later Hinduism, the Krishna avatara became | |||
punished unbelievers and sinners. Special stress on pre-eminent above the others. Some scholars believe | |||
the role of Vishnu the divine protector, or Shiva the that the name Krishna is of a local, pre-Aryan ori- | |||
divine destroyer led to the emergence of two princi- gin, and that the introduction of that hero’s cult in | |||
pal directions in Hinduism-Vishnuism and Shi- the Hinduist pantheon reflects the syncretic char- | |||
vaism. That division was recorded in the texts of the acter of that religion. | |||
puranas, the principal sources of Hinduist myth- The Vishnu avataras indicate the influence on | |||
ology that took shape in the first centuries A. D. Hinduism of old totemistic concepts, which were | |||
Along with the Indo-Aryan beliefs, the two direc- given doctrinal explanations in that religion, | |||
tions of Hinduism absorbed the faiths of India’s non- The cult of Shiva, who personifies destruction in | |||
Aryan population, Dravidian faiths above all. In the triad of the supreme gods, gained great popular- | |||
general, Hinduism as a religious mythological sys- ity at an early stage. But Shiva is associated with dif- | |||
tem absorbed and assimilated the faiths of different ferent qualities in the mythology, where he appears | |||
tribal groups. as the god of fertility, an ascetic, the protector of cat- | |||
Assimilation of various cults and their merging tie, and a shaman dancer. All this shows that the | |||
with the Vishnu image was facilitated by the avatara Shiva cult absorbed various local beliefs. There are a | |||
system-the doctrine that the god Vishnu could go number of proofs of Shiva’s non-Aryan genesis; his | |||
down into the world and appear in different images cult reflects the archaic beliefs of the Dravidian | |||
through transfiguration. The early Hinduist texts population of northern and especially southern | |||
speak of ten avataras of Vishnu. The first is connected India. | |||
with the story of the Flood, when Vishnu, desiring to Unlike the Vedic cult, the Hinduist rites are con- | |||
save men, assumed the guise of a fish. The second nected with the temples and other cult structures, | |||
avatara is the one of Vishnu assuming the image of a and with worshipping sculptured images of gods, | |||
turtle and procuring the drink of immortality (amn- The religious concepts of Hinduism made a great | |||
ta). In the third avatara Vishnu, in the image of a impact on various aspects of the life of old Indian | |||
wild boar, defeated a daemon and saved the earth society, including its social sphere. The system of | |||
from destruction. The fourth avatara is of a man-lion, varnas was believed to be sacred, and believers were | |||
who was able to defeat the daemon through his expected to perform a rigorously defined range of | |||
titanic might. In the fifth avatara Vishnu cunningly duties and social obligations. Hinduism also pre¬ | |||
assumed the guise of a dwarf and was thus able to J 3 scribed the everyday rites. It was believed that one | |||
fool the king of the daemons, winning back the =s could not become a Hinduist-one could only be | |||
earth. The sixth is the Parashurama or the Rama- 50 born one. | |||
with-an-Axe avatara, in which Vishnu defeated the ? Hinduism was especially widespread in the Mid- | |||
Kshatriyas who had seized power on the earth. The g die Ages, when it became the population’s main reli- | |||
seventh avatara is the one of Rama who defeated the &■ gion-and still remains one. | |||
evil rakshasa or daemon Ravana (the story of Rama’s 1 Among the vast number of religious and philoso- | |||
exploits forms the basis of the famous epic poem, the 0 phical Hinduist works, Bhagavadgita (The Song of | |||
Ramayana). The eighth avatara is in the image of | the God) has always enjoyed the greatest popularity. | |||
Krishna, the hero of the Yadava tribe. This is one of | Although it forms part of the Mahabharata epic | |||
163 | |||
poem, it can also be viewed as an independent work. towards it. On that long path, they must follow the | |||
It is in the form of a dialogue between the warrior principal commandments and above all the Four | |||
Arjuna and Krishna, the terrestrial embodiment of Holy Truths. In these truths Buddha outlined the | |||
the supreme deity, expounding certain precepts con- causes of human suffering and “the path of release”, | |||
cerning the destiny of man, truth, high morality, the According to the tradition, Buddha said that his reli- | |||
sense of duty, the mundane and the divine. The core gion had the “taste of salvation” just as water in the | |||
of the poem is the description of the paths leading ocean tasted of salt. Life was suffering arising from | |||
the believer towards religious “release”. Love of god desire, from the wish to lead an earthly life and enjoy | |||
(i bhakli ) is seen as the main virtue. its pleasures. It was therefore necessary to renounce | |||
That poem became a symbol of India’s spiritual desires and to follow the Eight Paths-right view, | |||
life. It figured in the works of many statesmen, right thought, right speech, right action, right liveli- | |||
writers, and artists, and was often cited by Mahatma hood, right effort, right mindfulness, and right | |||
Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, and Rabindranath concentration. | |||
Tagor to name but a few. The ethical aspects played a very great role in | |||
Buddhism. The emphasis was to be on the moral side | |||
of man’s behaviour. Righteously following the right- | |||
Buddhism. Buddhism appeared in India much later eous path, man had to rely on himself, according to | |||
than Vedism, but after a few centuries that religion Buddha, and not seek protection, help and salvation | |||
crossed the borders of India and became established from the outside. | |||
in many Asian countries. It is now one of the three Buddhism did not recognise the existence of god | |||
world religions. the creator who, according to Hinduism, engen- | |||
The Buddhists link the beginnings of their religion dered everything in the world, including man, of | |||
with the name of the Buddha Shakyam uni who was god on whom man’s destiny depends, | |||
born, according to the tradition, in the 6th century Despite the idea of universal equality as men’s | |||
B. C. No written sources of that period are available. birthright and the democratic character of the | |||
The lives of the founder of Buddhism were written Buddhist community of monks, or sangha, Buddhism | |||
by Buddhists several hundred years after his death. was not a radical social movement. The cause of all | |||
These biographies are the only source of our knowl- worldly burdens, earthly misfortunes and social in¬ | |||
edge about the facts of the Buddha’s life and the reli- justice was, according to the Buddhist sermons, the | |||
gion he preached. result of man’s personal “blindness”, his inability to | |||
According to the Buddhist tradition, Siddhartha give up the worldly desires. It was only possible to | |||
Shakyamuni (“the hermit of the Shakyas”) was overcome earthly sufferings by extinguishing all re¬ | |||
born in the village of Lumbini (modern Nepal) to a sponses to the world and destroying the awareness of | |||
family of Kshatriyas. Living in Sarnath (near one’s ego, not by struggling. | |||
modern Varanasi), he “attained enlightenment” at However, the Buddhist rejection of hard-and-fast | |||
the age of 40, and people began calling him the caste partitions and advocacy of equality as men’s | |||
Buddha (“the enlightened one”). No reliable histor- birthright were especially attractive to the mer- | |||
ical data from the times of Buddha’s life have sur- chants, the Vaishyas who had grown rich but occupi- | |||
vived, and it is thus impossible to say whether he was j ed a very modest niche in the social hierarchy in the | |||
a historical personality or not. There can be little ~ order of things decreed by Brahmanism. Buddhism | |||
doubt, however, about the existence of a real also found support among the Kshatriyas who at | |||
founder of the Buddhist doctrine, though his name * that time concentrated power in their hands but felt | |||
and the facts of life reported by the tradition cannot ~ strong ideological pressure from the Brahmans who | |||
be verified. |) declared themselves to be the supreme and the only | |||
As in any other religion, the starting point of | holy varna, and even earthly gods. | |||
Buddhism was the idea of salvation. In Buddhism, S Free members of all varnas were admitted to the | |||
the attainment of that “release” is termed nirvana. A sangha, or the Buddhist order, and that significantly | |||
According to the early Buddhists, only monks could ' extended the influence of the new teaching. Buddha | |||
hope to attain nirvana, but all believers had to strive S' did not handle complicated metaphysical matters in | |||
164 | |||
his sermons, the emphasis in early Buddhism being, cance. Figures of Buddha as the supreme being | |||
as pointed out above, on the ethical aspects. appeared in Buddhist art. | |||
At the time of the Mauryas, two principal trends Since nirvana was achieved, according to | |||
took shape in Buddhism-the Sthaviravadinas (the fol- Mahayana, through bodhisattvas , believers tried to | |||
lowers of the “School of the Elders”) and Maha- win their favour by making rich gifts. In the first | |||
sanghikas (the adherents of “the Great Assembly”). centuries A. D. Buddhist monasteries became rich | |||
The latter trend seems to have become the basis of property owners. Kings and other rich followers of | |||
the Mahayana doctrine (“the Great Vehicle”, “the Buddhism gave them land, great sums of money, | |||
wide path”) opposed to Hinayana (“the Little Vehi- and various valuables, | |||
cle”, “the narrow path”)-a term applied by the | |||
Mahayanists, in derogation, to the more restricted | |||
and orthodox version of the Buddhist religion. In In- Philosophy was highly advanced in ancient India, | |||
dia, the conflict between the two schools never came The principal philosophical schools took shape in | |||
out in the open. the first centuries A. D. They had a marked influence | |||
The earliest Mahayanist texts must have on the subsequent development of Indian culture and | |||
appeared already in the 1st century B. C., but most on philosophical thought in other countries. Signifi- | |||
of them date from the first centuries A. D. candy, philosophers of ancient India mostly pon- | |||
The Mahayanists believed that the Hinayana dered on the same questions as the thinkers of the | |||
doctrine being too individualistic was not suitable Graeco-Roman world, but the two traditions stu- | |||
enough for the broad spreading of the Buddhist died them independently from each other. Just as | |||
ideas. In Hinayana, everyone had to think of per- the Graeco-Roman world, India was the scene of | |||
sonal “release”, of the attainment of individual conflict between materialism and idealism.. I he best | |||
enlightenment and nirvana, whereas Mahayana known school of old Indian materialists was | |||
proclaimed compassion and the need to help all liv- Lokayata. | |||
ing beings regardless of their personal qualities. That The Lokayatikas opposed the principal proposi- | |||
was why the Mahayanists called their doctrine “the dons of the religious philosophical schools, including | |||
broad path”. the ideas of religious release and the omnipotence of | |||
The concept of bodhisattva was a most important the gods. They regarded sense perceptions as the | |||
one in Mahayana. It was also present in Hinayana, main source of knowledge. All that is in the world, | |||
but in Mahayana the bodhisattva cult acquired spe- including consciousness, consists of elements, accord - | |||
cial significance. It was believed that a bodhisattva mg to the Lokayatikas. The atomistic theory of the | |||
was a being capable of becoming a Buddha, coming Y aisheshika school was a great achievement of old | |||
close to the state of nirvana but refusing to plunge Indian philosophy, which parallels in some respect | |||
into it out of great compassion for the other beings. the views of Democritus. Patanjali, the founder of | |||
Hinayanists insisted that only monks who re- the Yoga school, paid special attention to problems | |||
nounced all things mundane could reach nirvana, the human psychology. Nagarjuna, a major | |||
whereas according to Mahayana the supreme Mahayanist philosopher, formulated the concept of | |||
release was also accessible t6 the laity. “universal relativity” or “emptiness” (shunyavada). | |||
The two trends differed in their view of the figure _ His i deas made a great impact on the destinies of | |||
of the founder of the religion and of the Buddha con- f Buddhist philosophy in Tibet and China, while his | |||
cept itself. In Hinayana, Buddha was regarded as an ; study of logical categories largely predetermined the | |||
actual historical person who pointed to believers the ___ development of the Indian school of logic. It is | |||
paths and modes of salvation, whereas in Mahayana ^ rightly believed that Indian philosophy was the | |||
he was regarded as a supreme absolute being. § strongest side of Indian civilisation. | |||
Mahayanists taught that every living being is a g] | |||
potential Buddha, containing as he did a certain § | |||
particle of the essence of Buddha. s 5 Literature and the Theatre. With its diversity of genres, | |||
In Mahayana, Buddhas and bodhisattvas became g" linguistic and cultural traditions, depth and origi- | |||
objects of worship. Rituals assumed special signifi- = nality of content, and exceptional poetic quality, | |||
ancient Indian literature occupies a place of honour were highly popular in Nepal, Cambodia, Indone- | |||
in the history of world literature. Ancient India gave sia, Tibet, and the Far East already in the early | |||
the world such a great writer as Kalidasa, whose Middle Ages. In their ardstic quality, sheer size and | |||
creative work was a most important stage in the impact on the cultures of other peoples, the Maha- | |||
country’s cultural development. When first transla- bharata and the Ramayana are comparable with the | |||
tions of his works appeared in the late 18th and early Iliad and the Odyssey (the Mahabharata contains | |||
19th centuries, Kalidasa was studied by the greatest 100,000 distichs, and the Ramayana , 24,000). When | |||
writers and poets of Western Europe-Goethe, the epics were translated into the European lan- | |||
Herder, Schiller, Heine, and others. Goethe called guages, they became highly popular in Europe, too - | |||
Kalidasa’s drama Shakuntala an infinitely profound they were admired by Heine, Beethoven, Rodin, | |||
work which made an epoch in his life. Kalidasa’s and in Russia, by Belinsky, Tolstoy, Roerich, and | |||
work became known in Russia as early as 1792, others. | |||
when a Russian translation of his dramas appeared The final versions of the Mahabharata and the | |||
and the Russian historian and writer Nikolai Ka- Ramayana date from the first centuries A. D., but the | |||
ramzin wrote of Kalidasa’s significance for the whole heroic epics evolved over an immense period of time, | |||
mankind, comparing the ancient Indian dramatist absorbing diverse materials from the oral poetic tra- | |||
with Homer. dition, assuming an increasingly didactive char- | |||
The history of ancient Indian literature is usually acter, being permeated by religious and philosophi- | |||
divided into several stages-Vedic, epic, and the per- cal ideas, and incorporating works of a properly | |||
iod of classical Sanskrit literature, or the Kavya religious nature, like the Bhagavadgita. | |||
literature, although side by side with works in San- The basis of the Mahabharata story is a narrative | |||
skrit there existed a rich literary tradition in the concerning the rivalry of two royal clans-the Kaur- | |||
Prakrits (the Middle Indian languages) and in the avas and the Pandavas, and the 18-day battle on the | |||
Dravidian languages, of which Tamil is the most im- Kuru field. The tradition ascribes the authorship of | |||
portant. A characteristic feature of the first two the poem to the wise man Vyasa, but its true creator | |||
stages is the prevalence of the oral tradition in trans- was the Indian people. Vyasa may have been one of | |||
mitting the text-a feature that is also observed in the first narrators, but later, during many centuries, | |||
the later phases of the development of ancient In- the epics were sung by numerous bards who gave | |||
dia’s literature. Vedic literature, of which the most them interpretations of their own and added new | |||
ancient monument, the Rigveda, is tentatively dated narratives and motifs to it. | |||
to the 10th or 9th centuries B. C., comprises various The Ramayana tells the story of an expedition to | |||
collections of texts of a religious nature. Vedic the island of Lanka by king Rama to rescue his | |||
hymns are not only cubic monuments but also beloved Sita stolen by Ravana, the king of the dae- | |||
poetry expressing man’s experience and his inner mons. Rama and Sita are favourite heroes of mil- | |||
world; the sacral character of the texts did not pre- lions of Indians. Their devotion to each other | |||
elude the emergence of rudiments of a literary tradi- became a symbol of high moral ideals, | |||
tion proper. Even the Rigveda contains hymns in dia- Many epic themes formed the basis of literary | |||
logue form, probably reflecting embryonic elements works of the subsequent epochs, and they are still | |||
of the art of drama. Satirical motifs also occur in popular in India. The story of Shakuntala was bor- | |||
Vedic collections. The so-called wedding hymns are ~ rowed by Kalidasa for one of his dramas. Kalidasa | |||
highly poetic. was the author of numerous plays, and epic and lyri- | |||
The Mahabharata and the Ramayana, the two great ( cal poems- Malavikagnimitra, Vikramorvashi (The | |||
epic poems of ancient India, are true encyclopedias ~ Courage of Urvashi), Meghaduta (The Messenger | |||
of ancient Indian life. They made a profound impact S Cloud), Kumarasambhava (The Birth of Kumara), | |||
on the subsequent development of Indian culture. | Raghuvamsha (The Clan of Raghu). | |||
The images and themes of the epics became part of i The period when that great master lived has not | |||
the country’s tradition, much studied by outstand- been established precisely, but most scholars refer it | |||
ing dramatists, musicians, and artists. These epics ' to the 4th or 5th century A. D.-the Golden Age of | |||
have been translated into many Asian languages and 5 the Guptan empire. Kalidasa’s main themes are | |||
166 | |||
man’s griefs and joys, the society of his epoch, and versification were worked out in detail, and treatises | |||
the social relations full of contradictions and con- on metrics and poetics were compiled. One oi the | |||
diets. Rising above the horizon of his epoch, Kali- earliest works on poetics, the Kavya-alamkara (Poetic | |||
dasa condemned the sinful acts of kings and nobly- Adornments), was written by Bhamaha (4th-5th | |||
born heroes, and sang the praises of the honesty and centuries A. D.). Gradually, several schools of po- | |||
industry of the simple people. Kalidasa’s highly etics evolved holding different views on the essence | |||
artistic works are full of humanism and faith in the of poetry, artistic devices, genres, and the language | |||
future. As a dramatist, Kalidasa continued a more of poetry. | |||
ancient tradition, but he was also an innovator. Of the early literary monuments in Iamil, men- | |||
In the Guptan epoch, the Indian theatre flour- tion should be made above all of the Kurd , tradi- | |||
ished. This was reflected in a number of special trea- tionally ascribed to Turuvalluvar. That collection of | |||
tises on drama. One of these, entitled the Natyashas- maxims, which absorbed numerous folklore ele- | |||
tra, sets forth in detail the tasks of the theatre, ments, reflected the long history of the independent | |||
various types of dramatic works, the techniques of development of the literary tradition of India’s Dra- | |||
acting, staging, etc. The level of the old Indian vidian population. The Kural is still highly popular | |||
theatre was so high that many Indologists of the 19th in India. | |||
and early 20th centuries believed that theatre in In- The ancient Indian literature and folklore, part | |||
dia flourished under a direct influence of the Greek and parcel of the country’s cultural achievements, | |||
theatre, but, although India and the Graeco-Roman laid the foundations of the development of India’s | |||
world had close ties, theatre emerged in India quite national literature. Many major writers of Europe | |||
independently from outside influences; more than and America-Whitman, Hesse, Zweig, Tolstoy, | |||
that, the Indian theatre tradition is older than the Rolland, Kipling-fascinated by ancient Indian | |||
Greek one. literature, borrowed plots and motifs from it. | |||
Of the works in Sanskrit, highly popular was the | |||
Panchatantra- a collection of stories and parables | |||
largely based on folklore materials. The Panchatantra Art. Chronologically, the first monuments of archi- | |||
was translated into many languages of Asia, includ- tecture and art of ancient India belong to the epoch | |||
ing Pahlavi, Syrian and Arabic. It was known in the of the Harappa civilisation, but its greatest master- | |||
Middle East as Kalila and Dimna. pieces date from the Kushan-Guptan epoch, of | |||
Side by side with Sanskrit works connected with which monuments of both religious and secular | |||
the Brahmanist Indian tradition, there also existed character had high artistic merit, | |||
in ancient India a rich Sanskrit literature in the In earlier antiquity, most buildings were of wood, | |||
Buddhist tradition. The most striking figure here is so that no architectural monuments have survived, | |||
the poet and dramatist Ashvaghosha (lst-2nd cen- Judging from Megasthenes’s notes, the enormous | |||
turies A. D.). His poem the Buddhacanta (The Life of palace of the Mauryan king Chandragupta was built | |||
Buddha) marked the beginning of a new genre in In- of wood, and the excavations conducted in the capi- | |||
dia-the artistic epic, with strong influences from tal of his empire Pataliputra (modern Patna) yielded | |||
folklore poetry. Ashvaghosha is often described as only remnants of stone columns. In the first centu- | |||
India’s first playwright. His play the Shariputrapraka- ries A. D., stone was already widely used in construc- | |||
rana (The Prakarana of Shariputra’s Conversion) tion. The religious architecture of that time is rep- | |||
exerted a considerable influence on the subsequent a resented by cave complexes, temples (Hinduist, | |||
development of Indian drama. 10 Buddhist, Jaina) and stupas-stone shrines in which, | |||
Bhartrihari, who lived in the post-Guptan epoch, ? according to the tradition, Buddha’s relics were | |||
was the first truly lyrical poet of ancient India. He 2 preserved. | |||
continued the humanist traditions of Kalidasa, de- 5 - Of the cave complexes, the most impressive are | |||
scribing the life of the ordinary people, everyday sit- | the ones at Karli (near Bombay) and Ellora (not far | |||
uations and social conflicts. O from Aurangabad). The cave temple at Karli is im- | |||
The theory of literary creativity, including poetry, | mense-nearly 14 metres high, 14 metres wide and | |||
was highly developed in ancient India. The rules of | 38 metres long, with monolith columns in the central | |||
167 | |||
hall, a great number of sculptures, and a stupa | |||
shrine. | |||
During the Guptan epoch, the construction of the | |||
cave complex at Ellora was begun, and it went on | |||
for several centuries. In the 8th century, Kaila- | |||
sanatha, the largest cave temple of India, was carved | |||
in a rock. | |||
The Hinduist temple at Sanchi, one of the best | |||
specimens of ancient India’s architecture, dates from | |||
the 5th century. The Buddhist stupa at Sanchi, sur¬ | |||
rounded by a railing and gates, is also very famous. | |||
The carved ornaments of the gates, presen ting scenes | |||
from Buddha’s life, are of fine craftsmanship. | |||
Several schools of sculpture existed in ancient | |||
India, of which the Gandhara (north-west India), | |||
Mathura (in the Ganges valley), and the Amaravati | |||
(at Andhra) schools were the most prominent. Most | |||
of the surviving sculptures are cultic in nature, but | |||
secular tradition was also very strong. Ancient In¬ | |||
dian manuals on sculpture contained rules for mak¬ | |||
ing statues intended primarily for temples and other | |||
cultic structures. Different religious traditions- | |||
Buddhist, Jainist, and Hinduist—of icon painting | |||
worked out different sets of artistic devices. | |||
A notable feature of the Gandhara school is amal¬ | |||
gamation of various traditions-local Buddhist, | |||
Graeco-Roman and Central Asian. Many Gand¬ | |||
hara sculptures differed so greatly from the Indian | |||
models that some scholars assumed that the school | |||
was of Roman or Hellenistic origin. Still local In¬ | |||
dian art prevailed in that school. In Gandhara, we | |||
find very early representations of Buddha. The | |||
beginning of that tradition apparently lay in the | |||
Mahayana doctrine, where the concept of Buddha | |||
as the supreme being evolved. Previously, Buddha | |||
was not portrayed in the image of god or historical | |||
person but was denoted by various symbols-the | |||
Bodhi tree (according to the tradition, Prince Sidd- | |||
hartha achieved enlightenment under that tree, that | |||
is, he became the Buddha), the wheel symbolising | |||
the Buddhist view of the ceaseless round of life, etc. | |||
The appearance of bodkisattva statues was also due to | |||
the Mahayana doctrine. | |||
The Mathura school, whose florescence coincides | |||
with the Kushan epoch, is marked by an emphasis | |||
on secular themes, although sculptural compositions | |||
on purely religious topics were also produced. Stat¬ | |||
ues of Kushan rulers and art patrons formed a whole | |||
gallery of secular works. The Mathura school was | |||
affected by the earlier Mauryan art, and some spe¬ | |||
cimens even indicate the influence of Harappan tra¬ | |||
ditions (terracotta figurines of the mother-goddess, | |||
local deities, etc.). Unlike Gandhara and Mathura, | |||
the Amaravati school embodies, along with the | |||
Buddhist tradition, certain elements of southern tra¬ | |||
ditions. These artistic canons lived on in later south | |||
Indian sculpture. The Amaravati school influen¬ | |||
ced the art of Sri Lanka and of South-East | |||
Asia. | |||
In the late Guptan epoch, in which the role of | |||
Buddhism declined while Hinduism and its cultural | |||
traditions were invigorated, the character of sculp¬ | |||
tural monuments changed: the images of Buddha | |||
and of the bodhisattvas were strictly canonised, and | |||
sculptures of Hindu gods became widespread. | |||
Few monuments of ancient Indian painting have | |||
survived, but those that have offer evidence of a high | |||
level of that art, great skill of Indian painters, and | |||
originality of their style and manner. Old Indian | |||
texts often speak of the enormous esthetic signifi¬ | |||
cance of painting, and whole treatises on the techni¬ | |||
ques of wall-painting appeared. Ancient Indians saw | |||
painting as “the best of the arts”, offering the great¬ | |||
est variety of themes and subjects. Painting was inti¬ | |||
mately connected with the traditions of the people’s | |||
life, expressing man’s inner world and the ways of | |||
nature and the universe. Paintings were made on | |||
wood, fabrics, and stone. In ancient India, painting | |||
was perceived as a magic force capable of warding | |||
off evil and bringing well-being and happiness. The | |||
art of painting was very highly prized. Painters’ can¬ | |||
vases were hung in royal palaces and private houses, | |||
and special galleries were built for displaying them. | |||
The best-known monument of old Indian paint¬ | |||
ing js the wall paintings of the Ajanta caves, the so- | |||
called Ajanta frescoes, although they were not fres¬ | |||
coes sensu stricto, as the paintings were made on dry | |||
plaster. That Buddhist complex consists of 29 caves | |||
of which the walls and ceilings are covered with | |||
paintings. Their themes are scenes from Buddha’s | |||
life, mythological events and subjects, and those | |||
from Buddhist tales, the avadanas. We see here scenes | |||
from everyday life as well as the life of the royal | |||
court royal hunts, reception of ambassadors, etc. | |||
The paintings are amazingly well-preserved, despite | |||
their hoary age, the humid climate and their loca¬ | |||
tion in the open caves. Ancient Indians skilfully rein¬ | |||
forced their priming and knew the secrets of durable | |||
168 | |||
paints. The priming was in two layers, with bees- tinct from Graeco-Roman science which concen- | |||
wax, treacle and stone used to hold them together; trated on geometry. Ancient Indian algebraic trea- | |||
after the outer priming dried, the wall was glossed tises were widely used by Arab scholars, whose works | |||
and covered with lime milk. An outline of a picture began to be studied in Western Europe in the 11th | |||
was first made and then painted in. Colour was and 12th centuries. Thus al-Khwarizmi’s algebraic | |||
believed to affect the viewer more than any other treatise, largely relying on the works of Indian | |||
element of painting and was therefore handled with mathematicians, was translated in 1145 from Arabic | |||
the greatest care. The choice of colours strictly into Latin. | |||
depended on the subjects: gods and kings were On the threshold of the Middle Ages, Indian | |||
always painted in white; white could not be used for mathematicians made a number of discoveries | |||
evil characters. which were rediscovered by European scholars | |||
The Ajanta traditions influenced painting in In- much later, already after the Renaissance. The con- | |||
dia’s other regions and in Sri Lanka (cf. the famous cept of negative magnitude was worked out; rules | |||
frescoes of Sigiriya). Already in antiquity, the for finding square and cubic roots established; solu- | |||
Ajanta frescoes made a great impression on anyone tions for problems in proportional division, percen- | |||
who saw them. tages, linear equations with one or several un¬ | |||
knowns, and in computing the ratio of the length of | |||
the circumference to the diameter were suggested. | |||
Science. Science in ancient India reached a high level Some mathematical terms still used by scholars | |||
of development. The Indians’ achievements in are of Indian origin, as, e. g., “cipher”, “sine”, | |||
mathematics, astronomy, medicine, and linguistics “root”. | |||
were particularly impressive. They made a consider- The art of mathematics was highly valued in | |||
able impact on the culture of other ancient peoples, ancient India. “Just as the sun eclipses the stars, so | |||
especially on medieval Arabic and Iranian science. can a scholar eclipse the fame of others, by suggest- | |||
The discoveries made by Indians in great antiquity ing mathematical problems and even more by solv- | |||
anticipated many of the results of European science ing them,” wrote the mathematician Brahmagupta | |||
of the modern times. (6th-early 7th centuries A. D.). | |||
Aryabhata (5th-early 6th centuries A. D.) was one Old Indian treatises on astronomy bear evidence | |||
of the world’s greatest mathematicians and that that science was also highly advanced- and | |||
astronomers. He gave a very accurate value for n, kept advancing all the time. Independently of the | |||
and he also suggested an original solution for linear science of classical antiquity, Aryabhata formulated | |||
equations that is close to the methods of modern the brilliant hypothesis that the earth rotates round | |||
mathematics. its axis. That truly revolutionary idea deviated so | |||
The development of the decimal system, including sharply from the traditional views and religious con- | |||
the use of zero, was an outstanding achievement of cepts of the structure of the universe that Aryab- | |||
ancient Indian science. The notion of zero resulted hata’s work was strongly condemned by orthodox | |||
not only from the evolution of the mathematical tra- priests and scholars. | |||
dition itself but also from the philosophical concept Astronomical texts point to the Indians’ familiar- | |||
of “emptiness” introduced as was pointed out above ity with the results achieved by Babylonian, Greek | |||
by the Buddhist thinker Nagarjuna. The decimal jt and Roman scholars. One of the astronomical trea- | |||
lystem was borrowed by Arab scholars (we still S tises ( siddhanta) was called Romaka (Roman). Greek | |||
speak of “Arabic figures”) and later learnt by all the 10 astrology was especially highly prized in India, and | |||
other civilised peoples. ? some astrological texts were translated from the | |||
The old Indian system of denoting numbers deter- g Greek into Sanskrit, | |||
mined the modern system of numbering and under- g The introduction of the decimal notation facili- | |||
lies modern arithmetic. The theory of abstract | tated precise astronomic computations, although | |||
numbers and the cipher system formed the basis for there were no telescopes or observatories in ancient | |||
a highly advanced algebra. It was in this area that | India. The Syrian astronomer Severus Sebokht | |||
ancient Indians achieved remarkable results, as dis- f wrote in the 7th century that the astronomical | |||
169 | |||
discoveries of the Indians were “more ingenious” Panini’s grammar called Ashtadhyayi (literally, Eight | |||
than those of the Babylonians and Greeks, and in the Books), and his ideas were so strikingly original, that | |||
words of al Jahiz, a 9th-century Arab scholar, “the modern scholars find close parallels between them | |||
science of astronomy comes from them [the In- and the ideas of modern linguistics. Among other | |||
dians], and other peoples borrowed it”. things, Panini practised the structural approach in | |||
Ayurveda, or the science of longevity, born here in describing grammatical phenomena; he was the first | |||
great antiquity, is still widely respected in India. to introduce the zero concept in linguistics, and so | |||
Ancient Indian physicians made profound studies on. | |||
of the properties of herbs and of the influence of the Unfortunately, only a small number of scholarly | |||
climate on man’s health, and paid considerable treatises and works on various branches of scientific | |||
attention to personal hygiene and diet. Considerable knowledge proper have survived from ancient times, | |||
progress was also achieved in surgery. Ancient In- but even these texts testify to the ancient Indians’ | |||
dian medical treatises of the first centuries A. D. considerable contribution to world science, | |||
mention 300 different operations and 120 surgical | |||
instruments. Indian surgeons could perform Caesar¬ | |||
ian sections, set bones, and perform facial plastic sur- Cultural links. Already in early antiquity, India had | |||
gery. Indian medicines were highly popular in the close ties with many countries of the Orient and the | |||
countries of the antique world, in Central and West, exchanging cultural values with them. In the | |||
South-East Asia, and the Far East. Tibetan medi- times of the Harappa civilisation (3rd and 2nd mil- | |||
cine, so popular now in the West, is based on the tra- lennia B. C.), trading and cultural contacts were | |||
ditions of ancient Indian ayurveda. established with Mesopotamia, Iran, and Central | |||
Despite the independent origin of the two tradi- Asia. In the Mauryan epoch, the links with Greece, | |||
tions, there is a similarity between ancient Indian Egypt, South-East Asia, and the Far East were | |||
medicine and the physiological theories of the consolidated. The ties were especially close with | |||
Graeco-Roman culture (Hippocrates, Galen, and neighbouring Iran. Achaemenid influence can be | |||
others). Ancient Indian physicians believed that traced in Indian architecture and literature, while | |||
three main “vital juices” (or prime elements)-wind, ancient Iran borrowed a great deal from Indian | |||
gall and phlegm-formed the basis of the human science. Chess came to Iran from India and then | |||
organism; they were identified with the principles of became popular in other Oriental and Western | |||
motion, fire and softness (similar concepts of “vital countries. | |||
juices” existed in Greek medicine as well). Just as Spreading from India to Central Asia, Buddhism | |||
the science of classical antiquity, Indian medicine played a considerable role in its history, as Indian | |||
laid particular stress on anthropogeography, or the literature and scholarly treatises came with it to | |||
influence of the natural conditions on the human these countries. The same was true of South-East | |||
organism. The theories of heredity and medical Asia and the Far East. Ancient Indian epics were | |||
ethics also showed certain similarities in India and highly popular in Asia. | |||
the countries of the Graeco-Roman world. Indian traders arrived in Egyptian ports bringing | |||
Despite the considerable achievements of medical metal, glass and ivory wares, while Roman mer- | |||
science in ancient India and the rationalism of many j chants kept up lively trade with southern India and | |||
prescriptions and recommendations of Indian physi- ~ even founded their trading station there, | |||
cians, their treatises on medicine were largely im- ^ Antique authors report that Indian embassies | |||
bued with mythological concepts, while medical H. reached Rome under Augustus, Trajan, Hadrian, | |||
knowledge proper often blended with magic. ^ and Aurelius. In the first centuries A. D., antique | |||
The science of language was highly developed in I and early Christian philosophers and writers were | |||
ancient India due to the great role of the oral tradi- | familiar with the teachings of Indian philosophers, | |||
tion in the Indian culture and the ancient notion of a Indians were very much interested in Graeco- | |||
the divine origin of speech. Speech was believed to : Roman astronomy and astrology, as is clear from the | |||
underlie all the arts and sciences. The analysis of translation of an astrological treatise known as | |||
language material was so profound and detailed in “ Yavana jataka, or Greek Work, from the Greek into | |||
170 | |||
Sanskrit. The medicines of Indian physicians were | |||
highly prized in the Graeco-Roman world. | |||
Ancient Indian culture exerted a great influence | |||
on the culture of Sri Lanka and South-East Asia. | |||
The writing systems of these regions evolved on the | |||
basis of the Brahmi system, and a great many Indian | |||
words were borrowed into the local languages. | |||
Buddhism and Buddhist literature were highly in¬ | |||
fluential in Sri Lanka, while Hinduism and Sanskrit | |||
literature spread in South-East Asia. | |||
Ancient Indian colonies were founded in Central | |||
and South-East Asia. In the first centuries A. D., | |||
Buddhist monks began to arrive in China, bringing | |||
religious and philosophical texts, medical treatises, | |||
and books on astronomy. Chinese craftsmen bor¬ | |||
rowed a great deal from Indian architects, artists | |||
and sculptors. Indian music and poetry were very | |||
popular in China. | |||
Ancient traditions are highly viable in India, and | |||
it is therefore not surprising that many achievements | |||
of the ancient Indian civilisation long outlived the | |||
epoch of antiquity, becoming an inalienable com¬ | |||
ponent of the country’s modern culture and of world | |||
civilisation. | |||
Chapter 10 | |||
Ancient China: History and Culture | |||
The First States on Chinese Territory. The Shang and Chou | |||
Periods. In China, the conditions for the emergence | |||
of civilisation proved to be less favourable than in | |||
such northern subtropical countries as Sumer or | |||
Egypt. The state appeared here at a later stage in | |||
the development of productive forces, namely, dur¬ | |||
ing the advanced Bronze Age. | |||
In the 5th-3rd millennia B. C., several Neolithic | |||
complexes appeared on the territory of China, of | |||
which the Yangshao culture in the basin of the river | |||
Wei and the middle course of the Hwang Ho is bet¬ | |||
ter studied than the others. With its handmade | |||
painted pottery, half-settled slash-and-burn agricul¬ | |||
ture without irrigation (the main plant cultivated | |||
being setoria italica maxima) and domestication of a | |||
number of animals (pigs and dogs in the first place), | |||
the Yangshao culture typologically belongs to the | |||
advanced Neolithic. This culture marked the start of | |||
the development of the ethnic ancestors of the | |||
ancient Chinese. Scholars studying that period | |||
emphasise the southern ethnoracial links of the | |||
Yangshao culture. | |||
The Stone Age in the Hwang Ho basin ends with | |||
the Late Neolithic and Eneolithic Lungshan com¬ | |||
plex, with its grey and fine black burnished pottery, | |||
usually made on the wheel, of which the best spe¬ | |||
cimens are as thin as eggshell. The Lungshan culture | |||
differed from Yangshao in a more settled stick-and- | |||
hoe farming, the first signs of separation of the crafts | |||
from farming, and rudiments of metalworking. A | |||
typical Lungshan settlement was surrounded by | |||
rammed earth walls, sometimes 6 metres high and | |||
14 metres thick-a definite mark of wars as a con¬ | |||
stant factor in social life. Oracle bones were used by | |||
Lungshan men for divination purposes, which points | |||
to the existence of an organised cult. | |||
In the 2nd millennium B. C., settlements of the | |||
early urban type, the carriers of bronze industry, | |||
arose on the banks of rivers over a vast territory- | |||
from Kansu to Shantung and from Hopei to Hunan | |||
and Jiangxi. In the late 2nd millennium B. C. the | |||
Shang city society became separated from the Yin | |||
tribal union on the middle Hwang Ho and placed | |||
itself at the head of a rather large, ethnically hetero¬ | |||
geneous and unstable union. Its chieftain, called | |||
wang, had extraordinary military powers and acted | |||
as the supreme priest. The “Great city of Shang” is | |||
known to us from the ancient proto-Chinese inscrip¬ | |||
tions discovered late in the past century near the city | |||
of Anyang in northern Honan. There was a cult | |||
centre here, where the Shang and other groups per¬ | |||
formed their divination rites and the archives of the | |||
Yin oracle were kept from which thousands of in¬ | |||
scriptions on animal bones and tortoise shells used | |||
for divination have survived. The name of the Yin | |||
oracle stems from a later historical tradition, as the | |||
Yin hieroglyph is absent in the Anyang texts them- | |||
2 = selves. The reason for that may be that those who | |||
~ appealed to the oracle naturally did not ask ques¬ | |||
tions about the oracle himself. The fact that the only | |||
| inscription of that epoch containing the Yin sign (in | |||
~ the combination Yin wang) was found in the river | |||
g) Wei basin, that is outside the Anyang cult centre, | |||
| may be seen as confirmation of this hypothesis. | |||
Shang society lived in an advanced Bronze Age | |||
^ marked by a firmly settled mode of life, the existence | |||
of cities, and the separation of the crafts from farm- | |||
f 1 ing. Shang farmers cultivated sorghum, barley, dif- | |||
172 | |||
ferent kinds of millet and wheat, and a variety of | |||
hemp with edible seeds. It is not clear whether they | |||
mastered the cultivation of rice, and if they did, it | |||
must have been the variety which does not demand | |||
irrigation, as no signs of artificial irrigation have | |||
been discovered. Shang farmers also practised horti¬ | |||
culture and grew vegetables, as well as mulberry | |||
trees for the silkworm. Weaving was done by women | |||
only. The division of labour between the sexes was | |||
very precise. Livestock-breeding was very impor¬ | |||
tant. Cattle, sheep and pigs were reared. Hunting | |||
figured prominently in the economy. Near Anyang, | |||
the bones of deer, tiger, bear, leopard, rhinoceros, | |||
buffalo, panther, antelope, elephant, wild boar, | |||
tapir, ape, fox, wolf, badger, and hare have been | |||
found. This list of wild animals alone shows that in | |||
those times the climate of northern China was much | |||
hotter and more humid, and both the flora and | |||
fauna were richer than today. | |||
The technique of bronze casting was very | |||
advanced. Bronze was used to make ritual utensils | |||
(including large artifacts weighing nearly a ton;, | |||
weapons, armour, details of chariots, partly also | |||
tools, although the latter were mostly of stone. | |||
Weapons, too, were to a considerable extent Neo¬ | |||
lithic (stone axes, spearheads and spear points). | |||
Artisans’ blocks in the cities were crowded with | |||
numerous workshops of coppersmiths, stone masons, | |||
founders, potters, wood-workers, etc. | |||
Trade was rudimentary, things were mostly bar¬ | |||
tered although there was also “money”-cowrie- | |||
shells and their bronze imitations. International | |||
exchange also existed, as testified by the use of the | |||
cowrie-shells, for one thing. They came from the sea- | |||
coast. Tin and copper came from the Yangtze basin, | |||
and jasper from Hsin-chiang. These were exchanged | |||
for the products of the Shang-Yin world, mostly of | |||
bronze, which in the north travelled along trade | |||
routes as far as Siberia. | |||
The Shang people waged constant wars for the | |||
purpose of capturing booty-cattle, grain and espe¬ | |||
cially prisoners of war, who were usually immediate¬ | |||
ly sacrificed to the ancestors, sometimes fifteen | |||
hundred and more at a time. The Shang cults of | |||
mountains and rivers, and the holy marriage ritual, | |||
which formed part of the fertility cult, also | |||
demanded mass human sacrifices. | |||
The Shang economic structure was based on | |||
extended-family communities united in larger | |||
groups, usually, but not necessarily, on the clan | |||
principle-the unions might be territorial as well. | |||
The whole of the adult population took part in ritual | |||
feasts, in which as many as three or four hundred | |||
bulls might be slaughtered. The wang, as the | |||
supreme priest, was the principal giver of meat for | |||
the people. During the sacrifices, the most important | |||
items of Shang society’s wealth were squandered | |||
headlessly, including domestic animals, bronze | |||
weapons and utensils, chariots with horses, cowrie- | |||
shells, gold and nephritis, agricultural produce, | |||
game killed during hunting, and prisoners of war. | |||
Such waste was a means of checking economic differ¬ | |||
entiation and the enrichment of some clans and | |||
noble families. | |||
The wang was in charge of the estate belonging to | |||
the temple and the ruler. Work on that estate was | |||
not regarded as a kind of labour conscription but as | |||
socially useful joint labour, a part of the ritual magic | |||
rite intended to bring fertility to the country’s fields. | |||
This work was done at the bidding of an oracle and | |||
at the time appointed by him. Enslaved captives, as | |||
well as the commoners, worked on the wang 's estate. | |||
The wang led the commoners in war and during | |||
hunts. The Shangs were armed with bows and | |||
arrows, halberds, spears, battleaxes, and wore hel¬ | |||
mets, shields, and armour. Chariots were used dur¬ | |||
ing battles, with the driver standing in front, the | |||
archer to the left, and the spearman to the right. But | |||
the basis of the Shang army was the mass of com¬ | |||
moners. Survivals of tribal democracy must have | |||
been very strong in Shang society, as indicated by | |||
the great role of the elders’ council in the govern¬ | |||
ment, and possibly of the popular assembly in the | |||
urban community. The large public buildings | |||
discovered by archaeologists on the territory of the | |||
^ “City Shang” may be seen as proof of that, | |||
-g Captured men were as a rule killed. Before mass | |||
5 sacrifices, special expeditions were organised to cap¬ | |||
ture men. The Shang hieroglyph fa (the picture of a | |||
| halberd cutting off a head) signified both “military | |||
~ expedition” and “human sacrifice”. The sacrificial | |||
f ritual prescribed the cutting off of the victim’s head, | |||
and the skulls were usually buried in a heap in sepa- | |||
? rate pits. An inscription has been preserved on a | |||
5 skull pierced by a spear: “To sacrifice (Ja) the chief- | |||
g. tain of the Jen tribe to the ancestor of Yi.” Captured | |||
g women were apparently enslaved and used as | |||
| workers, especially in hoe farming, pottery-making, | |||
173 | |||
weaving, wine-making and beer-brewing (the last epoch, wars had mostly been in the nature of armed | |||
two were important items of the sacrificial rituals;, raids, whereas the Chous’ campaigns aimed from the | |||
where they were the principal type of labour outset at capturing territories and pumping man- | |||
employed. But they were also widely used in battue power out of them. The first Western Chou monarch | |||
hunts and during wars, the latter being rather simi- Wuwang (“The Warrior King”; Chou rulers bor- | |||
lar to the former in the way they were conducted. rowed the title of wang from the Shangs) appealed to | |||
The differences in the grave goods and types of the warriors before the battle at Mu-yeh: “Brave | |||
burial point to social inequality in Shang society. warriors! Do not kill those that surrender, let them | |||
Enormous subterranean mausoleums were built for work on our western fields!” ( Shucking , a collection | |||
wangs, and thousands of human beings were sacri- of historical legends). The stanzas of an early Chou | |||
ficed at their burials. Most graves were modest bur- ode are permeated with the empire-building spirit: | |||
ials containing tools and, invariably, weapons. But “The Heaven stretches far // But there is not an inch | |||
there were also burials without any grave goods of land under the Heaven that is not the king’s, | |||
nearly at ground level. In some medium-sized //On the whole coast washed by the seas//Only the | |||
tombs, several persons were killed and buried next to king’s servants live on this land!” ( Shihching , or a | |||
the master-an indication of the emerging private Book of Odes- an early Chinese poetic collection), | |||
ownership of slaves. Mass burials and sacrifices of Narrative sources recount that the Chous sent the | |||
captives indicate, however, that slave labour did not “obstreperous Yins” to work on the construction of | |||
play a great role in the economy. their second capital Ch’eng-chou; later they must | |||
Different views have been expressed about the have been used as slave labourers on the crown | |||
nature of Shang-Yin society. It is variously assumed estate. Thirteen other Shang clans were enslaved and | |||
to have been the primitive communal society at the resettled on the possessions of Wuwang’s close | |||
stage of matriarchate; a transitional one to a class relatives. | |||
society of the military democracy type; an advanced In its structure, the Western Chou state resembled | |||
slave-owning society; or an early slave-owning the Hittite empire, where the princes, governors, | |||
society. According to the latest data, isolated foun- and other royal vassals owed their supreme ruler | |||
tainheads of early class civilisation belonging to dif- tribute and military assistance but ruled their terri- | |||
ferent ethnoses were evolving during the Shang-Yin tories independently. The territories seized by the | |||
epoch on Chinese territory, of which the Shang cul- Chous were either given to the Chou notables for | |||
ture proved to be the most advanced one, becoming them to govern and possess (kuo) or else left under | |||
the centre of gravitation of a large area inhabited by their previous rulers or chieftains supervised by the | |||
a number of neighbouring communities. Chou wang’s “observers”. According to the tradi- | |||
In the late 11th century B. C. (in 1122, according tion, the Western house of the Chous had many | |||
to the tradition), the Shangs were conquered by the hundreds of such vassals (chuhou) -one version puts | |||
apparently related Chous who lived west of them that number at 1,800, of which 71 were members of | |||
(along the Wei river) and were at that time in the the Chou royal clan. There are grounds to believe | |||
process of class formation. For a long time before the that these possessions were within the wang’s jurisdic- | |||
conquest, the Chous had been in contact with the tion and that wang’s commissioners in the capital | |||
Shangs, sometimes friendly and at other times hos- j and in the provinces saw to it that a part of the chu- | |||
tile, paying them a tribute in men. At the head of an ~ hou income (especially grain) went to the royal treas- | |||
anti-Shang alliance the Chous defeated the army of ~~ ury. The Chou wang’s gifts of land did not imply his | |||
the Yin coalition in the famous battle at Mu-yeh and | supreme ownership of it but rather stemmed from | |||
established their sway over an extensive territory ~ his state sovereignty over the country’s territory. At | |||
along the upper and middle course of the Hwang Ho |_; the same time, the wang had his own royal lands | |||
and on the Great Plain. The conquerors’ capital | which he gave out to private individuals, above all | |||
became the city of Hao on the Wei. a state officials; these lands were the appurtenances of | |||
The period between 1122 and 771 is called the ' their offices. The lands that went with an office grad- | |||
Western Chou in the Chinese tradition, as the Chou ^ ually became hereditary, but their transmission in | |||
capital was later moved east. During the Shang-Yin £ any case demanded the wang’s formal confirmation, | |||
174 | |||
and these acts were renewed at the accession of a | |||
new ruler to the throne. The legal instruments were | |||
in the shape of bronze vessels with texts inscribed on | |||
them; these texts did not stipulate the transmission | |||
of eternal rights to the lands but signified recognition | |||
of limited rights to the taxes collected from them. | |||
The “king’s subordinates” were given away with | |||
or without land. Bronze inscriptions bronze pro¬ | |||
vide evidence of gifts of men made by the wang and | |||
his spouse-up to a thousand at a time, both whole | |||
families and single individuals. These serfs, given | |||
away in such numbers, were undoubtedly employed | |||
as workers. The inscriptions list various categories | |||
of the “king’s people”, some of whom could even | |||
hold high offices but were not their own masters, | |||
all equally in the wang's, power in the eyes of their | |||
contemporaries. State slaves included convicts. The | |||
deed of settlement on one of the vessels lists “two | |||
hundred barefooted families in ginger tatters” (a | |||
symbol of shameful punishment). But the main | |||
source of slaves was wars. Thousands of prisoners | |||
were taken, and were entered in records to a man. | |||
An inscription on the Yiikung vessel records 13,081 | |||
prisoners. The early Chou odes of the Shihching | |||
express terror at imminent slavery: “...pain and | |||
groans in my grieving heart: 11 Oh, our poor people! | |||
Without guilt//It will be made into slaves!” The | |||
state distributed the captives, hunted runaway slaves | |||
down and returned them to their owners. The wang | |||
had a force of his own, which was kept at the expense | |||
of the crown estate managed by “land supervisers” | |||
(Xitu) and tilled mostly by slaves, although free com¬ | |||
moners were also employed there. The public legal | |||
functions of the ruler were not delimited from his | |||
private legal functions as owner. | |||
At that period, the climate of north China became | |||
colder. Arable land was expanded by draining | |||
marshlands and forest clearance. The role of live¬ | |||
stock-breeding fell. Urban settlements spread over a | |||
broad belt in eastern China from the northern | |||
steppes to the Yangtze. They were built along rivers | |||
and surrounded by rammed earth walls (the tradi¬ | |||
tional technique of ancient Chinese fortification con¬ | |||
struction since the times of the early Neolithic), pro¬ | |||
tecting them from the raids of the surrounding tribes | |||
and from floods. Their walls were not more than 700 | |||
to 800 metres in circuit, usually square or rectangu¬ | |||
lar, the corners aligned on the cardinal points, | |||
with gates in the middle of each of the sides. | |||
Judging from the Book of Odes, the territorial | |||
extended-family community was intact at the time; | |||
according to later data, these communities had col¬ | |||
lective organs of self-government. Their lands were | |||
divided into those that were tilled for the state ( hung- | |||
fien) and private ones ( ssufien ), the latter apparently | |||
cultivated for the benefit of the communities | |||
themselves. | |||
Individually owned estates, which were not part | |||
of any community, appeared. The serfs that tilled | |||
them were not always deprived of all rights, which | |||
indicates a comparatively early stage of slave-own¬ | |||
ing relations. Slaves became an important item of | |||
barter. The usual price of a slave was 20 skeins of | |||
silk. Taking into account the monthly allowances of | |||
silk (up to 30 skeins) to royal officials, it can be | |||
assumed that each of them had private slaves. The | |||
deals involving slaves, just as any other property, | |||
were recorded on bronze vessels. As the role of slave | |||
labour grew, especially in tillage, which remained a | |||
labour-consuming branch of the economy in the | |||
absence of the plough, mass sacrificial slaughter of | |||
slaves, so characteristic of the Shang epoch, ended. | |||
The struggle against human sacrifices would be a | |||
long one in China, and not always successful, but the | |||
first protest against that barbaric custom was | |||
ascribed to Chou-kung, the famous conqueror of the | |||
Shangs and founder of the Chou state administrative | |||
system, whose spirit, as the tradition records, “did | |||
not accept human sacrifices”. | |||
From the very beginning, the Chou state had to | |||
repulse the raids of surrounding tribes, and for quite | |||
a long time it coped with that task. As the separatist | |||
tendencies among the Chuhous grew, the authority of | |||
the wang declined (his title was “The Only One”, as | |||
authentic inscriptions on bronze show). Chou rulers | |||
found it increasingly hard to beat off the onslaught | |||
■g of the nomadic tribes, especially in the north-west | |||
^ and south-east. In the 8th century, driven by these | |||
= endless incursions from Central Asia, the Chous | |||
| began to abandon their homeland along the Wei. In | |||
~ 771 B. C., after the wang’s army was routed by the | |||
S nomads and the wang himself taken prisoner, the | |||
Chous moved their capital to Loyi (near Lo-yang). | |||
? In the ancient Chinese tradition, this event marks | |||
I the beginning of the Eastern Chou period (770-256 | |||
!. B. C.), its first half, when the country’s political frag- | |||
j? mentation was greatest, being called the Liehkuo | |||
| period-the times of Individual States, or the Mul- | |||
175 | |||
tistate epoch. In fact, it is from this period that a reli¬ | |||
able chronology of events in China’s history begins. | |||
At the beginning of that period, some two | |||
hundred essentially independent political entities, | |||
mostly small urban communities, were scattered | |||
across the territory of the former Western Chou. | |||
Some of them were descendants of the Chous, others | |||
of the Yins. Politically and religiously, they accepted | |||
the nominal sacral power of the Chou wang, who was | |||
believed to possess magic omnipotence and regarded | |||
as the Son of Heaven. Compared to the Shang cults | |||
of ancestors and deification of various objects and | |||
forces of nature, the Chou cult of the Heaven as the | |||
supreme deity, and the Son of Heaven as its earthly | |||
embodiment, was supratribal and interethnic; it was | |||
compatible with all the local community cults but | |||
rose above all of them as a kind of unifying principle. | |||
Together with the doctrine of the Mandate of | |||
Heaven ( t'ienming, or divine investiture), this cult | |||
sanctified the right of the Chou dynasty to rule all | |||
Under Heaven, or T’ienhsia, as the ancient Chinese | |||
called their country and the entire oikoumene. | |||
Apart from the kingdoms of the Chou cultural | |||
world, there were other states on the territory of | |||
modern China, by no means inferior to the former | |||
either in size or the level of cultural and historical | |||
development: Ch’u along the middle course of the | |||
Yangtze, Wu in the Yangtze delta, and Yiieh south | |||
of them, inhabited by peoples related to the ances¬ | |||
tors of the Vietnamese, Chuang, Miao, Yao, Thai | |||
and other ancient peoples of South-East Asia. In the | |||
7th century B. C., Ch’u was already one of the larg¬ | |||
est kingdoms of ancient China. Its rulers adopted the | |||
wang title and joined the fight over the hegemony in | |||
all Under Heaven at the head of a coalition of south¬ | |||
ern kingdoms. | |||
Liehkuo was the peak of the Bronze Age. As the | |||
techniques of making bronze alloys improved, pro¬ | |||
duction of bronze tools increased. New offensive | |||
weapons appeared. The crossbow was invented in | |||
Ch’u, which had a complex trigger mechanism, | |||
whose design required the use of high quality | |||
bronze. Liehkuo was also the peak of the might of | |||
chariots as an armed force. At that time, chariot | |||
driving was one of the six highest arts of the Chou | |||
aristocracy. | |||
Just as in the Western Chou period, Liehkuo | |||
rulers widely practised handing out lands to those | |||
who served them, ceding in fact the right to the taxes | |||
coming from the communities. Formally, the allot¬ | |||
ments remained in the king’s possession and could be | |||
taken back, but actually their ownership was | |||
already hereditary. | |||
As communal ownership of land ceased to exist, | |||
land re-allotment was discontinued in many king¬ | |||
doms, and land became the hereditary property of | |||
individual families. That changed the entire system | |||
of state alienation of surplus product from the main | |||
body of producers. The sources show that the system | |||
of collective cultivation of part of the community’s | |||
land for the benefit of the king was replaced by a | |||
grain tax (usually not more than one-tenth of the | |||
harvest) from each family’s field, first in the Lu king¬ | |||
dom (in 594) and later in Ch’u (in 548) and the | |||
other states. This was in fact the beginning of regular | |||
taxation of farmers, which also affected the nature of | |||
the communal organs of self-government. The mort¬ | |||
gaging and alienation of farmsteads and kitchen- | |||
gardens became fairly widespread, although on the | |||
whole operations in land were not yet extensive. The | |||
enslavement of debtors came into practice, at first in | |||
the form of “adoption” and “children pawning”. | |||
Significantly, nupei , the general term for slaves, | |||
appeared at that time and became standard in the | |||
centuries to come. | |||
The Warring States (5th-3nd centuries B.C.). The | |||
mid-lst millennium B. C. marked the beginning of | |||
an epoch in the history of China in which significant | |||
changes took place in the basis and superstructure of | |||
ancient Chinese society. Traditionally, it is termed | |||
Chankuo, or “The Warring States”. Iron smelting | |||
brought about an upheaval in industrial production. | |||
The process is first mentioned in a chronicle record | |||
in 513 B. C. to the effect that an iron tripod with a | |||
criminal code inscribed on it was cast in the Tsin | |||
state. That monument recorded an important land¬ | |||
mark in the development of ancient China’s socio¬ | |||
political structure - the assertion of the principle of | |||
centralised power and the introduction of written | |||
state legislation instead of the oral common law. | |||
The Chankuo period was marked by the spread¬ | |||
ing of ploughing and artificial irrigation and the | |||
growth of specialised crafts-metallurgy (especially | |||
iron casting), weaving (notably of silk fabrics), pot¬ | |||
tery-making (particularly the making of pottery for | |||
technical uses), shipbuilding, carpentry, the making | |||
176 | |||
of lacquered objects, jewelry, etc. Rice-fields were | |||
significantly extended, and leguminous plants were | |||
cultivated. Fertilisers were introduced. Commodity- | |||
money relations developed rapidly. Metal money | |||
came into circulation. A new social stratum of | |||
traders ( shangjen ) evolved. Hereditary aristocracy, | |||
which used to dominate the government of the king¬ | |||
doms, began to give way to untitled men of proper¬ | |||
ty-“sons of rich families”, or “upstarts from the | |||
lower ranks”, as they were called in the sources. | |||
Records have preserved the names of well-to-do | |||
commoners, merchants and even slaves who became | |||
major public figures. | |||
Despite the numerous destructive wars, the popu¬ | |||
lation grew very significantly. Especially densely | |||
populated was the ancient cultural region of the | |||
Great Plain in the north-west of Honan and the | |||
south of Hopei, as well as the basins of the rivers Fen | |||
(in Shansi), Wei (in Shensi) and Min (in Szech¬ | |||
wan). Cities with a population of half a million | |||
arose, such as Lintzu, the capital of Ch’i. The retreat | |||
of the wild fauna was an indication of a rapid growth | |||
of the population. Mass cultivation of virgin soil was | |||
made possible by iron tools and large-scale hydraulic | |||
engineering projects involving whole river valleys. | |||
The latter could not be carried out either by sepa¬ | |||
rate groups of communities or small city-states; even | |||
major kingdoms could not tackle these tasks without | |||
implementing major political and administrative | |||
reforms and centralising the state apparatus. The | |||
economic need for the creation of large states, promp¬ | |||
ted by the needs of reproduction on an enlarged | |||
scale, could not be fulfilled by peaceful means and | |||
led to increased internecine strife and fierce fighting | |||
for supremacy. By the beginning of the 4th century | |||
B. C., seven strongest kingdoms of ancient China | |||
became most prominent-Ch’u, Ch’i, Han, Wei, | |||
Chao, Yen, Ch’in. Their lands stretched along the | |||
lower and middle courses of Hwang Ho and | |||
Yangtze, while the whole of north-western, north¬ | |||
eastern, south-western and almost the entire south¬ | |||
ern China was inhabited by tribes and peoples con¬ | |||
temptuously called the “barbarians of the four | |||
quarters of the world” by the Central States, or | |||
Middle Kingdoms, as the ancient kingdoms of the | |||
Chou world belonging to the Huahsia cultural com¬ | |||
munity began to call themselves. Particularly prom¬ | |||
inent became the outlying kingdoms of the “Seven | |||
Powers”, including Ch’u of the south and Ch’in | |||
2 | |||
s | |||
5 | |||
r | |||
1 | |||
2 | |||
i | |||
g | |||
"■3 | |||
I | |||
of the north-west, which were not included by the | |||
Chou tradition among the Huahsia “Central Sta¬ | |||
tes” claiming absolute cultural supremacy. These | |||
two states played an increasing role in the major | |||
events of the epoch, finally becoming the principal | |||
claimants to dominion over the whole of ancient | |||
China. | |||
In the 5th-3rd centuries B. C., the military organi¬ | |||
sation of the kingdoms underwent significant | |||
changes. The ancient aristocratic armed force of | |||
charioteers was replaced (in the outlying kingdoms | |||
earlier than in the others) by infantry units armed | |||
with crossbows-powerful weapons unequalled in | |||
the whole of the ancient world. By the 3rd century | |||
B. C., infantry (crossbowmen, archers, spearmen) | |||
became the nucleus of ancient Chinese armies, while | |||
cavalry, first created in the northern kingdom of | |||
Chao after the model of the nomads’ mounted | |||
forces, now included the crack units. The character | |||
of the wars changed. Previously, the issue of a battle | |||
would be decided in two or three days, while now | |||
battles became long drawn-out. Sieges of fortresses | |||
lasted for years. Mighty walls were erected as | |||
defences against external enemies. The army pro¬ | |||
vided manpower-the prisoners of war-for the state | |||
works and the gigantic irrigation, land melioration | |||
and construction projects begun at the time. | |||
In agriculture, the free farmer, the commoner, | |||
remained the principal figure. Each communal | |||
household regularly paid the state land-taxes. The | |||
farmers were frequently recruited for public works | |||
and military service, in which not less than one- | |||
tenth of the free male population was permanently | |||
engaged due to the endless wars. Commodity-money | |||
relations were now extended to operations in land. | |||
Gradually, the community became a self-governing | |||
group of landowners whose right to land was deter¬ | |||
mined by their membership in the community. Dif¬ | |||
ferentiation in wealth among commoners increased | |||
sharply. The class of near landless commoners | |||
appeared; as the sources aptly put it, “they had no | |||
place where they could stick an awl”. | |||
Many private large-scale estates and craftsmen’s | |||
workshops whose products were mainly intended for | |||
the market were set up at this period. Private slave¬ | |||
owning received a powerful stimulus for develop¬ | |||
ment. We have records of rich men from different | |||
kingdoms who used many hundreds of slaves in their | |||
workshops and on their estates. The expression the | |||
177 | |||
12-344 | |||
“pitiful toil of a slave” was now used in the sources citly obeyed the father and respected him above all | |||
to signify an utterly hard lot. Private slaves were other men, the father obeyed his superior, and so on | |||
acquired by purchase, brigandage, or war. Just as in even to the ruler and supreme head of state, the | |||
Greece, foreigners were regarded as natural slaves. Chou Son of Heaven. Only the Son of Heaven had | |||
Along with community differentiation, enslavement the prerogative of interpreting the sacred Will of | |||
of impoverished free commoners became an increas- Heaven. Defending the patriarchal basis of early | |||
ingly important source of privately owned slaves. class society, Confucianism condemned personal | |||
Although the rate of the disintegration of com- enrichment undermining the hierarchical principle | |||
munal relations and the development of private of nobility. It demanded strict observance of tradi- | |||
ownership and slave-owning in different kingdoms tions, rites and magic rituals. Later, Confucianists | |||
varied, it was these processes that became every- created their canonic literature, which included the | |||
where the source of increasingly acute social contra- Spring and Autumn Annals (the chronicle of the Lu | |||
dictions, of which the symptoms were uprisings, kingdom said to have been compiled by Confucius), | |||
coups, and external aggression. the Book of Changes (a record of texts used in divina- | |||
In terms of societal typology, the ancient Chinese don), the Book of Odes (a collection of ancient folk- | |||
states of the Warring States period, just as the subse- songs), and the Book of History (a collection of histori- | |||
quent empires Ch’in and Earlier Han, can be cal legends). The philosophical problems of Confu- | |||
referred to the stage of advanced slave-owning cianism were worked out by Confucius’s pupil | |||
relations. Mengtzu (372-289 B. C.), also a native of Lu. Me¬ | |||
mories of communal democracy were echoed in | |||
Mengtzu’s idealisation of the ancient system of land- | |||
The Ideology and Culture of Ancient China in the 5th-3rd tenure (chingCien) and his recognition of the people’s | |||
Centuries B. C. The great advances in the division of right to an uprising, provided Heaven itself takes | |||
labour, especially in the separation between mental away its mandate from the ruler. The aristocratic | |||
and physical labour, brought about the emergence morality of Confucianism was clearly manifested in | |||
at this period of philosophy in the proper sense of the the doctrine of ritual worked out by Hsuntzu (313- | |||
word, and of its carriers, the intellectuals of the 238 B. C.). Unlike Confucius, Hsuntzu accepted the | |||
times-wise men and politicians wandering from need for laws in a state, but he insisted on “law | |||
state to state. That “spiritual elite” came from var- for the people, and ritual for the aristocracy”, | |||
ious backgrounds, even from among slaves, and Hsuntzu argued that social and economic inequality | |||
broke out of the confines of the interests of the separ- was rooted in man’s very nature and demanded | |||
ate kingdoms. Its appearance was an indication of strict observance of differences between the noblemen | |||
profound changes in the superstructure of society. and the common people in everything-from clothes | |||
The principal ideological trends of ancient China to property qualifications. Like Plato and Xe- | |||
Confucianism, Taoism, Legalism, and Mohism- nophon, Hsuntzu regarded hereditary division of | |||
emerged in that period. labour as the basic principle of state structure. | |||
Confucianism evolved in the late 6th and early 5th Unlike Confucianism, which was on the whole me- | |||
centuries. It was founded by Kung-tzu (Confucius, taphysical in spirit, the thinking of the Taoists in that | |||
551-479 B. C., “the teacher Kung”, later deified), a epoch was spontaneously dialectical. The basic cate- | |||
scion of an impoverished aristocratic clan of the Lu ~ gory of that doctrine was Tao (Way). According to | |||
kingdom. He disseminated his ideas through conver- " the tradition, the founder of Taoism was Laotzu, a | |||
sations with disciples. Confucius’s maxims are said to | wise man from the Ch’u state, Confucius’s elder con- | |||
have been recorded as they were remembered by his ~ temporary, said to be the author of the philosophical | |||
pupils, and made up the book called Lunyii (The ff treatise Taoteching (presumably recorded in the 4th | |||
Analects). According to Confucius, each individual | or 3rd century B. C.). The social ideal of ancient | |||
had to occupy a strictly determined place in the 1 Taoism was a return to primitive simplicity and | |||
immutable social and world structure. Confucianism ^ equality within the community. Taoists never | |||
demanded strict discipline and subordination wit- ' defended slaves, believing slavery to be a natural | |||
hin a rigid social hierarchy: the son impli- S attribute of society, but they always sharply con- | |||
178 | |||
demned the enslavement of compatriots. Taoists | |||
were against riches and luxury, against excessive | |||
requisitions and wars, which reduced the people to a | |||
state of abject poverty, and against rulers’ violence | |||
and noblemen’s abuses. “The Tao of the perfectly | |||
wise is action without violence,” was the recurrent | |||
theme of the Taotecking. The Taoists recognised the | |||
eternal quality of Tao interpreted as nature, the | |||
objective reality of the world, and rejected the deifi¬ | |||
cation of Heaven and of the Will of Heaven, believ¬ | |||
ing heaven to be as much part of nature as earth. In | |||
general, however, Laotzu did not negate the exis¬ | |||
tence of gods, regarding them as the issue of Tao. | |||
The Taoist thinker Liehtzu (5th-4th centuries) | |||
expounded certain views concerning the origin and | |||
development of the universe and the evolution of life | |||
on the earth from the simplest organisms to man. | |||
Liehtzu’s theory of matter was similar to the atomis¬ | |||
tic notions. Two first elements, cKi (ether) and chi | |||
(seeds), were posited as material substance. “The | |||
entire multitude of things comes out of tiny seeds | |||
and returns to them.” The same proposition was | |||
developed by the Taoist Chuangtzu (369-286), who | |||
was also greatly intrigued by the problem of life and | |||
death. Chuangtzu proposed a materialist solution of | |||
that problem: “The human soul disappears with the | |||
death of the body.” That brilliant philosopher saw | |||
the universe as “an immense crucible”, and inter¬ | |||
preted Tao as the essence of being, the substantional | |||
basis of the world, the absolute unifying principle | |||
giving birth to all things endlessly changing in the | |||
eternal cyclic movement of natural phenomena. Life | |||
itself was endless movement. The universality of | |||
change and the transition of phenomena into their | |||
opposites made all qualities relative. “The life of a | |||
thing is similar to a fast race, it changes with every | |||
moment of motion.” Chuangtzu has been compared | |||
to Heraclitus, but the great Greek’s idea about the | |||
struggle of opposites was alien to him. Chuangtzu | |||
rejected the division of men into “noble” and “insig¬ | |||
nificant”, passionately denouncing the parasite Con¬ | |||
fucius in the words of Chih the Robber, his favourite | |||
hero; “You wily liar from the kingdom of Lu, you do | |||
not plough yet you eat, neither do you weave yet you | |||
wear clothes; in your foolhardiness you have in¬ | |||
vented filial respect, soliciting rulers for riches and | |||
titles... There is no greater robber than you ! Why do | |||
they call me and not you the Robber in Under | |||
Heaven, Confucius?” Chuangtzu’s aphorism, “He | |||
who steals a hook gets the axe, he who steals a throne | |||
gets the kingdom” became a proverb. The natural- | |||
philosophical views and the broad ethical principles | |||
of Taoism attracted the sympathies of both the com¬ | |||
mon people and members of the ruling class, who | |||
often interpreted the doctrine of “inaction” in a | |||
purely individualistic spirit. | |||
The adherents of the philosophy of Mo Ti (Mo- | |||
tzu; 5th-4th centuries) took up positions intermediate | |||
between those of the Confucianists and the Taoists. | |||
The Mohists recognised the divine Will of Heaven | |||
interpreting it as the human carrier of the principles | |||
of their doctrine. Unlike the Confucianists, the | |||
Mohists asserted that the Will of Heaven was cognis¬ | |||
able, and that man’s fate was not predetermined but | |||
depended on him alone. Rejecting the Confucian | |||
view of innate apriori knowledge and Taoist specu¬ | |||
lative cognition, the Mohists, just as the Legalists, | |||
believed sensations to be the only source of cogni¬ | |||
tion, thus accepting the solution of this epistemologi¬ | |||
cal problem in the spirit of naive materialism. The | |||
Mohist school attached great importance to empiri¬ | |||
cal natural-scientific observation. “Knowledge that | |||
cannot be applied in practice is false,” taught | |||
the Mohists. Following that principle, they laid | |||
the foundations of physical knowledge and de¬ | |||
veloped logical, mathematical, and engineering | |||
theories. | |||
Mo Ti himself came from a family of poor | |||
craftsmen and may even have been a slave. The | |||
lower urban elements were active members of his | |||
school. “A just man does not shun the poor and the | |||
beggars,” Mo Ti taught. His sympathies were with | |||
the common people-farmers, craftsmen, traders | |||
for whom he demanded equality with the aristoc¬ | |||
racy, equal opportunities in matters of government, | |||
and abolition of the system of inheriting offices and | |||
4" ranks of nobility. Mo Ti stressed the importance of | |||
3 manual labour, believing it to be obligatory for all | |||
1=1 citizens without exception. In contradistinction to | |||
f Confucian contempt for physical labour and inven- | |||
~ tion, and the Taoist theory of inaction, Mo Ti | |||
2 - attached great importance to the creative principle | |||
c in man’s activity. Mo Ti extended his doctrine of | |||
5 social justice and equality for free men to embrace | |||
■3 the religious and ideological sphere, so important in | |||
!_ the eyes of his contemporaries. Confucianists | |||
£> defended the aristocracy’s absolute right to the | |||
| ancestor cult, refusing that right to the common peo- | |||
pie. “They who earn their living by their toil have lations of it, saying that “there were no recalcitrant | |||
no right to their ancestors’ temples,” declared slaves in a strict family”. The Legalists were against | |||
Hsiintzu. Mo Ti’s assertion that both the aristocrats the privileges of the old aristocracy and demanded | |||
and the common people were carriers of ritual chal- state centralisation and introduction of courts pre- | |||
lenged Confucian aristocratic morality. At the same sided over by royal officials. The Legalists’ political | |||
time Mo Ti sharply objected to the Confucian rites structure, most fully expressed by Han Feitzu, anti- | |||
of magnificent funerals and three-year mourning. cipated the idea of the future imperial state. | |||
With his doctrine of “universal love and mutual In principle, the Legalists were in favour of end- | |||
benefit”, Mo Ti preached a humane attitude to peo- ing wars between the kingdoms through their unifi- | |||
ple regardless of their social position, as opposed to cation in a powerful empire, but they believed a | |||
the Confucian principle of jen (love of fellow men) peaceful achievement of that goal to be unreal, | |||
which assumed a gap between the higher and the Shang Yang declared external aggression to be the | |||
lower, the governing and the governed, the noble state’s principal objective, and established a regime | |||
and the lowly. of military-bureaucratic despotism in the Ch’in state. | |||
Slaves, male and female, were constantly used as The first Legalists were in favour of the develop- | |||
examples in the Mohists’ logical teaching, yet, being ment of commodity-money relations and even | |||
outside civic society, they were naturally not taken assigned a respectable position in society to men | |||
into account in the Mohist projects for political engaged in trade. However, as their political plans | |||
reforms intended only for the free. The Mohist took a more concrete shape, the Legalists began to | |||
school was stronger than any of the others in organi- include private trade, along with the crafts, among | |||
sation, uniformity, and numbers. Its propositions the “five worms gnawing at the foundations of the | |||
were in some respects close to the ideas of urban self- state” (the Confucians were also one of these), | |||
government of slave-owning democracy. Mohists opposing them to the principal occupations of the | |||
obeyed a semblance of Rules, they dressed as the population- farming and the military profession | |||
common people, studied the techniques of city ensuring the success of conquests. With a view to | |||
defence and the basics of fortification, and de- these same objectives, the Legalists attached great | |||
manded active resistance to the enemy in defend- importance to the state’s economic functions, insist¬ | |||
ing the native city. The Mohists were believed to be ing on the state authorities’ interference in the | |||
without equal in the art of debate. economy, control over and regulation of trade, | |||
The most important representatives of the Legalist organisation of compulsory exchange, and state | |||
school were Shang Yang (executed in the kingdom monopoly of the exploitation of natural resources, | |||
of Ch’in in 338 B. C.) and Han Feitzu (poisoned in In that period, the Confucians on the whole re- | |||
the Ch’in state in 233 B. C.). The Legalist trend fleeted the interests of old hereditary aristocracy, | |||
came into existence almost simultaneously with Taoism expressed the passive protest and aspirations | |||
Confucianism and Taoism (in the 7th and 6th cen- of the commoners’ masses, and Mohism apparently | |||
turies). The Legalists gave a materialist interpre- embodied the ideas of municipal self-government, | |||
tation of Tao as the natural path of the development while the Legalists were the ideologists of the rising | |||
of the universe, leaving no place for the supernatural propertied nobility, which owed its ascendancy to | |||
forces and fate. Han Feitzu sharply opposed the wor- j advanced forms of slave-owning, and of the new | |||
shipping of gods and spirits, and the making of sacri- ~ bureaucracy. | |||
flees. In Legalism, world-view problems were entire- Prominent among the philosophers of the War- | |||
ly subordinated to the concrete tasks of government, I ring States was Yang Chu (414-334 B. C.), a major | |||
forming the theoretical basis of reforms implemented ~ thinker, materialist and atheist who came from a | |||
in some kingdoms. The core of the Legalists’ socio- P family of modest commoners. His teaching was | |||
political theories were the obligatory laws (fa), the I fiercely attacked by the Confucianists, Taoists and | |||
same for all, aimed at defending private property 1 Legalists alike, but its influence was particularly | |||
and at asserting the ruler’s absolute personal power. strong. Yang Chu taught that man consisted of the | |||
Insisting that law should be open to the public, the ? same elements as nature, differing from the other liv- | |||
Legalists demanded harsh penalties for the least vio- g ing beings only in that he had intellect. Yang Chu’s | |||
materialistic worldview rejected the fear of gods who sang the praises of love and female beauty, | |||
and of death. There was no immortality, death was a Sung Y ii’s works laid the beginning of secular poetry | |||
natural occurrence in the face of which all men were in China, | |||
equal. Yang Chu rejected the supranatural essence | |||
of Heaven and divine interference in the affairs of | |||
men, and denounced the ancestor cult. He called on The Empire of Cli in and Earlier Han (Late 3rd Century | |||
men to enjoy this earthly life, to take care of their B. C.-Early 1st Century A. D.). At the beginning of the | |||
well-being without relying on the gods, to satisfy rea- 4th century B. C., the outlying north-western Ch’in | |||
sonably their needs and desires, and to be indifferent state rapidly outstripped the other Warring States, | |||
to the inevitability of death, thus following the Major irrigation projects were carried out on the | |||
natural law of Tao. Yang Chu’s opponents declared river Wei, which brought about a manyfold increase | |||
his individualism to be against the state interest. in agricultural production. At the end of the 4th cen- | |||
Yang Chu’s ideal was a carefree and tranquil life, tury, only the Ch’u state had a greater population | |||
not one of vigorous activity. “What is the difference than Ch’in. Under king Hsiaokung (361-338), the | |||
between a fettered captive and someone incapable of philosopher Shang Yang was made head of the civil | |||
enjoying a carefree moment?” he exclaimed. His and military administration and carried out impor- | |||
philosophy expressed the mood of those sections of tant reforms: he introduced a single legal code | |||
the public which believed involvement in contem- throughout the country, legalised the mortgaging | |||
porary political life useless and therefore avoided it. and buying of land, abolished limitations on the size | |||
During the Warring States epoch, the first poetic of land allotments (thus facilitating the disinte- | |||
works by individual authors appeared. The great gration of communal links), undertook a direct | |||
Ch’u Yuan (340-278 B. C.), generally recognised as attempt to break up large families by imposing dou- | |||
the first Chinese poet, lived and worked in the Ch’u ble, treble, and even greater taxes on estates which | |||
state. His lyrical and tragic poems were renowned remained undivided after the patriarch’s death | |||
for their exquisite elegance of form and content, and (according to the number of brothers living | |||
their wealth of picturesque mythological images. together), and banned blood feuds. Shang Yang’s | |||
Ch’u Yuan passionately appealed for the unification laws protected the interests of rich commoners who | |||
of all the kingdoms against the Ch’in state, the broke with the community, and encroached on corn- | |||
enemy of his native Ch’u. Because of intrigues at the munity land-tenure. In his administration, the | |||
court of the Ch’u ruler he fell into disfavour and was might of the hereditary noble clans was undermined | |||
banished from the capital. In exile, he created his by a uniform administrative division of the state into | |||
famous poem on Encountering Sorrow. Wandering territorial units -from districts to groups of ten or | |||
through the Celestial palaces in a chariot drawn by five households tied by the obligation of mutual | |||
eight dragons, the poet bitterly complained of soli- guarantee. In cases of an offence by a single member | |||
tude, the injustice of his disgrace, and treacherous- of a mutually responsible group of households, they | |||
ness of his friends. “How dirty is the world ! There is all became state slaves. Shang Yang’s unification of | |||
not a man in the whole country! All is over!” Those n weight, length and volume measures, and his mone- | |||
were the words with which the poet ended his con- j| tary reform, stimulated the development of com- | |||
fession, thinking of suicide. According to the tradi- 1 modity-money relations. Instead of a crop-tax, | |||
tion, the old poet drowned himself on learning of the _ Shang Yang introduced taxation of the area of culti- | |||
victory of the Ch’in state over Ch’u. Ch’u Yuan’s | vated land, thus shifting the burden of the treasury’s | |||
works formed the basis of the new song genre of ju - Z losses from natural disasters on to the farmer’s | |||
lyrical and lyrico-epic odes with prosaic introduc- | shoulders. Shang Yang relied on the new nobility, | |||
tions. " whose ascendancy was due to ownership of land and | |||
Another major Ch’u poet, Sung Yu (290-223 | slaves rather than noble origin. He introduced | |||
B. C.), also wrote in the elegiac genre and developed ' twenty ranks of nobility awarded for personal, | |||
the ode form. Unlike the mournful and pessimistic §- mostly military, deserts, which also determined the | |||
poetry of Ch’u Yuan, Sung Yu’s lyrics were full of g property qualifications-the number of fields and | |||
the joy of life. He is regarded as the first Chinese poet 3 slaves to which the rank’s owners were entitled. | |||
181 | |||
Soon, these ranks were freely bought and sold. In the structure to be built that came to be known as the | |||
army, Shang Yang disbanded the charioteer units, Great Wall, linking up and greatly expanding the | |||
the basis of the military power of hereditary aristoc- chain of defences previously built by the separate | |||
racy, and introduced cavalry instead. Bronze wea- kingdoms along their northern borders. The walls | |||
pons were replaced by iron ones. Only the state had between the separate kingdoms within the country | |||
the right to make weapons. As a result of Shang were razed. At the same time Ch’in Shihhuangti | |||
Yang’s reforms, the Ch’in army became one of the campaigned in south China and north-western Viet- | |||
most efficient among the forces of the ancient nam, where his armies temporarily subdued the | |||
Chinese states. After Hsiaokung’s death, the old aris- ancient Vietnamese states of Namviet and Aulac at | |||
tocracy, removed from positions of authority, the cost of enormous losses, | |||
pressed Shang Yang’s execution, but his reforms Ch’in Shihhuangti extended Shang Yang’s refbrm | |||
remained in force. throughout the country, creating a strong central- | |||
Having built up Ch’in’s military power, Ch’in ised empire headed by a despot and a vast bureau- | |||
rulers adopted in 325 the title of wang. After the cap- cratic mechanism. The Ch’in conquerors occupied a | |||
ture of fertile Szechuan with its mineral resources, privileged position in it, filling all the highest offices | |||
the Ch’in state became the strongest in China. Skil- in the state. The laws of the Ch’in state, to which | |||
fully taking advantage of the inner conflicts of the harsh clauses on penal law were added, and a uni¬ | |||
ancient Chinese states and their constant strife, the fied legal procedure were introduced throughout the | |||
Ch’in wangs captured one territory after another country. The hieroglyphic script was unified and | |||
and, following a fierce struggle, subjugated all the simplified. The empire was divided into administra- | |||
other kingdoms of ancient China, including Chou. tive units provinces and districts —without regard | |||
In 222, Ch’u, Ch’in’s main rival and the largest of for the former political and ethnic boundaries. Local | |||
all the kingdoms, was conquered. In 221, Ch’in cults were resolutely suppressed and state ones, the | |||
brought to heel Ch’i, the last independent state on same for all, implanted. The civic name Black Heads | |||
the Shantung peninsula. After that, the Ch’in’s king was adopted by law as obligatory for all the subjects | |||
did not only adopt the former title of the Chou of the empire. Ch’in Shihhuangti’s measures were | |||
wangs, Son of Heaven (T’ienhsia) - in violation of all implemented in a harsh, purposeful and undeviating | |||
the ancient traditions, he selected an entirely new manner. Terror reigned throughout the country; | |||
title for designating supreme power -huangti, or anyone expressing discontent was liable to be exe- | |||
emperor. The first emperor of ancient China went cuted together with their entire clan. A great many | |||
down in history as Ch’in Shihhuangti, “The First people were enslaved in accordance with the mutual | |||
Emperor of Ch’in”. The Ch’in capital Hsien-yang guarantee laws. The numbers of state slaves swelled | |||
on the river Wei (modern Hsi-an) became the capi- hugely, absorbing masses of prisoners of war and | |||
tal of the empire. Having conquered the Chinese those condemned by the courts. “Ch’in set up mar- | |||
states, Ch’in Shihhuangti continued his expansion in kets of slaves in the pens, along with the cattle; it | |||
the north and south. Conquests and colonisation ruled over its subjects, holding their lives in its | |||
were the main theme of the First Emperor’s foreign hands,” report ancient Chinese authors, seeing this | |||
policy. All private weapons in the country were con- as probably the main cause of the rapid fall of the | |||
fiscated. Ch’in Shihhuangti’s vast standing army -o Ch’in dynasty. Endless military expeditions to | |||
had iron weapons and was reinforced by cavalry. At ~ remote lands, construction of the Great Wall, of irri- | |||
that time, a powerful tribal alliance of the Hsiungnu ~~ gation systems, roads throughout the empire, cities, | |||
people was growing with amazing rapidity on * numerous palaces and temples, and finally, of a stu- | |||
the northern borders of the empire. During their in- ~ pendous tomb for Ch’in Shihhuangti, involved co- | |||
cursions into China they took thousands of prisoners s lossal expenditure of manpower and loss of life. State | |||
leaving terribly devastated country behind. A Ch’in | slaves were driven to construction sites in hundreds | |||
army of 300,000 defeated the Hsiungnu people and § of thousands, and still there was not enough of them, | |||
pushed them back beyond the bend of the Hwang A despite the constant influx. The entire working | |||
Ho. To secure the northern frontier of the empire, * population of Black Heads had to carry an enormous | |||
Ch’in Shihhuangti ordered an immense fortification 5 burden of labour conscriptions. In 216, Ch’in Shih- | |||
182 | |||
huangti issued a decree ordering the Black Heads to | |||
report immediately on the lands they owned, and in¬ | |||
troduced an exceptionally hard land-tax sometimes | |||
amounting to two-thirds of the farmers’ income. | |||
Masses of people sometimes headed by their councils | |||
of elders ran away to escape taxes and tributes; they | |||
were hunted down and sent to the outlying prov¬ | |||
inces to colonise new lands. In 210, Ch’in Shih- | |||
huangti suddenly died at the age of 48. Thousands of | |||
slaves were killed and buried together with him in | |||
the huge burial palace. Immediately after his death, | |||
popular unrest flared up in the empire. One of the | |||
rebel leaders, a former headman of a small village, | |||
Pang legalised the sale of free men to private indi¬ | |||
viduals as slaves, and took no measures to restrict | |||
land deals, which immediately resulted in the | |||
growth of private land- and slave-ownership. The | |||
prevailing political situation made Liu Pang violate | |||
the principle of strict centralisation by handing out | |||
gifts of land to his associates and relatives along with | |||
the title of wang, which now became the highest | |||
aristocratic title. The wangs minted their own coin, | |||
concluded external alliances, and became involved | |||
in internal rebellions. Fighting their separatism | |||
became the principal task in the domestic policy of | |||
Liu Pang’s successors. The power of the wangs was | |||
was declared emperor and became the founder of | |||
the new Han dynasty. This dynasty is divided into | |||
two periods, the Earlier (or Former) Han (202 | |||
B.C.-A.D. 8) and Later Han (A. D. 25-220). | |||
Beginning with the mid-1st millennium B. C., var¬ | |||
ious ethnic elements inhabiting the Hwang Ho and | |||
middle Yangtze regions interacted, the interaction | |||
resulting in the ethnogenesis of the Huahsia ethnic | |||
entity and, on the basis of the latter, in the ethno¬ | |||
cultural complex of the “central states”. But as late | |||
as the 3rd century B. C. the moulding of the ancient | |||
Chinese cultural and ethnic community had not yet | |||
been completed - neither the common ethnic self- | |||
consciousness nor a generally accepted self-appela- | |||
tion existed at that time. The political unification of | |||
ancient China within the centralised Ch’in empire | |||
was a powerful catalyst for the consolidation of the | |||
ancient Chinese ethnos. Despite the brevity of the | |||
existence of the Ch’in empire, its name became the | |||
principal ethnic self-appelation of the ancient | |||
Chinese in the next four hundred years, i. e., the | |||
Han period. As the ethnonym of the ancient | |||
Chinese, “Ch’in” was borrowed into the neighbour¬ | |||
ing languages and became the basis for most of the | |||
modern names of China: cf. German “China”, | |||
French “Chine”, and English “China”. But the self¬ | |||
appellation of the Chinese people, the one that is still | |||
in use-the “Hanjen”, comes from the name of the | |||
Han empire, although it was adopted after its fall. | |||
Coming to power on the crest of an anti-Ch’in | |||
uprising, Liu Pang began by abolishing the harsh | |||
laws of the Ch’in empire but was compelled to leave | |||
some of the taxes in force. Certain privileges were | |||
given to the organs of communal self-government. | |||
The Ch’in administrative division and most statutes | |||
in the economic sphere remained in force, too. Liu | |||
ultimately shattered under Emperor Wuti (140-87 | |||
B. C.). | |||
The centralisation and consolidation of the | |||
empire in the first decades of the Earlier Han | |||
dynasty formed the basis for a further growth of the | |||
country’s well-being, facilitating the progress in | |||
farming, crafts and trade, as the sources unani¬ | |||
mously indicate. | |||
Gradually, the country recovered from the conse¬ | |||
quences of many years of intestine strife which | |||
accompanied the fall of the Ch’in empire. Irrigation | |||
systems were repaired, and new ones built; labour | |||
productivity increased, especially in the crafts and | |||
above all in metallurgy, where slave labour was | |||
widely used. Private owners employed up to a thou¬ | |||
sand slave labourers in mines and workshops (foun¬ | |||
dries, textile factories, etc.). After Wuti introduced | |||
state monopoly of salt, iron, and wine production | |||
and the minting of coin, major state-owned indus¬ | |||
trial enterprises appeared. The number of cities with | |||
a population of more than 50 thousand, mostly | |||
traders and craftsmen, grew, and they became part | |||
of societal life. City-building was most intense in the | |||
Q central part of the Great Plain (in Honan). But most | |||
4 towns were small settlements surrounded by | |||
5 rammed-earth walls and fields, where several com- | |||
' munities (It) lived. These were the typical basic | |||
| administrative units of the empire, where organs of | |||
s. communal self-government-a characteristic feature | |||
9 of ancient Chinese urban culture-functioned. | |||
a | |||
In agriculture, free farmers made up the main | |||
5 bulk of the producers. They paid land-tax (from | |||
2 one-fifteenth to one-thirtieth of the harvest), poll- | |||
tax, and hearth-money. Men were also conscripted | |||
£> to work a month a year for three years and to serve | |||
| in the army for two years, plus three days of annual | |||
183 | |||
garrison service. According to law, it was possible to dom, military aristocracy, and, significantly, the | |||
avoid labour and military conscription by paying off sanlao, the richer commoners-a proof of deep-going | |||
the state in money, grain or slaves. Well-to-do class differentiation in the communities, | |||
farmers could easily manage that; continual extraor- Under Wuti, the Han empire became a strong | |||
dinary and additional taxes and requisitions, special centralised bureaucratic state, one of the most popu-1 | |||
conscriptions, etc., did not bother these farmers lous on the continent. The expansionist policy of the | |||
much but they were a serious handicap for the ancient Chinese empire at that time was aimed at | |||
rank-and-file commoners. Small-lot households capturing other countries’ territories, subjugation of | |||
especially suffered from having to pay taxes in neighbouring peoples, supremacy on the interna- | |||
money, as they could spare but little for the market. tional trading routes, and extension of external | |||
Creditors took away as much as a half of their prod- markets. | |||
uce. “Nominally, the land-tax constitutes one-thir- The empire’s external position was for a long time | |||
tieth of the harvest, but actually farmers are determined by a threat from the north, from the | |||
deprived of half of it,” reports The History of the powerful “nomadic empire” of the Hsiungnu. After | |||
Former Han Dynasty. Many ruined farmers lost their Liu Pang was nearly captured in 198, during a raid | |||
lands and were enslaved by creditors. The process of the Hsiungnu, the emperors of the Middle King- | |||
assumed the proportions of a social problem. “The dom (as the whole of the country was called by that | |||
treasury is getting poorer,” reported officials, “while time, while its people were called “the people of the | |||
rich men and traders enslave poor men for their Middle Kingdom”, chungkuojen, as they still are) had | |||
debts and store wealth in their barns”, “How can to pay an annual tribute in silk and agricultural | |||
the common people stand up for themselves when produce and send their chieftains, the shanyiis, Han | |||
rich men increase the number of slaves, expand their princesses for wives. But the nomads’ raids into | |||
fields, and hoard wealth?”, “Farmers work all year China did not cease. Wuti initiated a policy of active | |||
round without rest, but when the time of collecting confrontation with the Hsiungnu; with this aim in | |||
taxes comes, the well-to-do sell grain at half price view he reorganised the army, introducing heavily | |||
while the poor men borrow at a double interest armed cavalry in combination with light cavalry | |||
rate-so that many sell their fields and houses to pay and infantry armed with crossbows. In 123, after | |||
their debts, and they sell their sons and grandsons”. bloody batties, Han armies managed to repulse the | |||
Attempts to restrain usurers by pressure from above, Hsiungnu, driving them away from the empire’s | |||
and thus to stop the ruin and enslavement of farm- northern borders. Consolidating their positions | |||
ers - the bulk of the empire’s taxpayers - were unsuc- there, Wuti’s armies continued for nearly half a cen- | |||
cessful. Selling oneself, and enslavement of insolvent tury to drive the Hsiungnu tribes far into the Gobi | |||
debtors, became important sources of private slave- desert. At the same time Wuti waged endless aggres- | |||
owning, which especially flourished at that time. sive wars against Viet states in the south, finally con- | |||
Any well-to-do family could buy slaves. There was a quering them in 111. After that, the naval and | |||
permanent slave market in the country. Slaves could land Han forces attacked the ancient Korean state of | |||
be bought in nearly every city, as any commodity in Chao-Hsien and made it acknowledge the Han | |||
great demand. Just like cattle, they were counted dynasty’s supremacy. | |||
“on the fingers of one’s hand”. Parties of fettered j Having expanded and consolidated the empire, | |||
slaves were driven by slave-traders across hundreds ~ Wuti then brought down the whole might of the | |||
of kilometres to Ch’ang-an and other major cities of ' Han state machine on the Tien Shan and Pamir | |||
the country. Slavery constituted the basis of producti- | peoples. In 138, the Warrior Emperor (as the Wuti | |||
on in industry, both private and state-owned. Tho- - temple name is translated) sent Ch’ang Ch’ien, a | |||
ugh to a lesser extent, slave labour was everywhere s diplomat and strategist, to the Kushan tribes in Cen- | |||
used in agriculture, as indicated in particular by tral Asia hostile to the Hsiungnu, guided by the | |||
mass confiscations in all parts of the empire of I tested method of ancient Chinese diplomacy of “sub¬ | |||
fields and slaves owned by persons violating the A duing barbarians with barbarian hands”. The | |||
119 B. C. law on property taxation. That law did not * Kushans did not succumb to the intrigues of the Han | |||
apply to privileged land- and slave-owners, official- s’ ambassador, but Ch’ang Ch’ien’s reconnaissance | |||
184 | |||
j | |||
activities surpassed Wuti’s wildest expectations. However, the arrival of foreign ambassadors was | |||
Ch’ang Ch’ien opened a whole new world of foreign regarded by the Son of Heaven as an expression of | |||
culture to Han China. He went to Tahsia (Bactria), submission to the empire, and the goods brought to | |||
K’angchu (Khorasmia), and Tawan (Ferghana), Ch’ang-an, as barbarians’tribute. Reformed Confu- | |||
where he saw with his own eyes the “heavenly cianism, recognised as a state religion by Wuti, pro¬ | |||
steeds”, Wuti’s most coveted prize. Ch’ang Ch’ien claimed the doctrine of absolute superiority of the | |||
made inquiries among the local traders concerning Middle Kingdom as the hub of the universe over the | |||
Anhsi (Parthia) and Shentu (India), and they in- surrounding world of “outer barbarians”, whose fai- | |||
formed him that they knew of the “Ch’in country” lure to obey the Son of Heaven was regarded as a | |||
as the land where silk came from, and that foreign crime. The campaigns of the Son of Heaven, the | |||
merchants willingly traded in silk. His reports on sacred giver of order to the universe, were regarded | |||
each of the foreign lands were specific and to the as punitive, and contacts in foreign policy referred to | |||
point: position, the size of territory, natural criminal law. The countries of the Western Regions | |||
resources, the population’s occupations, and mili- (as eastern Turkistan was called) were pressured | |||
tary strength. From that moment, Wuti set himself into “paying tribute” through gifts from the Han | |||
the strategic task of “conquering Tahsia and other court and the military force of Han garrisons sta- | |||
countries of the west as external tributaries”, and of tioned in the fortresses along the river Tarim which | |||
asserting Han hegemony on the Silk Route, which were quickly built here on Wuti’s orders after the | |||
began to function intensely at that time. For nearly a expulsion of the Hsiungnu from Kansu in 121-119 | |||
quarter of a century the ruling circles of the Han and its colonisation. The cities of the Western | |||
empire used all kinds of military and diplomatic Regions often rejected the “gifts of the Son of | |||
pressure to penetrate into western Asia and seize the Heaven”, correctly assessing them as crude attempts | |||
flourishing oases of the city-states of eastern Turki- to interfere in their affairs and deprive them of the | |||
stan along the northern and southern branches of advantages of transit trade. Han ambassadors were | |||
the Silk Route-the only transcontinental interna- particularly active in Ferghana, which held key | |||
tional route of that time, stretching across seven positions along an important part of the Silk Route | |||
thousand kilometres from Ch’ang-an through the and bred pure-blood “heavenly steeds”, the stately | |||
lands of the Kushans and Parthians to Roman Syria. horses of the western breed which were of the great- | |||
international trade was growing more vigorous est importance for Wuti’s heavily armed cavalry, | |||
along that route. Caravans were travelling in an The people of Tawan stubbornly resisted the solici- | |||
endless train, so that “one caravan never lost sight of tations of the Han court, “hiding the horses and | |||
the other”, as historian Ssuma Ch’ien, an eyewitness refusing to give them to the Han ambassadors” | |||
of those events, wrote. Traders were bringing from (Ssuma Ch’ien). In 104, a vast army went on a | |||
China iron, believed to be “the best in the world”, “punitive expedition” against the city of Erhshi (the | |||
nickel, precious metals, lacquered ware, bronze mir- capital of Ferghana) led by the general Li Kuangli, | |||
rors and other arts and crafts products. But ssu, or granted in advance the title of “Erhshi conqueror”, | |||
raw silk, made up the bulk of the trade; from the The campaign lasted two years and ended in utter | |||
name of that commodity, which was in great 4 failure. In 102 Wuti undertook yet another gigantic | |||
demand, ancient China came to be known in the * expedition to Ferghana. This time he captured some | |||
Graeco-Roman world as the country of the Sins, “heavenly steeds”, but conquering Tawan proved to | |||
although antique geographers did not place the 5 be beyond the empire’s strength. The campaigns in | |||
“country of silk” further east than Kansu. Wild and ~ Ferghana, which strained the empire’s resources to | |||
domesticated animals and birds were brought to g) the extreme, ended, as Wuti admitted himself, in a | |||
China from foreign lands, as well as valuable varie- complete failure of Han aggression in the west. The | |||
ties of wood, rare plants, furs, perfumes, spices, jew- ' political dominion of Han China over eastern Tur- | |||
elry, glassware, tapestry and other luxury goods, ^ kistan proved to be unstable, frequently interrupted | |||
and, of course, skilful slaves from overseas. Of special I. and limited in character. The more unbiased ot the | |||
importance were plants from western Asia, includ- j? historiographers doubted the need for Han expan- | |||
ing vines, beans, and alfalfa. I sion in western Asia, pointing out its negative conse- | |||
185 | |||
quences for these countries and especially for China. | |||
“The Han dynasty aspired to take possession of the | |||
remote Western Regions and thereby brought the | |||
empire to exhaustion,” wrote the author of an early | |||
medieval history of China. | |||
After Wuti’s death further active foreign policy | |||
became impossible for the empire because of aggra¬ | |||
vated internal conflicts. The first popular move¬ | |||
ments in the Han empire flared up already at the | |||
end of Wuti’s reign. In the last quarter of the 1st cen¬ | |||
tury B. C., a wave of slave rebellions at state iron | |||
mines swept across the country. Soberly assessing the | |||
critical situation in the empire, many statesmen saw | |||
its cause in the growth of large-scale land- and slave- | |||
ownership. Under emperor Aid (6-1 B. C.), an | |||
attempt was made to set a limit on land estates (not | |||
more than 140 hectares) and the number of slaves | |||
that could be owned: 30 slaves for the common peo¬ | |||
ple and petty officials, and 200 for high officials and | |||
noblemen (not counting slaves older than 60 and | |||
younger than 10 ); it was suggested to set state slaves | |||
older than 50 free. That draft edict stirred up pro¬ | |||
tests among slave-owners and was never imple¬ | |||
mented, and neither was the next one of A. D. 3, | |||
although it limited only the common people’s rights | |||
to slave- and land-ownership. These edicts appar¬ | |||
ently reflected the positions of the ideologues of petty | |||
and medium owners. After the failure of the policy of | |||
reforms, uprisings broke out in the country again. | |||
In A. D. 8 , power was seized by Wang Mang, | |||
a relation of the dynasty on the distaff side, who de¬ | |||
clared himself the founder of a dynasty of his own | |||
called Hsin (New). Wang Mang’s ideological in¬ | |||
spires were the followers of the Confucian “old | |||
texts” school, hostile to the mystic “new texts” | |||
school recognised by Wuti and his successors as an | |||
official doctrine. To enlist the support of the broad | |||
masses, Wang Mang announced the restoration of | |||
the blessed order of the olden times and of the Chou 5 | |||
system of community land-tenure (chingfien). He ^ | |||
promised to restore equal land allotments and hand | |||
over the surplus of land to commoners who had little s | |||
or no land. Naturally that promise could not be car- ~ | |||
ried out. Wang Mang banned the sale and purchas- s | |||
ing of land and slaves, declaring all privately owned | | |||
lands to be state-owned (wangt’ien), or “crown 5 | |||
lands”), and all the privately owned slaves to be | |||
“privately dependent” ( ssushu ), that is, apparently, ^ | |||
within the jurisdiction of the state but in the posses- 5 | |||
sion of their masters. State ownership of slaves was | |||
not restricted. Far from it: all those guilty of violat¬ | |||
ing Wang Mang’s laws, together with other | |||
members of the mutually responsible groups of five | |||
households, were made state slaves. Simultaneously, | |||
Wang Mang endeavoured to strengthen the state’s | |||
police functions and make all loan operations the | |||
treasury’s monopoly. Wang Mang’s reforms led to | |||
an extreme increase in the state’s despotic pressure, | |||
causing a general uprising. Wang Mang tried to save | |||
the situation by declaring the abolition of all his | |||
laws, but it was all in vain. | |||
Groups of ruined commoners, slaves, and former | |||
farm-hands were active throughout the country, as¬ | |||
suming various names like Green Woodsmen, Cop¬ | |||
per Horses, Great Lances, Iron Shins, Black Calves, | |||
etc. Especially great in scope was the movement of | |||
Red Eyebrows in A. D. 18 in Shantung, where the | |||
populadon’s misfortunes were aggravated by a | |||
disastrous flood of the Hwang Ho, which abruptly | |||
changed its direction to the present one. The rebel | |||
armies, acting in isolation, moved on the capital | |||
from all sides. The first to take Ch’ang-an in A. D. | |||
23 were the Green Forest men. Wang Mang was | |||
beheaded and his body torn to pieces. In A. D. 25, | |||
the capital was captured by the Red Eyebrows. | |||
Simultaneously, units of the ruling class in Loyang | |||
declared Liu Hsiu, a scion of the Han house, empe¬ | |||
ror. He became known in history as Kuang Wuti | |||
(A. D. 25-27). Kuang Wuti began his rule with | |||
a “punitive expedition” against the Red Eyebrows. | |||
In 29, he succeeded in crushing them, and later | |||
suppressed all the other people’s movements, Ku¬ | |||
ang Wuti’s reign began the period of the “restored” | |||
Han dynasty, called Later or Eastern Han Dynasty, | |||
as the capital of the empire was moved to Lo-yang. | |||
The Fall of the Ancient Empires. The scope of the upris¬ | |||
ings of A. D. 17-25, in which slaves took an active | |||
part, showed the slave-owners the need for a greater | |||
cohesion of the ruling class. They handed over the | |||
function of suppressing the lower classes to the state | |||
and thereby sanctioned the restoration of the | |||
empire. Under Aiti and Wang Mang, any attempts | |||
by the state to restrict private ownership of slaves | |||
and interfere with the rights of land- and slave¬ | |||
owners met with desperate resistance, whereas | |||
now that the Kuang Wuti’s government severely | |||
186 | |||
repressed the rebel movements, private owners no Vietnam, which Kuang Wuti managed to suppress | |||
longer protested against Kuang Wuti’s laws securing only in 44, and with great difficulty. In the second | |||
the freedom of those slaves who had actually won it half of the 1st century, taking advantage of (and | |||
during the uprisings, and freeing those who had sold to some extent provoking) the split among the | |||
themselves during famine or had been forcibly en- Hsiungnu into southern and northern tribes, and | |||
slaved during that period. True, these laws were not permitting the Southern Hsiungnu, who accepted | |||
always implemented in full, but all state slaves sen- China’s rule, to settle in the empire (on the Ordos | |||
tenced to bondage for violation of the Wang Mang plateau), the empire took active measures to restore | |||
laws, and some categories of privately owned slaves, the Han influence in the Western Regions. General | |||
were actually freed. The edict of 35 banned the Pan Chao (32-102), brother of the well-known court | |||
branding of privately owned slaves, the master’s historian Pan Ku, was appointed Governor of the | |||
right to kill his slaves was limited, and the law on Western Regions. He succeeded in organising an | |||
disgraceful market-place executions of slaves was alliance of the Tingling and Hsian-pi tribes against | |||
repealed. Government measures to protect some of the Northern Hsiungnu, who laid claims to suprem- | |||
the slaves’ elementary rights were envisaged. The acy in eastern Turkistan. The positions of the | |||
edict even proclaimed (the first official declaration Hsiungnp were considerably weakened after Pan | |||
of this kind) that the slave was by his nature also a Chao routed in A. D. 90, the forces of the Kushan | |||
human being. At the same time the Law for Selling king, a covert ally of the Hsiungnu who also endeav- | |||
People passed by the Kuang Wuti government in- ouredtoasserthisascendancyovertheSilkRoute.lt | |||
troduced greater order into slave-trade and the is a known fact that after their defeat the Kushans | |||
practice of selling free individuals as slaves, thereby kept sending their “gifts” for a while to the Han | |||
consolidating slave-owning relations. It seems that court, which was an indirect form of inter-state | |||
Kuang Wuti was mainly supported by petty and trade. For a short time, the Han empire restored its | |||
medium slave-owning estates, while the big land- hegemony on the Great Silk Route, Pan Chao in- | |||
and slave-owners (“the great families”), far from itiated a vigorous diplomatic activity, apparently | |||
supporting him, were openly hostile and in 52 raised desiring to establish direct contacts with Tach’in, or | |||
a rebellion against him, which Kuang Wuti sup- “the great Ch’in country”, as the Hans called the | |||
pressed with characteristic ruthlessness. Roman empire. But the embassy he sent to Rome | |||
Kuang Wuti’s government took effective measures only reached Roman Syria, being intentionally | |||
to rebuild the dams on the Hwang Ho that had delayed en route by Parthian traders. The Chinese- | |||
fallen into disrepair. That part of the Great Plain Roman trade through intermediaries had begun in | |||
now directly adjoined the metropolitan region the second half of the 1st century B. G. and was fairly | |||
(owing to the transfer of the capital of empire from regular. Roman schoolchildren learnt of “Chinese | |||
Ch’ang-an, destroyed during the uprisings, to Lo- crossbows” from Horace and of goods from The | |||
yang), and Kuang Wuti attached special importance Land of Silk from Virgil, Ptolemy, and Pliny the | |||
to its economic development. Money circulation was Elder. The ancient Chinese saw the Romans for the | |||
regulated, taxes reduced, and farming and silkworm n first time in 120, when a group of itinerant jugglers | |||
breeding encouraged. Poor people were given state -f came from Rome to Lo-yang to perform at the court | |||
fields ( kungfien ) on favourable terms, including the " of the Son of Heaven. Simultaneously the Eastern | |||
lands of the disgraced “great families”. “ Han empire established links with Hindustan | |||
Gradually the empire restored its military might | through Upper Burma and Assam, and organised | |||
and its status of a “world power”. The border tribes, “ sea communications between the port of Pakhpo in | |||
which had joined the rebel movement of the §- northern Vietnam (which the Romans knew as Cat- | |||
empire’s lower strata, were pacified. In southern “ tigara) and the eastern coast of India, and also with | |||
China, the Han empire implemented a harsh policy j? Japan (via Korea). The first “embassy” from Rome | |||
of forcible assimilation of the local population. Im- ^ (a name assumed by a private Roman trading mis- | |||
perial officials cruelly oppressed the aborigines and i. sion) came in 166 to Lo-yang along the southern sea | |||
eradicated local cults and customs. In 42, an upris- j? route. From the second half of the 2nd century, | |||
ing against the Han authorities flared up in northern | when the Han empire lost its hegemony on the Silk | |||
187 | |||
Route, Han adopted an expansionist foreign-trade policy gained the upper hand at court. They | |||
policy in the southern maritime countries - Sri expressed the interests of those sections of the ruling | |||
Lanka and Hanchipura (in southern India). These class which were not interested in expanding foreign | |||
links retained their significance in later periods as trade or in further extending commodity-money | |||
well. Expeditions were sent to the southern seas to relations, since their immense estates with their | |||
capture slaves. Slave-trade figured prominently in workshops and inner markets increasingly became | |||
the foreign dealings of the Later Han empire. self-sufficient entities. “He is so rich that he can close | |||
The empire made desperate attempts to seize for- the gates and open a market,” was the proverbial | |||
eign markets in ever new directions. Its international description of an owner of such an estate, | |||
trading links had never been as extensive as they Two trends of socioeconomic development | |||
now were. The consolidation of Han as a world became apparent in the Later Han empire. Slave- | |||
power was accompanied by an efflorescence of owning remained the leading factor. Slave-owning | |||
science, literature, philosophy, and art. According to estates, including large-scale ones, continued to | |||
eyewitness accounts, the empire’s capital Lo-yang exist, but slave labour was mostly used in certain | |||
was striking in its splendour. The stiff magnificence specific types of production (irrigation, camphor | |||
of the imperial palace and the extravagant luxury of and varnish-tree plantations, cattle-breeding, fish- | |||
the palaces of the higher aristocracy knew no ing, salt mines), not in farming. There were increas- | |||
bounds. Court poets and well-known philosophers ing complaints about the low productivity of slave | |||
sang the praises of the grandeur and stability of the labour, which were first voiced in the 1st century | |||
ruling dynasty and glorified the empire as the acme B. C. (during the 81 B.C. governmental disputes | |||
of perfection and the Golden Age come true. about salt and iron monopolies and later in the | |||
The development of commodity-money relations report of the official Rung Yu). In the 2nd century | |||
through a huge expansion of the Han empire’s for- A. D., land concentration assumed enormous, prev- | |||
eign trade led to an increasing involvement of petty iously inconceivable proportions. “The great fami- | |||
and medium slave-owning estates in production for lies”, unconnected with the higher officialdom, some- | |||
the market. times had estates stretching “from one province to | |||
Economy and trade, crafts and farming all flour- another”. Their influence extended throughout the | |||
ished. Watermills and water lifts appeared, and bel- neighbourhood, including small towns. They had | |||
lows were improved. Cultivation in beds and the sys- thousands of slaves, herds of horses and cattle, flocks | |||
tern of crop rotation came into use, but were never of sheep and other domestic animals, and great | |||
practised on a wide scale; neither was the heavy workshops and mines where fettered slaves worked, | |||
mould-boardless plough intended to be drawn by They also grew richer through trade and usury. On | |||
two oxen widely employed. In practice, it was such enormous estates, it was difficult and sometimes | |||
drawn by slaves, and the effect was insignificant. impossible to organise the necessary supervision over | |||
Farmers refused to buy iron agricultural implements slaves, and the labour of personally dependent | |||
made by state slaves, finding them “unsuitable for workers was becoming increasingly widespread here, | |||
wor k” in such forms as puch’u (personal bodyguard given | |||
Although the law imposed certain restrictions on allotments of land), and various types of ke or | |||
the masters’ abuses, where slaves were used in large j “guests” (“field worker guests”, “guests for food and | |||
numbers, they were kept in chains. ~ clothes”, etc.)-a kind of clients or colons | |||
The Later Han empire’s apparent prosperity was _ descriptively called in the sources “those who have | |||
precarious and fraught with profound contradic- B. no land of their own but till the fields of rich men”, | |||
tions. The level of labour productivity did not cor- ~ Impoverished farmers had to rent land from the | |||
respond to the degree of commodity-money rela- §. “strong houses” on the metayage system-and on | |||
tions. Basically, the ancient Chinese empire’s | very hard terms. The magnates’ vast estates some- | |||
economy remained a natural one, and a drag on the 5 times had thousands of these “guest households”, | |||
production of commodities. At a time of Pan Chao’s ^ and here rudiments of a new type of exploitation of | |||
greatest military and diplomatic successes in the ^ the immediate producer, which left him a measure | |||
Western Regions, opponents of an active foreign I of economic independence, came into being. | |||
In the state sector, “the fields of the ton (military) 2nd century, some of the major members of the | |||
settlements” (tuntien), became rather numerous in “strong houses” patronised several thousands of such | |||
that period; here the farming was done by the col- families each-Ac, pinko, puch’ii, and others. The | |||
onists and their families receiving from their supe- work-force of such an estate would be extremely | |||
riors farming implements, cattle and seeds, and de- mixed, including slaves, half-slaves, various types ol | |||
livering the yield to the state granaries, from which dependents, lease-holders, and enslaved debtors, | |||
they later received payment in kind. Despite the Alarmed at the falling revenue, the state was legally | |||
hard conditions of labour, “military settlers” were powerless to do anything, since the commoners — the | |||
not legally slaves, as cases of their later enslavement state’s principal taxpayers —had the right to do what | |||
by the authorities show. The tun tien agrarian system, they pleased with their land; they could sell it or | |||
apparently connected with the revival of communi- hand it over on certain terms to other physical or | |||
ties, later became the prototype of the state “allot- juridical persons, including the “strong houses”, | |||
ment system” (tseyuntien) which was introduced in while the latter in their turn could expand their | |||
China in the middle of the 3rd century A. D. estates to any size whatever. Not being the owner of | |||
The conflict between the two economic tenden- all land, the state was powerless to stop its subjects | |||
cies-further growth of slave-owning and the nascent concluding land and personal deals, | |||
pre-feudal forms —manifested itself in the debate on Many statesmen saw the “power of money inflam- | |||
commodity-money relations in the 2nd century ing the lust for gain” as the cause of the ruin of many | |||
A. D. Some of the reports presented to the emperor petty landowners. In the mid-2nd century, resisting | |||
advised prohibition of money and immobilisation of the growth of commodity relations, the government | |||
metal coins. officially announced the policy of “respect for farm- | |||
In the field of foreign policy, the controversy ing and suppression of trade”. I hat policy was in | |||
centred on whether to continue military aggression keeping with the general trend of social development | |||
and expansion of foreign trade or to curtail them. towards a natural economy. | |||
The issue was finally settled after Pan Chao’s death, The area of arable land registered by the state | |||
when the governorship of the Western Regions was kept falling disastrously, and so did the numbers of | |||
abolished. taxpayers (from 49.5 million in the mid-2nd century | |||
At the beginning of the Later Han period, the to 7.5 million in the mid-3rd century). That natur- | |||
census recorded only 21 million taxpayers in the ally led to an increase in the tax pressure on the | |||
empire, but towards the end of the 1st century that remaining masses of the empire’s civil population; | |||
figure rose to 53 million, which indicated the resto- according to some sources, the taxes were ten times | |||
ration of the state mechanism and the growing as great as the “legal” norm. The people grew indi¬ | |||
number of the empire’s taxpayers. However, only fif- gent; whole villages abandoned their homelands in | |||
teen years later the census showed a fall in the popu- an attempt to escape taxes and requisitions, becom- | |||
lation of nearly 10 per cent, and that at a time when ing homeless vagrants. The country was devastated | |||
there were no domestic disturbances or bloody wars. by a terrible famine and pestilence, whole districts | |||
Apparently part of the state’s taxpayers (and only ~ depopulated by epidemics. The fields were over¬ | |||
taxpayers were recorded by the regular official cen- 4 grown with weeds. The prices of foodstuffs skyrock- | |||
suses of the Han empire beginning with the A. D. 2) ’ eted. “People became cannibals, and the bones of | |||
had accepted the patronage of major landowners. ^ dead men were scattered throughout the land,” | |||
Their position fundamentally differed from the sit- f reports the History of the Later Han Dynasty. Commod- | |||
uation in which ruined peasants mortgaged their ~ ity-money relations rapidly declined. The estates of | |||
fields and sold members of their families as slaves but r the “strong houses” increasingly became economi- | |||
remained independent citizens themselves. Now, in ^ cally closed self-sufficient entities, while the peasants | |||
the 2nd century, poor families “voluntarily” gave up ? that still remained free had no means for participat- | |||
their land to “strong houses” on condition that they - ing in the commodity circulation. City life came to a | |||
could cultivate it as individuals personally depen- S. halt. Compared with the beginning of the 1st cen- | |||
dent on the magnates, or sometimes “voluntarily {? tury, the number of cities in the country dropped by | |||
sold themselves as guests”. Towards the end of the ! more than a half. At the beginning of the dynasty, | |||
189 | |||
self-governing cities had been a characteristic fea- of a secret pro-Taoist sect who called himself | |||
ture of the imperial structure, and it had been their Teacher of Highest Virtue. He prophecied that the | |||
support that had brought Liu Pang his initial sue- existing unjust system, an embodiment of sinfulness | |||
cesses in the struggle for power, whereas now the and evil (“The Blue Heaven”) would be replaced by | |||
sources did not mention them at all. Officials pro- an era of righteousness and universal prosperity | |||
posed to reckon all taxes in fabrics; finally, in 204, a (“The Yellow Heaven”). Chang Chiao’s appeals and | |||
decree was promulgated replacing all money pay- sermons, addressed to all people regardless of sex, age, | |||
ments by payments in kind, and in 221, an imperial title or rank who desired salvation, and promising | |||
edict in the Wei state (which had sprung on the release from suffering and happiness on earth in the | |||
ruins of the Han empire in the Hwang Ho region), nearest future, attracted to him multitudes of the | |||
abolished coins and introduced silk and grain into underprivileged. Within a short period, Chang | |||
circulation instead. Chiao raised a 300,000-strong underground army of | |||
Beginning with the second quarter of the 2nd cen- 36 units-one for each district of the empire. That | |||
tury, the chronicles recorded local uprisings nearly was only made possible by the utter corruption of | |||
every year more than a hundred during half a cen- the state mechanism. The sect’s agents recruited | |||
tury. Regular repairs and maintenance of dams and some adherents even in the highest court circles. Ru- | |||
other irrigation structures stopped, and Hwang Ho’s mours of an imminent uprising grew. On the eve of | |||
floods brought countless misfortunes to hundreds of the revolt, Chang Chiao’s chief agent in the capital | |||
thousands of families. The flood in 153 was espe- was denounced, seized and executed, and immedia- | |||
cially disastrous. Central authority became weaker tely after that his supporters in Lo-yang were delive- | |||
with every passing year. The empire’s corrupted red up to the authorities. Chang Chiao gave a signal | |||
bureaucratic mechanism grew to colossal propor- for an immediate uprising throughout the country, | |||
tions and became a self-contained force eating up The insurgents besieged cities, ransacked large esta- | |||
the surplus product generated by the working tes, flooded fields, burnt down government buildings, | |||
masses. Child emperors were pawns in the hands of killed rich men and officials, opened prisons, and | |||
court groupings of “eunuchs” and “scholars”. Their freed slaves. On Chang Chiao’s orders, centres of | |||
strife, which sometimes erupted in bloody massacres free distribution of foodstuffs to the people were | |||
in the capital, reflected the heat of the political organised everywhere. Slaves were active in the | |||
struggle between the centrifugal and centripetal uprising, but its main force apparently was the | |||
forces within the ruling class. The former were ruined petty owners and the serfs. The rebels in most | |||
represented by the “strong houses”, which aspired to cases did not go beyond seizing and distributing | |||
make their estates not only economically but also property and foodstuffs-there were no demands for | |||
politically independent, with seigneurial rights for a redistribution of land, so characteristic of the sub- | |||
themselves and personal dependence of the peasants sequent peasant revolts. Chang Chiao died at the | |||
on the seigneur. Their increased influence in the very peak of the uprising, but the Yellow Headdress | |||
country’s socio-political life in the mid-2nd century rebels continued to fight just as stubbornly and self- | |||
signified the empire’s disintegration and a decline of lessly. The imperial authorities proved unable to | |||
the emperor’s power. The “scholars’ ” critique of the cope with the rebel movement. The armies of the | |||
dominance of “dirty” grabbers in the central ^ “strong houses” rose to fight the Yellow Headdresses | |||
administration from the positions of “pure judge- ~ and defeated their main forces. A tower of hundreds | |||
ment” and their coup attempts in 166 and 169, in- . of thousands of cut-off heads was erected at the main | |||
tended to replace the corrupt administration with | gate of the capital to celebrate the victory. However, | |||
fresh blood, failed. The “eunuchs’ ” reprisals were ~ the country was swept by wave after wave of fresh | |||
ruthless. “Scholars” were executed, tortured, exiled; |) uprisings, with frontier tribes joining the rebels. The | |||
a thousand of the “pure ones” were imprisoned. I revolts were only crushed at the beginning of the | |||
Their books were publicly burnt. 5 third century. The warlords who had suppressed the | |||
In 184, a revolt on a gigantic scale, called the Yel- movement divided the loot and the power among | |||
low Headdress Uprising, broke out. It was headed themselves, forgetting all about the emperor. The | |||
by Chang Chiao, magician, physician, and founder S Han empire was in fact nonexistent already, | |||
190 | |||
although the last weak scion of the Liu dynasty | |||
dragged out a pitiable existence at the court of one of | |||
the conquerors of the Yellow Headdresses. | |||
The popular uprisings, strife among the “strong | |||
houses”, and barbarian incursions brought the | |||
ancient Chinese civilisation to an agonising end. The | |||
Han empire disintegrated as a result of the crisis of | |||
the empire’s slave-owning economy and the in¬ | |||
cipient processes of feudalisation. The Hsien-pei | |||
tribes, which conquered China in the 4th century | |||
A. D., occupied in fact, an already medieval China. | |||
China’s Culture in the Epoch of the Ancient Empire (End of | |||
the 3rd Century B. C.-Beginning of the 3rd Century A.D.). | |||
At the start of the 1st century A. D., the earth’s | |||
population amounted to 250 million, and one-fifth of | |||
that number lived in the Han empire. The Ch’in- | |||
Han empire was the largest state of the ancient | |||
world in the later antiquity. Its more than four-hun¬ | |||
dred-year existence was an important stage in the | |||
historical development of all Eastern Asia and part | |||
of the world-historical process covering the epoch of | |||
the emergence, rise and downfall of ancient world | |||
empires, and with them, of the slave-owning mode of | |||
production. For China’s national history, that was | |||
an exceptionally important stage of consolidation of | |||
the ancient Chinese people. | |||
The Han period brought the greatest cultural | |||
achievements of ancient China in science and mate- | |||
A Han treatise of the 2nd century postulated in poe¬ | |||
tic form (just as in Lucretius) the need to adjust | |||
scales for compression and expansion from cold and | |||
heat. Han scholars studied, with some success, | |||
resonance phenomena and the laws of harmony. | |||
Chang Heng (78-139) was the first scientist in the | |||
world to invent a prototype of the seismograph; he | |||
built a celestial globe, described 2,500 stars grouped | |||
in 320 constellations, and worked out a theory of the | |||
earth’s spheric form and of the spatio-temporal in¬ | |||
finity of the universe. Han mathematicians wrote an | |||
encyclopedia known as The Art of Counting in Nine | |||
Books', they knew decimal fractions, invented nega¬ | |||
tive numbers, did a great deal towards specifying the | |||
value of n and assimilated some methods of mathe¬ | |||
matics similar to those of the Greeks. | |||
The end of the ancient epoch was marked by in¬ | |||
novations in the development of technical imple¬ | |||
ments in the crafts and agriculture (cf. the first | |||
mechanical engines using the force of falling water, | |||
pumping gear, improved plough, cultivation in | |||
beds, and crop rotation). Fan Shenchih summed up | |||
the achievements of agriculture in a treatise on | |||
agronomy and pedology; works on pharmacology | |||
and medicine appeared. A lst-century medical cata¬ | |||
logue lists 35 treatises on different diseases. The | |||
techniques of town-building made considerable | |||
advances. The plan of town-building worked out in | |||
the late Han epoch became a kind of standard for | |||
the architects of later times. | |||
rial production as well as in art and society’s spiri¬ | |||
tual life. Various branches of the exact sciences | |||
(astronomy, mathematics, medicine, physics, | |||
mechanics, acoustics) developed intensely. Regular | |||
records were kept of astronomic observations, in par¬ | |||
ticular of the appearance of comets (the first such | |||
observation was recorded in 613 B. C., and since the n | |||
3rd century B. C. they have been kept without inter- ■§ | |||
ruption); star catalogues were compiled, a lunar- ^ | |||
and-solar calendar improved, and the sundial was | |||
invented to replace the water clock. Ancient Chinese | | |||
astronomers could predict lunar eclipses and the - | |||
possibility of solar ones. In 28 B. C., Han astro- ? | |||
nomers discovered the existence of sun spots. An | |||
achievement of world significance was the inven- ? | |||
tion of a compass-a square iron plate with a mag- >3 | |||
netic spoon freely rotating on its surface, of which | | |||
the handle pointed south. The mechanical law of g | |||
action and counteraction was worked out in detail. | | |||
High standards were achieved in the production | |||
of lacquered objects, which began in the epoch of the | |||
Warring States. The development of this industry | |||
was stimulated by advances in woodworking and | |||
mining (in particular, the mining of cinnabar and | |||
other mineral pigments which were an important | |||
item in international trade-great quantities of it | |||
were exported to India). Lacquering centres arose in | |||
many areas of the empire, but the district of Shu in | |||
Szechuan, one of the most highly developed in the | |||
empire, was especially famous for its lacquer. Lac¬ | |||
quered objects with the Shu mark were in great | |||
demand far beyond the borders of China. Excellent | |||
specimens have been found by archaeologists in | |||
Korea. Szechuan was also second only to Shantung | |||
as a major centre of the silk industry. Han silks were | |||
of very high quality. In the Han epoch, an improved | |||
loom was invented, which greatly enlarged the | |||
assortment of fabrics. Silks were the most important | |||
191 | |||
export item in Chinese trade. They flowed in a of Western and Central Asia and the Far East. This | |||
broad stream to all the major countries of the book is in most cases the only and therefore invalu- | |||
ancient world, reaching Rome and Egypt overland able source on the ancient history of these peoples; | |||
and along sea routes. India was a major intermedi- besides, Ssuma Ch’ien’s descriptions are marked by | |||
ary in silk trade. Sericulture developed in India, too, precision of historical and geographical information | |||
apparently under the influence of China, while Han quite unusual for those times, and are in this respect | |||
craftsmen borrowed from India the technique of cot- on a par with Ptolemy’s writings. A great stylist, | |||
ton fabrics production. Links between China and Ssuma Ch’ien vividly and graphically described | |||
India were established long before the Han epoch, political and economic situations and the life of the | |||
but at that time they were especially intense and people. He made an outstanding contribution to | |||
fruitful for both civilisations. Chinese historiography and was the first Chinese | |||
At the beginning of the new era, China gave the author to have created literary portraits, which | |||
world one of mankind’s greatest inventions - paper. places him among the most distinguished Han | |||
Indian ink was also invented at that time. The writers. The popular tradition has preserved the | |||
change over from writing on bamboo plates to writ- story of the tragic fate of “the father of Chinese his- | |||
ing on silk, and from stylus to scribe’s brush had tory”, who was emasculated on Wuti’s orders for | |||
made it possible to simplify the writing system. Now criticising the emperor and defending his disgraced | |||
further advances were made in that direction. The friend, the military leader; he did not lose heart but, | |||
hieroglyphic script was systematised, and a new style decided to “reject the idea of suicide” and to “pay | |||
of writing called k’aishu was invented, forming the back for the shame inflicted” on him by creating a | |||
basis of modern Chinese writing. Han materials and truthful account of the “essence of the changes in | |||
instruments of writing were borrowed, along with these days and in remote antiquity”. Historical | |||
the hieroglyphics, by the ancient peoples of Viet- Memoirs became a supreme standard for the historio- , | |||
nam, Korea, and Japan, while these countries, in graphers of the whole Far East for ages to come. The | |||
their turn, influenced the cultural development of traditions of ancient Chinese historiography were | |||
ancient China (in rice-growing and other areas of continued by Pan Ku (A. D. 39-92) and his sister | |||
agriculture, in seafaring and the artistic handi- Pan Piao, the only woman historian in the whole | |||
crafts). ancient world. They wrote an official history of the | |||
The imperial epoch was one of generalisation of ruling dynasty, The History of the Earlier Han Dynasty | |||
knowledge and the summing up of the whole of (Ch’ien Han shu), describing the historical events | |||
China’s ancient culture. The palaces of the patrons from the positions of the Confucian worldview, | |||
of arts including emperors, became cultural centres Prominent in the brilliant constellation of the Han | |||
with large libraries, where scientific, philosophical poets was Ssuma Hsiangju (179-118 B. C.), who | |||
and literary topics were widely discussed and sang, in an elevated solemn style, the splendour and | |||
ancient monuments collected, edited and com- might of the Wuti empire. He continued the Ch’u | |||
mented on. China’s most ancient folklore collections, traditions of Ch’u Yuan’s odes, a characteristic fea- | |||
the Book of Odes (Shihching), the Book of History ture of all Han literature which absorbed the poetic | |||
(Shangshu ), and the Book of Changes (Iching ) were heritage of the peoples of south China. A courtier | |||
written down at that time. In fact, the whole of the j and bon vivant, Ssuma Hsiangju became the talk of | |||
surviving ancient Chinese heritage was recorded in ~ the people with a sensational love intrigue. He | |||
the Han period. Philology and poetics were also abducted the beautiful daughter of the richest mine- | |||
studied, and the first dictionaries compiled. Major | owner in Szechuan and kept a tavern together with | |||
works of prose, mostly historical, were written at the ~ his bride, which scandalised the father-in-law so | |||
time. The “father of Chinese history”, the great | much that he, “ashamed to appear in the street”, | |||
Ssuma Ch’ien (145-86 B. C.), wrote the remarkable | made them the gift of “a hundred slaves and a mil- | |||
Historical Memoirs (Shihchi ) - 130 volumes on the his- 1 lion coins”. The poet was “lured by fresh loves” un- | |||
tory of China from the mythical first ancestor )~ til old age. The tradition has it that his poems had | |||
Huangti to the reign of Wuti, with detailed reviews ? the magic power to revive a love grown cold, | |||
of data on the neighbouring tribes and the countries S For the greater glory of the dynasty, Wuti | |||
192 | |||
founded the Music Bureau ( Ytiehfu ), where folk | |||
songs were collected and arranged and musical | |||
works were written. Some of the Yiiehfu songs were | |||
founded on melodies and themes that came from | |||
Central Asia. The works of the best poets influenced | |||
by the Music Bureau were realistic in content, re¬ | |||
flecting the mores of the epoch and the mood of the | |||
simple people. Very few folk songs from the treasury | |||
of the Music Bureau have survived; even fewer are | |||
songs expressing the rebellious spirit of the people | |||
rising against injustice. These last include “Eastern | |||
Gates”, “East of Pingling Hill”, especially remark¬ | |||
able are thejao songs, in which the social protest is | |||
strongest. They even call for the overthrow of the | |||
emperor; thus one of them ends with the words. | |||
“Death to Ch’in Shih-huang!” The leader of Yellow | |||
Headdresses is said to have written a song calling for | |||
an uprising: “An end to the Blue Heaven (i. e., the | |||
Han dynasty) has come // We shall live under a Yel¬ | |||
low Heaven.//In the year under the sign jiazi | |||
//Happiness will come to Under Heaven.” | |||
Towards the end of the Han empire, anacreontic | |||
and fairytale themes increasingly became the main | |||
content of secular poetry; verses lost the quality of | |||
emotional spontaneity, gravitating towards elegance | |||
and grandiloquence. Books about miracles, legends, | |||
mystic and fantastic literature became popular. The | |||
authorities encouraged magnificent rites and secular | |||
spectacles; organisation of pageants was one of the | |||
state’s administrative functions. Rudiments of scenic | |||
art did not, however, develop into drama as a liter¬ | |||
ary genre in ancient China. | |||
Ceramic models of buildings and burial reliefs | |||
show that the main features of Chinese traditional | |||
architecture evolved at that time. The recent exca¬ | |||
vations near Sian at the site of Ch’in Shih-huang’s | |||
tomb brought the sensational discovery of a “clay | |||
army” of three thousand foot soldiers and caval¬ | |||
rymen, life-size-an indication that portrait sculp¬ | |||
ture emerged in that period. The characteristic traits | |||
of Han art were high professional skill and realistic | |||
quality. These traits are found in lst-century reliefs | |||
from Szechuan, free in their composition and con¬ | |||
taining elements of perspective; their subjects are | |||
market-place scenes, hunting expeditions, scenes of | |||
harvesting and of hard labour in the salt mines. | |||
Second-century reliefs from the crypt of the Wu aris¬ | |||
tocratic family in Shantung, and frescoes of the same | |||
period in the burials in Liaotung are very clear and | |||
precise in composition, but religious, mythological | |||
and didactic themes prevail here. | |||
In that epoch religious and philosophical litera¬ | |||
ture evolved and became widespread, stimulated at | |||
first by the elaboration of an official state ideology | |||
and later by the growing socio-political and spiritual | |||
crisis of the Later Han empire. The ideas that | |||
Heaven consciously interfered in human lives and | |||
meted out requital for both good and bad deeds | |||
became stronger in Confucianism. Tung Chungshu, | |||
the founder of Confucian theology, developed in the | |||
1st century B. C. the ideas of divine origin of imper¬ | |||
ial power, declaring Heaven to be a supreme and | |||
nearly anthropomorphic deity. He was the first theo¬ | |||
logian to deify Confucius. The Confucius cult | |||
merged with the ancestor cult, which figured very | |||
prominently in Confucian theology. Tung Chungshu | |||
insisted on the banning of all schools but the Con¬ | |||
fucian. Under Wuti, Confucianism reformed by | |||
Tung Chungshu was declared the official doctrine | |||
of the empire. However, in the sphere of practical | |||
management preference was given to the adherents | |||
of the Legalist school, who were the inspirers of Wu- | |||
ti’s financial, economic and foreign policy. The social | |||
processes in the system of the empire worked further | |||
changes in Confucianism, which, early in the new | |||
era. split into two principal hostile trends - the mystic | |||
school continuing the Tung Chungshu line (the New | |||
Texts school), and the Old Texts school, led by Wang | |||
Mang, more rationalist in character and more flex¬ | |||
ible in its reactions to the problems of the modern | |||
times. The state actively used Confucianism in its in¬ | |||
terests, interfering in the struggle between the doc¬ | |||
trines which became increasingly fierce. The | |||
emperor initiated Confucian disputes, endeavouring | |||
to stop the schism for purely political reasons and | |||
^ acting in fact as head of church. At the end of the 1 st | |||
•C century A. D., a council formally put an end to dis- | |||
* sent in Confucianism, declaring all apocryphal liter- | |||
' ature to be false and accepting the doctrine of the | |||
| New Texts school as official religious orthodoxy. | |||
~ Henceforth, executions of dissidents became a | |||
|- dogma sanctified by Confucius’s authority. The | |||
triumph of the New Texts school signified theocratic | |||
? sanctioning of imperial authority. In that school, the | |||
c idea of heavenly Providence was used to substantiate | |||
| the predestination of the second devolution of the | |||
{? Heavenly Mandate on the Later Han dynasty (reso- | |||
| lutely rejected by all the other schools). That ini- | |||
193 | |||
13-344 | |||
dated the “dynastic idea” - a new principle of re- tality attracted to him multitudes of the underprivi- | |||
ligious-political ideology. leged who lived under his rule in a closed colony- | |||
Late Han Confucianism gave the doctrine of the the basis of secret Taoist organisations. According to | |||
goal-directed Will of Heaven a specific ethical inter- the legend, Chang Taoling ascended to Heaven dur- | |||
pretation, treating it as an eternal principle of the ing his lifetime, leaving no body on the earth that | |||
immutability of social relations between ruler and could be buried. That legend, characteristic of the | |||
subject, father and son, husband and wife, master Taoist religion, signified a rejection of the Confucian | |||
and servant, on the observance of which the har- ancestor cult. As any dogmatic religion, Taoism split | |||
mony of the cosmic elements yin and yang entirely into sects immediately on its emergence. The Taoist | |||
depended. That religious-ethical system had a pro- heresy’s assertion of the equality of men before gods | |||
nounced class bias, declaring the vulgar mob and and its condemnation of riches attracted the masses, | |||
barbarians to be essentially amoral, asserting that The teaching of the secret T’aip’ingtao (The Doctri- | |||
the powers that be were above law, promising them ne of Justice) sect, close to the Taoist heresy, | |||
life after death and posthumous glory in accordance with its elements of eschatological and Messianic | |||
with their titles and ranks during their lifetime, and aspirations, democratic rules and militant mood, | |||
proclaiming the killing of any “bandits” “daring to became the banner of the movement of the Yellow | |||
lift a hand against the king” to be every subject’s Headdresses, which dealt a mortal blow to the Han | |||
sacred duty. In the late 2nd century A. D. the “state empire. | |||
copy” of the Confucian holy writ, the Five Books, was The tendency towards the transformation of the | |||
carved in stone, in the New Texts version. From that ancient socio-philosophical teachings into religious | |||
time, violation of the Confucian commandments in- doctrines, which manifested itself in the transfigu- | |||
corporated in the penal code was punished by death rations of Confucianism and Taoism, was a sign of | |||
as “the gravest crime”. The dogmatism and intole- profound socio-psychological changes maturing in | |||
ranee of Late Han Confucianism were linked with the Later Han empire. However, it was not the ethi- | |||
the growing role of religion as an instrument of ideo- cal religions arising on Chinese soil but foreign | |||
logical influence on the masses; these were traits Buddhism transplanted to the agonising Later Han | |||
characteristic of medieval rather than ancient reli- world that became a world religion and acted as the i | |||
gions. In Late Han society, torn by acute internal main ideological factor in the feudalisation of China | |||
contradictions, Confucian orthodoxy was intended and the whole of East Asia. Buddhism came to | |||
to consolidate the ruling circles of the dominant class China at the beginning of the new era, finding | |||
and to separate that elite from the bulk of producers almost immediately a response among the working | |||
by a rigid framework of social partitions, demanding masses and certain sections of the ruling class. At the | |||
implicit obedience from the common people on pain end of the 2nd century, the Mahayana Buddhist | |||
of Heavenly retribution and promising them teaching already enjoyed fairly wide recognition, | |||
nothing in return. The spreading of Buddhism facilitated the intensifi- | |||
When persecutions of “false” doctrines began, se- cation of the international cultural links between | |||
cret religious-mystical sects spread throughout the China, India and Central Asia, which developed | |||
country. The opponents of the ruling regime were both along the caravan route in the north and the | |||
united on the platform of religious Taoism, which j sea routes in the south (via Burma and Yunnan), | |||
was in opposition to Confucianism and at the same The impetus of the development of the scientific | |||
time dissociated itself from philosophical Taoism " and philosophical worldview had not yet exhausted | |||
that continued to develop the ancient materialist | itself, either. The work of the most outstanding Han | |||
concepts. The Taoist religion finally took shape by ~ thinker Wang Ch’ung (A. D. 27-97) falls within the | |||
the early 2nd century. Patriarch Chang Taoling of a short period of the Later Han empire upsurge. | |||
Szechuan, called “The Teacher”, is believed to have | Wang Ch’ung was a major materialist of antiquity, | |||
been the founder of that religion. The rumour £ His polemic treatise Critical Essays or Discourse | |||
spread that through the mediation of the spirits, ^ Weighed in the Balance (Lunhen) was an expression of | |||
Laotzu set him the task of making men happy. His ' his profound civic courage. During his lifetime, Con- | |||
prophecies and the doctrine of achieving immor- s' fucian orthodoxy was canonised at the Discussion in | |||
194 | |||
the White Tiger Hall, and an end was thus put to | |||
free thought. In an atmosphere of intense ideological | |||
pressure, Wang Ch’ung had the courage to chal¬ | |||
lenge Confucian dogmas and religious mysticism. | |||
Rejecting the deification of Heaven, Wang Ch’ung | |||
held the materialist and atheist view that “heaven is | |||
a body similar to the earth”. Wang Ch’ung asserted | |||
the unity, eternity and corporeality of the world. His | |||
proposition that the source of being was the fine | |||
material substance ch’i continued the traditions of | |||
ancient Chinese natural philosophy with its atomis¬ | |||
tic theory of the structure of matter. All things in | |||
nature emerged naturally, as a result of condensa¬ | |||
tion of that substance, independently of any | |||
supranatural force. Wang Ch’ung rejected innate | |||
knowledge and mystic intuition with which Confu- | |||
cianists endowed ancient wise men, and regarded | |||
sensuous perception of the real world as the only | |||
path of cognition. “If a person does not see or hear | |||
the surrounding world, he can have no conception of | |||
it.” Believing that there was no fundamental differ¬ | |||
ence between man and animal, the philosopher | |||
asserted at the same time: “Of the creatures born by | |||
heaven and earth, man is the most valuable, and | |||
that value is determined by his ability for knowl¬ | |||
edge.” In the chapter called “Discourse on Death” | |||
Wang Ch’ung severely criticised the Confucian | |||
ancestor cult and religious Taoism’s ideas of physical | |||
immortality. Wang Ch’ung implicitly rejected the | |||
idea of the immortality of the soul, insisting that, like | |||
all living beings, man was completely destroyed after | |||
death. “The dead are not transformed into spirits, | |||
they have no ability for knowledge, and neither can | |||
they do harm to men,” he affirmed. Wang Ch’ung | |||
was one of the most erudite men of antiquity, a man | |||
of encyclopaedic knowledge. Although his polemics | |||
was mainly levelled against Confucian theology, he | |||
also pursued the goals of enlightenment, passionate¬ | |||
ly denouncing the prejudices and superstitions of the | |||
common people. Coming from a family that was | |||
neither rich nor aristocratic, Wang Ch’ung knew | |||
well the thoughts and feelings of the simple people. | |||
He wrote his works with an eye to this kind of | |||
audience as well, and he therefore attached special | |||
importance to simplicity and clarity of exposition. “I | |||
want to be understood by the simple people,” de¬ | |||
clared Wang Ch’ung. | |||
Wang Ch’ung’s materialist worldview, particu¬ | |||
larly his doctrine of naturalness (tzujan), that is, the | |||
naturally necessary process of the development of | |||
the objective world, played an outstanding role in | |||
the history of Chinese philosophy. During his life¬ | |||
time, however, Wang Ch’ung’s work was not recog¬ | |||
nised and was even persecuted for his critique of | |||
Confucius. A thousand years after Wang Ch’ung’s | |||
death his manuscript was accidentally discovered, | |||
and the world learnt of one of the most outstanding | |||
atheists, materialists and enlighteners of antiquity. | |||
The Ch’in-Han epoch had the same basic signifi¬ | |||
cance for the further historico-cultural development | |||
of China and, more generally, of all eastern Asia, as | |||
the Graeco-Roman world for European history. The | |||
Han empire can in this sense be referred to as | |||
Chinese antiquity, which laid the foundations of a | |||
cultural tradition that can be traced throughout the | |||
long history of China. | |||
_ Part III _ | |||
The Graeco-Roman World | |||
Chapter 11 | |||
Early Greece | |||
The achievements of the ancient Greek civilisation | |||
are very well known: they formed the basis of Euro¬ | |||
pean culture. Elements of ancient Greek architec¬ | |||
ture are still used in construction. A considerable | |||
proportion of modern scientific terminology, names | |||
of sciences, including the term “history”, most per¬ | |||
sonal names, and many words and expressions cur¬ | |||
rent in modern European languages come from Old | |||
Greek. The works of Greek tragedians, poets, sculp¬ | |||
tors, and architects, the ancient Greek epics and the | |||
writings of thinkers embodying the ideals and aspi¬ | |||
rations of that epoch still give esthetic pleasure and | |||
serve as models for modern creative workers. In phi¬ | |||
losophy, just as in many other areas of culture and | |||
science, we continually turn to “the achievements of | |||
that small people whose universal talents and ac¬ | |||
tivity assured it a place in the history of human de¬ | |||
velopment that no other people can ever claim ”. 1 | |||
* * * | |||
The late 3rd and early 2nd millennia B. C. was a | |||
most important stage in Europe’s history. It was at | |||
that time that a society divided into the classes of | |||
oppressors and the oppressed first emerged on Euro¬ | |||
pean territory, in the southern part of the Balkan | |||
peninsula and the outlying islands. The formation of | |||
class society resulted from a spontaneous process of | |||
previous development of the local peoples, above all | |||
from the development of their productive forces. | |||
C. 2500 B. C., major centres of metallurgy arose on | |||
1 Frederick Engels, Dialectics of Nature, Progress Publishers, | |||
Moscow, 1972, p. 46. | |||
many of the islands of the Aegean and on the main¬ | |||
land. Considerable advances were achieved in pot¬ | |||
tery-making with the introduction of the potter’s | |||
wheel. Progress in navigation also played a major | |||
role. Greek islanders could already build large and | |||
fast vessels (with 10 to 12 pairs of oars). Advances in | |||
seafaring facilitated contacts between various | |||
regions and a rapid spreading of technical and cul¬ | |||
tural innovations. Just as important was progress in | |||
agriculture, where a new polycultural type of farm¬ | |||
ing arose, based on simultaneous growing of cereals | |||
(barley above all), grapes and olives (the so-called | |||
Mediterranean triad). | |||
As labour productivity grew, exploitation of man¬ | |||
power became economically justified. On the other | |||
hand, an increase in the mass of surplus product ena¬ | |||
bled society to maintain a certain number of people | |||
not directly engaged in productive labour. That | |||
created the economic basis for the existence of the | |||
exploiting stratum of society. The closeness to the | |||
ancient civilisations of the Near East also had a con¬ | |||
siderable effect on the development of society in that | |||
region. | |||
The initial stages in the formation of a class society | |||
__ and the state have not been sufficiently studied, the | |||
I main reason being a relative scarcity of sources. | |||
5 Archaeological materials cannot throw light on the | |||
-i peripeteias of political history and the character of | |||
n social relations, while the earliest system of syllabic | |||
i writing which emerged on Crete (the so-called | |||
is Linear Script A) has not yet been deciphered as we | |||
| still do not know what language the creators of that | |||
5 : system of writing spoke. Later, the Greeks which in- | |||
| habited the Balkan peninsula adapted that script to | |||
196 | |||
their language (the so-called Linear Script B); it was all sides by tribes living in primitive communities, | |||
only deciphered in 1953 by the British scholars The Achaean conquest levelled the differences in the | |||
M. Ventris and J. Chadwick. But all the texts are development of various regions, so that when in the | |||
business records, and the information they provide is 2nd millennium B. C. the formation of class society | |||
therefore fairly limited. Finally, a picture of the and the state began again, the process involved prac- | |||
society of the 2nd millennium B. C. can also be tically the whole of Greek territory, | |||
gleaned from the Iliad and the Odyssey, and certain | |||
myths. But it is very difficult to give a historical in¬ | |||
terpretation of this type of sources artistically trans- Crete. The civilisation of the Bronze Age which | |||
forming historical reality, with ideas and realities of emerged and flourished on Crete is usually called | |||
different periods merged into single entities, making Minoan. That name was given it by the British | |||
it very hard to identify elements that can be reliably archaeologist Sir Arthur Evans, the first to discover | |||
referred to the 2nd millennium. For these reasons, monuments of that civilisation during excavations | |||
the history of the societies of the southern part of the at Knossos. The Greek mythological tradition re- | |||
Balkan peninsula and Crete in the Bronze Age (2nd garded Knossos as the residence of King Minos, | |||
millennium B. C.) has not yet been sufficiently stud- the powerful ruler of Crete and many other Aegean | |||
ied, and much remains in the sphere of scientific islands. It was here that Queen Pasiphae gave birth | |||
hypothesis. to Minotaur (half-man, half-bull), Daedalus built | |||
Some scholars believe that the first states emerged the labyrinth for Minotaur, etc. | |||
on the Balkan peninsula as early as the mid-3rd mil- The economic progress of Cretan society, quite | |||
lennium B. C. In any case, the nature of a number of pronounced in the second half of the 3rd and early | |||
sites studied by archaeologists in this region (Lerna 2nd millennia B. C., was expressed in particular in | |||
in Argos, Rafina in Attica, a number of sites on the the growing number of new settlements. All the | |||
islands of Lemnos and Syros, and in Crete) permits lands suitable for farming, which was the leading | |||
the assumption that these societies were probably on branch in Cretan economy, must have been culti- | |||
the threshold of the transition from the pre-class to vated by that time. Livestock-breeding also appar- | |||
class structure or may have even undergone that ently played an important role in the economy, | |||
transition. There was a considerable progress in the handi- | |||
But the moulding of class society and the state in crafts, too. Accelerated social development and in- | |||
the south of the Balkans was interrupted by an inva- creased labour productivity generated a mass ofsur- | |||
sion of tribes from the north. Greek tribes in the true plus product part of which could be used for | |||
sense of the term (they called themselves Achaeans exchange between communities. That was of special | |||
orDanaoi) appeared here c. 22nd century B. C. The significance for Crete, which lay on the intersection | |||
pre-Greek population, whose ethnic relationships of ancient sea routes connecting the Balkan penin- | |||
have not yet been established, was partly ousted by sula and the islands of the Aegean with Asia Minor, | |||
the newcomers and partly assimilated. That tribal Syria and North Africa. Like all the other seafaring | |||
migration interrupted for a while social progress in peoples of the antiquity, Cretans combined sea trade | |||
the south of the Balkan peninsula, since the conquer- with fishing and piracy. | |||
ing tribes were at a lower stage of development. This At the turn of the 2nd millennium B. C., Cretan | |||
resulted in a certain difference in the destinies of the society made a qualitative leap in its development, | |||
two parts of the region, the continental part and as the first states emerged practically simultaneously | |||
Crete. Crete was not affected by the tribal migration throughout the territory of Crete. Originally, there | |||
and, accordingly, continued to develop unimpeded. - were four independent states, each of them includ- | |||
More than that, for several centuries it was a zone of 0 ing several dozen small community settlements; | |||
very fast socioeconomic, political and cultural ^ their centres were palaces - at Knossos, Phaistos, | |||
advance. On the other hand, temporary regress of ^ Mallia, and Kato Zakro. It is precisely the emer- | |||
mainland society had another important conse- §] gence of palaces that was the most striking indi- | |||
quence. In the 3rd millennium B. C., states had $ cation of the class and state nature of society, | |||
developed in very restricted enclaves surrounded on 3 The immense gap between a vast splendid palace | |||
and a wretched hovel is a striking indication of ments intended for use by the community during | |||
social inequality. natural disasters, enemy invasions and other critical | |||
The epoch of “palace civilisation” on Crete situations. The communities voluntarily handed | |||
covered about 600 years, from 2000 to 1400 B. C. over part of their surplus product to the palace | |||
C. 1700 B. C. all the palaces were destroyed. The stores. Later, craftsmen’s workshops serving the | |||
causes of that destruction are variously explained in whole of the community were apparently set up | |||
modern science. Some scholars believe that the de- here. But just as in many other early societies, the | |||
struction was caused by natural disasters (a great community administration became separated from | |||
earthquake, most likely), others see here the result of the main body of the commoners, as class structure | |||
asocial conflict, of the struggle of the popular masses developed. Previously a servant of the community, | |||
enslaved by the upper stratum of society. Whatever this administration, relying on the great material | |||
the cause of that disaster, it delayed the development wealth at its disposal, now set itself up above society, | |||
of Cretan society for a short while only. Soon new The communities’ voluntary contributions became | |||
palaces were built on the sites of the old ones, sur- compulsory requisitions, and relations of domination | |||
passing them in splendour and monumentality. and subordination evolved. The community reserve | |||
The “new palace” epoch is much better known to fund grew into a palace estate economically domi- | |||
the scholars. The four palaces mendoned above, plus nating society. One of the factors in this process was | |||
a number of settlements and necropolises, have been concentration of a great share of handicraft produc- | |||
fairly well studied. The Knossos palace, a stupen- tion here. External economic links were also control- | |||
dous structure covering an area of nearly a hectare, led by the palace. Its power was also increased by its | |||
excavated by A. Evans, has been studied better than function of the community’s religious centre. A single | |||
any other. Although only one storey has survived, individual thus combined the roles of king and supre- | |||
the building apparently had two and probably three me priest. At the time of its efflorescence, Cretan so- | |||
storeys. The people living at the palace enjoyed all ciety may be assumed to have been a theocracy, | |||
the comforts and conveniences possible at that The 2nd millennium B. C. saw the beginning of slav- | |||
time-an excellent system of water supply and ery in Crete, but the number of slaves was not great, | |||
drainage, terracotta baths in special bathrooms, and Minoan civilisation reached its peak in the 16th | |||
excellent ventilation and lighting. Everyday utensils and first half of the 15th centuries B. C. At the begin- | |||
were as a rule highly artistic and often made of pre- ning of that period, all Crete was united under the | |||
cious metals. Fine murals were discovered in many sway of the Knossos palace’s rulers, as indicated by a | |||
rooms of the palace, reproducing Cretan landscapes network of convenient roads connecting Knossos | |||
or scenes from the lives of the palace inhabitants, so with the most remote corners of the island and corn- | |||
far incomprehensible. plete absence of fortifications. Greek legends des- | |||
Most of the ground floor was taken up by enorm- cribe King Minos as the first “ruler of the seas”, who | |||
ous storage facilities where wine, olive oil, grain, built a large fleet, did away with piracy and estab- | |||
local craftsmen’s products and wares from remote lished dominion over the Aegean. Naval expansion | |||
lands were kept. Finally, the palace also had work- went hand in hand with the development of trade, | |||
shops where jewelers, potters, and decorators of An indication of the scope of trade are finds of Cre- | |||
vases toiled for the palace inhabitants. tan craftsmen’s artifacts over a vast area-from | |||
Scholars hold different opinions of the social and ^ Spain to Mesopotamia and from the north of the | |||
political organisation of Cretan society. On the basis - Balkan peninsula to the Nile valley. Cretan colonies | |||
of available data it may be assumed, though, that 5 and trade stations appeared on the Cyclades, | |||
palace economy was the nucleus of the state’s eco- ^ Rhodes, and the coast of Asia Minor. Cretans also | |||
nomic life. This economy developed already in a ^ established active trading and diplomatic links with | |||
class society as a result of the evolution of the com- | Egypt and the states of the Syro-Phoenician coast, | |||
munal structure. Originally, the palace was the sac- * In the mid-15th century B. C., Crete was devas- | |||
ral and economic centre of the community (or more 1 tated by a natural disaster which wiped out the | |||
probably of a number of communities). It was astor- ? Minoan civilisation. The disaster was most likely a | |||
ehouse for reserves of foodstuffs, tools and imple- I great eruption of the volcano on the island of Thera. | |||
Most settlements and palaces were destroyed. Tak- system of water supply and drainage in the palace, | |||
ing advantage of this opportunity, the Achaeans The walls of many rooms were ornamented with | |||
from the Balkan peninsula invaded the island, and murals, of which battle scenes were the most freq- | |||
the former advanced centre of the Mediterranean uent theme. | |||
became a god-forsaken province of Achaean Greece. At the peak of the Achaean civilisation, shaft | |||
graves were replaced by royal tombs of a new type- | |||
tholoi or corbelled (bee-hive) chambers. The largest | |||
Achaean Greece. At the turn of the 2nd millennium of these is the so-called “Treasury of Atreus”. It was | |||
B. C., the southern part of the Balkan peninsula was covered by an earth barrow, with a passage or | |||
occupied by Greek, or Achaean, tribes. The power dromos leading to the chamber of which the | |||
of tribal chieftains must have been replaced by royal entrance was protected by two stone blocks, one of | |||
authority already in the 18th and 17th centuries. them weighing about 120 tons. The walls and cor- | |||
The heyday of the Achaean civilisation came in the belling of the chamber were formed by fine-dressed | |||
15th-13th centuries B. C. Originally, it was centred stone. | |||
round Argolis, later expanding to the whole ofPelo- Palace estates formed the basis of the economic | |||
ponnese, central Greece (Attica, Boeotia, Phocis), a structure of Achaean society, their influence affect- | |||
considerable part of northern Greece (Thessaly) and ing all the aspects of the economy. Palaces had | |||
many islands of the Aegean. numerous workshops for processing agricultural | |||
The earliest monuments of this civilisation were products, spinning, sewing, and also foundries and | |||
the so-called shaft graves discovered in the 19th cen- smithies producing tools and weapons. Besides, | |||
tury by Heinrich Schliemann during excavations at palaces controlled the crafts throughout the terri- | |||
Mycenae. Here the first kings of the city and their tories under their rule. Metalworking was particu- | |||
relatives were buried. The tombs contained great larly strictly controlled. Blacksmiths who lived out- | |||
riches and numerous weapons. side the palace (apparently personally free members | |||
Just as on Crete, palaces played a great role in the of the local communities) received precisely weighed | |||
life of Achaean society. The most significant of these bronze from the palace and handed over their prod- | |||
have been discovered at Mycenae, Tiryns, Pylos, ucts back to the palace. Exact accounts were kept of | |||
Athens, Thebes, Orchomenus, and Iolcos. The most all metal-both in the possession of the palace and of | |||
important trait that distinguished them from Cretan separate individuals. Local communities were also | |||
palaces was the existence of fortifications - they were obliged to place a definite number of craftsmen at | |||
all mighty citadels. The Tiryns citadel offers probab- the palace’s disposal. | |||
ly the most striking illustration, with its walls built of As the Pylos archives show, the palace was the | |||
huge limestone blocks weighing up to 12 tons. The principal owner of land. All lands were divided into | |||
walls were more than 4.5 metres thick and 7.5 two categories-privately owned and communal | |||
metres high in the surviving part. ones. The communal lands were not, however, culti- | |||
Like Cretan palaces, Achaean ones were built on vated collectively but usually leased in small lots, | |||
an identical ground plan. The distinctive feature of Both members of the local community and indi- | |||
Achaean palaces-was their symmetric design. The viduals unconnected with it (e. g., members of the | |||
central part of the palace was a rectangular state apparatus) could be lease-holders. The state | |||
megaron, with a hearth in the middle and four col- (the palace) imposed taxes both on private and com- | |||
umns round it. Archaeologists have studied the Pylos munal lands. Achaean society had a well-developed | |||
palace more thoroughly than the others. It had two bureaucratic machine. Sources speak of a fiscal | |||
storeys and consisted of several dozen rooms-cere- n apparatus consisting of central government and | |||
monial and sacral ones, the private chambers of the -| local officials responsible for collecting taxes (mostly | |||
king, the queen and members of their household; _ in the form of metal-gold and bronze, but also in | |||
vast storerooms for keeping grain, wine, olive oil, ^ the form of various agricultural products). They also | |||
and various utensils; and numerous closets. An im- §. controlled metalworking in the districts under their | |||
portant part of the palace was an arsenal with great $ supervision. | |||
stores of weapons. There was a smoothly functioning 5 Slaves formed the lowest stratum of Achaean | |||
199 | |||
society. They were relatively few and mostly Achaean states began to tear the coming of some | |||
belonged to the palace. Pylos documents show that terrible events. In many places, new defences were | |||
most of the palace slaves were women. As a rule, built and old ones repaired, large-scale efforts were | |||
they came from outside the Pylos kingdom. A char- made to build on the Isthmus (the bottleneck pas- | |||
acteristic trait of society was the existence of several sage connecting the Peloponnese with central | |||
categories of slaves differing in their position, as well Greece) a mighty wall intended to protect the whole | |||
as the absence of a clearcut boundary between slaves of the peninsula. The Pylos palace archives also | |||
and free men. An important social group consisted of point to some kind of military preparations, | |||
formally free commoners who owned land and The presentiment of catastrophe was fully borne | |||
houses but depended on the palace economically out. As shown by archaeological excavation, the di- | |||
and politically. There was no economic equality saster came at the very end of the 13th century B. C. | |||
among commoners either. The ruling stratum in- Nearly all the palaces and most settlements were | |||
eluded, first and foremost, members of the state’s destroyed. The agony of the Achaean civilisation | |||
bureaucratic mechanism, both local and central. continued for nearly a century. Late in the 12th cen- | |||
The state was headed by a wanax (king), whose func- tury the last of the Achaean palaces at Iolcos was | |||
tions were both political and sacral. The lawagetas or destroyed, and the palaces at Mycenae, Tiryns, and | |||
warlord played an important role. The higher no- Athens, where there had still been signs of life, were | |||
bility included priests of the principal temples and finally abandoned. The total number of settlements | |||
military leaders, above all commanders of charioteer in Greece also sharply fell at that time. For example, | |||
units which were the basis of the armed forces. 44 settlements were recorded at Argolis by archae- | |||
Little is so far known of the political history of ologists before the disaster, but only seven remained | |||
Achaean Greece. Some scholars believe that a uni- in the 11th century; the corresponding figures for | |||
fied Achaean empire under Mycenaean hegemony Messenia are 41 and 6; for Boeotia, 28 and 2; for | |||
existed, but it is more correct to assume that each Laconica, 30 and 1. No more monumental buildings | |||
palace was the centre of an independent state, which were erected, and the art of fresco painting therefore | |||
was often in military conflict with others. That did completely disappeared. A number of artistic crafts | |||
not, however, exclude the possibility of alliances of were lost, first of all those which satisfied the | |||
several Achaean states for joint enterprises. The Tro- demands of the higher strata of society-jewelry-mak- | |||
jan War described in the Iliad and the Odyssey was ing, ivory carving, glyptic. Links with the outer | |||
presumably one such campaign. It is not impossible world were almost completely severed, and ties | |||
that the war was only an episode in a powerful co- between the various parts of Greece waned. Writing | |||
Ionisation movement which began in the second half fell into disuse. | |||
of the 2nd millennium B. C. Achaean settlements Thus perished the Achaean states in Greece. The | |||
appeared on the western and southern coasts of Asia nuclei of these states, the palaces, were the first to be | |||
Minor; Rhodes and Cyprus were also actively col- destroyed. The population was also partly annihi- | |||
onised. The colonisation movement must also have lated, partly settled in areas least suitable for habi- | |||
been connected with the development of navigation tation, and partly emigrated. But society’s regress | |||
and sea trade. Achaean trading stations have been was not so much quantitative as qualitative: | |||
discovered in Sicily and southern Italy; an Achaean Greece’s population reverted to the primitive corn- | |||
settlement has been excavated at Ugarit. The ^ munal structure. | |||
Achaeans’ naval activities were just as vigorous, a That fatal hundred years in the history of Greece | |||
They were involved in the powerful onslaught on the S has long attracted the attention of scholars, who | |||
Near Eastern countries that is usually termed the g keep looking for the causes of these events. Accord- | |||
movement of the Peoples of the Sea. Z ing to the traditional explanation, the Achaean civi- | |||
i lisation was destroyed by the invasion of the Dor¬ | |||
as ians - related primitive Greek tribes that had lived in | |||
The Dorian Conquest and Its Consequences. “The Dark f the north of the Balkan peninsula. That theory has | |||
Age”. There are numerous indications that in the s recently been the subject of criticism. New solutions | |||
13th century B.C., the powerful and flourishing I and modified variants of the traditional explanation | |||
200 | |||
of the problem have been suggested. These can be | |||
reduced to two principal explanations: an internal | |||
social conflict in Achaean society and natural disas¬ | |||
ters. The former explanation is most popular, but it | |||
does not take into account the appearance of Dor¬ | |||
ians previously unknown in Greece. To circumvent | |||
that difficulty, it is suggested to view Dorians as the | |||
indigenous population of Greece constituting the | |||
bulk of the exploited masses, while the Achaeans are | |||
regarded as the rulers. This is believed to be the rea¬ | |||
son why the Doric dialect was not recorded in the | |||
written sources of the 2nd millennium B. C. The | |||
Dorians are then said to have overthrown the | |||
Achaeans and appeared in the foreground of history. | |||
These explanations, however, are obviously artificial | |||
and unsupported by the facts. At the present le¬ | |||
vel of historical knowledge, a modified traditional | |||
explanation seems to be the most acceptable one. It | |||
may be assumed that late in the 13th century Greece | |||
was invaded by northern tribes not only the Dor¬ | |||
ians but also tribes of a different ethnic nature. That | |||
incursion ended in the destruction of the principal | |||
centres of the Achaean civilisation. There was no | |||
mass migration, however, and only later did the | |||
Dorians come in relatively small groups to the devas¬ | |||
tated and depopulated land and settled most of it. | |||
The old Achaean population survived in some | |||
regions only, of which Attica was the most important | |||
one. The Achaean population ousted from Greece | |||
spread eastwards, occupying some of the Aegean | |||
islands, the western coast of Asia Minor and even | |||
Cyprus. | |||
The period between the 11th and 9th centuries | |||
B. C. is the least studied in the history of Greece. | |||
It is often referred to as “The Dark Age”. The prin¬ | |||
cipal sources of its study are archaeological materials | |||
and the epic poems Iliad and Odyssey. As we have | |||
pointed out above, the use of the poems as a histori¬ | |||
cal source involves considerable difficulties. As any | |||
epics, they comprise different strata traceable to dif¬ | |||
ferent historical periods. The poems describe the | |||
Achaeans’ Trojan campaign, the siege and taking of | |||
the city, and the vicissitudes of Odysseus, one of the | |||
heroes of the Trojan War, on his way back home. In | |||
their content, the poems should reflect the life of | |||
Achaean society at the very end of its efflorescence. | |||
But Homer himself apparently lived in the 8th cen¬ | |||
tury B. C., and must have had only a vague idea of | |||
many objects, and of the everyday life and relations | |||
of the past times. On the other hand, he often per¬ | |||
ceived the events of the past in the light of the rela¬ | |||
tions of his own time. Finally, some general features | |||
of epics must also be taken into account, such as the | |||
use of hyperbole, of stereotype epithets and other | |||
cliches in the description of characters and their eve¬ | |||
ryday life, as well as the intentionally archaic style. | |||
In the period described here, farming remained | |||
the principal occupation of the population of | |||
Greece. Most of the cultivated land was apparently | |||
taken up by cereals. Horticulture, and wine-making | |||
continued to play a great role, and olives were | |||
grown on a large scale. Breeding of livestock (cattle, | |||
goats, sheep, pigs) also developed. Judging from | |||
Homer’s poems, cattle were used as a “universal | |||
equivalent”. Thus, according to the Iliad , a large tri¬ | |||
pod was valued at 12 oxen, and a skilful slave | |||
woman, at four. | |||
Important changes took place at that time in the | |||
handicrafts, particularly in metallurgy and metal¬ | |||
working. The changes involved both techniques and | |||
organisation of production. It was in that period | |||
that iron began to be widely used. This fact had far- | |||
reaching consequences, revolutionising all spheres of | |||
life. The use of iron in the production of tools sharply | |||
increased labour productivity. As a result, it became | |||
possible for a single patriarchal family to cultivate | |||
an allotment of land without resorting to coop¬ | |||
eration with other families. The premises thus arose | |||
for the economic independence of the family as the | |||
basic production unit. Besides, the mining and cast¬ | |||
ing of iron were simpler than those of bronze. With | |||
the appearance of iron, there was no more need for | |||
expensive expeditions to far-off lands in search of | |||
metal; its centralised production, storage and distri¬ | |||
bution were no longer justified. The need for a cen¬ | |||
tralised bureaucratic mechanism characteristic of | |||
Achaean states also disappeared. | |||
Compared to the Achaean epoch, the external | |||
links of the Greek world noticeably declined, and | |||
only towards the end of the period considered here | |||
were they somewhat extended. The sea seemed to | |||
the Greeks of those times to be a dangerous and alien | |||
force. The poets recounted the adventures of the | |||
half-pirates and half-traders that sailed the Mediter¬ | |||
ranean. Trading mostly took the form of barter. | |||
The principal producers in ancient Greece were | |||
free farmers. The situation was somewhat different | |||
in the regions (typically illustrated by Sparta) where | |||
the Dorian conquerors subjugated the local Achaean | |||
population. Thus the Dorians occupied the fertile | |||
valley of the Eurotas, subjugating the local popula¬ | |||
tion, but the degree of its exploitation was not great. | |||
Polis as a special type of community was the basic | |||
form of societal organisation in Greece. Heads of | |||
patriarchal families constituting the polis were its | |||
citizens. Each family was an economically indepen¬ | |||
dent unit, which determined their political equality. | |||
Although the nascent aristocracy endeavoured to | |||
gain control of the community, the attainment of | |||
that goal was rather remote at the time. The polis | |||
community performed two most important func¬ | |||
tions-the defence of the land and of the population | |||
from the neighbours and regulation of the relations | |||
within the community. Only such poleis as Sparta, | |||
where there was subjugated population, developed | |||
some features of a primitive state structure then. | |||
Towards the end of “the Dark Age” Greece was | |||
thus a world of hundreds of small and even tiny polis | |||
communities uniting peasants cultivating their | |||
lands. It was a primitive world, of which the basic | |||
economic unit was a patriarchal family, economi¬ | |||
cally self-contained and practically independent of | |||
the social environment, a world marked by a simple | |||
mode of life and absence of external links, a world | |||
where the upper section of society had not yet sepa¬ | |||
rated from the bulk of the population, and exploi¬ | |||
tation of man by man was only beginning. But the | |||
Greeks had already mastered the technique of iron | |||
production, which sharply increased labour produc¬ | |||
tivity. Given the primitive forms of social organisa¬ | |||
tion, there were no forces yet which could compel | |||
the masses of producers to part with their surplus | |||
product-it remained within the basic economic unit | |||
and could be used for further expansion. But it was | |||
here that the enormous economic potential of the | |||
Greek world lay. It manifested itself in the next his¬ | |||
torical epoch, resulting in a rapid flourishing of | |||
Greek society. | |||
Chapter 12 | |||
Archaic Greece | |||
8th to 6th centuries B. C. are usually referred to as | |||
the archaic period in the history of Greece. Accord¬ | |||
ing to some researchers, it was at that period that | |||
classical society developed most intensely. Indeed, | |||
during these three centuries many important dis¬ | |||
coveries were made which determined the technical | |||
basis of classical society. The socioeconomic and | |||
political phenomena developed at that time which | |||
determined the specificity of classical society in rela¬ | |||
tion to other slave-owning societies: classical slave¬ | |||
owning; a system of money circulation and markets; | |||
civil community (polis) as the basic form of political | |||
organisation; the concept of the sovereignty of the | |||
people; and a democratic system of government. In | |||
that period, the principal ethical norms, moral prin¬ | |||
ciples and esthetic ideals were worked out which in¬ | |||
fluenced the Graeco-Roman world throughout its | |||
history - until the victory of Christianity. Finally, | |||
the basic phenomena of classical culture-philoso¬ | |||
phy, science, the principal genres of literature, | |||
theatre, architectural orders, and sport-all arose at | |||
that time. | |||
The dynamic character of society in the archaic | |||
period is clear from the following facts. C. 800 B. C., | |||
the Greeks lived on a very limited territory of the | |||
southern Balkan peninsula, Aegean islands and the | |||
western coast of Asia Minor, while c. 500 B. C. their | |||
settlements spread along all the coasts of the Medi¬ | |||
terranean, from Spain to the Levant and from Africa | |||
to the Crimea. C. 800 B. C., Greece was in fact a | |||
rural world, a world of self-contained small com¬ | |||
munities, whereas in 500 B. C. Greece was already a | |||
mass of small towns with local markets; coins were | |||
already powerfully affecting the economy, trading | |||
links embraced the whole of the Mediterranean, and | |||
not only luxury goods but also commodities of every¬ | |||
day consumption became objects of exchange. | |||
C. 800, Greece had a primitive social structure | |||
absolutely dominated by peasants, while the aristo¬ | |||
cracy differed but little from the peasants, and the | |||
numbers of slaves were insignificant, whereas by 500 | |||
B. C. the Greek world had already lived through an | |||
epoch of great social cataclysms, the slave of the clas¬ | |||
sical type had become one of the principal elements | |||
of the social structure, different social and profes¬ | |||
sional groups existed side by side with peasantry, | |||
and various forms of political organisation- | |||
monarchy, tyranny, oligarchy, and aristocratic and | |||
democratic republics-existed. In 800 B. C., Greece | |||
had practically no temples, theatres or stadiums, | |||
while Greece of the year 500 B. C. was a country of | |||
countless beautiful public buildings of which the | |||
ruins still delight us; lyrical poetry, tragedy, come¬ | |||
dy, and natural philosophy all developed in that | |||
period. | |||
These comparisons could be extended, but it | |||
should be clear already that the period of three | |||
hundred years indeed witnessed an extraordinary | |||
historical leap. This rapid advance had of course | |||
been prepared by the previous development. An | |||
exceptional role was played by the spreading of iron | |||
tools. Iron axes made forest clearance a much easier | |||
task; farmers now used iron ploughshares, picks, | |||
hoes, shovels, sickles, and spades, which improved | |||
the quality of land cultivation and increased the | |||
yields; iron garden shears were also used in olive¬ | |||
growing and viticulture. Iron tools now made it pos¬ | |||
sible to cultivate stiff soils and dig canals for draining | |||
| | |||
u. | |||
a* | |||
a | |||
8 - | |||
C5 | |||
8 | |||
5 | |||
203 | |||
marshlands. Iron tools were also widely used in the include birth in an aristocratic family, possession of | |||
handicrafts, increasing labour productivity. Im- land property (several times greater than the land | |||
provement of melting furnaces brought about the in- allotment of an ordinary commoner), and finally a | |||
vention of soldering and cored casting. Iron tools mode of life conforming to the norms of aristocratic | |||
also made it possible to build roads in the moun- behaviour. The aristocrats’ domination of the sphere | |||
tains, bridges, aqueducts, and large ships. The deve- of public life, especially of the administration of jus- | |||
lopment of iron implements facilitated the dressing tice, was the bridgehead from which they began | |||
of hard stone, which was now used in the construe- their offensive against peasants. This point is strik- | |||
tion of city defences and temples. ingly illustrated in Hesiod’s remarkable epic poem | |||
Progress in production had numerous conse- Works and Days written late in the 8th and early in | |||
quences for the development of society. The growth the 7th century B. C. The aristocracy used its posi- | |||
of labour productivity in agriculture and the crafts tion of the carrier and guardian of common law in its | |||
resulted in increased surplus product. Increasing selfish interests rather than for the benefit of society | |||
numbers of people could now be spared from farm- as a whole. The aristocracy’s privileged position was | |||
ing, which led to a rapid growth of the crafts. Sepa- also determined by its military role. At the begin- | |||
ration of farming from the handicrafts necessitated a ning of the archaic epoch the aristocracy constituted | |||
regular exchange between them. The emergence of society’s main armed force. Only nobly born war- | |||
markets entailed the appearance of a universal riors had heavy armour and fine weapons, so that | |||
equivalent-minted coin, which rapidly spread battles were in effect a series of single combats | |||
throughout Greece. Money, the new type of wealth, between aristocratic warriors. Ordinary citizens | |||
became a rival of the old one-land property, under- made up a mass of soldiers armed with light weap- | |||
mining the traditional relations. ons, who played only an insignificant role in the | |||
That was the principal trend in the development hostilities, | |||
of ancient Greek society. It led to a rapid disinte- Relying on their land property, dominance in the | |||
gration of primitive communal relations and the social and ideological life and in military affairs, the | |||
development of new forms of socioeconomic and nobles endeavoured to establish control over the | |||
political organisation of society. That process rank-and-file members of society and turn them into | |||
assumed various forms in different parts of Hellas, an exploited mass. Beginning with the 9th century | |||
but there was also one common feature in them all- B. C., the links between Greece and the surrounding | |||
the development of social conflicts. A more or less world were gradually restored. Of special signifi- | |||
homogeneous society in which tribal aristocracy dif- cance were its ties with the East. Fine specimens of | |||
fered but little from the peasant commoners evolved Oriental craftsmanship came to Greece as luxury | |||
into a heterogeneous society consisting of different goods. Possession of them was regarded as pres- | |||
social strata with conflicting interests. tigious and soon became a symbol of the aris- | |||
The principal conflict of the epoch was between tocratic mode of life. The changing style of living | |||
the evolving aristocracy and the main bulk of the naturally demanded greater means. In its search for | |||
rank-and-file population, in the first place the peas- these means the aristocracy turned to international | |||
ant commoners. The conflict was complicated by the trade which was at that time combined with piracy, | |||
involvement in it of other strata brought into being But the main source of income, as the nobles saw it, | |||
by society’s economic progress, i. e., the de- ^ were the peasants, who had to be coerced into giving | |||
velopment of crafts and trade. ^ up part of their surplus product. | |||
Greek aristocracy is usually believed to have 5 Modern researchers believe that the aristocratic | |||
emerged in the 8th century B. C. The aristocracy of ^ offensive against the rank-and-file citizens began in | |||
that time comprised a limited group of persons with n the 8th century B. C., reaching its peak in the 7th | |||
a specific mode of life and system of values obliga- | century. Although we know little of the details of | |||
tory for its members. Importantly, not only the aris- * that process, its main results can be seen from the | |||
tocrats themselves but other sections of society 1 example of Athens. The increased influence of the | |||
regarded them as the best part of it. The conditions = aristocracy was expressed here in the establishment | |||
of membership in the aristocracy were believed to | of a clear-cut estate structure. Athenian society was | |||
204 | |||
divided into three strata: the eupatridai, or highly | |||
born aristocrats, the zeugitai , or the mass of common | |||
citizens, and finally peasants dependent on aristo¬ | |||
crats, whose position was sometimes compared with | |||
that of slaves. The dominant position of the aristoc¬ | |||
racy relied in particular on its monopoly of public | |||
magistracies; aristocrats were in fact the only mem¬ | |||
bers of the community permitted to manage their | |||
affairs. Further development of that process resulted | |||
in a gradual reduction of the stratum offree peasants | |||
and an increase in the numbers of dependent ones. | |||
In describing the state of Athenian society on the eve | |||
of the reforms, i. e., at the time when the aristocracy | |||
achieved its greatest successes, Aristotle wrote that | |||
the people were in the position of slaves, and the | |||
children and wives of the poor men were also en¬ | |||
slaved, not only the men themselves. They were | |||
called pelates or “sixth-sharers”, for it was on these | |||
terms that they tilled the lands of the rich. All land | |||
was in the hands of the few. If the poor could not pay | |||
the rental, they and their children could be en¬ | |||
slaved. A similar situation existed in many Greek | |||
poleis. This naturally created a great inner tension | |||
and gave rise to constant social conflicts. | |||
The “Great Greek Colonisation”, a highly im¬ | |||
portant historical event, was also closely con¬ | |||
nected with this situation. Beginning with the | |||
mid-8th century B. C., the Greeks were compelled to | |||
leave their native land and migrate to other coun¬ | |||
tries. During three centuries, they founded a great | |||
number of colonies on the coasts of the Mediter¬ | |||
ranean. Colonisation proceeded in three principal | |||
directions-western (Sicily, southern Italy, southern | |||
France and even the eastern coast of Spain), north¬ | |||
ern (the Thracian coast of the Aegean, the region of | |||
the* straits connecting the Mediterranean and the | |||
Black Sea, and the Black Sea coast), and south-eas¬ | |||
tern (the north African coast and the Levant). | |||
The causes and nature of colonisation have been | |||
a subject of controversy for decades. Modern re¬ | |||
searchers believe that the main cause of the coloni¬ | |||
sation was lack of land. Greece suffered both | |||
from absolute agrarian overpopulation (population | |||
growth due to a general economic rise) and from | |||
relative one (insufficiency of land in the hands of the | |||
poorest peasants due to concentration of land prop¬ | |||
erty in the nobles’ hands). Political struggle was also | |||
one of the causes of colonisation (those defeated in a | |||
civil war were often compelled to leave their native | |||
land and migrate overseas). But political struggle | |||
was mostly an expression of the principal social con¬ | |||
flict of the epoch, i. e., the fight over land. Trading is | |||
also mentioned as a possible cause: it was important | |||
to establish control over the trading routes leading to | |||
the sources of raw materials, of metal in the first | |||
place. | |||
The cities of Chalcis and Eretria on the island of | |||
Euboea were among the pioneers of Greek colonisa¬ | |||
tion. In the 8th century B. C. these important | |||
centres of metallurgy were apparently Greece’s most | |||
advanced cities. Later Corinth, Megara, and the | |||
cities of Asia Minor, especially Miletus, actively | |||
joined in the colonisation. | |||
The economic basis of the new cities was deter¬ | |||
mined by a number of factors-the natural condi¬ | |||
tions on the site of the colony, the nature of the | |||
neighbouring local communities, the nature of the | |||
economy of the parent city, etc. Some of them | |||
became major agricultural centres; in a number of | |||
cases they subjugated the local population and | |||
exploited it much like the helots of Sparta. That was | |||
the situation, e. g., in Syracuse, the major Greek city | |||
in Sicily, and some cities in southern Italy. The col¬ | |||
onies of Phocis, including the largest of them, Massa- | |||
lia (modern Marseilles), were mostly trading and | |||
handicraft centres. Most Greek colonies were inde¬ | |||
pendent of their homelands, although they kept up | |||
close contacts with them. In less frequent cases the | |||
parent state was able to exercise control over its col¬ | |||
onies. Such was the policy of Corinth, for instance. | |||
Finally, in very rare cases a colony would be | |||
founded as a typical trading station on the territory | |||
of a foreign state; a typical example was Naucra- | |||
tis-a Greek city planted in Egypt with the phar¬ | |||
aoh’s permission. The Greek trading station at A1 | |||
Mina in northern Syria was merely a separate block | |||
in that city. | |||
Colonisation made a great impact on the develop¬ | |||
ment of ancient Greek society, particularly of its | |||
economy. Although most colonies endeavoured to | |||
build self-sufficient economies, the establishment of | |||
P contacts with the local population and the impossi- | |||
? bility of organising all the handicrafts in the colonies | |||
►S resulted in the establishment of very close economic | |||
ties with the old centres of the Balkan peninsula and | |||
|) Asia Minor. These exported on a large scale the | |||
products of Greek handicrafts, especially artistic | |||
s ones, and some types of agricultural produce (the | |||
205 | |||
best wines, olive oil, etc.) to the colonies and the | |||
local peoples, receiving in return grain and other | |||
foodstuffs, as well as raw materials (timber, metals, | |||
etc.). This stimulated the development of Greek | |||
handicrafts, and Greek agriculture began to work | |||
mostly for the market. Thus colonisation on the one | |||
hand dampened the social conflicts in Greece, taking | |||
masses of landless peasants out of the country, and | |||
on the other hand facilitated a profound restructur¬ | |||
ing of the economic and social system of Greek | |||
society. | |||
As has already been pointed out, the pressure of | |||
the aristocracy reached its peak in the 7th century | |||
B. C., but it was also a time of increased resistance to | |||
that pressure. The acute social struggle of that pe¬ | |||
riod is vividly reflected in the verses of Theognis, an | |||
aristocratic poet banished from his native city, full of | |||
hatred for his people: | |||
He who has never yet known either justice or law, | |||
Never worn aught but a shabby goatskin on his back | |||
Grazing outside city walls in the woods like wild deer | |||
Has been ennobled, and men who were nobly born | |||
Have become lowly. | |||
The peasants, who were the main object of aris¬ | |||
tocratic exploitation, now had strong allies. The | |||
literary monuments of the 7th and 6th centuries | |||
B. C. touch on a very curious phenomenon in their | |||
descriptions of severe social conflicts: the aristocrats’ | |||
greatest hatred was not for the peasants but for the | |||
people they called kakoi (“the bad ones”). An anal¬ | |||
ysis of the sources shows that a very specific social | |||
stratum evolved at that time-men who attained | |||
considerable wealth (mosdy through the crafts or | |||
trade) enabling them to live like aristocrats without | |||
the latter’s hereditary privileges. | |||
Money enjoys universal respect. All the orders | |||
Have been confused by wealth, | |||
bitterly wrote Theognis. The kakoi aspired to partici- | |||
pation in the management of society’s affairs, but I | |||
under the existing social structure all power 5; | |||
belonged to the nobles. The kakoi were therefore the ^ | |||
peasants’ ready allies in the struggle against the | |||
aristocracy. s | |||
The first successes in this struggle were mostly g, | |||
achieved with the establishment of written laws, 1 | |||
which limited the abuses of the aristocracy. In the ? | |||
mid-7th century B. C., the laws of Zaleukos from | | |||
Locron (south Italy; were adopted; in 624 the laws of | |||
Drako of Athens; also in 624, the laws of Charondas | |||
in Katane (Sicily), etc. | |||
Several circumstances aided the fighters against | |||
aristocratic domination. C. 675-650 technical | |||
advances brought about a revolution in military | |||
affairs. Heavy armour became accessible to the com¬ | |||
mon citizens, and the aristocracy lost its superiority | |||
in the military sphere. Moreover, the type of battle | |||
order that best accorded with this type of weapons- | |||
the phalanx or compact formation of several ranks of | |||
heavily armed hoplites- demanded the greatest pos¬ | |||
sible number of warriors. The phalanx’s chances of | |||
success increased with its depth and length of line. | |||
War became a mass affair, the battle order making | |||
the nobleman and the peasant equals. The signifi¬ | |||
cance of this development was so great that some | |||
researchers even speak of the “hoplites’ revolution”. | |||
Because of the scarcity of the country’s natural | |||
resources, the Greek aristocracy could never equal | |||
the aristocracy of the East in material wealth. | |||
Owing to the specific features of historical develop¬ | |||
ment, Iron Age Greece had no economic institutions | |||
(like the temple estates of the East) on which the | |||
aristocrats might rely in their exploitation of peas¬ | |||
ants. Basically, i. e., in the mode of their economic | |||
activities, aristocratic estates did not differ from | |||
those of the peasants. Even peasant households | |||
dependent on the nobles were economically self-suf¬ | |||
ficient. All of this largely predetermined the instabil¬ | |||
ity of aristocratic domination of society. Finally, the | |||
nobles’ ethics was also a force which undermined | |||
their positions. That ethics was essentially “agonis¬ | |||
tic” (competitive): in accordance with the ethical | |||
norms of that social stratum, each nobleman | |||
endeavoured to be first in everything-on the battle¬ | |||
field, in sports, and in politics. These ethical princi¬ | |||
ples had evolved in the previous period, when the | |||
forms of societal organisation had been rather loose | |||
and the noble’s whole life had focused on his estate | |||
(oikos ), which had to be constantly defended by force | |||
of arms. These were the formative factors in the evo¬ | |||
lution of the aristocrats’ ethics with its primary con¬ | |||
cern with their own interests, complete neglect for | |||
the interests of the society of which they were | |||
members, and constant readiness for rivalry and | |||
open struggle. The Greek aristocracy brought that | |||
system of values to the new historical period when a | |||
cohesion of all its forces was necessary to ensure its | |||
206 | |||
dominant position, but that was not a goal it was Tyranny was not of course a necessary stage in the | |||
capable of attaining. evolution of all the polises. It was most typical of | |||
In most Greek cities, the growing acuteness of the those cities which became major handicrafts and | |||
social conflicts in the 7th and 6th centuries B. C. trade centres already in the archaic epoch. - The for- | |||
resulted in the establishment of tyrannies, i. e., sys- mation of this type of classical polis in Athens has | |||
terns in which power was vested in a single ruler. been studied better (owing to the fairly abundant | |||
The concept of tyranny did not at that time have the sources) than in other cities. As has been mentioned | |||
negative colouring it has in modern society. Tyran- above, at the beginning of the archaic epoch politi- | |||
nic regimes existed in Miletus, Ephesus, on Samos, cal power in Athens belonged entirely to the eupatri- | |||
in Sicyon, Corinth, Megara, later in Athens and dai, the nobles who gradually reduced the ordinary | |||
some other cities. Tyrants were as a rule active in citizens to serfdom. As early as the 7th century B. C., | |||
foreign policy, they built powerful armed forces, and social conflicts flared up here. In the 630s, Cylon, a | |||
took great pains to improve and embellish their member of a family of the eupatridai, made an | |||
cities. Polycrates, tyrant of Samos, united the whole attempt to establish a tyranny that ended in his | |||
of the island in one state, built a powerful navy, death. Soon after, the laws were recorded. Decisive | |||
erected city walls, and built a fine harbour and a changes, linked with the name of Solon, occurred | |||
water-line into the city. He was active on the early in the 6th century B. C. After winning popular- | |||
Aegean, endeavouring to establish his control over ity as the leader of a campaign against the island of | |||
the major sea routes. The tyrannical dynasty of the Salamis, Solon was able to carry out a series of | |||
Cypselidai which ruled Corinth for seventy years reforms. The most important of these was the so- | |||
(7th and 6th centuries B. C.) implemented an active called seisachtheia, or the “shaking off of burdens”, | |||
colonisation policy to ensure control over the trading The stones that marked the plots of indebted peas- | |||
routes leading west. Handicrafts flourished at that ants were pulled down, and the land reverted to | |||
time in Corinth, and Corinthian products spread their original owners. That was a powerful blow | |||
throughout the western Mediterranean. It was here against the aristocrats, who were the principal credi- | |||
that the trireme was invented at that time a fast tors. The peasants, who had been reduced to the | |||
warship with three rows of oars, which for several position of tenants on their own land because of their | |||
centuries became the principal type of warship in debts, were restored to their status of owners by that | |||
the ancient Mediterranean. reform. Simultaneously it was absolutely forbidden | |||
Similar processes were observed in many other to enslave Athenians for their debts. Moreover, mea- | |||
Greek cities in which tyrants ruled. But early tyran- sures were taken to bring the Athenians sold for their | |||
nies were not regimes that could exist for long - they debts abroad back to their homeland. Through | |||
were doomed because of internal contradictions. legislative measures, Solon also endeavoured to stim- | |||
The overthrow of aristocratic domination and the ulate agricultural and industrial production for the | |||
struggle against the aristocracy were impossible market. Political reforms, which ultimately under- | |||
without support from the popular masses and with- mined the political dominion of the nobles, were also | |||
out economic revival of peasant economy. The peas- of great significance. According to the new laws, the | |||
ants, who profited by that policy, supported the ty- extent of political rights was determined by the size | |||
rants. But when the nobles became less of a threat, of property rather than by noble birth. All citizenry | |||
the peasants gradually came to realise that tyranni- was divided into four property classes, and the Ath- | |||
cal regimes were no longer necessary. The rise of the enian military organisation was restructured in | |||
peasant economy entailed certain political conse- accordance with this division. The citizens of the two | |||
quences: in the course of time, tyranny lost the sup- S upper classes served in the cavalry; the third class | |||
port of the masses and was thus doomed. The crisis ^ (the most numerous one, consisting mostly of peas- | |||
in the relations between the tyrant and the bulk of ^ ants) formed units of heavily armed hoplites, and the | |||
the citizenry ended as a rule in the downfall of the _ fourth and lowest category, of lightly armed war- | |||
tyranny, the establishment of a republican form of f riors. A new organ of government was set up-the | |||
government (oligarchic or democratic) and the for- - Council or Boule, and the role of the popular assem- | |||
mation of the classical Greek polis. 3 bly grew. | |||
207 | |||
Despite the radical character of Solon’s reforms, of the traditions of collective ownership of land. By | |||
they did not solve all the problems. Both the nobles, and by the Spartans expanded their military activity | |||
who were deprived of most of their privileges, and and attempted to conquer Messenia (the western | |||
the broad sections of the demos were disaffected by part of Peloponnese). The First Messenian War | |||
the reforms. The demos was discontented because ended in the capture of part of the country; in the | |||
the democratisation of the system was not radical 7th century, they started the Second Messenian War | |||
enough; in particular, only the citizens of the two in order to conquer the whole of that land. It was at | |||
highest property classes had effective political rights, that time, as recent research has shown, that the | |||
that is, the right to fill magisterial posts of any degree latent internal social conflict erupted in Sparta. The | |||
of significance. Spartan crisis resembled in its principal aspects simi- | |||
After Solon’s reforms, acute social struggle in lar conflicts that were occurring at that time in the | |||
Athens resulted in the establishment in 560 B. C. of other parts of Greece; essentially, it was a conflict | |||
Peisistratus’s tyrannical regime. With interruptions, between the aristocracy and the rank-and-file citi- | |||
the tyranny persisted here until 510 B. C. Peisistratus, zenry. During the war, the commoners rose against | |||
who was a eupatrid himself, confiscated the lands of the nobles, and a long struggle between them | |||
his eupatrid political opponents. These lands were resulted in a complete transformation of Spartan | |||
distributed among the peasants. He also introduced society. A system was built in Sparta that was later | |||
state credits for the peasants and simplified legal called Lycurgan, after the law-maker who estab- | |||
procedures. Peisistratus conducted an active foreign lished it. The tradition simplifies the actual picture, | |||
policy, consolidating the positions of Athens on the of course: the system was not created at a stroke, tak- | |||
sea routes. Trade and the handicrafts flourished in ing considerable time to evolve, but its formation | |||
the city, and many construction projects were was undoubtedly begun during the Second Mes- | |||
started. Athens gradually became one of the major senian War. Having overcome its internal crisis, | |||
economic centres of Hellas. In objective terms, how- Sparta was able to conquer Messenia, emerging as | |||
ever, Peisistratus’s policy led to the undermining of the most powerful state of Peloponnese and probably | |||
the tyrannical regime’s stability, as it increased the of all Greece. | |||
importance of the democratic elements which in- The purpose of the new system was to attain abso- | |||
creasingly resented the tyranny. Under Peisistratus’s lute equality among Spartan citizens. All land in | |||
successors that regime fell, and this again increased Laconica and Messenia was divided into equal lots, | |||
the social tensions. Soon after 509 B. C., a series of or kleroi. Each Spartan was given such a kleros, but it | |||
reforms were implemented under Cleisthenes’s lea- did not become his property, and after his death the | |||
dership which finally asserted the democratic sys- land reverted to the state. Other measures were also | |||
tern. The most important of these reforms concerned taken to achieve complete equality among the Spar- | |||
franchise. All citizens regardless of their property tans; these included a rigorous system of education | |||
status were given equal political rights. The system intended to mould the ideal warrior; a strict regula- | |||
of territorial division was changed so that the nobles’ tion of all the aspects of the citizens’ life, which was | |||
influence in the rural areas was destroyed. The his- at all times very much the life of a military camp; a | |||
tory of Athens in the archaic epoch was the history of strict ban on farming, crafts or trade as possible | |||
the evolution of the democratic polis. occupations for Spartans, and on the use of gold and | |||
The development of Sparta went along a different ^ silver (iron bars were used for coin in Sparta); and | |||
path. As has been mentioned, the Dorians captured ~ severe limitations on contacts with the external | |||
Laconica and, subjugating the local population, 5 world. The political system was also reformed, | |||
founded a state at Sparta as early as the 9th century ^ Besides the kings (who performed the functions of | |||
B. C. The state did not evolve here through the military leaders, judges and priests), the council of | |||
society’s internal conflicts but as a result of conquest; | elders or Gerousia, and the popular assembly, a new | |||
having emerged at a very early stage, it retained a= organ was set up-a college of five ephors or “over- | |||
many primitive structural features. One of these was | seers”, the most democratic institution in Sparta at | |||
a dyarchy: there were two royal houses possessing ?; that time. The ephors were elected by the whole | |||
equal rights. Another such feature was the strength £ body of adult citizens; this college was the highest | |||
208 | |||
control organ which saw to it that no one (not even | |||
the kings or the elders) deviated from the principles | |||
of the Spartan system, which was the object of pride | |||
for the Spartans who believed that they achieved | |||
ideal equality. | |||
Historians traditionally view Sparta as a militarist | |||
state (these days, some specialists prefer the term | |||
“police state”), and there is a great deal to recom¬ | |||
mend that view. The basis of the “community of | |||
homoioi" or equals, that is, of the full-fledged Spartan | |||
citizens all having equal rights and doing no produc¬ | |||
tive work at all, were the helots or the masses of the | |||
subjugated population of Laconica and Messenia. | |||
Scholars have argued for years about the best way to | |||
define the position of that stratum of the population. | |||
According to the most widely accepted definition, | |||
the helots were state slaves. They had plots of land, | |||
labour implements, and a measure of economic in¬ | |||
dependence. But they had to hand over a certain | |||
share of their crops to the masters, the Spartans, thus | |||
providing their means of subsistence. According to | |||
modern calculations, that share equalled one-sixth | |||
or one-seventh of the harvest. The helots had no | |||
political rights at all. They belonged to the Spartan | |||
state (though not to any individual Spartan), which | |||
had absolute power over their life and limb, not only | |||
their property. Any sign of protest on the helots’ part | |||
was ruthlessly suppressed. | |||
There was yet another social group in Sparta | |||
called perioikoior “dwellers around”. They were the | |||
descendants of the Dorians and formed no part of | |||
the Spartan citizenry. They lived in communities of | |||
their own, and had their own internal self-govern¬ | |||
ment (under the supervision of Spartan officials); | |||
their occupations were farming, the crafts and trade. | |||
They were obliged to contribute military con¬ | |||
tingents to the Spartan army. Sparta was represen¬ | |||
tative of one of the modes of the development of | |||
ancient Greek society; similar social conditions and | |||
political structure are found in a number of other | |||
Greek societies-in Crete, Argos, Thessaly, etc. | |||
The Greek Culture of the Archaic Epoch. Greek culture, | |||
like all the other aspects of life in Greece, went | |||
through a series of turbulent changes in the archaic 5 | |||
epoch. First of all, the ethnic self-consciousness r- | |||
evolved in that period, the Greeks coming to realise § | |||
themselves as a single people different from the | |||
others whom they began to call “barbarians”. There | |||
was no sign yet of a superior attitude in this opposi¬ | |||
tion of the Hellenes to the barbarians, but a basis for | |||
such an attitude already existed. The ethnic self- | |||
consciousness manifested itself in certain social insti¬ | |||
tutions. According to the Greek tradition, the first | |||
Olympic games, open only to the Greeks, were held | |||
in 776 B' C. | |||
During the archaic period, the principal features | |||
of ancient Greek society’s ethics took shape, includ¬ | |||
ing the combination of the nascent collectivist atti¬ | |||
tude and the agonistic (competitive) principle. The | |||
gradual moulding of the polis as a special type of | |||
community destined to replace the loose unions of | |||
the “heroic” epoch also called forth to life a new | |||
polis-oriented morality, essentially collectivist in | |||
nature, since the existence of the individual outside | |||
the polis was impossible. The military organisation | |||
of the polis (the phalanx battle order) also contrib¬ | |||
uted to the development of that morality. The | |||
citizen’s highest virtue was selfless defence of his | |||
native polis. But the new morality preserved certain | |||
principles of the ethics of the Homeric times with its | |||
basic element of competitiveness. Political reforms in | |||
the poleis were such that this morality lived on, as | |||
the reforms did not deprive the aristocracy of its | |||
rights but rather raised the common citizenry to the | |||
level of aristocracy as far as the extent of their politi¬ | |||
cal rights was concerned. Because of this, the tradi¬ | |||
tional ethics of the nobles spread in the masses, | |||
although in a somewhat changed form : the desire to | |||
serve the native polis best was the guiding principle | |||
now. | |||
Religion was also going through a transformation. | |||
The unity of the Greek world that was emerging at | |||
that time despite all the local differences resulted in | |||
the appearance of a pantheon of gods common to all | |||
the Greeks. Greater order in the internal structure of | |||
society was reflected in greater order in the pan¬ | |||
theon, where the functions of the gods were more | |||
strictly delimited. The idea of an omnipotent deity | |||
was alien to the Greek religious consciousness, parti¬ | |||
cularly at that period of its development: an imper¬ | |||
sonal force, Fate or Ananke, towered above the world | |||
of the Olympian gods. A unified Greek religion had | |||
not yet arisen owing to political fragmentation and | |||
the absence of priesthood, but a great many ex¬ | |||
tremely similar, though not identical, religious sys- | |||
209 | |||
14—344 | |||
terns already existed. As the polis worldview deve¬ | |||
loped, the conception of special ties between a | |||
certain deity and a polis of which it was a patron or | |||
patroness took shape. Thus the goddess Athena was | |||
closely linked with Athens; Hera, with Samos and | |||
Argos; Apollo and Artemis, with Delos; Apollo, | |||
with Delphi; Zeus, with Olympia, etc. | |||
Characteristic of the Greek worldview at that time | |||
was not only polytheism but also the notion of uni¬ | |||
versal animatedness of nature. Each natural pheno¬ | |||
menon, each river, spring, mountain or coppice had | |||
a divinity of their own. In the Greek’s view, there | |||
was no insurmountable boundary between the world | |||
of men and that of gods; these two worlds were con¬ | |||
nected through the mediation of heroes. Such heroes | |||
as Heracles were included among the gods for their | |||
labours. Greek gods were anthropomorphous them¬ | |||
selves, they had human passions and could suffer like | |||
men. | |||
The archaic epoch marked the beginning of the | |||
formation of Greek architecture. The primacy of | |||
social and, above all, sacral architecture is abso¬ | |||
lutely indubitable. The dwelling houses of that time | |||
were primitive; the society’s main resources were | |||
spent entirely on monumental edifices, and in the | |||
first place on temples. The temples of the com¬ | |||
munity’s patrons took absolute priority. The devel¬ | |||
oping feeling of the unity of a civic community | |||
expressed itself in the construction of such temples | |||
believed to be the dwellings of the gods. Early tem¬ | |||
ples repeated the ground plan of the megaron of the | |||
2nd millennium B. C. The temple of the new type | |||
was born in Sparta, and that was only natural, for | |||
Sparta was in fact the most ancient polis of Hellas. A | |||
characteristic feature of Greek architecture was the | |||
use of orders - a special system of construction which | |||
emphasised the building’s architectonics and lent a | |||
particular expressiveness to the load-carrying and | |||
other elements of the structure, revealing their func¬ | |||
tion. A building in one of the orders usually has a ^ | |||
stepped foundation on which a series of columns are ^ | |||
erected-vertical load-carrying supports for the 5 | |||
entablature reflecting the structure of the beam ceil- 5 | |||
ing and the roof. Originally, temples were built on n | |||
acropolises or fortified hills, which were the ancient | | |||
centres of settlements. Along with the general j | |||
democratisation of society, the location of temples | | |||
later changed, too. They were now also built in the 5 | |||
lower town, mostly in the agora or main square, s | |||
210 | |||
which was the centre of the community’s social and | |||
business life. | |||
The temple as an institution facilitated the devel¬ | |||
opment of various arts. The custom of bringing offer¬ | |||
ings to the temple became established very early. | |||
Part of the booty captured from the enemy, often | |||
their weapons, were brought to the temple; gifts | |||
were offered on the occasion of release from danger, | |||
etc. A considerable share of these gifts were works of | |||
art. Particularly important in this respect were tem¬ | |||
ples popular throughout Greece, of which the tem¬ | |||
ple of Apollo at Delphi was the most famous. The | |||
rivalry between aristocratic clans and later between | |||
poleis contributed to the concentration here of the | |||
best works of art, while the shrine’s territory became | |||
a kind of a museum. | |||
During the archaic epoch, monumental sculpture, | |||
an art previously unknown in Greece, appeared. | |||
The earliest sculptures were effigies crudely carved | |||
out of wood, often with ivory inlays, covered with | |||
sheet bronze. Advances in the techniques of stone | |||
dressing did not affect architecture alone-they also | |||
resulted in the emergence of stone sculpture, while | |||
improvements in metalworking brought about the | |||
emergence of bronze sculpture. In the 7th and 6 th | |||
centuries B. C., two types prevailed in sculpture - the | |||
nude male figure and the draped female. The birth | |||
of the statuary type of a man’s nude figure was con¬ | |||
nected with the principal trends in the development | |||
of society at that time. The statue portrayed a hand¬ | |||
some and valorous citizen, winner at sports who | |||
made his native city famous through his victories. | |||
Statues on tombs and figures of deities also followed | |||
this model. The appearance of reliefs was mostly | |||
connected with the custom of erecting monuments | |||
over graves. Later reliefs developed into complex | |||
compositions of many figures, becoming an obliga¬ | |||
tory element of the temple’s entablature. Statues | |||
and reliefs were usually painted. | |||
Unlike paintings on vases, Greek monumental | |||
painting is but little known. Vase paintings offer a | |||
better chance of tracing the principal trends in the | |||
evolution of art-the development of realistic princi¬ | |||
ples, and the interaction between traditional art and | |||
Oriental influences. In the 7th and early 6 th cen¬ | |||
turies B. C., Corinthian and Rhodian vases with par¬ | |||
ticoloured paintings of the so-called “carpet style” | |||
prevailed. They usually carried vegetable designs | |||
and various animals and fantastic creatures | |||
arranged in rows. In the 6th century B.C., the | |||
“black-figure style” was dominant in vase painting: | |||
figures painted in black lacquer stood out sharply | |||
against the reddish clay background. Most popular | |||
in the black-figure style were mythological themes. | |||
Athens became the most prominent of the cities | |||
where these vases were made. | |||
The greatest achievement of the Greek culture of | |||
the archaic epoch was the development of the alpha¬ | |||
betic system of writing. Transforming the Phoeni¬ | |||
cian syllabic system, the Greeks worked out a simple | |||
and economical method of recording information. | |||
Learning to read and write no longer required long | |||
years of hard work; the system of education was | |||
“democratised”, so that practically all free citizens | |||
of Greece gradually became literate. Knowledge was | |||
thereby secularised too, which, on the one hand, | |||
became one of the causes of the absence of priest¬ | |||
hood as the carrier of society’s bank of knowledge, | |||
and on the other, increased the intellectual potential | |||
of society as a whole. | |||
The archaic epoch witnessed the emergence of | |||
philosophy - an event of extreme importance in the | |||
history of European culture. Philosophy was a fun¬ | |||
damentally new approach to the cognition of the | |||
world, basically different from that which prevailed | |||
in the Near East and in Greece of the earlier times. | |||
The transition from religious-mythological concep¬ | |||
tions of the world to its philosophical interpretation | |||
signified a qualitative leap in mankind’s intellectual | |||
development. The posing of worldview problems, | |||
their formulation, emphasis on the human mind as | |||
the instrument of cognition, and orientation towards | |||
the search for the causes of all that happens in the | |||
world itself rather than outside it — these are the fea¬ | |||
tures that substantively distinguish the philosophical | |||
approach to the world from religious and mythologi¬ | |||
cal views. Two principal views of the emergence of | |||
philosophy are current in present-day literature. | |||
According to one school of thought, the birth of phi¬ | |||
losophy is derivative from the development of | |||
science, quantitative accumulation of positive | |||
knowledge resulting in a qualitative leap. According 5 | |||
to the other explanation, early Greek philosophy dif- f | |||
fered from the chronologically earlier mythological | |||
system of world cognition only in the mode of ^ | |||
expression. Recently, the view has been expressed |" | |||
which appears to be more correct than the other r | |||
two; it postulates the birth of philosophy from the | | |||
211 | |||
social experiences of the citizen in the early polis. | |||
The polis and the relations between the citizens | |||
within the polis-that was the model in terms of | |||
which Greek philosophers conceived the world and | |||
the structure of the universe. This is borne out by the | |||
fact that in its earliest form, that of natural philoso¬ | |||
phy (concerned above all with cognition of the most | |||
general laws of the universe), philosophy emerged in | |||
the poleis of Asia Minor, which were the most | |||
advanced at the time (late 7th and 6th centuries | |||
B. C.). It was here that the first philosophers - | |||
Thales, Anaximander, and Anaximenes were | |||
active. The philosophy that came into being there | |||
was spontaneously materialistic. The search for the | |||
material first elements of all that is was the principal | |||
concern of the first philosophers. The natural philo¬ | |||
sophical theories of the first principles permitted the | |||
construction of a general worldview and an explana¬ | |||
tion of the general picture of the universe without | |||
resorting to the gods. Thales, the founder of Ionic | |||
natural philosophy, believed that water in its perpe¬ | |||
tual motion was the element of nature; its transfor¬ | |||
mations created all things, which in their turn ulti¬ | |||
mately became water. Thales pictured the earth as a | |||
flat disc floating on the surface of primordial water. | |||
Thales was also believed to be the founder of mathe¬ | |||
matics, astronomy and various other sciences. Com¬ | |||
paring records on the successive solar eclipses, ht | |||
predicted the solar eclipse of 597 (or 585) B. C. and | |||
explained it by the fact that the moon stood in the | |||
light of the sun. According to Anaximander, the first | |||
element of all that is was the apeiron, or an indefinite, | |||
eternal and endless substance in perpetual motion. | |||
Anaximander gave the first formulation of the law of | |||
conservation of energy and constructed the first geo¬ | |||
metrical model of the universe. | |||
The materialism and dialectics of the Ionic | |||
natural philosophers were rejected by the Pythagor¬ | |||
eans-the followers of the teaching of Pythagoras | |||
who founded a religious-mystic society in southern | |||
Italy. The Pythagoreans attached paramount im¬ | |||
portance to mathematics, believing that it was not | |||
quality but quantity, not substance but form, that | |||
determined the essence of all that is. Ultimately they | |||
identified things with numbers, depriving them of | |||
their material content. The abstract number raised | |||
to an absolute was seen as the basis of the nonmater¬ | |||
ial essence of the world. | |||
At the beginning of the archaic epoch, the epic | |||
14 * | |||
poems inherited from the previous times were the | |||
dominant genre. Under Peisistratus, Homer’s poems | |||
were recorded in Athens, and that marked the end of | |||
the “epic” period. As a reflection of the experiences | |||
of all society, epics had to give way to other types of | |||
literature under the new conditions. In that epoch of | |||
turbulent social conflicts in which men became con¬ | |||
sciously involved, lyrical genres reflecting the | |||
individual’s emotions and experiences began to | |||
develop. The poetry of Tyrtaeus, who inspired the | |||
Spartans in their struggle for possession of Messenia | |||
and dominance over the helots, was distinguished for | |||
its civic spirit. Tyrtaeus’s elegies praised military | |||
valour and set down the norms of a warrior’s beha¬ | |||
viour; they were sung during military campaigns in | |||
later times, too, and also enjoyed popularity outside | |||
Sparta as hymns in praise of polis patriotism. | |||
The poetry of Theognis, an aristocratic poet who | |||
realised that the supremacy of the aristocrats had | |||
come to an end, and suffered from that realisation, | |||
was imbued with hatred for the lower classes and a | |||
passion for revenge: | |||
Trample the empty-souled commoners hard with your | |||
heel, | |||
Prick them with sharp-pointed sticks, and fetter them | |||
fast to a yoke. | |||
Archilochus, one of the first lyrical poets, spent a | |||
life full of misfortunes and suffering. The son of a | |||
noble and a slave woman, Archilochus was driven | |||
by dire need to leave his native island of Paros for | |||
Thasos in the company of some colonists; he fought | |||
the Thracians, served as a mercenary, visited “beau¬ | |||
tiful and happy” Italy, but nowhere did he find | |||
happiness. | |||
My barley bread is kneaded in my spear | |||
And in my spear flows my Ismarian wine | |||
Leaning upon my spear, I drink. | |||
The work of another great lyric poet, Alkaios, re¬ | |||
flected the stormy political fife of the times. His | |||
themes were politics, conviviality, the joys of life, the | |||
sadness of love, and the inevitability of death. | |||
Merry-making was probably his favourite | |||
subject. | |||
feus lets it rain, and terrible from heaven | |||
Comes winter's breath; the streams are frozen fast | |||
Let's flout the winter: fan the fire, | |||
And mix sweet wine a-plenty in a mug, | |||
And then, with ardent pleasure, | |||
Upon a downy pillow lay your head. | |||
There is also this exquisite line to Sappho, his | |||
great contemporary: | |||
Sappho, violet-locked and pure, tenderly smiling... | |||
Sappho mostly wrote of women suffering from | |||
love and the pangs ofjealousy; of a mother’s tender | |||
love for her children. The tone of her poems is | |||
mostly one of sadness, which lends them special | |||
charm. | |||
Blessed like the immortals to me seems | |||
He who is sitting so close at your side, | |||
Tour sweet voice hears, and also your | |||
Laughter enchanting | |||
Can hear. Truly it sets in my breast | |||
My racing heart a-flutter. | |||
Anacreon was a poet of beauty, love, and joy; he | |||
never wrote of politics, wars, or civil strife. These | |||
lines to Bacchus, translated by Thomas More, are | |||
typical: | |||
“Oh, Bacchus! we shall sing to thee, | |||
In wild but sweet ebriety! | |||
And flash around such sparks of thought, | |||
As Bacchus could alone have taught! | |||
Then give the harp of epic song, | |||
Which Homer's finger thrill'd along; | |||
But tear away the sanguine string, | |||
For war is not the theme / sing!” | |||
The genius of Anacreon and the fascinating style of | |||
his verse made an enormous impact on European | |||
poetry, Russian poetry included. | |||
Towards the end of the archaic epoch, prose | |||
emerged as a separate genre in the works of the logo- | |||
graphs who collected local legends, genealogies of | |||
aristocratic families, and stories of the founding of | |||
poleis. The art of the theatre was also born at that | |||
time, developing from the popular rites of the cults | |||
connected with land cultivation. The tyrants, who | |||
liked to have famous poets at their courts, did a great | |||
deal to encourage the development of Greek litera¬ | |||
ture. They patronised poets in much the same way | |||
as they embellished their cities with beautiful build¬ | |||
ings : poets were also ornaments that made the polis | |||
famous. | |||
212 | |||
Classical Greece | |||
According to the generally accepted periodisation, | |||
the classical period in the history of Greece covers | |||
the epoch from the end of the 6th and the beginning | |||
of the 5th centuries B. C. to 338 B. C., when the bat¬ | |||
tle of Chaeronea put an end to the independent exis¬ | |||
tence of the world of Greek poleis. That was the | |||
time of Greece’s efflorescence, many phenomena | |||
that had developed in the archaic epoch, particu¬ | |||
larly in the field of culture, reached their peak. It | |||
was the time of the supremacy of the polis as a speci¬ | |||
fic form of socioeconomic and political organisation | |||
of society. In the view of many researchers, it is the | |||
polis form of the organisation of society which | |||
explains all the principal traits of the development of | |||
ancient Greek society, including those of culture and | |||
art. The polis evolved in the archaic epoch, and | |||
some of its distinctive traits were fully expressed at | |||
that time, but it really flourished at the beginning of | |||
the classical period. | |||
The polis is usually defined as a civic community. | |||
This definition stresses two elements-the communal | |||
character of this social organism and the specificity | |||
of this community, its difference from the other types | |||
of communities (clan, family, territorial community, | |||
etc.). The principal distinctive feature of the classi¬ | |||
cal civic community was its basis - the classical form | |||
of property, thoroughly studied by K. Marx who | |||
showed that this type of property differed from all | |||
the others in its diunal nature, the dialectic unity of | |||
the state and private principles of ownership. This | |||
feature of the classical form of property explains all | |||
the basic traits of the ancient Greek polis, in the first | |||
place the coincidence, in principle, of the political | |||
collective (the collective of full-fledged citizens) and | |||
that of landowners, the interrelatedness of the civic | |||
status and the right to own land. All the groups of | |||
the population who had no civil rights were also | |||
deprived of the right to own land. The reverse | |||
dependence also existed, though it was not so clearly | |||
expressed: in many poleis, the loss of a plot of land | |||
signified the loss of political rights. The polis as a col¬ | |||
lective of citizens had the supreme right to own land. | |||
The fact that the right to own land and the civic | |||
status were mutually conditional, and the social and | |||
the political structures basically coincided, ensured, | |||
in the ideal, equal political rights for all the citizens. | |||
The polis was run by various organs of government | |||
(such as the Council and the magistracies), but the | |||
popular assembly, which had the ultimate say on all | |||
the most important issues, was the supreme organ | |||
(even in poleis with obvious oligarchic tendencies). | |||
That determined the general trend towards democ¬ | |||
racy in the development of ancient Greek society. | |||
Another most important feature of the polis was | |||
the coincidence of the political and military organi¬ | |||
sations. Armed citizens formed the military force of | |||
the civic community. Being a warrior and fighting to | |||
defend the polis were the right, the privilege, and the | |||
duty of the citizen. The citizen and property owner | |||
was at the same time a warrior defending the polis | |||
and thereby his private property. | |||
The economy of the polis was primarily based on | |||
5 agriculture, which was the principal sphere of the | |||
5 citizen’s activities. Even in the economically most | |||
9 developed poleis, such as Athens, agriculture was | |||
§ the main occupation of most citizens. In the public | |||
opinion, farming stood above all the other types of | |||
| activity. It was firmly believed that only a peasant | |||
could be a good citizen and warrior, whereas trade advanced centres. Under classical slavery (best | |||
and the crafts were less respected, if not downright known from Athens), the slave was not only entirely | |||
disreputable. In some poleis, abandoning farming deprived of the implements and means of production | |||
for the handicrafts or trade automatically entailed but was himself merely “a speaking tool” and as | |||
the loss of civil rights. Even in such an advanced such the master’s absolute property. The slave- | |||
polis as Athens, where these occupations were not owner’s right to his slave was without any limi- | |||
regarded as disgraceful, the body of petty craftsmen tations. A thing and not a human being according to | |||
and traders was made up by medcs-foreigners who the prevailing legal norms, the slave was deprived of | |||
had moved to Athens from other poleis and had few legal protection; he was the object and not the sub¬ | |||
political rights. ject of law. Slaves had no family, and the children of | |||
The idea of auttarkeia (autarky), or self-sufficiency, slave women also became slaves. In Greece, slaves of | |||
was the main economic principle of the polis. Autarky the classical type were not natives of the country in | |||
was the economic basis of freedom. Neither a separa- which they toiled; they were captured in other coun- | |||
te individual nor the polis as a whole felt entirely tries during wars or piratical raids and then taken to | |||
free if their means of subsistence depended on so- slave markets. | |||
meone else. As far as the individual was concerned, In Athens, a decisive impetus to the development | |||
autarcy implied the ideal of a peasant, the owner of of slavery in its classical form was given by Solon’s | |||
a homestead who derived his subsistence from it. reforms, which brought about an accelerated | |||
Autarky for the polis as a whole meant the sum of economic development of Athens and, accordingly, | |||
the autarkies of separate households. The polis a greater need for manpower. At the same time they | |||
system of values was worked out in accordance ensured the economic independence of the peasants | |||
with these basic principles and continued to exist and banned endogenous slavery. The polis became a | |||
and exert its influence even when the conditions of mechanism for ensuring the dominance of slave- | |||
life changed. The most essential elements of this owners over their slaves the polis’s yet another most | |||
system of values were as follows: the firm conviction important trait. At the beginning of the classical | |||
that the polis was the supreme value, that man’s epoch most citizens did not of course had slaves, but | |||
existence outside the polis was impossible, and that the number of slave-owners grew with the develop- | |||
the well-being of the individual entirely depended ment of the economy, and the deeper that process | |||
on the well-being of the polis; the idea of superiority went, the more obvious became the polis’s function | |||
of farming over all the other occupations; condem- as an instrument of slave-owners’ power over the | |||
nation of striving for profit, the desire to maintain slaves, whose increasing numbers presented a grow- | |||
the immutability of the economic basis and of all ing threat. | |||
the other conditions of life, and the primacy of the Such was the picture of the Greek polis at the | |||
tradition. Taken as a whole, the polis emerges as a beginning of the classical epoch. It evolved under | |||
kind of “peasant republic” with all the traits the particular environmental, socioeconomic, and | |||
inherent in such a social organism. It should be political conditions prevailing in ancient Greece and | |||
borne in mind, however, that the “model” described was practically unknown in the early civilisations of | |||
here is somewhat generalised, whereas historical the Near East, sharply differing from the forms of | |||
reality was much more complex, the individual societal organisation existing there. But the forma- | |||
poleis often deviating from that model. tion and development of the polis was a pheno- | |||
The classical epoch was characterised by yet i menon of world-historical significance, since the | |||
another important phenomenon, namely the begin- 5 polis world represented an entirely different civilisa- | |||
ning of the wide spreading in Greece of slavery of the tion, a new mode of the development of the slave- | |||
classical type, although there had been slaves in „ owning system. At the very beginning of its exis- | |||
Hellas in the previous epoch as well. There were two § tence, this world had to defend its own path of | |||
principal forms of slavery at that time: slavery of the j development in a severe test of its strength. The end | |||
helot type, which existed not only in Sparta but also | of the archaic and the beginning of the classical pe- | |||
in some other agricultural regions, and slavery of the ^ riod coincided with great changes in the Near East, | |||
classical type, most widespread in the economically | where the Achaemenid “world” empire arose. Its | |||
westward expansion threatened the very existence of Persian army against the Greeks. Some of the | |||
the polis civilisation. poleis, believing that resistance was useless, | |||
Already in the mid-6th century B. C., the Greek accepted Achaemenid rule; others declared their | |||
poleis of Asia Minor were subdued by the Achae- neutrality; and only some Greeks, led by Sparta and | |||
menids. The Persians imposed tribute on the cities Athens, were firm in the resolve to fight for their | |||
and in most of them changed the state structure by freedom. The first serious encounter occurred in the | |||
thrusting on them tyrants loyal to themselves. In 500 Thermopylae pass leading from northern to central | |||
B. C., the Greeks rose in revolt. The resistance lasted Greece. Here a unit of 300 Spartans led by their king | |||
for five years, but in the end it was suppressed. The Leonidas heroically fought off the whole of the Per- | |||
Greek cities of Asia Minor were terribly devastated, sian army for several days. A traitor led a Persian | |||
and it took them many years to recover. force across the mountains. Surrounded, the Spar- | |||
Under the pretext that some of the poleis of the tans all fell in the unequal battle. Later, a monu- | |||
Balkan peninsula had supported the rebels, the Per- ment in the shape of a lion was erected on the former | |||
sians increased their pressure on the West. Crossing battlefield. At the same time a naval battle was | |||
the Hellespont, they established a bridgehead in fought off Cape Artemisium. It lasted for two days, | |||
Thrace. In their plans for a decisive blow against and its outcome was still undecided when it became | |||
Greece, the Persians chose Athens as their prime known that the Persians had crossed the Thermopy- | |||
objective. Using their powerful navy, the Persians lae; the Greek fleet retreated. The Persian army’s | |||
captured a number of islands and in September 490 breakthrough into central Greece was a terrible | |||
disembarked on the territory of Attica near the vil- blow. The population of Athens had to abandon | |||
lage of Marathon. It was here that a decisive battle their city seeking refuge on the island of Salamis and | |||
was fought, in which the Athenian force and an aux- in the Peloponnese. After these defeats, serious dif- | |||
iliary unit from the Boeotian city of Plataea engaged ferences arose among the leaders of the Greeks’ com- | |||
a Persian army which far outnumbered them. The bined forces. The Spartans insisted on the navy’s | |||
Persians could not stand the onslaught of the Athe- retreat to the Isthmus of Corinth, where the land | |||
nian phalanx and were routed. The Marathon vie- forces had taken up their positions, while the Athe- | |||
tory was proudly remembered by the Athenians for nians were in favour of a decisive sea battle. Themis- | |||
many years to come. tocles tried to persuade the Greeks that a battle at | |||
Although the offensive was repulsed, both the Salamis would be greatly to their advantage, as the | |||
Greeks and the Persians realised that the fight would Persians would be unable to deploy their force in the | |||
inevitably go on. True, owing to king Darius I’s narrow straits. This time again history proved the | |||
death and other events, the Persians were only able Athenian strategist right. The Athenians were | |||
to resume hostilities several years later. Most Greek resolved to fight to the last man. | |||
poleis, however, made no serious preparations for Advance, ye sons of Greece, from thraldom save | |||
rebuffing the Persian aggression. Only in Athens did Tour country, save your wives, your children | |||
some significant changes occur. It was in those years save , | |||
that the Athenian state obtained for the first time The temples of your gods, the sacred tombs | |||
considerable means from the exploitation, begun at Where rest your honoured ancestors; this day | |||
that time, of the silver mines at Laurium. Themisto- The common cause of all demands your valour. | |||
cles, the leader of Athenian democrats at the time, These lines, written by Aeschylus, who himself | |||
proposed a plan for building a powerful navy with took part in the fighting, express the Athenians’ mood | |||
that money. Despite aristocratic opposition, the plan __ in those terrible days. The Persian fleet suffered a | |||
was accepted, and 100 ships were built. The imple- 4 crushing defeat. The Battle of Salamis marked the | |||
mentation of Themistocles’s plan made a great im- 3 turn of the tide in the fortunes of war, but the | |||
pact on the subsequent destiny of Athens and of * decisive events happened in the summer of 479 B. C. | |||
Hellas in general, while at that particular moment it §= According to the tradition, the Persians were de- | |||
helped to beat off the Persian invasion. Later events g feated on the same day on land near the township | |||
showed the correctness of Themistocles’s policy. e> of Plataea and in a naval battle off Cape Mycale. | |||
In the spring of 480 B. C., king Xerxes led a vast The Persian armies left the territory of Greece, | |||
215 | |||
and the Greek cities of Asia Minor were also libera¬ | |||
ted. Although the hostilities lasted for another 30 | |||
years, the events of the years 480 and 479 B. C. | |||
changed the entire situation. It was now clear that | |||
Greece could defend its independence, and that the | |||
Greek poleis had proved their viability. | |||
The consequences of the Greek victory were | |||
manyfold. The psychological result was most impor¬ | |||
tant. The Greeks, particularly the citizens of those | |||
poleis who had fought the Persians from the begin¬ | |||
ning, were proud of their victory over the powerful | |||
Achaemenid empire; they believed that it was their | |||
freedom that had brought them victory, while the | |||
Persians’ defeat was explained by the fact that they | |||
were all slaves of a “great” king. The idea of a basic | |||
difference between the Greeks and all the other peo¬ | |||
ples developed during that war into the conviction of | |||
the Greeks’ superiority over the world of the | |||
barbarians. | |||
The Graeco-Persian wars greatly affected the | |||
whole course of the socioeconomic development of | |||
Hellas. Although the Persian invasion had done | |||
great damage to the Greek economy, the results of | |||
the victory outweighed the damage. Particularly im¬ | |||
portant was the second phase of the war, when the | |||
Greeks won victories and made their numerous cap¬ | |||
tives slaves. After the victory at the Eurymedon | |||
alone they captured 20 thousand prisoners of war. | |||
As masses of captives were brought to the slave mar¬ | |||
kets, the prices of slaves dropped sharply, and people | |||
of modest means could now afford to buy them. The | |||
Graeco-Persian wars thus contributed to a wide | |||
spreading of slavery in Greece and its introduction | |||
in all spheres of economic activity. | |||
The consequences of the Graeco-Persian wars | |||
were most far-reaching in Athens, which became the | |||
largest economic and political centre of Hellas. The | |||
subsequent period in the history of Greece was a | |||
time of undoubted ascendancy of Athens and its | |||
great influence on the destiny of the entire Mediter¬ | |||
ranean world. The rise of Athens should be consi¬ | |||
dered in terms of the development in three closely | |||
connected spheres: foreign policy (the founding of | |||
the Athenian naval power), economy (the develop¬ | |||
ment of Athens into the largest economic centre of | |||
Greece), and domestic policy (the consolidation of | |||
Athenian slave-owning democracy). | |||
The first steps towards the establishment of | |||
Athens as a naval power were made in 478 B. C. | |||
After the defeat of the Persians in Greece, the | |||
alliance of Greek poleis was joined by those cities | |||
which had previously been neutral or even subdued | |||
by the Persians, including the Greeks of Asia Minor. | |||
All of this tended to aggravate the relations, for the | |||
Spartans, who headed the armed forces of the | |||
alliance, took a very contemptuous attitude towards | |||
those who had not participated in the struggle | |||
against the Persians from the very beginning. As a | |||
result of the frictions, the Spartans left the alliance, | |||
and Athens assumed the command. A formal treaty | |||
was concluded between the allies, and the sacred | |||
island of Delos was declared to be its centre; here the | |||
allied treasury was kept and the allied Council sat | |||
(hence the name, the Delian Naval League). The | |||
command of the League’s armed forces was | |||
entrusted to the Athenians. It was decided that the | |||
forces would consist of 100 triremes, 10,000 foot and | |||
1,000 horse. The larger poleis had to contribute | |||
warships and warriors, and the smaller ones, provide | |||
the finances for their upkeep. The contributions | |||
were apportioned by Aristides, an Athenian states¬ | |||
man nicknamed The Just, and were accepted by the | |||
allies without demur. | |||
The League, which was originally a union of | |||
equal poleis in the common cause of fighting against | |||
Persia, gradually fell under the control of Athens. | |||
The ascendancy of Athens, both economic and mili¬ | |||
tary, obvious from the beginning, later increased, | |||
partly due to the position of the allies themselves. | |||
Most of them preferred not to send warriors to the | |||
army or the navy, merely paying their dues. Athens | |||
encouraged this attitude, and soon only the largest of | |||
the poleis (like Samos, Mytilene and Chios) con¬ | |||
tinued to take part in the military operations against | |||
Persia side by side with the Athenians. The money | |||
contributed by the allies was used by the Athenians | |||
to build more ships, thereby consolidating their | |||
dominant position in the League. Plutarch, the | |||
ancient Greek historian, wrote that, constantly sail¬ | |||
ing the seas and never letting arms out of their | |||
hands, the Athenians, thanks to the allies’ unwilling¬ | |||
ness to serve, received military training in the cam¬ | |||
paigns, while the allies, having got accustomed to | |||
fear and flatter the Athenians, imperceptibly be¬ | |||
came their tributaries and slaves. | |||
Originally, both democratic and oligarchic poleis | |||
were members of the Delian League, but gradually | |||
(often as a result of suppression of oligarchic upris- | |||
216 | |||
ings), a uniform political system, following the Ath- had been set up had been achieved - the Greeks had | |||
enian democratic model, was introduced in the won the war, the freedom of the Greeks in Asia | |||
member poleis. At the same time the allied Council Minor was now ensured, and the Persians had no | |||
gradually lost its rights, and the policy of the League right even to send their fleet to the Aegean. A move- | |||
was increasingly determined by the Athenian popu- ment to dissolve the League began in many poleis, | |||
lar assembly. Athens had complete charge of the but in the preceding years Athens had consolidated | |||
allied treasury, which had been moved from Delos to the system ensuring its hegemony to such an extent | |||
Athens; Athens alone determined now the amount that it was able to control that crisis, | |||
of the allies’ contribution. Even their legal indepen- After the Persians had been driven away from | |||
dence was restricted, and the most important legal Greece, the economy made rapid progress, particu- | |||
cases of the allied poleis were now tried in the larly in Athens. There were changes not only in the | |||
Athens court. crafts and trade but also in agriculture. In the first | |||
After the suppression of a rebellion in a polis disaf- place, slave labour came to be widely used here, and | |||
fected by the policy of Athens, it became customary although it did not oust the labour of free men, | |||
to confiscate part of the rebels’ lands and distribute slaves now appeared in nearly every household. The | |||
them among Athenian military settlers, the cleruchs. employment of slave labour did not result in a con- | |||
Remaining Athenian citizens, the settlers formed a centration of land property. Large slave-owning | |||
kind of garrison controlling the situation in a city estates were exceptional, and the middle peasant | |||
where unrest was feared. Almost all the members of remained the most typical agrarian. But the nature | |||
the confederacy were coastal or island cities whose of the economy changed radically: production was | |||
economy was closely linked with the sea and with now chiefly intended for the market. The area under | |||
maritime trade, and Athenian naval supremacy grain crops decreased, while vine- and especially oli- | |||
made them dependent on Athens. Besides, the Athe- ve-growing expanded. Most of the agricultural | |||
nians endeavoured to control all of their allies’ produce was sold, sometimes even exported; not | |||
economic activities. They had control of all the sea only industrial products but also grain was now | |||
routes to the Black Sea along which the bulk of grain bought in the market. | |||
came to Greece from the Pontic coastal areas; not The handicraft industries underwent even great- | |||
content with that, they passed a decision according er changes. Apart from the economic advances | |||
to which all Black Sea grain had to be brought first achieved throughout Greece, the changes in Attica | |||
to the Athenian port of Piraeus and only then could were also due to the special position of Athens as a | |||
it be taken to other poleis. Athens concluded trade major city and the focal point for many Hellenic | |||
agreements with its allies, which were often cities. The power of Athens rested on its navy, and | |||
weighted in its favour. An attempt was even made to shipbuilding and related crafts therefore began to | |||
forbid the allied cities to mint their own coin, but it grow rapidly. Merchant ships, as well as warships, | |||
failed. were built. The crafts servicing the military (produc- | |||
The Delian Naval League thus gradually devel- tion of shields, swords, etc. ) also flourished. Finally, | |||
oped into the Athenian naval empire —the greatest Athenian democratic statesmen aspired to make | |||
political force in the Greek world. In its heyday, it their city the most beautiful in Greece. A vast con- | |||
embraced about 250 poleis. Using the League’s struction programme was in progress, which natur- | |||
resources, Athens embarked on an imperial policy. ally stimulated fast growth of all the branches of the | |||
The empire evolved in a very complex situation; building industry, beginning with stone quarrying | |||
Athens was often compelled to suppress the resis- ^ and ending with ivory carving and the gilding of | |||
tance of its allies dissatisfied with their subordinate |" statues. It should also be taken into account that the | |||
position. Originally, the force that held the confe- - general standard of living had greatly improved in | |||
deracy together was the threat of Persian aggression w Athens, and that increased the population’s needs, | |||
and the need to fight it; the conclusion of the peace 9 An important branch of the Athenian economy was | |||
treaty with Persia in 449 B. C. brought about the | mining. The Laurium silver mines, so famous in | |||
most serious conflict in the League’s history. The 55 antiquity, were on Attica’s territory, | |||
officially recognised objective for which the alliance I Small workshops with two or three workers | |||
217 | |||
predominated in Athens, but in some industries the Again, if some city was rich in iron, copper or flax, | |||
nature of production and the degree of the division where was it going to market them unless it had the | |||
of labour achieved required greater number of consent of those who dominated the seas? The | |||
workers. A pottery usually had five to eight workers. expansion of international trade resulted in speciali- | |||
According to modern scholars’ estimates, the normal sation of the various regions of the world. Miletus | |||
functioning of the workshop processing the ore from was especially famous for its patterned woollen | |||
the Laurium mines required an average of 33 fabrics, Phoenicia, for its purple dye, copper was | |||
workers. Slave labour was much more widely used in brought from Euboea and Cyprus, metal wares, | |||
the handicrafts than in agriculture. In small work- from Corinth, Argos and Chalcis (on Euboea), the | |||
shops, the owner himself, a free man (citizen or best wines, from the islands of Chios, Lesbos, Phasos | |||
metic) and one or two slaves worked. As far as we and Naxos; papyrus came from Egypt via Naucratis, | |||
can judge, free artisans usually planned on buying a the medicinal plant, from Cyrene, etc. | |||
slave boy and teaching him their craft, so as to live The appearance of the first forms of banks, the tra- | |||
by his labour in old age. Slaves were inexpensive, pezitai, which grew out of money-changers’ establish- | |||
and after two or three years the investment paid off. ments exchanging coins of different states, was a ref- | |||
Only slaves skilled in some craft cost a great deal. lection of the fairly high level of development of | |||
The larger workshops used slave labour only. The commodity-money relations. | |||
mines and the workshops processing ore-that is, the Further development of Athenian democracy was | |||
branches of the economy where the working condi- also linked with the successes of Athens in foreign | |||
tions were worst-employed almost exclusively slave policy and its growing role as a major economic | |||
labour. The sources mention Athenians who had centre. Athenian democracy was consistently suc- | |||
hundreds of slaves whom they hired out for work in cessful in its continual fight against the aristocratic | |||
the mines: Nicias hired out a thousand slaves, Hip- circles. Ephialtes and later Pericles, leaders of Athe- | |||
ponax, 600, Philomonides, 300, etc. nian democracy, aimed at eliminating from the | |||
The development of the crafts and the growth of Athenian constitution anything that ran counter to | |||
the ratio of commodity output to total output stimu- the democratic principles, and at making these de¬ | |||
lated further development of exchange. The most mocratic principles really effective. The success of | |||
important import items in Attica were foodstuffs that process was made possible by the growing mili- | |||
(grain above all) and raw materials. The bulk of tary and economic role of the poorest citizens. The | |||
grain came from the Pontic cities. Athens took great might of Athens lay in its navy, mostly manned by | |||
care to ensure the security of the trade routes, estab- the poorest citizens. The payment they received | |||
fishing control over the Bosporus, the Dardanelles during their service was a great help to them econo- | |||
and the coastal cities of Thrace, for it was along that mically, but much more important than that was | |||
route that grain came to Attica. Athens exported their growing social weight, for everybody realised | |||
olive oil, wine, and products of the art crafts, espe- now that Athens’ might and prosperity depended on | |||
daily the famous Athenian pottery. Evidence of them. The intense development of the crafts and | |||
Athenian trade is found in the Athenian coins trade increased the economic well-being of the citi- | |||
discovered throughout the Mediterranean region zenry. Under Pericles, stupendous construction pro- | |||
and in Asia (as far as Afghanistan). Piraeus became jects were carried out in Athens, and these, too, pro- | |||
a major Mediterranean port, and the Athenian civic ^ vided job for the poorest citizens. The need for a large | |||
community received great profit from the port a force of Athenian citizens to control the allies also | |||
duties. Generally speaking, the ascendancy of 5 benefited these strata of the citizenry. I he policy of | |||
Athens in the Mediterranean area and its control ^ founding cleruchies worked towards that end, too. | |||
over the sea routes brought considerable dividends. 0 Landless Athenian citizens received land allotments | |||
A certain oligarchically-minded author wrote that | outside Attica, becoming landowners, | |||
only the Athenians could have wealth, not the bar- g, Several political reforms implemented in that pe- | |||
barians. Indeed, he reasoned, if some city was rich in | riod contributed to further democratisation of the | |||
ship timber, where was it going to market it unless it ^ Athenian system. The Areopagus lost even the rem- | |||
had the consent of those who dominated the seas? | nants of its former significance; restriction on the fill- | |||
218 | |||
ing of public offices by the poor citizens were finally tans feared that any changes in the internal and | |||
lifted; laws were adopted which ensured the inviola- external conditions might result in the weakening of | |||
bility of the democratic constitution; and election of Sparta’s positions and in the helots’ fresh uprisings, | |||
citizens to various offices by drawing lots was widely The rise of Athens was therefore perceived as a chal- | |||
practised. Just as important were the measures in- lenge. This attitude was reinforced when Athens | |||
tended to ensure the actual participation of all supported a helot revolt and later helped the rem- | |||
citizens in the management of the polis affairs. The nants of the rebels to settle in the city of Naupactus. | |||
most important of these measures was the introduc- Sparta regarded these acts as a direct threat from | |||
tion of payments for the performance of public Athens. Corinth also feared Athens’ growing | |||
duties (participation in court sessions, etc.). Thus a strength. Already in the archaic epoch, a kind of | |||
democratic system finally took shape in Athens un- division of “spheres of influence” between these | |||
der which the main body of the citizenry actually major economic centres had been established: | |||
participated in the management of the polis affairs. Athens expanded towards the east and the north, | |||
All these radical reforms were carried out in the Corinth, towards the west. In the 5th century B. C., | |||
years when Athenian democracy was led by Pericles. however, Athens gradually began to penetrate west- | |||
Son of Xanthippus, who commanded the Athenian wards as well, establishing control over the routes | |||
fleet in the battle of Mycale, and nephew of Cleis- leading to Sicily and southern Italy. Some old Cor- | |||
thenes, he was one of the noblest of the Athenian inthian colonies even became members of the Athe- | |||
aristocrats who linked their destiny with the victor- nian Naval League. Within the Peloponnesian | |||
ious demos. He realised the needs of the epoch and of League, Corinth was the most resolute opponent of | |||
his native city better than anyone else, and that was Athens, inciting Sparta towards a fight, l he position | |||
the ultimate basis of his authority in Athens. He was of Megara, another major centre of crafts and trade, | |||
a talented and well-educated person, a brilliant ora- was similar to that of Corinth, | |||
tor with a superb gift of persuasion. All these contradictions were gradually coming to | |||
The consolidation of the Athenian naval confeder- a head, and sometimes led to conflicts, even armed | |||
acy gradually increased tension in Greece. The ones, but for a long time neither of the sides dared | |||
growing might of Athens caused anxiety in many declare war. The growing frictions finally made the | |||
poleis for various reasons. The oligarchic and aris- situation intolerable for all those involved, and in | |||
tocratic circles in the member poleis of the alliance 431 a war broke out which the Greeks called the | |||
were disgruntled at the Athenian policy of support- Peloponnesian War. It lasted until 404, and nearly | |||
ing democracies. The aristocrats and oligarchs of the all Greece was drawn into it. | |||
poleis which did not join the League took a similar Both the Peloponnesian and the Athenian | |||
attitude, feeling threatened by its continual expan- Leagues pursued extremely far-reaching goals, but | |||
sion. The democratic circles in these poleis, in their the methods of attaining them differed, depending | |||
turn, mostly endeavoured to preserve their indepen- on the nature and extent of the means at the dispos- | |||
dence. The very nature of the polis as a relatively al of each of them. The Athenian plan of war, | |||
self-contained social organism stimulated their worked out by Pericles, rested on the assumption | |||
opposition to Athens. that the land forces of Sparta and her allies were su- | |||
Athens’ greater enemy was Sparta and the Pelo- perior to those of Athens, while Athenian naval supe- | |||
ponnesian League it headed. The League was not a riority was beyond doubt. The basic principle of | |||
uniform entity, comprising as it did both Sparta Athenian strategy, in Pericles’s view, must be avoid- | |||
with its agrarian economy and such economically _ ing at all cost any ground fighting with the Spartans, | |||
advanced poleis as Corinth and Megara, as well as jr even giving up, if need be, the territory of Attica, | |||
the poor small polei of Achaia and Arcadia. The 5 and sitting it out behind the mighty walls of the | |||
principal aim of that League, in the view of modern 5 double city of Athens - the Piraeus, while blockading | |||
researchers, was the preservation of a stable political g 3 the Peloponnese from the sea and strangling the ene- | |||
and social situation. The Spartan political structure | my in the coils of that blockade. The leaders of the | |||
rested on the exploitation of a vast mass of down- Athenian democracy were confident that their naval | |||
trodden helots ever ready for an uprising. The Spar- £ might and the huge financial resources of the Athe- | |||
219 | |||
nian treasury would enable them to win the war. died in the epidemic. The struggle in Athens | |||
The Spartan plan was not worked out in such fine between the proponents and opponents of the war | |||
detail. There were several basic ideas underlying grew. The radical democratic wing became increas- | |||
that plan. First, the Spartans were sure of their ingly active, advocating a vigorous campaign to | |||
superiority over Athens on land and therefore in- achieve final victory, an all-out mobilisation of | |||
tended to seek a decisive battle in the field. Second, forces, including increased financial contributions | |||
they saw the vital importance of external economic from the allies, and a rigid imperial policy towards | |||
connections for Athens, especially of links with the them. This party was led by Cleon, owner of a tan- | |||
Pontic regions, from which grain came to Attica; nery, frequently ridiculed by the great Athenian | |||
hence the idea of trying to disrupt these links by cap- comedy writer Aristophanes, who was in favour of | |||
turing the coastal cities through which vitally impor- peace. | |||
tant routes lay. Third, the Spartans believed that the The radical democrats dealt Sparta a serious | |||
Athenian Naval League was a rather fragile blow. Owing to Cleon’s energy and the military | |||
organism, and they mounted from the start a broad talent of the strategos Demosthenes, the Athenian | |||
propaganda campaign (supported financially and forces inflicted a crushing defeat on a Spartan unit | |||
militarily), declaring their objective in the war to be on the island of Sphacteria, taking 120 Spartan hop- | |||
the “liberation” of the Greeks from Athenian lites prisoner. The Athenians declared that in the | |||
tyranny. event of further incursions into Attica all the Spar- | |||
Although both plans on the whole proceeded from tan warriors would be executed. They also achieved | |||
correct assumptions, in the event, neither of them some other successes, which, however, brought some | |||
fully met the real situation. The leaders of neither of unexpected results. In Sparta, the positions of those | |||
the Leagues could foresee the scope and nature of circles which insisted on a more vigorous prosecution | |||
the war. It was fought with great ferocity, as in of the war also grew stronger, | |||
many poleis it stirred up conflicts between demo- Led by the Spartan general Brasidas, a small | |||
crats and oligarchs, the former looking towards Spartan unit, consisting mostly of helots to whom | |||
Athens, the latter towards Sparta. Even slaves were freedom was promised, secretly crossed the whole of | |||
sometimes involved in these confrontations. Greece and appeared on the Chalcidice peninsula. | |||
The Spartans began the hostilities with an inva- Enlisting the help of the local opponents of Athens, | |||
sion of Attica. In the first period of the war, Spartan Brasidas captured the city of Amphipolis, Athenian | |||
forces appeared in Attica nearly each year during main stronghold in that region, and a number of | |||
harvest time, plundering and devastating the rural other fortresses. The Athenians saw only too clearly | |||
areas. This caused grave economic difficulties and what threat that posed for them. Cleon was sent to | |||
badly affected the morale of the Athenians, who Chalcidice at the head of a large force. A fierce battle | |||
were soon beset by fresh misfortunes. An epidemic was fought near Amphipolis, in which the Spartans | |||
(most likely typhus) broke out among the crowded defeated the Athenians and both Cleon and Brasidas | |||
population of Athens and Piraeus, taking away one- fell. | |||
third of the Athenian army and navy. Although the As a result, the positions of pacifists were streng- | |||
operations of the Athenian fleet along the shores of thened both in Sparta and in Athens. In 421 B. C., | |||
the Peloponnese inflicted damage on Sparta and her peace was concluded on status quo terms. True, | |||
allies, there were no signs yet that these operations _ neither side fully implemented the terms of the peace | |||
might bring the Peloponnesian League to its knees, a treaty. The treaty excited discontent among many | |||
In this situation, discord among the Athenian 5 Spartan allies, especially Corinth and Megara, since | |||
citizens grew. The peasants, who saw only the seamy ^ none of the causes of the war had been resolved. In | |||
side of the war and bore the main brunt of it, were ^ Athens itself, the radical democrats, recovering from | |||
particularly dissatisfied with the trend of the events. | the defeat, wanted to resume the war. The militarist | |||
As a result, Pericles was not elected to the college of g, party was led by Alcibiades, Pericles’s distant rela- | |||
strategoi for the first time in many years; he was then | tive and ward. A talented military leader, a popular | |||
tried, and a great fine was imposed on him. A year - orator, and an educated man, he employed all his | |||
later, he was again elected a strategos, but soon after |- gifts in the service of an inflated ambition and was | |||
220 | |||
ready to do anything to achieve power. Alcibiades | |||
endeavoured to persuade the Athenians that all | |||
problems could be solved by a drive west, against | |||
Sicily; all Greek cities of Sicily might be conquered | |||
at one blow, which would ensure absolute superior¬ | |||
ity of Athens over any enemy. The Athenian popu¬ | |||
lar assembly decided in favour of such an expedition, | |||
and a great fleet and army were gathered. Alci¬ | |||
biades was appointed leader of the expeditionary | |||
force. However, a few days before the fleet was | |||
due to sail, some unknown persons smashed the | |||
herms-the posts with the statues of Hermes that | |||
stood on many Athenian crossroads. Alcibiades’s | |||
opponents spread the rumour that the deed had been | |||
done by Alcibiades and his young friends who had | |||
no piety or respect for the religion of their fathers. | |||
Despite Alcibiades’s demand that the matter be con¬ | |||
sidered immediately, his opponents pressed the deci¬ | |||
sion that the fleet should sail at once, while the inves¬ | |||
tigation in Athens continued : Alcibiades’s opponents | |||
succeeded in casting suspicion on the military lead¬ | |||
er. A ship was sent to Sicily with orders for Alci¬ | |||
biades to return to Athens for the trial. Realising | |||
that he was marked for a frame-up, Alcibiades escap¬ | |||
ed to Sparta and betrayed all the Athenian military | |||
plans to the Spartans. | |||
That aggravated the Athenians’ already difficult | |||
position in Sicily. With the arrival of the Athenian | |||
fleet, most Sicilian Greeks united in the struggle | |||
against the aggression. After Alcibiades’s flight, the | |||
Athenian forces were headed by men who did not | |||
believe in victory and therefore acted sluggishly and | |||
hesitantly. Following Alcibiades’s advice, Sparta | |||
decided to interfere in the Sicilian affairs and sent a | |||
task force there which inflicted a terrible defeat on | |||
the Athenians, destroying some 200 triremes, several | |||
thousand hoplites and cavalry, and 10 to 15 thou¬ | |||
sand sailors and lightly armed warriors. That catas¬ | |||
trophe echoed throughout Greece, where enemies of | |||
democracy and of Athens raised their heads. | |||
Another blow was struck by the Spartans in Attica. | |||
At Alcibiades’s prompting, Spartan forces captured | |||
the fortress of Decelea and became virtual masters of | |||
Attica. The Spartans also announced that they | |||
would free all Athenian slaves that would desert to | |||
their side. More than 20,000 slaves ran away from | |||
Athens. The Athenian crafts received a most severe | |||
blow. Taking advantage of the weakening of Athens, | |||
the oligarchic circles of a number of allied poleis | |||
revolted and, seizing power, went over to the Spar¬ | |||
tan side. But that was not the end of Athenian disas¬ | |||
ters. Taking Alcibiades’s advice, the Spartans estab¬ | |||
lished contacts with the Persians, and getting gold | |||
from them in return for a promise to restore Persian | |||
rule over the Greek cities of Asia Minor, built their | |||
own navy for the first time. When the Spartan fleet | |||
appeared in the Aegean, several other poleis, mostly | |||
insular ones, seceded from the Delian League. | |||
All these heavy blows sustained by Athens | |||
brought about an oligarchic coup in the city. The | |||
democratic leaders had been compromised by the | |||
Sicilian disaster and Alcibiades’s betrayal; the masses | |||
of poor citizens, which formed the basis of demo¬ | |||
cracy, had suffered immense losses; and the popu¬ | |||
lar assembly was in the grip of despondency and | |||
confusion. Taking advantage of the situation, the | |||
oligarchs succeeded in changing in 411 B. C. the | |||
state system of Athens. | |||
But the forces of Athenian democracy had not yet | |||
been crushed. The Athenian navy refused to recog¬ | |||
nise the coup and demanded a restoration of democ¬ | |||
racy. Alcibiades, who by that time had quarrelled | |||
with the Spartans, became a leader of the demo¬ | |||
crats. The oligarchic power was overthrown. Under | |||
Alcibiades’s leadership, a series of victories were won | |||
over the Spartans, including the triumph in the bat¬ | |||
tle of Cyzicus, in which the whole of the Spartan | |||
fleet was annihilated. With Persian help, however, | |||
the Spartans recovered. Their fleet was now headed | |||
by the talented military leader and diplomat | |||
Lysander, who succeeded in uniting the forces of oli¬ | |||
garchs opposed to Athens. The situation in Athens | |||
was one of confusion and vacillation. As a result, | |||
Alcibiades was dismissed from command, and later | |||
the strategoi who had defeated the Spartans in the | |||
battle of the Arginusae Islands were executed on a | |||
false accusation. The realisation that a catastrophe | |||
was imminent became increasingly stronger; in 405 | |||
B. C. Lysander completely destroyed the Athenian | |||
fleet, the city itself was besieged and in 404 B. C. sur¬ | |||
rendered. The surrender of Athens brought an im¬ | |||
mediate change in its political system; power again | |||
was seized by the oligarchs. | |||
The defeat of Athens radically changed the situa¬ | |||
tion in Greece. The Athenian Naval League ceased | |||
to exist. Democratic regimes which had been estab¬ | |||
lished in most Greek poleis were replaced by oligar¬ | |||
chic ones, relying on Spartan garrisons. Sparta | |||
became the unchallenged hegemon of the Greek | |||
world. Most modern researchers believe that the | |||
Peloponnesian War was the most important land¬ | |||
mark in the history of Greece in the classical epoch. | |||
It revealed all the internal contradictions of the polis | |||
world and signified the beginning of its crisis. | |||
The Greek Culture of the Classical Period. The 5th cen¬ | |||
tury B. C. is regarded as the zenith of Greek culture. | |||
The polis with its distinct tendency towards democ¬ | |||
racy, and the viability of the aristocratic ethical | |||
norms, formed the ideological soil on which the | |||
Greek culture of the classical epoch flourished. | |||
New tendencies were clearly expressed in town | |||
building. Most Greek cities retained the traditional | |||
chaotic system or rather lack of any system inherited | |||
from the earliest times, with narrow crooked streets | |||
and absence of any conveniences whatever. But the | |||
regular system of town planning, born in the epoch | |||
of the great Greek colonisation, gradually began to | |||
exert its influence on the theory and practice of town | |||
building in Greece. Hippodamus, the founder of the | |||
theory of regular town planning, apparently lived in | |||
the 5th century. Olynthus and Miletus, restored | |||
after its destruction by the Persians, were planned in | |||
accordance with the ideas of Hippodamus. His | |||
theory included more than the principle of gridiron | |||
town planning: it also contained the idea of zoning, | |||
i. e., the division of the city area into several districts | |||
differing in their functions (the public centre, the | |||
housing districts, the harbour, the trade centre, and | |||
the industrial zone). The democratic trend in urban | |||
construction was most fully expressed in the plan of | |||
Olynthus where not only the districts but the blocks | |||
within them were all of equal size. The structure of | |||
all dwellings was also absolutely identical. | |||
The temple remained the main type of public | |||
building in that period. In the first half of the 5th | |||
century B. C., the most outstanding monuments of | |||
Doric architecture were created the magnificent | |||
temples in the city of Poseidonia (in southern Italy) | |||
and the temple of Zeus at Olympia. The temple of | |||
Zeus was regarded as the most remarkable of all | |||
Hellenic shrines, with its colossal gold and ivory stat¬ | |||
ue of Zeus sitting on the throne, by the Athenian | |||
sculptor Pheidias. | |||
The Athenian Acropolis complex occupies quite a | |||
special place in the history of ancient Greek archi¬ | |||
tecture. Destroyed by the Persians in 480 B. C., it | |||
was restored during the 5th century B. C. The Acro¬ | |||
polis ensemble is believed to be the summit of | |||
ancient Greek architecture, the symbol of the high¬ | |||
est might and efflorescence of Athens. It included a | |||
number of structures-the ceremonial gates (the | |||
Propylaea), the temple of Nike Apteros (Wingless | |||
Victory), the Erechtheion, and the Parthenon, the | |||
main temple of Athens dedicated to Athena the | |||
Virgin. | |||
The Acropolis ensemble was built according to a | |||
plan worked out mostly by Pericles and Pheidias. | |||
The building of these splendid edifices provided jobs | |||
for the poorest Athenian citizens. Athenian states¬ | |||
men endeavoured to build a complex of major | |||
shrines which would not only make Athens famous | |||
but also become the religious centre of the entire | |||
Athenian Naval League. Hence the architectural | |||
syncretism, the combination in one edifice of the | |||
principles of the Doric and Ionic orders (e. g., in the | |||
Propylaea and the Parthenon). Groups of statuary | |||
were mounted on the pediments of the Parthenon: | |||
the birth of the goddess Athena on the eastern one | |||
and the argument between Athena and Poseidon | |||
over the possession of Attica, on the western. It was a | |||
symbolic theme: in those times, the goddess Athena | |||
was perceived as the patroness of democracy, and | |||
Poseidon, the patron of aristocracy. Behind the | |||
external colonnade of the temple a relief frieze ran | |||
along the upper parts of the walls of the inner build¬ | |||
ing, portraving a ceremonial procession during the | |||
great Panathenaic festival in which both the | |||
citizens of Athens and Athenian metics and delega¬ | |||
tions from the allies had to take part. Inside the tem¬ | |||
ple was an enormous gold and ivory statue of Athena | |||
by Pheidias. | |||
The sculpture and painting of Greece in the 5th | |||
century developed the traditions of the previous | |||
epoch. Gods and heroes, the patrons of the poleis, | |||
^ the ideal citizens remained the principal themes. | |||
~ However, art made a great step towards realism, | |||
5 which was largely due to the spreading of the idea of | |||
^ “mimesis” or similarity as the basic esthetic cate- | |||
515 gory. The frozen quality of figures and the schemat- | |||
| ism characteristic of earlier sculpture were over- | |||
== come. Statues became more realistic. Three famous | |||
| masters Myron, Polyclitus and Pheidias-made the | |||
greatest contributions to the development of sculp- | |||
5 ture in the 5th century B. C. The most famous of | |||
Mvron’s sculptures is the Discobolus. The sculptor pides. Although the protagonists of the tragedies | |||
showed remarkable skill in conveying the sense of were, as a rule, gods and heroes, the issues treated in | |||
motion in the figure of the athlete. Polyclitus’s them were usually highly topical. The mythological | |||
favourite subject was figures of athletes perceived as plot merely served as a vehicle expressing the strug- | |||
an embodiment of the highest qualities of a citizen. gle of ideas. For example, Aeschylus’s Oresteia de- | |||
His best known works are the Doryphorus and the scribed events at Mycenae after the end of the Tro- | |||
Diadumenus. Doryphorus is a powerful warrior with a jan War, but what was important for the Athenian | |||
spear, quiet dignity personified. The Diadumenus is a spectator were the political ideas which the author | |||
graceful youth tying on the fillet of the winner in a wanted to express. Thus he glorified the Areopagus, | |||
contest. Solemn grandeur, a certain aloofness, and which, in terms of the political struggle of that time, | |||
heavenly beauty were the characteristic features of indicated the playwright’s anti-democratic stance. | |||
Pheidias’s works. His statue of Zeus in the temple at Aeschylus, who lived in the times of the formation | |||
Olympia was regarded as one of the seven wonders of democracy in Athens and fought in the Graeco- | |||
of the world. Persian wars, was the founder of tragedy with a civic | |||
The same tendency towards a realistic portrayal message. His main themes were glorification of civic | |||
of man is apparent in 5th-century painting, which courage and patriotism. One of the most remarkable | |||
reached its peak in the works of Polygnotus and heroes of his tragedies was Prometheus, the implac- | |||
Apollodorus of Athens. Polygnotus created composi- able theomachist, used by Aeschylus as a symbol for | |||
tions of many figures, endeavouring to express the the upsurge of the Athenians’ creative power. He | |||
perspective and to make his figures seem three- portrayed Prometheus as an inflexible fighter for the | |||
dimensional. Apollodorus discovered the chiar- ideals and happiness of mankind, as an embodiment | |||
oscuro effect, thereby laying the foundation of paint- of reason overcoming the power of nature over man, | |||
ing in the, modern sense of the word. and a symbol of the struggle for the liberation of | |||
Greek vase painting in the 5th century was mankind from tyranny embodied by the cruel and | |||
dominated by the so-called red-figure style; the vengeful Zeus. | |||
background was covered with glossy black lacquer The tragedies of Sophocles expressed the esthetic | |||
while the figures were left unpainted and retained ideal of democratic Athens-the same ideal which | |||
the natural colour of clay. Some of the vase painters was conveyed in plastic form in the sculptures of | |||
of that time were influenced by Polygnotus, and Pheidias. His images were profoundly human, and | |||
their works give some idea of the style of that famous the spiritual life of his heroes was much richer than | |||
painter. in Aeschylus, who often portrayed conflicts between | |||
Greek literature also flourished in that period. titanic forces. By increasing the complexity of the | |||
Pindar, the last and most outstanding poet of the plot, Sophocles introduced greater variety in the | |||
Greek aristocracy, composed solemn odes in honour emotions of his characters, showing various aspects | |||
of winners at Panhellenic sports contests - Olympic, of their nature in different situations. His heroes | |||
Pythian (at Delphi), and others. Pindar never de- were carriers of noble spiritual qualities, of greatness | |||
scribed the contests themselves, the victory only in- combined with simplicity and mildness. But Aeschy- | |||
terested him as a theme for glorifying the victor’s lus’s thinking was deeper, and his problems more | |||
valour, which was not, in his view, the victor’s per- acute than those chosen by Sophocles. The signifi- | |||
sonal quality but something handed down from cance of Sophocles for world literature lies in the | |||
generation to generation in the aristocratic families artistic images that he created. The incomparably | |||
due to their divine origin. His epinician odes became monumental characters of Oedipus, Antigone, and | |||
expressions of the aristocratic worldview. jT Electra later figured in many works of European | |||
The 5th century B. C. was the time of the efflores- ' literature - the tragedies of Racine, Corneille, Vol- | |||
cence of dramatic art. The most important dramatic ^ taire, and others. | |||
genres were tragedies, based on myths about heroes Aeschylus and Sophocles created antique tragedy | |||
and gods, and comedies, mostly political ones. The | in its classical form, with moral conflicts as their | |||
most famous names in the history of the ancient $ main theme. Conflicts between the state and the | |||
Greek tragedy were Aeschylus, Sophocles and Euri- | clan, between freedom and despotism, written and | |||
223 | |||
unwritten law, suffering in the name of duty, the his comedies, The Acharnians, Dicaeopolis (“The Just | |||
relationship between man’s subjective intentions Citizen”) concludes peace with the neighbouring | |||
and the objective meaning of his deeds-that was the poleis and enjoys prosperity, while the boastful war- | |||
range of problems raised in the best tragedies of Aes- rior Lamachus suffers from the burden of war. The | |||
chylus and Sophocles. poet described the war as an unbidden guest: “hav- | |||
The tragedies of Euripides expressed the crisis of ing burst riotously in upon us while enjoying all | |||
the traditional polis ideology and the search for the manner of good things, as a party of noisy roisterers, | |||
foundations of a new worldview. He was sensitive to after a /copog, might intrude upon some quiet res- | |||
the burning issues of political and social life, and his pectable party. And he did all the harm he could, | |||
theatre is a kind of encyclopaedia of the intellectual and began upsetting and spilling everything, and | |||
development in Greece in the second half of the 5th showing fight; and moreover, though I kept inviting | |||
century B. C. The works of Euripides posed diverse him, ‘Do seat yourself and join in the drinking, and | |||
problems with which Greek society was concerned, take this loving cup’, he went on all the more burn- | |||
and expounded and discussed new ideas. The critics ing my vine-props, and brutally spilling all the | |||
of antiquity called Euripides philosopher on the wine out of our vines”. Another peasant, Trygaeus | |||
stage. He was not, however, an adherent of some (“The Winegrower”), the hero of the comedy Peace, | |||
definite philosophical teaching, and his own views wins peace for all Greece. He leads the farmers of | |||
were not distinguished for consistency or per- all Greece, armed with picks and spades, to Mount | |||
manence. His attitude towards Athenian democ- Olympus, where they free from incarceration the | |||
racy, which he sometimes praised as an embodiment goddess of peace hidden by the god of war Polemos. | |||
of freedom and equality, was vacillating, for he was Aristophanes strikingly expressed the hopes and aspi- | |||
afraid of the indigent mob of citizens whose mood in rations of simple peasants anticipating the joys of | |||
the popular assembly was influenced by the dema- peaceful labour: | |||
gogues. All of Euripides’s work is permeated by an See, how their iron spades glitter and | |||
interest for the individual and his subjective aspira- how beautifully their three-pronged | |||
tions-yet another element characteristic of the crisis mattocks glisten in the sun! How | |||
of the polis ideology. Euripides’s characters had regularly they align the plants! | |||
nothing in common with the monumental prota- / also burn myself to go into the | |||
gonists of Sophocles standing high above the every- country and to turn over the earth | |||
day level-he portrayed men and women with their I have so long neglected. | |||
desires and urges, joys and sufferings. This difference Changes in the political situation in Athens after | |||
was pointed out by Sophocles himself, who said: “I its defeat in the Peloponnesian War affected the | |||
depict men as they ought to be, but Euripides por- spirit of Aristophanes’s comedies, which became less | |||
trays them as they are.” His characters, especially trenchant and topical. But Aristophanes continued | |||
female ones (Medea, Phaedra, Electra) are marked to tackle political and social problems in the carnival | |||
by an exceptional depth of psychological insight. forms typical of the early comedy. In Ploutos, the | |||
The spectators of Euripides’s tragedies were com- poor man Chremylus seizes blind Ploutos | |||
pelled to reflect on their place in society, their atti- (“Wealth”), cures him of blindness, and everything | |||
tude to life and fellow men. in the world changes for the better: all honest people | |||
Politically the most incisive genre was the ancient __ become well-to-do. | |||
Attic comedy. Its origin and social leanings made it §. Aristophanes satirised incisively, courageously, | |||
an art most congenial to the peasants. It is best 5 and often profoundly the political and cultural state | |||
represented in the work of Aristophanes, who did s of Athens at a time when democracy was going | |||
some of his best work during the Peloponnesian 1 through a crisis. His comedies portrayed extremely | |||
War. The comedies he wrote in those years give a § diverse strata of society-statesmen, military leaders, | |||
clear idea of the publicistic spirit of his work. Peace g> poets, philosophers, peasants, soldiers, ordinary city | |||
was the main theme of his comedies in those years. | dwellers and slaves. The caricatures and typical | |||
Aristophanes was a fierce opponent of war, and he ^ masks became generalised characters in his work, | |||
used his brilliant talent to fight for peace. In one of J Using the simplest devices, Aristophanes achieved | |||
224 | |||
acute comic effects, combining the real and the fan¬ | |||
tastic and reducing the ideas he ridiculed to an | |||
absurdity. Aristophanes wrote in a flexible and lively | |||
language, ranging from everyday speech, often | |||
crude and primitive, to a parody of the elevated | |||
style; it was rich in unexpected comical coinages. | |||
The ancient Greek theatre, especially Athenian | |||
theatre, was closely linked with the life of the polis. | |||
It was in fact a kind of second assembly where the | |||
most burning issues, both theoretical and political, | |||
were discussed. The likeness was emphasised by the | |||
fact that theatrical performances were given on fes¬ | |||
tive days, and the spectators were expected to choose | |||
the winner on the artistic merits and message of a | |||
tragedy or comedy. | |||
Herodotus and Thucydides, the two greatest | |||
Greek historians, both worked in the 5th century | |||
B. C. The work of Herodotus had been prepared by | |||
the activities of the logographs, who had recorded | |||
local legends and genealogies of aristocratic families. | |||
A most important feature of Greek historiography of | |||
the classical epoch was its concern with the recent | |||
past. Herodotus’s main goal was the description of | |||
the Graeco-Persian wars, while Thucydides was | |||
mostly concerned with the Peloponnesian War. A | |||
strengthening of the rationalistic principles and a | |||
desire to study the real causes of events were charac¬ | |||
teristic of the development of historiography of that | |||
time, especially in its highest achievement work of | |||
Thucydides. | |||
The philosophy of ancient Greece went through a | |||
complex evolution in that period. Heraclitus of | |||
Ephesus, whose work concluded the quest of the | |||
natural philosophers of the previous epoch, lived at | |||
the end of the archaic and the beginning of the clas¬ | |||
sical eras. Heraclitus asserted that the eternal pro¬ | |||
cess of motion and change is the highest law of | |||
nature. He was the first to arrive at the idea of the | |||
world’s dialectical development as a law inherent in | |||
matter. | |||
Spontaneous materialism, born in the Ionic school | |||
of natural philosophy, continued to develop in the | |||
work of Empedocles and Anaxagoras. The material- ^ | |||
ist conception of the world reached its peak in the ? | |||
work of Leucippus and especially Democritus. 5 | |||
Democritus combined consistently atomistic views p | |||
with the idea of dialectical development. A charac- g | |||
teristic feature of the work of most philosophers of ^ | |||
the materialist orientation was a blend of pragmatic s | |||
225 | |||
interests and studies with the working out of basic | |||
theoretical problems of philosophy. | |||
The sophist movement, which began in the | |||
mid-5th century B. C., was a reaction against the | |||
primacy of natural philosophy. The Sophists were | |||
mostly concerned with epistemological problems, | |||
the nature of human knowledge and the criteria of | |||
its truth or falsity. That was a major step forward in | |||
the development of philosophy, as these issues had | |||
not been considered by natural philosophers. | |||
Sophistry also arose from the practical needs of the | |||
polis: since power in the polis was ultimately vested | |||
in the popular assembly, each statesman had to be | |||
able to refute the arguments of his opponent by | |||
showing their falsity and to substantiate his own | |||
positions by proving their truth. In this way, the | |||
development of philosophy, combined with the | |||
demands of political practice, called to life the | |||
Sophist movement led by Protagoras and Gorgias | |||
“Man is the measure of all things,” insisted Prota¬ | |||
goras, an ideologue of democracy. But that proposi¬ | |||
tion, regardless of Protagoras’s subjective political | |||
sympathies, opposed the individual to the collective, | |||
introducing scepticism and relativism into ethics. | |||
With some justification, the bulk of Athenian | |||
citizens saw the political theories of Sophists and | |||
their rhetorical sophistication as tools for undermin¬ | |||
ing democracy and a means of deceiving the people. | |||
At the same time, out of the fight with the Sophist | |||
movement arose the idealist philosophy of Socrates, | |||
the ideologue of the Athenian oligarchic and aristo¬ | |||
cratic circles. He insisted that truth is born of argu¬ | |||
ment. He founded the so-called Socratic method of | |||
conducting an argument, in which the wise man, by | |||
asking some leading questions, compelled his | |||
opponents first to recognise the erroneousness of | |||
their positions and then to admit the correctness of | |||
his own thesis. In Socrates’s view, the wise man | |||
arrived at the truth through knowledge of himself | |||
and of the objectively existing spirit, i. e., objectively | |||
existing truth. Socrates strongly emphasised the | |||
need for professional knowledge, deducing from it | |||
the idea that a person not engaged in politics profes¬ | |||
sionally could have no judgements about it. That | |||
was a direct challenge to the basic principles of | |||
Athenian democracy, which wanted to make the | |||
management of the polis affairs the concern of all the | |||
citizens. | |||
A most important development in the 5th century | |||
15-344 | |||
was the separation of the individual sciences from tinually alienated the funds of wealthy citizens and | |||
natural philosophy. Herodotus was not only the metics, spending them in nonproductive spheres, | |||
founder of historiography but also, apparently, of Besides, the polis principles did not permit consider- | |||
some branches of geography. Especially significant able sections of rich Athenian population (e. g., the | |||
was the progress in medicine connected above all metic trapezitai ) to engage in the most profitable | |||
with the work of Hippocrates. The basic feature of forms of entrepreneurial activity because they could | |||
Hippocratic medicine was strict rationalism; in the not accept land, the principal form of a citizen’s | |||
view of Hippocrates, all diseases were caused by property, as security. For the same reason, the | |||
natural factors. He insisted that the physician should metics could not exploit the mines in Laurium. All | |||
treat each patient individually, taking into account this was all the more important as the crafts, trade | |||
the disposition of the patient himself and of his and credit operations were the principal spheres of | |||
natural environment. the metics’ activities. All these conflicts were | |||
Mathematics developed mostly under the impact brought about by economic advances and the conse- | |||
of Pythagorean teaching. During the 5th century, it quent changes in the character of property. Pre¬ | |||
ceased to be the Pythagoreans’ exclusive domain, viously, the predominant form of property in the | |||
becoming an independent scientific discipline stud- polis was the antique one, while now a new form, | |||
ied professionally by scholars who did not belong to approaching absolute private property, crystallised, | |||
any philosophical trend. Particular progress was The economic development and the growing role | |||
achieved in arithmetic, geometry, geometric algebra of purely economic factors in society’s life entailed | |||
and stereometry. Astronomy also made considerable changes in the political sphere. The old division of | |||
advances in the 5th century. the citizenry into adherents of oligarchy and fol- | |||
The heyday of Greek culture in that century was lowers of democracy was replaced by the division | |||
linked with the flourishing of the classical polis. The into groups with differing economic interests. The | |||
rise of democracy, participation of vast masses of free group headed by Demosthenes had interests in sea | |||
citizens in political life, fierce political and social trade, particularly with the northern Black Sea area | |||
conflicts demanding each individual’s self-deter- supplying Athens with grain; the Hyperides group | |||
mination, the progress of positive science, extension expressed the interests of those whose well-being | |||
of the geographic horizons, and realisation of the depended on the Laurium mines, etc. Each of these | |||
superiority of the Greek way of life over the modes of groups endeavoured to direct the policy of the Athe- | |||
life of other peoples-all this determined the features nian polis in a way most advantageous to itself, | |||
of the Greek culture of the classical epoch. Although the ideologues of these groups declared | |||
their adherence to democratic principles, the decla¬ | |||
rations often concealed a desire to change the exist- | |||
The Crisis of the Classical Polis. Modern students of ing structure, e. g., through limiting the number of | |||
antiquity define the 4th century B. C. as the time of citizens to property-owners only, or restricting the | |||
the crisis of the ancient Greek polis. The crisis was authority of the popular assembly and especially of | |||
most pronounced in Athens; it did not coincide with the court (Heliaea) - the principal defender of the | |||
a decline in the economy, as earlier believed, but democratic foundations of the polis. In a word, | |||
occurred at a time of economic growth. The crisis Athenian slave-owning democracy was going | |||
manifested itself most clearly in the development of a _ through a crisis which undermined its organism like | |||
conflict between the polis’s traditional socioecono- “ a long-drawn-out illness. | |||
mic structure and the nature of its economic evolu- 3 The crisis of the polis took a different form in | |||
tion. The polis, which had arisen as a community of y Sparta. Here, the Peloponnesian War also acted as a | |||
landed citizens, impeded the development of com- 1 . factor which pushed the polis towards a critical | |||
modity-money relations. The citizens’ yearning for | state. A polis with an archaic structure, which had | |||
land was truly ineradicable; part of the money s= diligently cultivated primitive equality of citizens, | |||
earned by practising a craft or a trade, was saved to | contempt for wealth, the spirit of a closed civic com- | |||
buy land. Through “liturgies” or voluntary offices, ^ munity, a polis which impeded in every way the | |||
extraordinary taxes and other means, the polis con- 5 development of commodity-money relations, sud- | |||
denly became ruler over all Greece. In the years of nificant in this respect was the ethnic structure of the | |||
the war the Spartans had seen something of the mercenary troops: for the most part, the soldiers | |||
world, they had learnt the sweetness of luxury and came from the poor small poleis of northern Pelo- | |||
had become accustomed to money-“the sinews of ponnese (Arcadia and Achaia). | |||
war”. The wealth that flooded Sparta fell into the It was in these poleis that the internal social con- | |||
hands of men who were ready to use it. The war flicts were most severe. In Athens, the struggle | |||
years had changed the psychology of the Spartiates among the citizens usually found expression in fierce | |||
they had got rid of many traditional moral values debates in the popular assembly, court trials, and | |||
that had stood in the way of winning the victory. banishment of political opponents, whereas in other | |||
The wealth of all Greece, falling into the hands of poleis the conflicts often erupted in civil wars, | |||
Sparta, very soon gave rise to extreme economic in- usually fought with great ferocity. The situation was | |||
equality between different strata of that changed aptly described by Plato, who wrote that two hostile | |||
society. The civic community swiftly broke down states existed in each polis-the state of the poor and | |||
into the haves and the have-nots. That process cul- the state of the rich. | |||
minated in the law, introduced by the ephor Epita- The social conflicts in Greece led to the revival of | |||
deus, which permitted alienation of the kleroi, or tyranny in the 4th century B. C., which is called | |||
land allotments. This destroyed the very basis of “younger tyranny”, to distinguish it from the earlier | |||
Spartan equality. An immediate consequence of that one. There was one common trait in the system of | |||
law was a sharp decline in the number of citizens tyrannic rule everywhere - the great role played by | |||
enjoying full rights, since a Spartan who lost his mercenaries as a most important element in the | |||
kleros also lost many of his rights. Concentration of power structure of the tyranny. Tyrants came to | |||
land property also became a cause of Sparta’s mili- power in Corinth, Sicyon, on Euboea, in Locris, | |||
tary weakening. It suffered crushing defeats at the Thessaly and other cities. Euphron, the tyrant of | |||
hands of the Thebans and lost its power over Mes- Sicyon, relied on democrats and a 2,000-strong unit | |||
senia, which further aggravated its internal difficul- of mercenaries. Although tyrannical regimes mostly | |||
ties, since Messenia provided half of the lands distri- arose on the basis of democratic movements, oligar- | |||
buted among the Spartans. chic tyrannies were not rare at all. The principal | |||
The forms of the crisis of the polis are not, of weakness of tyrannical regimes was that maintaining | |||
course, limited to the Athenian and Spartan models. a hired army required considerable means, which | |||
That process took different courses in different the treasury was usually unable to provide. A polis | |||
poleis, depending on the character of the polis, as could not keep a hired army for any length of time, | |||
the examples of Sparta and Athens show. Tyrants were therefore compelled to resort to | |||
The wide use of mercenaries became one of the extraordinary methods of getting money: campaigns | |||
most striking symptoms of the polis crisis. Research against neighbours, confiscation of the property of | |||
has shown that the 4th century B. C. saw a continual political opponents, etc. But all these sources were | |||
growth in the number of mercenaries used both by extremely unreliable. The tyrants of Phocis found a | |||
Greek poleis and Persian kings and satraps, and also way out by robbing the Panhellenic shrine at Del- | |||
by the Egyptian rulers that revolted against Persia. phi. That wealth enabled them to maintain hired | |||
There were dozens of thousands of mercenaries in army of 40,000 for many years. This fact throws in | |||
such a relatively small country as Greece, and they relief not only the policies of tyrants but also the de- | |||
were ready to serve for their daily bread only, which cline of religious feeling in Greece, | |||
clearly shows that the bulk of the mercenaries were _ Not only poleis under tyrannic rule were per- | |||
poor men driven to risk their lives by hunger. It can j? manently in need of money-the situation was the | |||
thus be assumed that the development of commodi- 5 same in most other poleis. The position became par¬ | |||
ty-money relations in Greece and economic progress 5 ticularly unbearable during wars. Citizens did not | |||
did not mean that the relative stability observed in £ want to and could not fight, and the poleis’ armies | |||
Athens existed everywhere else. In the small and g therefore mostly consisted of mercenaries who had to | |||
economically weak poleis the crisis manifested itself c> be paid. A new principle was adopted: war had to | |||
in the loss of land by many citizens. Especially sig- s feed itself. Enemy, and often allies’, territory was | |||
227 | |||
15 * | |||
constantly plundered. The population of captured height of the struggle against Athens, Sparta had | |||
cities was commonly all sold as slaves. Mercenaries promised Persia to hand over to it the Greek poleis | |||
were a striking indication of the crisis of the polis and of Asia Minor; now, after its victory, it was in no | |||
one of their major problems, which figured pro- mood at all to honour that promise, which naturally | |||
minently in all the projects for overcoming the crisis led to a conflict between the two countries. The | |||
suggested at that time. Spartans became involved in the dynastic conflict in | |||
The morality of society changed. The traditional Persia, supporting Cyrus the Younger, who was the | |||
polis morality increasingly gave way to individual- satrap of the western parts of Asia Minor. Persia | |||
ism, and patriotism, to profit-seeking. Money used that as a pretext for a war against Sparta, | |||
became the main factor that determined the individ- which was waged in Asia Minor between 399 and | |||
ual’s place in society. A comedy by an Athenian 394 B. C. Although the military operations were | |||
author of the 4th century B. C. was very eloquent on sluggish, Persia was nevertheless able to deal Sparta | |||
the subject: a powerful blow by using its tested weapon of subsi- | |||
If you ask me, silver and gold dies to Sparta’s enemies. The money sent by the Per- | |||
Are useful gods perhaps the only ones. sians helped the enemies of Spartan hegemony, the | |||
You bring them to your house-and there, Boeotian League led by Thebes, and Athens, to arm | |||
You have whale'er your heart desires: themselves. A Spartan punitive expedition against | |||
Land, houses, maids and ornaments, Thebes ended in a defeat for the Spartan army and | |||
Friends, witnesses and judges. Pay, the death of its famous leader Lysander. After that, | |||
And e’en the gods will be your servants. the victors were joined by Argos, Corinth, Euboea, | |||
These were the principal features of the crisis of Acarnania, Locris, Chalcidice, part of Epirus, and | |||
the polis system in Greece in the 4th century B. C. Thessaly. A long hard fight began. The Persian fleet, | |||
The crisis began during the Peloponnesian War and commanded by the Athenian Conon, destroyed the | |||
made a decisive impact on all the aspects of life in Spartan naval forces. It became clear that Sparta | |||
Greece, including the course of its political history. would not be able to retain its rule over Greece. In | |||
The victory of Sparta in the Peloponnesian War this situation, there was a sharp rise in internal polit- | |||
signified a radical change in the overall situation in ical conflicts in many Greek poleis, where demo- | |||
Greece. The Spartans promptly forgot their pro- crats supported the anti-Spartan coalition. The war | |||
mises about freedom for all Greeks. Lysander, ended in 387 B. C. with the signing of the so-called | |||
Sparta’s nauarchos, or commander of the fleet, estab- Peace of Antalcidas, after the Spartan ambassador | |||
fished a regime of terror throughout Greece, hand- at the congress, or the King’s Peace. Persia did not | |||
ing over power in the poleis to oligarchs, mostly his want to weaken Sparta excessively, believing that its | |||
personal friends, supervised by Spartan commanders best interests would be met by a divided Greece. It | |||
of garrisons (harmosts,). All democrats were cruelly therefore changed its orientation and supported the | |||
persecuted; frequent punitive expeditions were Spartans; a peace treaty was concluded which | |||
undertaken against recalcitrant poleis; the Spar- proved to be the highest achievement of Persian dip- | |||
tans imposed their taxes instead of the Athe- lomacy since the end of the Graeco-Persian wars, | |||
nian phoros. It seemed that the harsh Spartan rule An additional guarantee of Spartan hegemony in | |||
over Greece would last a long time. However, two Greece was a ban on all alliances except the Pelo- | |||
circumstances-one domestic, the other internation- _ ponnesian League. Sparta paid for the support by | |||
al put an end to it. a ceding to Persia its power over the poleis of Asia | |||
Lysander’s great influence and the fact that many 5 Minor. | |||
Greek cities were controlled after the war by his ~ Sparta tried to restore its unchallenged hegemony | |||
friends inspired suspicions and fear in the Spartan - in Hellas and at first succeeded in it. The most im- | |||
government, which began to oppose the more deci- § portant Spartan achievement was the capture of | |||
sive actions by Lysander and his followers. Thus, it g, Thebes, the replacement of its democracy by an oli- | |||
permitted the restoration of a democratic system in | garchy, and the dissolution of the Boeotian League. | |||
Athens. s But that was the Spartans’ last success. Supported by | |||
There was also the international factor. At the Athens, Theban democrats killed the oligarchs and | |||
228 | |||
made the Spartan garrison surrender. Democracy rose in revolt. In the course of the Social War | |||
was restored, as was the Boeotian League headed by (357-355), Athens was defeated, and that was the | |||
Thebes. The Boeotian League was governed by a end of the Athenian League. | |||
college of five boeotarchs, of which the most influen- Thus the middle of the 4th century B. C. found | |||
tial were the well-known democratic statesmen Pelo- Greece weakened and disunited. All the major polit- | |||
pidas and Epaminondas. Taking advantage of ical forces had been undermined, the leading | |||
Sparta’s difficult position, Athens also revived its alliances had disintegrated, and no single state could | |||
naval confederacy (378 B. C.). The Second Athe- claim hegemony. That process went on against the | |||
nian League was much smaller than the first (as the background of an acute socioeconomic crisis which | |||
poleis of Asia Minor, now ruled by Persia, could no showed that the classical polis with its basic princi- | |||
longer participate), and it was founded on somewhat pies of autonomy and autarchy had outlived its use- | |||
different principles. The allies remembered the fulness. The crisis involved increased social conflicts, | |||
experiences of the past, and the treaty included the struggle between political groups, a severe finan- | |||
guarantees against a renewal of Athenian imperial cial dislocation, and wide recourse to mercenaries, | |||
poleis. The Athenians undertook not to establish Members of the Hellenic intellectual elite pro- | |||
cleruchies, Athenian citizens were forbidden to pos- posed various plans for overcoming the crisis. Des- | |||
sess land on the territory of allied poleis, and a great pite differences over particulars, these plans rested | |||
role was intended for the synedrion (the council of on the conviction that all Greece’s problems could | |||
representatives of the allied poleis), which con- be solved at the expense of Persia: a united Greece | |||
trolled the League’s finances. The restoration of the could destroy the rich but weak Achaemenid | |||
League enabled the Athenians to inflict a heavy empire. The intention was not only to plunder Per- | |||
defeat on the Spartans, who were now obliged to sia but also to seize part of its territory. Poleis would | |||
reconcile themselves to its existence and officially be built on conquered territory where indigent | |||
recognised it. But the final blow to Spartan hege- Greeks would settle, while the local population | |||
mony was dealt by the Thebans. The war between would be enslaved. These ideas found increasing | |||
Sparta and Thebes, which had lasted several years, support in Greece, but a campaign in the East was | |||
entered its decisive stage. In 371 B.C., the Spartan hardly feasible in view of the country’s extreme | |||
army was routed by the Thebans in the battle of political fragmentation. | |||
Leuctra. The consequences of that defeat were disas- In the meantime, a force was maturing in the | |||
trous for Sparta. The Peloponnesian League disinte- north of Greece that was destined to carry out, to | |||
grated, and the Spartans were now more concerned some extent, the plans worked out by the intellec- | |||
with the defence of their city than with hegemony. tuals of Hellas but not in the way they expected. The | |||
Messenia became independent, and the city of Mes- Macedonian kingdom came on the scene, and dur- | |||
sene arose on the slopes of Mount Ithome. In the ing the 4th century B. C. it kept growing stronger, | |||
north of the Peloponnese, several small Arcadian more and more vigorously interfering in Greece’s | |||
poleis formed the Arcadian League, of which the affairs. | |||
newly built city of Megalopolis became the centre. Under king Philip II (359-336 B. C), Macedonia | |||
In the end, Sparta’s possessions were reduced to achieved power it had never known before. It was | |||
Laconica, and its influence on the affairs of the Pelo- mostly an agricultural country; compared with the | |||
ponnese became minimal. Greek world, class society and the state developed | |||
But the Thebans’ great victories did not bring rather late here. For this reason, most of Mace- | |||
them hegemony over Greece. The long years of war ^ donia’s population in the 4th century B. C. were free | |||
had undermined Theban economy, while the The- ? peasants who usually served in infantry. Cavalry was | |||
bans’ former allies rose against them as soon as the : the aristocratic force. King Philip reformed the | |||
prospect of Theban hegemony became apparent. * army making it the strongest in the Balkan penin- | |||
Somewhat later, Athens also suffered a severe blow. g= sula. Philip’s army was hardened in countless cam- | |||
Seeing the weakening of Sparta and Thebes, Athe- g paigns, and there were many talented military | |||
nians thought it an opportune moment to revert to o leaders among the king’s associates. Capturing the | |||
their imperial policy, but their allies immediately | mines of Mt. Pangaeus, Philip began to mint his | |||
229 | |||
gold coin and, unlike most Greek poleis, had no fiscation of property, and remission of debts, all of | |||
trouble in financing his military and political moves. which was in the interests of the propertied sections | |||
A sober politician with a fine grasp of the political of the population. Manumission of slaves for pur- | |||
situation in the Balkans, Philip skilfully interfered in poses of political revolt was strictly forbidden. The | |||
the affairs of Greece. Athens became the main foreign policy of the Greek League was entrusted to | |||
opponent of Macedonia. In the long fight between king Philip. The affairs of the League were managed | |||
them Macedonia gradually gained the upper hand, by an assembly of representatives of all the poleis. | |||
consolidating its positions on the Thracean coast. Finally, war against Persia was declared on behalf of | |||
Philip interfered in the so-called Sacred War, which Greece and Macedonia, and Philip was elected | |||
raged for many years in central Greece, where Supreme Commander of all the allied forces, | |||
numerous Greek poleis fought against Phocis. The Thus ended the most important period in the his- | |||
rulers of Phocis had plundered the Delphi temple tory of Greece. From that moment, Greece found | |||
and, hiring a considerable army of mercenaries with itself under a foreign power and lost its independ- | |||
the money, repulsed the attacks of their opponents. ence. | |||
In the course of that war, Philip subdued Thessaly, The period of crisis in Greece did not signify a | |||
which added the famous Thessalian cavalry to his complete decline of its culture. On the contrary, it | |||
army, then defeated Phocis and consolidated his was marked by many important achievements in | |||
positions in central Greece. Finally, he destroyed literature, science, philosophy, and art. A number of | |||
the alliance of the Greek poleis of Chalcidice and outstanding thinkers of antiquity, Plato and Aristo- | |||
firmly established his presence on the Aegean coast. tie among them, lived and worked in that epoch. | |||
Macedonia’s growing might and Philip’s increas- The crisis of the polis certainly led to great | |||
ing interference in Greek affairs resulted in a certain changes in social consciousness and morality; the | |||
polarisation of forces in Athens and many other growth of individualism and the decline of the tradi- | |||
Greek poleis. With his enormous wealth, the king of tional collectivist morality of the polis became pro- | |||
Macedonia was able to suborn a number of sta- nounced. But on the other hand, these phenomena | |||
tesmen in different cities, but there were also quite a stimulated profound theoretical studies in the nature | |||
few selfless supporters of Macedonia who hoped that of the polis, the causes of its evolution and decline, its | |||
the establishment of Macedonian hegemony would typology and the possibility of creating a stable or | |||
bring political and social stability, and later enable “ideal” polis. These problems were worked out on | |||
Greece to start a war against Persia. an idealist basis by the pupils of Socrates, above all | |||
Philip extended his activities to the Peloponnese. by Plato. Plato came from an aristocratic Athenian | |||
Demosthenes managed to build a rather powerful family-his father Ariston was said to have traced his | |||
alliance, including Athens, Corinth, Argos, Thebes descent through Codrus to the god Poseidon; he | |||
and a number of other poleis. The allies raised an received an excellent education and was an out- | |||
army of more than 30,000, which fought a decisive standing erudite. He was a major representative of | |||
battle against the Macedonians near Chaeronea the idealist trend in ancient Greek philosophy and | |||
(338 B. C.). Though the Greeks put up a stubborn the founder of the Academy-the philosophical | |||
fight, they suffered a crushing defeat. That meant school uniting his disciples. The basis of Plato’s views | |||
the end of the freedom of the Greek poleis. In the was the notion of ideas-eternal and immutable pro¬ | |||
following year, Philip convened a congress in Cor- __ totypes of things, of which the objects of the real | |||
inth attended by representatives of all the Greek ~ world are weak reflection. This theory also served as | |||
poleis with the exception of Sparta. The congress £ a basis for Plato’s views on the polis. The idea of the | |||
proclaimed a Greek League (or League of Corinth) J polis also existed in the higher world, the world of | |||
under the hegemony of the Macedonian king. Uni- ^ ideas, and the task of the lawgiver was to build a real | |||
versal peace was declared, wars between poleis were | polis closely approaching the ideal one. Plato | |||
forbidden, as were the interference of poleis in gj worked out in detail a project for dividing the popu- | |||
the internal affairs of each other and any changes in | lation of the polis into three groups: farmers, | |||
the state structure which existed at that moment. A = craftsmen and traders engaged in production and | |||
ban was also imposed on redistribution of land, con- g exchange and having no rights at all; guards exclu- | |||
230 | |||
sively engaged in military affairs, deprived of pro- one than Plato’s. He proposed to build Greek poleis | |||
perty and family, and devoting themselves entirely on lands wrested from the barbarians, on which the | |||
to the defence of the polis; and finally, wise men or citizens would live by exploiting the local popula- | |||
philosophers concerned with the management of the tion. The wide spreading of slavery led to the emer- | |||
polis and living the same harsh life as the guards. gence of the so-called “slave question” as a problem | |||
Plato’s project echoed the ideals of a long-gone for sociological analysis. Expressing the very essence | |||
era-the Spartan system of the time of Lycurgus, of the slave-owning system, Aristotle developed the | |||
and naturally could not be implemented. Plato’s idea of “slavery by nature”, according to which all | |||
attempts to realise it in Sicily with the help of the non-Greeks (barbarians) were intended by nature | |||
tyrants of Syracuse nearly cost him his life. itself to be Greeks’ slaves. Aristotle’s economic ideas | |||
There was a scholar among Plato’s disciples whose were extremely profound. He observed quite cor- | |||
powerful influence went far beyond his time, his rectly that the polis mode of life was only compatible | |||
country, and antiquity in general. That scholar was with a definite level of economic development, while | |||
Aristotle. He was an encyclopaedist in the true sense excessive progress in commodity-money relations | |||
of the word; his interests ranged over philosophy, resulted in the disintegration of the polis. Just as im- | |||
history, mathematics, physics, zoology, botany, portant were his observations concerning the depend- | |||
medicine, ethics, theory of art, literature and ence of politics on the economic interests of vari- | |||
theatre, and rhetoric. He began his work as Plato’s ous groups of the citizenry. Aristotle’s influence | |||
disciple but later broke with his teacher and founded on the subsequent development of antiquity and | |||
his own school, the Lyceum. Aristotle’s natural phi- early Middle Ages was truly immense. Translated | |||
losophy was close to materialism. According to Aris- into Arabic, his works were absorbed by Islamic | |||
totle, matter and form are inseparable; they are not science, and later the originals of these works and | |||
abstract concepts but two aspects of a single life pro- translations into many other languages became some | |||
cess. The strongest aspect of Aristotle’s natural phi- of the most treasured possessions of European and | |||
losophical system was his theory of motion, without world civilisation. | |||
which there is neither time, space, nor matter. The In the second half of the 5th and the 4th centuries, | |||
theory of the methods of thinking, or logic, comple- the art of oratory reached its peak. Legal eloquence | |||
mented that system. assumed the greatest importance; countless cases | |||
Aristotle created an all-embracing scientific-phi- came to the courts, and this necessitated a knowledge | |||
losophical system which synthesised all the achieve- of the laws and the art of persuasive speech. As a | |||
ments of the Greek science of the classical period. result, the profession of logographers, or compilers of | |||
Aristotle’s scientific views were inseparable from his court speeches, became established (both prosecu- | |||
general philosophical principles. He worked on tion and defence rested with the litigants in the Athe- | |||
mathematical problems and created a general nian court). The classic representative of logo- | |||
theory of the qualitative changes and transforma- graphy was undoubtedly Lysias, who brought the | |||
dons of bodies. Aristotle’s works on animate nature art to perfection; his style was simple, his arguments | |||
are an important part of his scholary heritage. He sober and convincing. | |||
described 485 species of animals and was the first Isocrates, the most famous teacher of rhetoric at | |||
scholar to suggest a classification of the animal the time, was an unsurpassed master of solemn elo- | |||
world. Aristotle’s work was continued by his pupils, quence. His whole activity as a political orator and | |||
notably by Theophrastus. writer was inspired by a single idea an alliance of | |||
Aristotle also developed a theory of the state in his , all Greeks for a war against the barbarians. Only a | |||
remarkable work Politics a treatise based on 158 f united campaign would save Greece from all its mis- | |||
studies, each of them devoted to the state structure 5 fortunes-civil wars, conflicts between poleis, the in- | |||
and history of an individual polis and carried out * stitution of mercenaries, banishment of citizens, | |||
either by Aristotle himself or his pupils. Aristotle’s f poverty and destitution. The wars engulfing Greece | |||
analysis of the Greek polis (its essence, types, evolu- | should be taken over to Asia, and the riches of Asia, | |||
tion, causes of decline, etc.) was unsurpassed; he also 53 to Europe. That Panhellenic idea permeated all of | |||
worked out a project of an ideal state a more viable § Isocrates’s speeches-only the names of possible | |||
231 | |||
organisers of such a campaign changed. Disap- endeavoured to solve difficult technical tasks. Espe- | |||
pointed in his native Athens, Isocrates turned to the daily famous of Apelles’s paintings was Aphrodite | |||
powerful rulers, first Dionysios, the tyrant of Syra- Anadiomena — Aphrodite rising out of the sea, her | |||
cuse, and later the Macedonian king Philip. The lat- body seen through the water, | |||
ter accorded with his ideal of a leader capable of The development of Greek science in the 4th cen- | |||
pacifying the Greeks and heading an eastern tury B. C. was mostly determined by the work of | |||
campaign. professional scholars (mathematicians, astronomers, | |||
But the great and tragic figure of Demosthenes, and natural scientists) and, to a lesser degree, by the | |||
one of the greatest orators of all times and peoples, efforts of philosophers. The greatest scholar of the | |||
towers above all the Greek speakers. Demosthenes’s 4th century was Eudoxus of Cnidus. In mathema- | |||
court speeches were numerous and important, but tics, he developed the general theory of proportions, | |||
he acquired his fame mostly through his part in which was properly appreciated only in the second | |||
political debate. Both for his contemporaries and half of the 19th century. He also invented 'the | |||
later generations Demosthenes was above all a poli- method of exhaustion and applied it to the first | |||
tician, fighter and patriot. He realised quite early rigorous proof of the volume of the pyramid. He | |||
the danger of the Macedonian king Philip for the in- played a still greater role in antique astronomy, | |||
dependence of the Greeks, and began a struggle becoming in fact the father of theoretical astronomy, | |||
against him. The speeches of Demosthenes against Eudoxus calculated the orbits of planets, compiled a | |||
Philip and in defence of the freedom of Athens raised catalogue of the stars, and built the first astronomic | |||
him to the position of a leading statesman. Demos- observatory. His model of the cosmos based on the | |||
thenes tirelessly endeavoured to stir up the citizen notion of concentric spheres uniformly revolving | |||
body to vigorous activity, and to build a coalition of round the earth stimulated the development of | |||
the poleis against Macedonian danger. His speeches spheric geometry and the kinematics of moving | |||
combined brilliant oratory and great fighting spirit; points, circles and spheres. Eudoxus’s ideas were | |||
his passionate conviction and the power of his argu- further developed by his disciples-the mathemati- | |||
ments moved his listeners. He was the last outstand- cians Menaechmus and Dinostratus, the astronomer | |||
ing master of public oratory in independent Greece. Polemarchos who, in his turn, became the teacher of | |||
The new phenomena in 4th-century Greek society the outstanding astronomer Callippus. | |||
were also reflected in the development of art. Many Ancient Greek culture occupies a very special | |||
prominent sculptors were then active in Greece place in the heritage on which human civilisation, | |||
Scopas, Leochares, Timotheus, Bryaxis, Praxiteles, and particularly European culture, relied in its sub- | |||
Lysippus. All of them abandoned the simple and sequent development. In the esthetic sphere, the | |||
strict principles of the epoch of “high classicism”. Greek heritage is not only a source of modern knowl- | |||
The desire to convey the individual’s traits, emo- edge but also a living and fascinating spiritual force, | |||
tions, and inner world became paramount. Scopas Antique culture is a constituent part of modern cul- | |||
usually created sculptures on mythological themes, ture, not just its antecedent. Significantly, the turn- | |||
but his types expressed stormy spiritual experiences ing point in the development of West European art | |||
(see, for instance, his figure of a Maenad in the grip began with the epoch of the Renaissance, or the | |||
of Bacchic frenzy, or the faces of wounded warriors, revival of antique art. As Engels wrote, “In the | |||
expressing intense suffering, on the pediment of the manuscripts saved from the fall of Byzantium, in the | |||
temple of Athena at Tegea). Hedonistic themes were 3. antique statues dug out of the ruins of Rome, anew | |||
strong in the work of Praxiteles, who loved to por- 5 world was revealed to the astonished West, that of | |||
tray Aphrodite, Dionysius and his companions. He y ancient Greece; the ghosts of the Middle Ages | |||
became especially famous for his sculpture of Aphro- f vanished before its shining forms.” 1 The images of | |||
dite of Cnidos. | antique mythology were treated in numerous paint- | |||
The same features were inherent in 4th-century is ings by Leonardo da Vinci, Michaelangelo, Botti- | |||
painting, of which the major representatives were | _ | |||
Pausamas of Sicyon and Apelles. Pausanias invented ^ 1 Frederick Engels, Dialectics of Nature, Progress Publishers, | |||
the technique of encaustic, or hot-wax painting. He J Moscow, 1972, p. 20. | |||
232 | |||
If | |||
rhelli, Titian, Rubens, Rembrandt, Watteau, Fra¬ | |||
gonard, Ivanov, Bruni, and in the sculptures of | |||
Vitali, Kozlovski, Demuth-Malinovsky, and others. | |||
The subjects of antique mythology were used by | |||
many great writers and musicians Dante, Shake¬ | |||
speare, Pushkin, Mayakovsky, Haydn, Gluck, | |||
Offenbach, Stravinsky, and others. It is hard to find | |||
a single area where the influence of Greek culture | |||
would not be felt, and therein lies its intransient sig¬ | |||
nificance for all mankind. | |||
Alexander the Great. The epoch of Alexander the | |||
Great was a transitional one from the classical to the | |||
Hellenistic era. That short historical period (336-323 | |||
B. C.) was full of events which determined the course | |||
of history during several centuries to come. The war | |||
with the Persians was begun already under Alex¬ | |||
ander’s father, but the assassination of Philip II in | |||
336 delayed for a while the fulfilment of the great | |||
plans for a campaign in the East. On his accession to | |||
the throne, Alexander ruthlessly exterminated the | |||
assassins of his father and possible claimants to the | |||
throne. But the greatest threat came from the out¬ | |||
side : in the north, Thracian and Illyrian tribes pre¬ | |||
pared to invade Macedonia, and in the south, the | |||
Greeks were ready to rise in revolt. In this situation, | |||
Alexander acted swiftly and resolutely. He led an | |||
army into central Greece and camped outside | |||
Thebes. Intimidated, the Greeks recognised Alex¬ | |||
ander’s claim to all his father’s rights. Just as swiftly, | |||
the Macedonian army moved north and defeated | |||
Thracians and Illyrians in several battles. At this | |||
time, the false rumour of the death of the Mace¬ | |||
donian king incited the Greeks to revolt. Realising | |||
the seriousness of this development, Alexander | |||
returned earlier than the Greeks could have possibly | |||
expected him, captured Thebes-the hotbed of the | |||
rebellion, razed the city to the ground and enslaved | |||
its citizens. He also showed himself as astute politi¬ | |||
cian: the decision to destroy Thebes was taken by | |||
the allied Greek poleis. | |||
The rebels thus brought to heel, Alexander turned | |||
to his principal task the campaign against the Per¬ | |||
sians. In spring of the year 334 B. C., the Mace¬ | |||
donian army and the allied Greek forces crossed into | |||
Asia Minor. The war was on. The Persian army was | |||
greatly superior in numbers, but Alexander’s force | |||
was remarkably well trained, disciplined and armed. | |||
The first encounter with the forces of the satraps of | |||
Asia Minor took place on the banks of the river | |||
Granicus; the Persian army was routed in a fierce | |||
battle. That opened the way to the conquest of Asia | |||
Minor, which in fact did not go beyond capturing | |||
coastal cities and establishing overall control over | |||
the country. Officially, the war had been declared to | |||
be in revenge for the desecration of the Greek shrines | |||
during the Graeco-Persian war; Alexander was very | |||
skilful at using Panhellenic slogans. He drove away | |||
oligarchs in the Greek cities and established | |||
democratic regimes, which ensured support from the | |||
Greek population of Asia Minor. | |||
While Alexander was busy conquering Asia | |||
Minor, the situation in the Aegean became unfa¬ | |||
vourable to him. The Persian commander-in-chief, | |||
the Greek Memnon, captured a number of islands | |||
and even threatened to disembark on the Balkan | |||
shore. His sudden death gave Alexander a respite. | |||
Having conquered Asia Minor, Alexander crossed | |||
Cilicia and entered northern Syria. Here again he | |||
met the Persian army, this time headed by King | |||
Darius III himself. In the battle near Issus in the | |||
autumn of 333 B. C., both sides suffered heavy losses, | |||
and the Macedonians only gained a victory by a | |||
supreme effort. Darius fled in such a hurry that he | |||
abandoned his family to its fate, and it was captured | |||
by the enemy. In Damascus, the Persian king’s tra¬ | |||
velling treasury was seized, which greatly relieved | |||
Alexander’s severe financial difficulties. It was | |||
apparently after the victory at Issus that he con¬ | |||
ceived the idea of conquering the whole of the Per¬ | |||
sian empire. | |||
Alexander then occupied the Syro-Phoenician | |||
coast, where Tyre offered the greatest resistance. | |||
Relying on the insular position of their city and a | |||
strong fleet, the inhabitants of Tyre hoped to with¬ | |||
stand the siege. To take the city by storm, a dam was | |||
built to connect the island with the mainland. Tyre | |||
was stormed and harshly punished for its resistance. | |||
The capture of Gaza opened the way to Egypt, | |||
whose satrap surrendered as his army was not strong | |||
4 enough to offer effective resistance. The Egyptians | |||
' received Alexander as their liberator from Persian | |||
S" rule. During his stay in Egypt, Alexander founded a | |||
9 city in the Nile Delta which he named after himself. | |||
| He made a pilgrimage to the Ammon (Amon) oracle | |||
^ in the desert, and the priests there declared Alex- | |||
s ander to be Ammon’s son, thus recognising his | |||
233 | |||
I | |||
divine origin. In this way, his power in Egypt was aristocrats who entirely depended on him, and | |||
sanctified by the religion. crushed it. Parmenio, one of the most renowned | |||
In the spring of 331, Alexander moved north. military leaders and an associate of Philip II, his son | |||
Crossing the Tigris and the Euphrates unopposed, Philotas and many prominent members of Mace- | |||
he approached the village of Gaugamela, where a donian aristocracy lost their lives. Somewhat later | |||
decisive battle, one of the greatest in antiquity, took Cleitus, one of Alexander’s closest associates who | |||
place on October 1, 331. Although the Persian army had saved his life in the battle of the Granicus, was | |||
was now stronger than at Issus, the Macedonians also killed. Then came the disclosure of the so-called | |||
defeated it again. The central provinces of the Per- “conspiracy of the pages”-of young men from aris- | |||
sian empire now lay defenceless. Ancient Babylon tocratic families who formed the Macedonian king’s | |||
and Susa, where the Achaemenid treasury was kept, personal bodyguard. Finally, Callisthenes, Aristo- | |||
were captured without battle. The enormous riches tie’s nephew and the official historiographer of the | |||
accumulated by the Persian kings passed into the campaign, also fell a victim of the persecutions, as he | |||
hands of the conquerors. Alexander devastated Per- had expressed the discontent of the Greek cam- | |||
sepolis, the ancient capital of the Achaemenids. This paigners who saw that Alexander had no intention | |||
fact has puzzled many researches, since at that time at all of sharing the gains of the campaign with the | |||
Alexander was already actively conducting a policy Greeks, completely preoccupied with consolidating | |||
of rapprochement with the Persian aristocracy. It is his personal power. | |||
believed that the Macedonian king wanted to The conquest of the eastern satrapies, especially of | |||
demonstrate to the Greeks his devotion to Panhel- the southern areas of Central Asia, proved to be the | |||
lenism and the ideas of revenge upon the Persians. most difficult part of Alexander’s drive east. As dis- | |||
The point is that an anti-Macedonian movement led tinct from the situation in the west, where the popu- | |||
by the Spartan king Agis III broke out at that time lar masses viewed the change in authority with com- | |||
in Greece. Not knowing yet that his governor Anti- plete indifference, a real people’s war against the | |||
pater had already defeated the Greeks, Alexander invaders began in Central Asia, led by Spitamenes, a | |||
wanted to win their sympathies. Sogdian chieftain. The struggle against Bactrians | |||
The defeat at Gaugamela and Alexander’s occu- and Sogdians lasted for three years and took a great | |||
pation of the entire western part of the Achaemenid deal of effort. Alexander had to reorganise his army, | |||
empire did not signify a complete rout of the Per- adapting it to the new conditions of warfare. He | |||
sians. Darius still had the entire eastern part of the meted out mass reprisals to the rebels, and at the | |||
empire in his hands, and he hoped to gather the same time tried to attract the local aristocracy to his | |||
forces for a further struggle in Ecbatana, the capital side. He himself married Roxana, the daughter of | |||
of Media. Alexander’s irresistible rush frustrated Oxyartes, one of the former leaders of the resistance, | |||
those plans. Darius fled from Ecbatana. A conspir- and included Bactrian and Sogdian cavalry in his | |||
acy was hatched by the Persian aristocrats in his army. | |||
entourage during his flight, and he was assassinated. Alexander now dreamed of establishing his | |||
During the Macedonian army’s march east, into dominion over the whole world; that dream could | |||
regions practically unknown to the Greeks, there be realised if he conquered India. Although Alex- | |||
were first signs of discontent with Alexander’s policy. ander was able to conquer large areas in the Indus | |||
Alexander established ever closer links with the Per- ^ valley, inflicting a defeat on king Porus, he could not | |||
sian aristocracy, declaring himself the avenger of the bring his Indian campaign to a victorious conclu- | |||
death of the Persian king. To increase his authority, 5 sion. The army, exhausted by the drive east beyond | |||
Alexander began to replace the old Macedonian tra- y all human endurance, resolutely refused to march | |||
ditions with new ones, borrowed from the Achae- ^ forward. Moving down the Indus towards the ocean, | |||
menids. The old Macedonian aristocracy, which saw | Alexander divided his force into two parts. The | |||
the transformation of their king’s power after the j larger portion marched overland to Mesopotamia, | |||
Oriental model as an infringement of their tradi- 1 the centre of Alexander’s new empire; the other part | |||
tional privileges, rose in opposition. In his struggle 5 ; sailed on ships, built on the spot, for the mouth of the | |||
against this opposition, Alexander relied on those Tigris. The return proved very difficult for both | |||
234 | |||
forces, but at the beginning of 324 Alexander and | |||
the remnants of his army came back to Babylon. | |||
On his return, Alexander had to deal with a | |||
number of difficult problems. Many of the satraps | |||
that he had left behind never expected him to return | |||
from the Indian expedition; they built up armed | |||
forces of their own and spent enormous sums of | |||
money, behaving as independent sovereigns. Alex¬ | |||
ander took decisive measures to suppress these sepa¬ | |||
ratist inclinations. | |||
Alexander’s policy in those years was aimed at a | |||
unification of his vast empire. He endeavoured to | |||
consolidate peaceful relations between Macedonians | |||
and Persians. Apart from other measures, he | |||
organised a great wedding party for ten thousand of | |||
his warriors who married local maidens on the same | |||
day. 30,000 Persian youths were enlisted in his army. | |||
He promulgated an edict concerning the return of | |||
exiles to Greece and restoration of their property | |||
which was a breach of the covenant of the Greek | |||
League. He also demanded that the Greek poleis | |||
deify him. Numerous new cities were founded on | |||
conquered territories; Alexander regarded them as | |||
strongholds of his power. He also made preparations | |||
for new campaigns, probably intending to conquer | |||
Carthage, Sicily, South Arabia. A new fleet was | |||
built and an army raised, but at the height of these | |||
preparations Alexander died of fever at the age of | |||
33, in 323 B. C. | |||
The scope of Alexander’s campaigns and con¬ | |||
quests, which opened up new lands to the Greeks, | |||
made a great impression on his contemporaries. The | |||
argument about Alexander continues to this day. | |||
Earlier historiography largely idealised the Mace¬ | |||
donian king, regarding him as a genius bearing the | |||
high Hellenic civilisation east and thereby carrying | |||
out a great historical mission. This kind of unre¬ | |||
strained idealisation has given way to a more sober | |||
approach. Alexander’s activities defy any simplistic | |||
appraisal. He was undoubtedly a major statesman | |||
and a great military leader. His campaigns de¬ | |||
stroyed the Achaemenid empire, which was already | |||
in a state of degeneracy at that time, but the Graeco- | |||
Macedonian army brought devastation, slavery and | |||
death to the conquered peoples. Towns and villages | |||
were destroyed, men died, and whole tribes were | |||
exterminated. Alexander’s empire, which was | |||
greater in size than the Persian state, united by force | |||
of arms extremely diverse countries and peoples- | |||
highly advanced Greek poleis and Macedonia with | |||
its survivals of the primitive communal structure, | |||
the Nile valley and Mesopotamia with their thous¬ | |||
and-year-old culture and the nomadic tribes of east¬ | |||
ern Iran. A purely military entity, the empire had | |||
no unified economic basis. The Macedonian con¬ | |||
quest largely took the form of capturing major cities | |||
and strategically important strongholds. The state | |||
that arose on the ruins of the Persian empire strongly | |||
resembled the latter. Alexander was content with | |||
recognition of his rule and the payment of taxes, | |||
which were collected under the supervision of Mace¬ | |||
donians and Greeks. There were no major changes, | |||
however, in the conditions of life, especially in areas | |||
remote from the centre. | |||
At the same time a stream of Greeks and Mace¬ | |||
donians flowed east both during the campaigns and | |||
especially after them, bringing new forms of social | |||
relations and culture. Some of the cities which Alex¬ | |||
ander founded became centres of political and | |||
economic life. The campaigns brought an extension | |||
of the geographical limits of the Greek world, new | |||
communication routes were established, and naviga¬ | |||
tion expanded. All of this facilitated the develop¬ | |||
ment of the economy and of trading links, the begin¬ | |||
ning of a new period in the history of the eastern | |||
Mediterranean regions, marked by complex and | |||
contradictory processes of interaction between Grae¬ | |||
co-Macedonian and local elements the Hellenistic | |||
period. | |||
Alexander’s world empire could not stand the test | |||
of time, as it had no firm political or economic basis. | |||
But his campaigns affected the destinies of many | |||
peoples not only in Europe but also in the Near and | |||
Middle East. In the epoch of Hellenism, ethnic, | |||
polis and religious seclusion began to break up, | |||
new forms of state arose, exchange and commerce | |||
expanded, foundations of new faiths were laid, and | |||
at the same time the process of polarisation of an¬ | |||
cient societies continued, as the class struggle of the | |||
have-nots and slaves against slave-owners intensified. | |||
It was as a result of Alexander’s campaigns that the | |||
East and the West truly met, and this encounter | |||
affected many aspects of their life, initiating mutual | |||
cultural enrichment. Whatever the appraisal of | |||
Alexander’s personality and activity may be, his | |||
campaigns undoubtedly played an important role | |||
in bringing the European and Oriental civilisations | |||
closer together. | |||
Chapter 14 | |||
The Epoch of Hellenism | |||
The period that followed Alexander the Great’s | |||
campaigns and the founding of the Graeco-Mace¬ | |||
donian empire is commonly referred to as Hellenis¬ | |||
tic. The term “Hellenism”, introduced by the Ger¬ | |||
man historian J. G. Droysen in the 1830s, is still | |||
widely debated; there is no consensus among scho¬ | |||
lars neither on the chronological and geographical | |||
boundaries of the Hellenistic world or on the signifi¬ | |||
cance of that period for the history of mankind. | |||
Hellenism is often interpreted as a purely cultural | |||
phenomenon; accordingly, all areas in which the | |||
Hellenic and local cultures are observed to have in¬ | |||
teracted in antiquity are included in the Hellenistic | |||
world, some researchers stressing the fact of the in¬ | |||
teraction itself and the consequent syncretism of | |||
Hellenistic culture, others seeing it, above all, as a | |||
further development of Greek culture and the “crea¬ | |||
tive spirit” of the Greeks. | |||
On a deeper plane, Hellenism is identified with | |||
Hellenistic civilisation. Apart from common cultural | |||
development, this concept covers the forms of politi¬ | |||
cal organisation and socioeconomic relations charac¬ | |||
teristic of that epoch (mostly in the eastern Mediter¬ | |||
ranean area). The historiography of Hellenism was | |||
greatly influenced in this respect by the theory of | |||
Michael Rostovtzeff (a Russian scholar who emi¬ | |||
grated to the USA), according to which the Hel¬ | |||
lenistic world (including the eastern Mediterranean | |||
and northern Pontic regions) should be viewed as a | |||
single political and socioeconomic system character¬ | |||
ised by stable internal economic links and political | |||
balance between the states of the region. In Rostov- | |||
tzefTs view, the basis of that system was the poleis | |||
and the “bourgeois class”. Owing to these elements, | |||
the Greek urban (i. e., bourgeois) structure pre¬ | |||
vailed over the Oriental feudal one, and Greek cul¬ | |||
ture spread. Emerging as a result of the conquest of | |||
the East, which opened up new markets and exten¬ | |||
sive spheres of entrepreneurial activity, especially for | |||
the Greeks, the Hellenistic world achieved prosper¬ | |||
ity, which was, however, short-lived and was fol¬ | |||
lowed by a decline due to resultant political im¬ | |||
balance and the rise of the “Oriental reaction”. | |||
RostovtzefFs theory, with its socio-political emphasis | |||
and modern colouring (cf, e. g., the analogy | |||
between Hellenistic and capitalist economy), is still | |||
sometimes echoed in many modern works on the his¬ | |||
tory of Hellenism. | |||
In their polemics with the trend towards moderni¬ | |||
sation of historiography, a number of Soviet histor¬ | |||
ians (S. I. Kovalyov, V. S. Sergeyev, A. B. Rano- | |||
vich, K. K. Zelyin, K. M. Kolobova and others) | |||
have proposed a fundamentally different interpre¬ | |||
tation of Hellenism. Pointing out some of the charac¬ | |||
teristic traits of Hellenism - the division of labour, | |||
the growth of export-oriented artisan industries, in¬ | |||
tense development of commerce and of money rela¬ | |||
tions, and the emergence of new centres of trade and | |||
^ industry - they emphasise, quite rightly, that all | |||
a these processes unfolded within a society that was | |||
5 basically slave-owning. In the Hellenistic period, | |||
--j eastern Mediterranean countries were going | |||
' through different stages in the development of slave- | |||
? owning relations. In the most advanced Greek | |||
sc states, the polis structure and its characteristic forms | |||
| of slave-owning relations were in a state of crisis; in | |||
- Macedonia and the poleis of north-western Greece, | |||
£ slave-owning grew and the political systems consoli- | |||
236 | |||
dated; in Egypt and Near East, the antique forms of | |||
slavery and the polis structure spread, and various | |||
tribes within the Hellenistic world and in the outly¬ | |||
ing regions were undergoing the process of the for¬ | |||
mation of class society. | |||
Soviet historians regard Hellenism as a concrete | |||
historical phenomenon within a limited geographi¬ | |||
cal areal, characterised by a combination and inter¬ | |||
action of Hellenic and local elements in the | |||
economy, socio-political structure and culture of the | |||
countries of the eastern Mediterranian and Near | |||
East in the late 4th-1st centuries B. C. Hellenism had | |||
been prepared by the interaction between the | |||
Greeks and the Near Eastern peoples in the previous | |||
period; the Graeco-Macedonian conquest lent it | |||
great scope and intensity. The new forms of culture | |||
and of political and socioeconomic relations arising | |||
in the Hellenistic period were the product of a syn¬ | |||
thesis in which the correlation of the local (mostly | |||
Oriental) and Greek elements was determined by | |||
the concrete historical conditions. The varying role | |||
of the local elements in the development of Hellenis¬ | |||
tic states affected the mode of social struggles within | |||
them, largely determining the historical fates of the | |||
diverse regions of the Hellenistic world. | |||
The history of Hellenism falls into three distinct | |||
periods: the emergence of Hellenistic states (late | |||
4th-early 3rd centuries B. C ); the moulding of the | |||
socioeconomic and political structure of these states | |||
and their efflorescence (3rd-early 2nd centuries | |||
B. C.); and economic decline, growth of social | |||
conflicts, and subjugation by Rome (mid-2nd-late | |||
1st centuries B. C.). | |||
The sources of our knowledge of the Hellenistic | |||
period are mostly works by such antique authors as | |||
Polybius, Diodorus, Strabo, Cicero, Pausanias, | |||
Appian, Plutarch, Justin (who recounted the work | |||
of an earlier author, Pompeius Trogus) and some | |||
other historians, rhetoricians, poets and comediogra- | |||
phers. These sources mostly provide information on | |||
the socio-political and cultural life of Hellenistic | |||
society and are complemented by inscriptions, | |||
papyri, cuneiform tablets and coins, which are some¬ | |||
times our only sources. Their number continually in¬ | |||
creases through regular excavations and accidental | |||
finds in Greece, Asia Minor, the Near East, Central | |||
Asia and Egypt. Recently, the so-called Qumran | |||
MSS, or Dead Sea Scrolls (1st century B. C.-2nd | |||
century A. D.) were found in caves near the Dead | |||
Sea; they provided important information on the | |||
religious and social movements in Judea during the | |||
Hellenistic and Roman times. | |||
The Emergence of the Hellenistic States. At the time of | |||
Alexander the Great’s death, his empire embraced | |||
the Balkan peninsula, the islands of the Aegean, Asia | |||
Minor, Egypt, the whole of the Near East, the south¬ | |||
ern areas of Central Asia stretching as far as the | |||
lower Indus. For the first time in history was such a | |||
vast territory included within the framework of a | |||
single political system. Communication and trade | |||
routes between remote regions were established dur¬ | |||
ing the conquests through founding new towns, sta¬ | |||
tioning garrisons, sinking wells, etc. Broad oppor¬ | |||
tunities opened up for the surplus population of the | |||
Greek poleis (and possibly of Phoenicia and Meso¬ | |||
potamia) to colonise and exploit the conquered ter¬ | |||
ritories, particularly the backward regions. How¬ | |||
ever, the peaceful exploitation of the new lands was | |||
preceded by several decades of fierce conflicts | |||
between Alexander’s generals or diadochoi, as they | |||
are usually referred to. | |||
The army was the most important political force | |||
and the mainstay of state power in Alexander’s | |||
empire. The army eventually determined the state’s | |||
fate after his death. A short struggle between the in¬ | |||
fantry and the Horse Guards ended in an agreement | |||
according to which the empire was to exist as a sin¬ | |||
gle whole, while the imbecile Arrhidaeus, Philip’s | |||
natural son (the creature of the infantry, who | |||
adopted the name of Philip III on accession to the | |||
throne), and Alexander IV, Alexander’s son born by | |||
Roxana already after his death, were declared Alex¬ | |||
ander’s heirs. The actual power fell in the hands of a | |||
small group of Macedonian aristocrats who had | |||
occupied the highest military and court posts under | |||
Alexander. Perdiccas became regent; Craterus was | |||
appointed the prostates of the kingdom; Antipater | |||
remained ruler of Macedonia and Greece; Thrace | |||
was handed over to Lysimachus; Antigonus, satrap | |||
of Central Phrygia, was the most influential ruler of | |||
Asia Minor. The satrapies of Paphlagonia and Cap¬ | |||
padocia, which devolved on Eumenes, a Greek from | |||
Cardia who had been Alexander’s chancellor, still | |||
had to be conquered, in fact, as they were only | |||
nominally included in the Macedonian empire. | |||
Egypt was to be ruled by Ptolemy, son of Lagos, | |||
237 | |||
while the eastern provinces remained under the decisions taken at Triparadeisos showed that, while | |||
power of the satraps appointed by Alexander. Cas- preserving the nominal unity of the empire under | |||
sander, son of Antipater, and Seleucus occupied im- the Macedonian dynasty, the diadochoi were in fact | |||
portant command posts. tearing the state apart. | |||
Alexander’s death and the strife between his In the two years that followed, Antigonus nearly | |||
former close associates triggered off a resurgence of ousted Eumenes from Asia Minor, but in 319 Anti- | |||
the anti-Macedonian movement in Greece. It was pater died, handing over his authority to Polyper- | |||
initiated by the Athenian demos; later, Aetolia, chon, one of the old generals loyal to the Mace- | |||
Phocis, Locris and Thessaly joined Athens. Anti- donian dynasty, and the political situation abruptly | |||
pater was besieged in Lamia, whereupon the rebels changed again. Antipater’s son Cassander, sup- | |||
were joined by Argos and Corinth. With the arrival ported by Antigonus, opposed Polyperchon. In a | |||
of Craterus, however, the balance of forces tipped in retaliatory move, Polyperchon, on behalf of the | |||
favour of the Macedonians. The Greek fleet was kings, appointed Eumenes sirategos of Asia (replacing | |||
routed off Amorgos Island, and their land forces, in Antigonus) and commander of the regiment of the | |||
the battle of Crannon (322 B. C.). Greek resistance argyro asp ides, or Silver Shields, giving him the right | |||
was crushed, Athens, as the initiator of the war, was to use the royal treasury for recruiting an army, | |||
punished most cruelly: a Macedonian garrison was Eumenes soon raised a considerable army, and the | |||
stationed at Munychia, a constitution based on pro- war between the diadochoi flared up with renewed | |||
perty qualifications was introduced, and the leaders force. Greece and Macedonia became the principal | |||
of democracy were executed or fled the country. arena of that struggle, with the royal house, the | |||
In the meantime, Perdiccas, playing on the mood Macedonian aristocracy, and the Greek poleis get- | |||
of the army that had grown accustomed to live by ting all involved in the conflict between Polyperchon | |||
plundering conquered territories and therefore and Cassander. | |||
retained to some extent its aggressive spirit, tried to To undermine Cassander’s position and win the | |||
consolidate his autocratic rule in the eastern part of Greek poleis over to his side, Polyperchon promul- | |||
the empire but immediately ran into opposition gated an edict, in the name of Philip III Arrhidaeus, | |||
from the other diadochoi. His actions against Anti- announcing the restoration in Greece of the political | |||
gonus and Ptolemy, who had disobeyed his orders, status that had existed before the Lamian War, | |||
began a long period of strife among the diadochoi. which immediately entailed anti-oligarchic revolu- | |||
Our information about that period is extremely frag- tions in Athens and other cities. To increase his | |||
mentary and confused, and therefore only the main authority, Polyperchon invited queen Olympias, the | |||
trends of historical development can therefore be widow of Philip II and mother of Alexander the | |||
outlined. Great, who lived in Epirus, to move over to Mace- | |||
Perdiccas’s unsuccessful campaign in Egypt in 321 donia. Olympias invaded Macedonia with a small | |||
B. C. caused discontent in the army, and he was force of Epiriotes and, supported by Polyperchon, | |||
killed by his own subordinates, one of whom was seized and executed Philip III Arrhidaeus, her step- | |||
Seleucus. At the same time Craterus fell in an son, his wife Eurydice and a number of Macedonian | |||
encounter with Eumenes in Asia Minor. A second aristocrats, including Cassander’s brother, to settle | |||
distribution of offices and satrapies therefore took old scores. Her actions compelled Cassander, who at | |||
place at Triparadeisos in Syria in 321. The regency ^ that time laid siege to Tegea in the Peloponnese, to | |||
of the empire passed on to Antipater, who ruled over I move against Macedonia. Surrounding Pydna, | |||
Greece and Macedonia, and soon the royal family 5 where Olympias took refuge, he pressed her extradi- | |||
was brought over to Macedonia. Antigonus became ^ tion in 316, after a long siege. Not daring to execute | |||
strategos autokrator of Asia in charge of all the royal n the old queen on his own authority, he had her tried | |||
forces stationed there. The rule of Ptolemy over the | by the army assembly, condemned and executed, | |||
recently captured cities of Cyrenaica was recog- j Alexander IV and his mother Roxana also found | |||
nised. Seleucus became satrap of Babylonia. The | themselves in the hands of Cassander as captives or | |||
conduct of the war against Eumenes and other Per- = hostages rather than the reigning family, | |||
diccas’s followers was entrusted to Antigonus. The £ Cassander’s successes in Macedonia and Polyper- | |||
238 | |||
chon’s indecision and failures brought about a for the Greek cities, Ptolemy, to give up his claims to | |||
change in the orientation of the Greek poleis. Syria, and Lysimachus, to Hellespontine Phrygia. | |||
Cassander’s lenient attitude to the poleis that had Although the name of king Alexander IV still | |||
used to fight against him and his restoration of figured in the text of the treaty, the diadochoi already | |||
Thebes destroyed by Alexander in 335 consolidated acted as independent rulers of the territories they | |||
and expanded his power basis in Greece. His mar- had carved out for themselves, | |||
riage to Thessalonice, daughter of Philip II and A new phase in the war between the diadochoi | |||
Alexander’s half-sister, opened a legitimate path to began in 307. By that time, the last vestiges of formal | |||
the Macedonian throne for Cassander, but the situa- links between the parts of Alexander’s former empire | |||
tion in the eastern part of the empire kept him from had disappeared, as Roxana and her son were assas- | |||
taking the last decisive step to royal power. sinated at Cassander’s orders. Apparently aspiring | |||
The struggle between Eumenes and Antigonus to seize Macedonia, Antigonus began to prepare a | |||
shifted east, to Persis and Susiana. Eumenes com- bridgehead in Greece. The Greek poleis played an | |||
bined his forces with those of the eastern satrapies, important role as strategic strongholds, and also as | |||
but the alliance was extremely fragile, as the allies’ arsenals of weapons and sources of reinforcements | |||
interests differed. Eumenes himself entirely depen- for the army: | |||
ded on his army, and only his skill as a military The relationship between the diadochoi and the | |||
leader enabled him to hold out for several years poleis also had a socio-political aspect, since the | |||
against Antigonus. After the first failure, he was armies largely consisted of Greek mercenaries. Play¬ | |||
handed over to the enemy by his associates the ing on the socio-political conflicts within die poleis | |||
argyroaspides in exchange for the army transport and their traditional aspirations towards political in- | |||
(their property, their wives and children) seized by dependence, the diadochoi proclaimed “freedom” for | |||
Antigonus, and then the troops themselves went over the Greek cities. The demagogic nature of the mani- | |||
to Antigonus’s side (late 317-early 316 B. C.). The festoes proclaiming the liberation of Greek poleis is | |||
satraps, Eumenes’s former allies, ceased resistance, clear from surviving inscription from the city of | |||
recognizing Antigonus’s authority as the strategos of Scepsis containing Antigonus’s message on the occa- | |||
Asia. sion of the peace treaty of 311, in which the agree- | |||
Antigonus took pains to consolidate his power ment between the diadochoi was presented as a proof of | |||
over the most important Near Eastern satrapies. By Antigonus’s solicitude “for the freedom of the Hel- | |||
316, he was the most powerful of the diadochoi, with lenes, to which we (i. e., Antigonus) have made con- | |||
vast financial resources that could be used to main- siderable concessions”. The diadochoi supported now | |||
tain a great army. The threat arose of an expansion the demos, now the oligarchs, using these levers to | |||
of his rule to other satrapies as well, which made gain the consent of the poleis to station their garri- | |||
Seleucus, Ptolemy and Cassander conclude an sons on their territory. Political revolutions were | |||
alliance against Antigonus. The alliance was joined accompanied by confiscations, banishments and exe- | |||
by Lysimachus, who, preoccupied with the expan- cutions, and conflicts between the diadochoi over pos- | |||
sion and consolidation of his possessions in Thrace session of the poleis entailed harsh reprisals and | |||
and the western Black Sea coast, had not interfered plunder. | |||
in the struggle of the diadochoi. A new series of fierce In 307, Antigonus’s son Demetrius led a powerful | |||
battles began on land and sea, all over Syria, ^ fleet to Athens and announced the “liberation” of | |||
Phoenicia, Babylonia, Asia Minor, and Greece. -| Greek poleis. He drove Macedonian garrisons out | |||
For several years, the war between Antigonus and of Megara and Athens, but success in Greece largely | |||
the coalition was in the balance, and only in 312 did depended on naval superiority; here, Ptolemy was | |||
Ptolemy win an important victory near Gaza in S' the most serious opponent, with his powerful fleet | |||
Syria. In 311, a truce was concluded between Anti- -S’ and the harbours of the dependent and allied Greek | |||
gonus, Ptolemy, Cassander, and Lysimachus, but it poleis. The principal battles were therefore fought | |||
was quite unsatisfactory to all the parties: Antigonus ^ near the islands of the Mediterranean and Aegean, | |||
was compelled to recognize Cassander as the strategos j? In 306, Demetrius defeated Ptolemy s fleet off | |||
of Europe, Cassander had to agree to independence | Salamis in Cyprus. After that major victory Anti- | |||
239 | |||
gonus assumed the royal title, conferring the same | |||
dignity on Demetrius; he thereby claimed the Mace¬ | |||
donian throne. In response, Ptolemy and the other | |||
diadochoi did likewise. A campaign against Egypt | |||
which Antigonus undertook proved a failure; he | |||
then delivered a blow against Rhodes, one of Pto¬ | |||
lemy’s most important allies, strategically and | |||
economically. After a two-year siege (305-304 B. C.) | |||
by Demetrius, who was nicknamed Poliorcetes | |||
(“Besieger”), Rhodes was compelled to take the side | |||
of Antigonus. Only after that could Demetrius | |||
achieve major successes in Greece: he drove Mace¬ | |||
donian garrisons out of several cities of the Pelopon- | |||
nese, restored the Corinthian League, proclaimed all | |||
Greece “free”, and moved on Thessaly. The threat | |||
to Cassander and Lysimachus became imminent. | |||
At that time Seleucus, taking advantage of Anti- | |||
gonus’s preoccupation with the affairs of the west, | |||
went on a campaign through eastern satrapies as far | |||
as India, and returned to Babylon with sufficient | |||
means and military forces to go to war with Anti¬ | |||
gonus. Again all Antigonus’s enemies united against | |||
him. In a decisive battle near Ipsus in 301, the com¬ | |||
bined forces of Lysimachus, Seleucus and Cassander | |||
routed the forces of Antigonus; Antigonus himself | |||
fell in battle, and his possessions were divided, | |||
mostl) between Seleucus and Lysimachus. | |||
The battle of Ipsus in a way marked the beginning | |||
of one of the major Hellenistic states, the kingdom of | |||
the Seleucids which included all the Middle Eastern | |||
and some Near Eastern satrapies of Alexander’s | |||
empire and some areas of Asia Minor. The boun¬ | |||
daries of the Ptolemy kingdom had been defined | |||
somewhat earlier: it included Egypt, Cyrenaica and | |||
Coelesyria. In 297/6, the kingdom of Bithvnia | |||
emerged, and in 297 the Pontic kingdom. | |||
Further peripeteias of the struggle between the | |||
diadochoi mostly took place on the territory of Greece, | |||
Macedonia and Asia Minor. After Gassander’s | |||
death in 298, the struggle for the Macedonian | |||
throne broke out. The throne was claimed by Cas- | |||
sander’s sons, as well as Demetrius Poliorcetes and | |||
Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, one of the most talented | |||
military leaders of the times. At first, Demetrius | |||
gained the upper hand, but already in 288, Lysi¬ | |||
machus and Pyrrhus saw their chance when Demet¬ | |||
rius’s despotic forms of government caused wides¬ | |||
pread discontent among Macedonians; they banish¬ | |||
ed Demetrius and divided Macedonia into two | |||
So | |||
a | |||
parts. Soon, however, Lysimachus gained ascendan¬ | |||
cy over Pyrrhus and in 285 united Thrace and | |||
Macedonia in one kingdom, continuing also to ex¬ | |||
pand his possessions in northwestern Asia Mi¬ | |||
nor. | |||
Lysimachus’s rise led him to a confrontation with | |||
Seleucus. In the battle at Corupedion (in Lydia, | |||
not far from Sardis) in 281, Lysimachus suffered a | |||
defeat and was killed. Seleucus, whose power now | |||
extended nearly over all the Asian lands conquered | |||
by the Macedonians and the Greeks, could now | |||
claim the Macedonian throne and restore the unity | |||
of the empire built by Alexander. But that proved | |||
impossible. In 280, on his way to Macedonia | |||
Seleucus was killed by Ptolemy Ceraunus who | |||
apparently acted with the tacit consent of the Mace¬ | |||
donian aristocracy hostile to Seleucus and the politi¬ | |||
cal regime he established in his possessions. That is | |||
the only explanation for Ptolemy Ceraunus’s being | |||
proclaimed king of Macedonia. | |||
Apart from the devastating dynastic wars, in the | |||
early 270s Macedonia and Greece suffered destruc¬ | |||
tive inroads by Celtic tribes, whose mass migrations | |||
had involved the whole of southern Europe late in | |||
the 4th century. In the first conflict with the Gala¬ | |||
tian Celts the Macedonians were defeated, and Pto¬ | |||
lemy Ceraunus was killed. The second wave of the | |||
Celtic invasion reached Delphi, and was only | |||
stopped by the united efforts of the poleis of the Del¬ | |||
phi Amphictionic League Boeotia and Phocis) and | |||
Aetolia. The Celtic invasion was finally checked | |||
only in 277 by Antigonus Gonatas, son of Demetrius | |||
Poliorcetes, who continued to hold sway over some | |||
Greek cities captured by his father and had a power¬ | |||
ful army and navy at his disposal. In the battle | |||
near Lysimachia in Thrace he inflicted a crushing | |||
defeat on a large force of the Galatians and thereby | |||
not only relieved Macedonia and Greece from the | |||
threat of Celtic invasion but also won access to the | |||
Macedonian throne. Soon he was proclaimed king of | |||
Macedonia, starting the new dynasty of the Anti- | |||
gonids, which united southern Thrace and Mace¬ | |||
donia under its rule. In this way, the third major | |||
Hellenistic state became a relatively stable territorial | |||
and political entity. | |||
In the fifty years of strife between the diadochoi, a | |||
new, Hellenistic society with a complex social struc¬ | |||
ture and a new type of state evolved. The activities | |||
of the diadochoi, guided by selfish motives, ultimately | |||
240 | |||
manifested certain objective tendencies in the histor¬ | |||
ical development of the Eastern Mediterranean and | |||
the Near East the need for close economic links | |||
between the hinterland and the coastal regions as | |||
well as between the separate areas of the Mediter¬ | |||
ranean, and at the same time the tendency towards | |||
preserving the existing ethnic community and the | |||
traditional political and cultural unity of the separ¬ | |||
ate regions; the need for safe and regular trade links | |||
and the development of cities as centres of trade and | |||
handicrafts; the need for cultivating new lands to | |||
feed the increasing population, and finally the need | |||
for cultural interaction as the necessary condition for | |||
further development of culture. The individual traits | |||
of the statesmen competing for power, their military | |||
and political talent or lack of it, political short-sight¬ | |||
edness, energy and unscrupulousness in the attain¬ | |||
ment of their goals, ruthlessness, contempt for | |||
human life, greed, and so on all this made the | |||
events highly involved, acutely dramatic, and to | |||
some extent fortuitous. Still, certain common fea¬ | |||
tures of the diadochoi s policies are obvious. | |||
Each of them endeavoured to unite under his rule | |||
inland and coastal areas and to ensure his domina¬ | |||
tion over the major routes, commercial centres and | |||
harbours. Each of them faced the problem of main¬ | |||
taining a strong army as the only real mainstay of | |||
power. The cadre of the army consisted as a rule of | |||
Macedonians and Greeks who had formerly served | |||
in the royal army or in the garrisons left in various | |||
fortresses during Alexander’s campaigns, and of | |||
mercenaries recruited in Greece. In part, the armies | |||
were paid and kept out of the booty of Alexander or | |||
the diadochoi themselves, but collecting taxes or trib¬ | |||
ute from the local population was also a vital prob¬ | |||
lem necessitating the organisation of the adminis¬ | |||
tration of conquered territories and of well-ordered | |||
economic life. These issues apparently proved deci¬ | |||
sive for the consolidation of the positions of the diado¬ | |||
choi. For instance, Antigonus, who seized the whole r? | |||
of the royal treasury in Asia, apparently did less than | | |||
the other dmdochoi for the economy and adminis- Z. | |||
tration of the lands under his control, and that ulti- | |||
mately determined the outcome of the struggle, to * | |||
some extent. | |||
In all the regions except Macedonia, each of the jT' | |||
diadochoi faced the problem of the relations with the t | |||
local non-Greek population. Two tendencies ? | |||
became apparent in its solution: (1) continuation of § | |||
241 | |||
Alexander’s policy of rapprochement between the | |||
Graeco-Macedonian and local aristocracy, and the | |||
use of the local traditional forms of social and politi¬ | |||
cal organisation; (2) a harsher policy towards the | |||
conquered local population, deprived of all rights, | |||
and introduction of the polis structure. In their rela¬ | |||
tions with the remote eastern satrapies all the diado¬ | |||
choi had to follow the practices established under | |||
Alexander and probably going back to the Persian | |||
times: the power was vested in the local aristocracy | |||
on conditions of vassalage and payment of tribute in | |||
money and in kind. Peithon’s attempt to interfere in | |||
their internal administration ended in failure. | |||
Seleucus, who campaigned in the eastern satrapies, | |||
merely achieved a recognition of his supreme power | |||
and the payment of tribute. As later documents | |||
show, Ptolemy Lagos left the socio-political structure | |||
of Egypt without any essential changes, adapting it | |||
to suit his interests. Seleucus apparently acted in the | |||
same way in Babylonia. | |||
Founding new poleis was one of the means of | |||
economic and political consolidation of power in the | |||
conquered territories. That policy, begun by Alex¬ | |||
ander, was vigorously continued by the diadochoi. | |||
The new poleis were founded both as strategic | |||
strongholds and as administrative and economic | |||
centres. Some of them were laid out on empty lands | |||
and settled by newcomers from Greece, Macedonia | |||
and other regions; others emerged through volun¬ | |||
tary or forcible union of two or several impoverished | |||
towns or villages; while still others arose from the | |||
reorganisation of deserted Oriental cities where | |||
Graeco-Macedonian migrants settled. New poleis | |||
appeared throughout the Hellenistic world, but | |||
their number, location and mode of origin reflected | |||
the historical circumstances and the features of the | |||
various regions. In the densely populated and highly | |||
advanced areas of Egypt and the Near East, the dia¬ | |||
dochoi founded only isolated poleis at strategically | |||
important points (Ptolemais in Upper Egypt, | |||
Seleucia on the Tigris, etc.); in northern Greece and | |||
Macedonia new harbour towns arose (Demetrias, | |||
Thessalonice, Cassandria, Lysimachia). The great¬ | |||
est number of poleis were founded in the coas¬ | |||
tal regions of Asia Minor and Syria (Antioch on the | |||
Orontes, Seleucia Pieria, Apamea, Ptolemais in Coe- | |||
lesyria, Smirna, Nicaea, etc.), which was apparently | |||
due to the strategic and economic significance of | |||
these formerly thinly populated areas. | |||
16-344 | |||
The Eastern Mediterranean Region in the 3rd Century B. C. the war, Ptolemy retained southern Syria and south- | |||
The tendencies that first evolved during the strife ern Phoenicia and somewhat expanded his posses- | |||
between the diadochoi became more apparent in the sions in Asia Minor, but Cyrenaica won its indepen- | |||
3rd century B. C. By the mid-270s, the boundaries of dence from Egypt. | |||
the Hellenistic states were largely fixed, and a new Antigonus Gonatas did not take part in that war, | |||
stage in the political history of the eastern Mediter- as he had to fight over the Macedonian throne with | |||
ranean and the Near East began. The Seleucids, the Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, who had returned to Greece | |||
Ptolemies and the Antigonids began a long- from his bootless campaigns in southern Italy and | |||
drawn-out struggle for hegemony over the indepen- Sicily. Antigonus won a victory at Argos (where | |||
dent cities and states of Asia Minor, Greece, Coele- Pyrrhus fell in battle), re-established his rule over | |||
Syria, and the islands of the Mediterranean and the Macedonia, and began to expand his possessions in | |||
Aegean. The means employed in that struggle were Greece. The danger of Macedonian conquest caused | |||
not only open military conflicts between the rivals an upsurge of patriotic feeling in Athens and Sparta, | |||
but also diplomatic intrigues and clever use of the Ptolemy II, anxious to curb Antigonus’s expansion | |||
political and social frictions within the poleis. in Greece, supported that mood, concluding | |||
In the 3rd century, Ptolemaic Egypt, which beca- alliances first with each polis separately and then | |||
me established as an independent state somewhat with Athens, Sparta and all its allies collectively, | |||
earlier than the other Hellenistic powers and was the- The Lacedaemonian coalition was headed by Areus, | |||
refore economically stronger, had an advantage over king of Sparta, and the Athenian people’s prostates | |||
its rivals the Seleucid kingdom and Macedonia. were the democratic statesmen Chremonides and | |||
The interests of Egypt and of the Seleucid empire Glaukon. The war that soon broke out was called | |||
mainly clashed in southern Syria and Palestine, as after the first of the prostates, who was apparently the | |||
possession of these territories brought a vast income initiator of the alliance. | |||
from revenue and ensured a dominant role in the The chronology of the Chremonidean War has | |||
trade with Arab tribes. Besides, that region was stra- not been firmly established; some historians date its | |||
tegically important both geographically and because beginning to 270-268 B. C., while most point to | |||
of its cedar timber, the main building material for 266-262. According to Pausanias, Antigonus moved | |||
warships and merchant ships alike. The same causes on Athens at the head of his army and fleet, laid | |||
brought Egypt, the Seleucid state and Macedonia waste on Attica and surrounded the city. Despite | |||
into conflict over Asia Minor. But here the aggres- Athens’ loss of the leading position among Greek | |||
sive tendencies of the major Hellenistic states cities, Macedonian kings desiring to establish their | |||
brought them into collision not only with one rule over Greece always endeavoured to subdue | |||
another but also with the evolving local Hellenistic Athens first both by force of tradition and because | |||
states aspiring to independence. The bone of conten- Athens still remained a major centre of trade and in- | |||
tion between Egypt and Macedonia was the islands dustry. The Egyptian fleet, which Ptolemy had sent | |||
of the Aegean and Greece-industrial producers, to succour Athens, lay off Cape Sunion and could | |||
consumers of farming products and sources of mili- not offer any decisive help to Athens, not having any | |||
tary reinforcements and skilled manpower. The land troops. Concentrating all his forces against the | |||
political and social strife within the Greek poleis Lacedaemonians, Antigonus defeated them near | |||
offered ample opportunity for the Hellenistic states ^ Corinth and, after a long siege, seized Athens | |||
to interfere in their internal affairs. & (263/262 B. C.). The Chremonidean War thus in- | |||
The conflict between Egypt and the Seleucid 5 creased Antigonus’s influence in mainland Greece, | |||
kingdom over Coelesyria began in 274. Not long s while Ptolemy retained his positions in the Aegean | |||
before that, Egypt lost Cyrenaica; Ptolemy II’s half- I, and Mediterranean seas and in Asia Minor. The | |||
brother Magas, who ruled there, proclaimed himself | Seleucids were at that time trying to subdue the | |||
king and turned to Antiochus, Seleucus’s heir, for i rebellious Pergamum. | |||
help. Our information about the course and out- | Though he had lost his influence in Greece, Ptole- | |||
come of the First Syrian War is still imprecise; most = my II did not give up an active foreign policy in the | |||
scholars assume that it lasted until 271. As a result of J Aegean and the Sea of Marmora. The kingdoms of | |||
242 | |||
Bithynia and Cappadocia, and the Greek poleis decided on war and peace, passed laws affecting the | |||
Heraclea and Byzantium saw him as an ally in the whole League, and elected the high officials a stra- | |||
fight for independence from the Seleucids. Ptolemy’s tegos, who was in charge of military affairs and diplo- | |||
interference in Bithynia’s internal affairs resulted in macy, his deputies-a hipparchos and a chancellor, | |||
a fresh conflict with the Seleucids. and a college of the apokletoi. All the poleis of the | |||
Our data on the Second Syrian War are even League retained their internal political system and | |||
more scanty than on the First. Historians mention a autonomy and had equal rights and obligations to- | |||
joint siege of Ephesus by Antiochus and a Rhodian wards the union (with the exception of the poleis | |||
force, a sea battle between the Egyptians and a Rho- that joined in later; these were in a subordinate posi- | |||
dian fleet, and the fact that Ptolemy II, in his desire tion); all of them had to contribute military con- | |||
to put an end to the exhausting war, gave his tingents and pay dues that went to the League’s | |||
daughter Berenice in marriage to Antiochus, provid- treasury. The Aetolian League was mostly hostile | |||
ing her with a fabulous dowry. Egypt sustained con- towards Macedonia and supported democratic ele- | |||
siderable territorial losses as a result of that war; in- ments in other states. | |||
eluding the poleis of Asia Minor, the islands of In 284 B. C., the Achaean League emerged, and | |||
Samos and Samothrace, the possessions in Pamphy- by the mid-3rd century it already included such | |||
liaand Cappadocia, and, temporarily, the Cyclades. major poleis as Sicyon, Corinth, Megara; in 230 the | |||
Annexation by Macedonia offered Greek poleis Achaean League had a membership of some 60 | |||
no special economic or political advantages. Besides, poleis and covered much of the Peloponnese. The | |||
the centuries-old traditions of autonomy and members of the Achaean League also retained their | |||
autarchy were particularly strong here. Macedonian political regimes and internal autonomy, they con- | |||
expansion therefore met with stubborn resistance, tributed contingents to the League’s armed forces | |||
especially from the demos, as the stationing of Mace- and finances to the League treasury. The League | |||
donian garrisons was usually accompanied by the had a unified system of weights and measures and | |||
establishment of oligarchic regimes. The continued minted its coin. Its centre was the city of Aegium. | |||
existence of small poleis independent from the sys- The supreme organ of power were the assemblies of | |||
tern of Hellenistic monarchies became, however, all the citizens of the League the synkletos, where | |||
impossible. Besides, the tendencies of the socioe- issues of war and peace were considered and the | |||
conomic development of the poleis themselves League’s officials elected, and the synodoi, which | |||
demanded the setting up of broader state unions fe- handled current affairs. Persons elected on the basis | |||
derations of poleis. Characteristically, the initiative of age and property qualifications played a much | |||
to found such federations came from the relatively greater role in the Achaean League. For instance, | |||
backward areas rather than from Greece’s old Aratus of Sicyon, whose efforts brought that polis | |||
economic and political centres. into the League, was elected strategos 16 times and | |||
The Aetolian League, which arose out of an guided the League’s policy for nearly 30 years. Both | |||
alliance of Aetolian tribes, achieved some impor- within the poleis and in the framework of the | |||
tance already in the early 3rd century B. C. The League power belonged to the richest citizens, | |||
Aetolians’ authority grew after they had defended and that determined the Achaean League’s domestic | |||
Delphi against the Galatians’ invasion and became and foreign policy. | |||
the leaders of the Amphictionic League. Towards rj Emerging as an organisation of poleis defending | |||
the end of the 3rd century, the Aetolian federation -§ their independence, the Achaean League played a | |||
comprised nearly all of central Greece, Elis and significant role in the opposition to Macedonian | |||
Messenia in the Peloponnese, and some Aegean expansion on the Peloponnese. A particularly im- | |||
islands. Some poleis joined in voluntarily, while ^ portant act was the expelling of the Macedonian | |||
others, like Boeotia, were conquered. The supreme -I 1 garrison from Corinth in 243 and the capture of | |||
organs of power in the Aetolian League were the ^ Acrocorinth a fortress on a high hill controlling the | |||
assembly of all the League’s citizens which was con- 4 Isthmus. That operation increased the political | |||
vened annually at Thermum, and the council of | authority of the Achaean League, which was joined | |||
representatives from all the poleis. The assembly 1 at that time by several major poleis. It coincided | |||
243 | |||
16 * | |||
with the Third Syrian War, and, apparently, that | |||
coincidence was not fortuitous: Aratus, the League’s | |||
strategos and initiator of the capture of Acrocorinth, | |||
kept up contacts with the Ptolemies and was sub¬ | |||
sidised by them. | |||
The pretext for the Third Syrian War (246-241 | |||
B. C.) was the accession to the throne of Seleucus II, | |||
son of Antiochus II by his first wife. Ptolemy III | |||
took this as a violation of the rights of Berenice and | |||
her son and led his army to assist his sister. There | |||
seemed to be no unity in the ruling circles of the | |||
Seleucid empire. Some supported Seleucus II and | |||
his mother Laodice, while others favoured closer | |||
ties with Egypt and backed Berenice’s claims. That | |||
is the only explanation for the grand reception of | |||
Ptolemy III in Seleucia Pieria and in Antioch. But | |||
Berenice and her son had apparently been killed | |||
not long before the arrival of the Egyptian force at | |||
Antioch. Ptolemy III responded to the assassination | |||
by a punitive expedition into the country’s interior. | |||
War was simultaneously waged on the coast of Asia | |||
Minor, in the Aegean, and in the inner regions of the | |||
Seleucid empire. As a result of his military successes, | |||
Ptolemy III took a vast booty back to Egypt, | |||
returning to the temples the treasures once taken to | |||
Persia by Cambyses. Egypt’s former possessions in | |||
Asia Minor, including Miletus, Ephesos and the | |||
island of Samos, were returned to it; the new acqui¬ | |||
sitions included Chersonese in Thrace and the island | |||
of Thasos. Egypt’s possessions in Syria expanded: | |||
Seleucia Pieria remained under the Ptolemies’ | |||
power until the campaigns of Antiochus III. | |||
Ptolemy Ill’s success in the Third Syrian War | |||
was apparently due to some extent to the internal in¬ | |||
stability of the Seleucid empire. C. 250, Diodotus | |||
and Euthydemus, the governors ofBactriaand Sog- | |||
diana, broke with the Seleucid empire, and several | |||
years later Bactria, Sogdiana and Margiana formed | |||
an independent Graeco-Bactrian kingdom. Almost | |||
simultaneously, the governor and the Seleucid garri- ^ | |||
son in Parthia were destroyed by the local tribes of §. | |||
the Parni-dai led by Arsaces, who founded the new, 5 | |||
Parthian dynasty of the Arsacids, which according s | |||
to the tradition began to rule in 247 B. C. 1 | |||
The balance of political forces in the relations | | |||
between the states of the Hellenistic world which =o | |||
emerged from the Third Syrian War remained | | |||
essentially unchanged in the subsequent decades, 5 | |||
but at the end of the 3rd century B. C. the situation g- | |||
altered drastically, and the reason for that change | |||
lay in the previous socioeconomic development of | |||
the Hellenistic states. | |||
The Formation of the Socioeconomic and Political Structure | |||
of the Hellenistic States. The most characteristic fea¬ | |||
ture of the economic development of Hellenistic | |||
society was the growth of trade and commodity pro¬ | |||
duction. Despite the frequent military conflicts, | |||
regular sea routes were established between Egypt, | |||
Syria, Asia Minor, Greece and Macedonia. Trading | |||
across the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf as far as In¬ | |||
dia became regular. Trading links between Egypt | |||
and the Pontic region, Carthage and Rome came | |||
into being. Major trading and industrial centres | |||
emerged, such as Alexandria in Egypt, Antioch on | |||
the Orontes, Seleucia on the Tigris, Pergamum | |||
and others, whose industrial production was largely | |||
intended for export. The Seleucids built several | |||
poleis along the old caravan routes linking upper | |||
satrapies with Mesopotamia and the Mediterrane¬ | |||
an. The Ptolemies founded several ports on the | |||
Red Sea coast. With the appearance of new trad¬ | |||
ing centres in the eastern Mediterranean, the trad¬ | |||
ing routes in the Aegean shifted, the role of Rhodes | |||
and Corinth as transit trade ports grew, while | |||
the importance of Athens diminished. Money cir¬ | |||
culation and money operations were intensified by | |||
the minting of coin from the precious metals from | |||
the treasuries of the Persian kings and temples. | |||
The numerous poleis which emerged in the | |||
Orient attracted artisans, traders and other profes¬ | |||
sionals. The Greeks and Macedonians that settled in | |||
the East brought with them their customary mode of | |||
life, and that increased the number of slaves. The | |||
need to supply food for the traders and craftsmen | |||
necessitated an increase in the agricultural produce | |||
intended for the market. Monetary relations began | |||
to spread even in the Egyptian village, the koma, un¬ | |||
dermining the traditional relations and increasing | |||
the exploitation of the rural population. | |||
The fact itself of the development of trade indi¬ | |||
cates a significant growth in the economic potential | |||
of the Hellenistic states. Both the volume of handi¬ | |||
craft production and its technical level rose. The | |||
scope of agricultural production also increased | |||
through expansion of the areas under cultivation as | |||
well as their more intensive exploitation. Evidence of | |||
244 | |||
this is found in papyri and archaeological excava- with 40 banks of oars built on Ptolemy IV’s orders; | |||
tions at Fayum: land melioration began already un- its size staggered the contemporaries’ imagination, | |||
der Ptolemy I Soter, and new farming centres but it proved little suited for navigation, l he ton- | |||
emerged at that time. There are no reasons to nage and speed of the merchant navy increased, har- | |||
believe that that phenomenon was exceptional or bours were better equipped, and piers and ligh- | |||
characteristic of the kingdom of the Ptolemies only. thouses were built. The Pharos lighthouse in | |||
Economic and technical progress was greatly sti- Alexandria, built by Sostratos of Cnidus in 285-280, | |||
mulated by the interaction in the field of material was the greatest such structure in antiquity, | |||
production between Greeks and non-Greeks, Continual wars during the strife between the dia- | |||
between the local population and the newcomers, dochoi and later stimulated the development of siege | |||
exchange of experiences and skills in farming and and defence techniques. Such complex machines as | |||
the crafts, as well as exchange of plants for cultiva- battering rams, various types of catapults and balistai | |||
tion and scientific knowledge. Settlers from Greece (throwing arrows and stones), siege towers ( helepo - | |||
and Asia Minor brought to Syria and Egypt their lis), invented already in the 4th century, became | |||
skills at olive- and vine-growing, and in their turn standard equipment in the Hellenistic period; their | |||
borrowed from the local population the cultivation power and variety were increased and construction | |||
of date-palms. Papyri report that attempts were improved. Simultaneously, fortifications improved, | |||
made to acclimatise the Miletan breed of sheep at too, as the techniques of town-building developed. | |||
Fayum. This kind of exchange of breeds and culti- The practice of founding poleis, to which all Hel- | |||
vated plants must have occurred before the Hellenis- lenistic rulers resorted, created favourable condi- | |||
tic period, but now the conditions for it became tions for the development of construction skills and | |||
more favourable. It is difficult to identify changes in of architecture. New towns were built in accordance | |||
agricultural implements, but the large-scale irriga- with the principles of town-planning worked out | |||
tion systems in Egypt, mostly built by the local already in the 5th century by Hippodamus of Mile- | |||
population directed by the Greek “architects”, can tus on the gridiron plan, the streets aligned on the | |||
be seen as a combination of the techniques and cardinal points where the terrain permitted. The | |||
experiences of both peoples. One of the irrigation main street, the broadest of all, was adjoined by the | |||
devices used in Egypt was improved by Archimedes agora surrounded on three sides by public buildings | |||
(the Archimedean screw or pump). and the porticoes of traders; the most important | |||
In the handicrafts, the combination of the tech- temples and gymnasia were usually erected not far | |||
niques and skills of local craftsmen and newcomers from it; theatres and stadiums were usually built on | |||
(both Greeks and non-Greeks) and increased suitable grounds outside the housing area. The cities | |||
demand for industrial products resulted in a number were surrounded by defensive walls with gate-and | |||
of important inventions which gave rise to new types watch-towers; besides, a citadel was built on the | |||
of handicrafts, a narrower specialisation of the highest and strategically most important site. Exca- | |||
craftsmen and the possibility of mass production of vations of Priene and Nicaea in Asia Minor and of | |||
some objects. Dura-Europos on the Euphrates provide models of | |||
Already the first decades of the Hellenistic epoch the planning of Hellenistic cities. According to an- | |||
witnessed an intense development of the technique tique authors, the plan of Alexandria in Egypt was | |||
of shipbuilding and navigation, production of mili- n worked out by the architect Deinocrates of Rhodes, | |||
tary equipment and town-building. Along with the ■§ Its two intersecting main streets were 30 metres | |||
triremes and pentremes which were the navy’s main ’ broad. Water supply, regularity of construction in the | |||
force under Alexander the Great, Athenian, Corin- " housing areas, and drainage were objects of special | |||
thian and Phoenician shipbuilders began to build on ? concern in town building. In the 3rd and 2nd centu- | |||
orders from Demetrius Poliorcetes, powerful and > ries B. C., the type of a rich private residence with a | |||
swift warships with 13 and 16 banks of oars. War- f peristyle and painted walls evolved which later | |||
ships with 20 and 30 banks of oars were built at the ^ spread to the south of Italy. At the same time houses | |||
warfs of Alexandria in the 3rd century, the tendency ? &f several storeys intended as flats for the poor appe- | |||
culminating in the famous tessaraconter-a ship 1 ared in Tyre, Aradus, Alexandria and other cities. | |||
245 | |||
There were technical advances in other crafts, too. the migration of the most vigorous and enterprising | |||
A type of mould was invented in metallurgy which sections of the population to the Oriental countries, | |||
permitted the casting of many objects, say bronze but also a different socio-political structure and a | |||
statues, from the same mould. The Greeks learnt to different character of the social processes. At the end | |||
use an improved type of a loom that was in use in of the 4th century B. C. the Greek polis, as a form of | |||
Egypt and the Near East, and workshops appeared socioeconomic and political organisation of antique | |||
producing figured fabrics (in Alexandria) and gold society, was in a state of deep crisis. The polis was a | |||
brocade (in Pergamum). In Egypt, mass production drag on further economic progress, as the autarchia | |||
of papyrus was organised, and later, in the 2nd cen- and autonomia inherent in it imposed constraints on | |||
tury, of parchment (in Pergamum). Jewelers discov- the expansion and consolidation of the economic | |||
ered the amalgamation process, that is, the tech- links. Neither did it correspond to the needs of socio- | |||
nique of covering objects with a thin layer of gold political development, for, on the one hand, it did | |||
from a solution of gold in mercury. The methods of not ensure the reproduction of the civic community | |||
producing mosaic, two-colour cut, engraved and as a whole (since its poorest sections inevitably faced | |||
gilded glass were discovered. The artifacts thus pro- the threat of losing civil rights), and on the other, it | |||
duced were regarded as luxury objects, and some of did not guarantee the external security or the stable | |||
them were real objects of art. Relief pottery became domination of that community, torn by inner strife, | |||
widespread, the ware covered with dark varnish over slaves and non-citizens, | |||
with a metallic sheen, imitating in form and colour The historical events of the late 4th and early 3rd | |||
more expensive metal vessels (the so-called Megara centuries led to the establishment of a new form of | |||
cups). This ware was mass produced owing to the socio-political organisation-the Hellenistic monar- | |||
use of small cliches whose combinations permitted chy combining elements of an Oriental despot- | |||
numerous variations in the ornament. Split moulds ic state (the monarchic form of power relying on a | |||
were now used in terracotta production just as in the regular army and a centralised administration) and | |||
casting of bronze statues; this permitted the making some features of the polis structure (cities with rural | |||
of objects of more intricate design in numerous territory attached to them, retaining their organs of | |||
copies. In this way works by artists and craftsmen internal self-government largely subordinated, how- | |||
became objects of mass production intended not ever, to the king). The size of the territory handed | |||
only for the very rich but also for citizens of modest over to the polis depended on the king, and so did | |||
means. the economic and political privileges of the poleis; | |||
Against the background of flourishing new eco- the polis had no right to an independent foreign | |||
nomic. centres in the Seleucid empire, Egypt and policy; in most cases the polis organs of self-govern- | |||
Asia Minor, the state of the economy in Greece and ment were controlled by a royal official, the epis- | |||
Macedonia is seen by many researchers as stagnat- tates. The loss of independence in foreign policy by | |||
ing or even declining. But that is an erroneous view. the polis was compensated for by greater security, | |||
In these areas, too, new trade and crafts centres social stability and stable economic links with the | |||
Thessalonice, Cassandria, Philippopolis-arose. The other parts of the state. In its turn, the city popula- | |||
fast ships and siege equipment for Demetrius Polior- tion became the necessary social basis of royal | |||
cetes were first built at Greek cities and ports, like power, a source of contingents for the army and the | |||
Corinth and Athens. Shipbuilding and production ^ administration. | |||
of military equipment apparently continued to de- a Agrarian relations on the polis territory followed | |||
velop in Greece and Macedonia, as in the second 5 the usual pattern: the citizens owned their allot- | |||
half of the 3rd century Macedonian kings had a navy j ments, the city, the lands that were not divided | |||
capable of competing with that of the Ptolemies. 1 between the citizens. A complication arose here: | |||
The economic development of Greece and Mace- I lands could be handed over to the polis together | |||
donia proceeded, of course, at a slower rate than with villages whose inhabitants did not become | |||
elsewhere. The reason for that is not only the debili- 1 citizens of the polis but continued to own their allot- | |||
tating wars of the diadochoi and the struggle of the - ments, paying tribute to the city or the private per- | |||
Greek poleis against Macedonian domination, or ~ sons that had received these lands from the king and | |||
246 | |||
later given them to the city. All land that was not though the more primitive forms (enslavement for | |||
divided between cities belonged to the king. Accord- debts, self-selling, etc.) continued to exist. Presuma- | |||
ing to the Revenue Laws of Ptolemy II Philadelphus bly slave labour in Hellenistic cities (mostly in the | |||
and some other Egyptian papyri, royal land fell into household and probably in the urban handicrafts) | |||
two categories: royal land proper and “conceded” played no less a role than in the Greek poleis. On | |||
lands. The latter included temple lands, lands given the whole, however, slave labour in agriculture, par¬ | |||
away to members of his retinue, and lands given in ticularly on royal lands, could not, to any consider- | |||
small allotments ikleroi) to the warriors, kleruchoi or able extent, oust the labour of the local popula- | |||
katoikoi, as reward for service. There might be vil- tion-“king’s peasants” in Egypt, “king’s people” in | |||
lages on all these categories of land, whose inhabi- the Seleucid empire whose exploitation was just as | |||
tants continued to own their hereditary allotments, profitable. On large estates received by aristocrats | |||
paying tribute or taxes. from the king, slaves performed administrative func- | |||
This complexity of agrarian relations condi- tions or did unskilled work. However, the growing | |||
tioned the multi-layer social structure of the Hel- role of slave-owning in the overall system of socio- | |||
lenistic states. The royal house with its court staff, economic relations entailed a strengthening of non- | |||
the higher military and civil officials, the more pros- economic forms of coercion of the rural population | |||
perous citizens and high priests constituted the and disintegration of forms of communal organisa- | |||
upper stratum of the land- and slave-owning aristoc- tion, which had ensured the economic stability and | |||
racy. Their well-being was based on lands (belong- independence of small peasant holdings, | |||
ing to the city or received as gifts from the king). The principal form of economic organisation in | |||
profitable offices, trade, farming of the taxes (telonia) Egyptian agriculture was the petty holdings of | |||
and usury. “king’s” or “state” peasants. The quantity of land | |||
The middle classes were more numerous; here suitable for cultivation was restricted to the area irri- | |||
belonged urban traders and craftsmen, the royal gated by the Nile’s floods or artificially. Beyond that | |||
administrative personnel, farmers, kleruchoi and narrow strip lay a stony desert hardly suitable even | |||
katoikoi, local priests, professionals (architects, physi- for grazing. Cultivation was impossible without irri- | |||
cians, philosophers, artists and sculptors, etc.). The gation; the construction of canals and dams, their | |||
upper and the middle strata, with all the differences repairs and maintenance demanded joint and coor- | |||
in the size of their wealth and direction of their inter- dinated efforts of all the villagers dwellers of a | |||
ests, constituted the ruling class which was termed in koma - and, consequently, of definite forms of organi- | |||
Egyptian papyri “Hellenes” not so much from the sation of that labour. Commodity-money relations | |||
ethnic membership of the individuals as their social were but poorly developed, and the koma' s demand | |||
position, which set them apart from all the “non- for industrial products was mostly met by local | |||
Hellenes”, i. e., the indigent urban and rural popula- craftsmen. All this would seem to offer the necessary | |||
tion or laoi (the people, the mob). conditions for the stable existence of the rural com- | |||
The laoi were mostly dependent or semi-depen- munity, but Hellenistic documents indicate only | |||
dent peasants who tilled the lands of the king, the traces of community organisation in the Egyptian | |||
aristocrats and the citizens as lease-holders or tradi- koma. | |||
tional tenants. Here also belonged hypoteleis -the One of the principal elements of the community | |||
workers of the royal monopolies (i. e., the workshops structure - a combination of communal ownership of | |||
in those industries which were the state’s monopoly), i land and the commoners’ private ownership of land | |||
All of them were considered to be personally free but )) allotments-was transformed in Hellenistic Egypt | |||
they could only live and work in those residential into ownership of the koma' s lands by the crown and | |||
areas and workshops where they were registered. « the renting of separate plots by the commoners. The | |||
Only slaves stood lower on the social ladder. -3? reservation must be made that this was only the legal | |||
Graeco-Macedonian conquests, the wars of the ^ form of the agrarian relations brought by the Graeco- | |||
diadochoi, the spreading of the polis structure —all of ^ Macedonian conquest. In actual fact, however, | |||
this gave a strong impetus to the development of I? Egyptian peasants continued to own their allot- | |||
slave-owning relations in their classic antique form, § ments, they could hand them down to their heirs, | |||
247 | |||
divide them between joint owners, or give them Hellenistic papyri do not mention any assemblies | |||
away as dowry. The king could only take away the of koma peasants (or even “the king’s peasants”), | |||
allotments from their owners if they failed to pay There are some data on their collective actions, | |||
taxes. Each koma had a territory traditionally though-e. g., mass anachoresis or taking refuge in | |||
attached to it, but this might include, besides allot- temples in protest against pressure from the royal | |||
ments of the king’s peasants, estates belonging to administration. One of the inscriptions found on the | |||
temples or kleruchoi, and estates given to the aristo- territory of Fayum contains, however, the tradi- | |||
cracy by the king. Grazing lands and those which for tional formula concerning the decision of a mee- | |||
some reason became barren and unprofitable and ting of the kometai to set up a gymnasium in their | |||
were abandoned by their owners were in the hands koma. | |||
of the local administration. Formally, these lands Having transformed the organs of the koma self- | |||
were similar to community lands not divided among government into an administrative mechanism, the | |||
the commoners, but their use was determined by the state made obligatory the commoners’ former res- | |||
interests of the treasury rather than the needs of the ponsibilities before the community: the peasants | |||
koma’s people. were obliged to properly cultivate their plots of land | |||
In the 2nd century B. C., when lands were aban- in order to pay taxes regularly; the maintenance and | |||
doned on an alarming scale and the royal treasury extension of the irrigation network became an obli- | |||
suffered heavy losses, the king ordered the local gatory “liturgy” or duty; the commoner’s bond with | |||
authorities to forcibly distribute abandoned lots the community changed into his customary or legal | |||
among villagers for cultivation, or rather for collect- duty to toil where he was born and at the trade he | |||
ing taxes. Again, on the formal side, this forcible dis- was born into. | |||
tribution of land, or epibole , was similar to the divi- During the Hellenistic period, the koma' s popula- | |||
sion of communal land among commoners, while in tion was not uniform either ethnically or socially, | |||
actual fact-in its purpose and significance for the Besides “kings’s peasants”, military colonists | |||
peasants of the komas -it was a form of exploitation. katoikoi, kleruchoi, machimoi ), citizens of poleis, offi- | |||
Papyri mention the common “king’s threshing- cials, farmers, priests, craftsmen, traders, day- | |||
floor”, where all villagers threshed their wheat. This labourers, and slaves lived in the komas permanently | |||
practice must have arisen within the community in or temporarily. There were Egyptians, Greeks, Jews, | |||
remote antiquity because of scarcity of unflooded Syrians, and tribesmen from adjacent territories | |||
land. That custom, too, was used by the state in its among them. In the course of time, the ethnic ditfer- | |||
own interests: the threshing was done under the ences were gradually erased, whereas the differences | |||
supervision of a king’s official, and no one could take in the economic and legal position increased, giving | |||
away their grain until they had paid the taxes. rise to conflicts between different social groups. All | |||
Another important element of the communal these factors state interference, the influx of | |||
structure, the organs of self-government, also went migrants, and social differentiation within the koma - | |||
through considerable changes. The names of the weakened the links within the community and | |||
offices involved in the life of a koma, preserved in changed the nature of its institutions. | |||
Hellenistic papyri, possibly originated in the com- Thus the socio-political structure of the Hellenis- | |||
munal organisation, but under the Ptolemies they no tic states took shape during the 3rd century with a | |||
longer denoted elected officials but, in most cases, system of management of the state or crown | |||
representatives of the local royal administration who ^ economy; the central and local military, administra- | |||
were remunerated, in one form or another, by the 5 five, financial, and legal apparatus; a system of taxa- | |||
king’s treasury. The main concern of the koma y tion, farming and monopolies; relations between | |||
administration was ensuring the flow of revenue to 1 cities and temples on the one hand and the royal | |||
the royal treasury; for this purpose, the necessary | administration on the other; the social stratification | |||
irrigation work was done, and land cultivation, sow- > of society and the corresponding legislation defining | |||
ing and harvesting were controlled. The purpose, | the privileges of some strata and the obligations of | |||
motives and forms of the activity of officials had thus r others. The social conflicts inherent in that structure | |||
changed. e~ also became apparent. | |||
248 | |||
Aggravation of Social Conflicts in the Hellenistic States in In the 3rd century social differentiation in all | |||
the Late 3rd-Early 2nd Centuries B. C. The study of the Greek poleis increased. Indigent citizens continued | |||
social structure of the eastern Hellenistic states shows to lose their land and incur debts while riches and | |||
that the main burden of maintaining the state lands accumulated in the hands of the polis aristoc- | |||
apparatus was borne by the rural population. The racy. In the mid-3rd century B. C., these processes | |||
cities were in a more favourable position, which were most acute in Sparta, where most Spartans had | |||
must have been one of the main causes of their rapid virtually lost their land allotments. The need for | |||
growth and efflorescence. social reform made the Spartan king Agis IV | |||
The social development in Greece and Macedonia (245-241 B. C.) propose a cancellation of debts and a | |||
took a different route. Macedonia also evolved as a redistribution of land, to increase the number of | |||
Hellenistic state combining the elements of monar- citizens. These reforms, framed as a restoration of | |||
chy and of polis structure. But, although the land the laws of Lycurgus, were fiercely resisted by the | |||
possessions of the Macedonian kings were relatively ephorate and the aristocracy. Agis fell a victim of | |||
great, there were no masses of dependent rural that conflict, but the social situation in Sparta | |||
population (with the possible exception of the Thra- remained tense. Several years later, king Cleomenes | |||
cians) that could be exploited to provide the cost of III (235-222) proposed the same reforms. Remem- | |||
maintaining the administration personnel and large bering Agis’s fate, Cleomenes began by consolidat- | |||
sections of the ruling class. The burden of maintain- ing his positions through successful operations in the | |||
ing the army and building warships was equally car- war against the Achaean League that started in 228. | |||
ried by the urban and rural population. Differences Enlisting the support of the army, he liquidated the | |||
between Greeks and Macedonians, rural and city ephorate, banished the richest citizens from Sparta, | |||
dwellers were determined by their economic posi- and then cancelled debts and redistributed land, in- | |||
tion, the principal class division being between free creasing the number of citizens by 4,000. The events | |||
men and slaves. The principal trend in the develop- in Sparta incited unrest throughout Greece. Man- | |||
ment of the economy was towards further spreading tinea left the Achaean League and joined Cleo- | |||
of slave-owning relations. menes; disturbances began in other Peloponnesian | |||
In Greece, the Hellenistic epoch did not bring any cities. The war with the Achaean League flared up | |||
essential changes in the socioeconomic system as it again, Cleomenes occupied several cities, and Cor- | |||
existed at the end of the 4th century B. C. The most inth went over to his side. Frightened by these devel- | |||
tangible change was the migration of the population opments, the oligarchic leadership of the Achaean | |||
(mostly young and mature warriors, artisans, and League appealed for help to Antigonus III Doson, | |||
traders) eastwards, to the Near East and Egypt. This king of Macedonia. The balance of forces now went | |||
should have had a dampening effect on the social against Sparta. Cleomenes then let some 6,000 helots | |||
conflicts within the poleis. But the nearly continual buy their freedom, including 2,000 of them in his | |||
devastating wars of the dmdockoi, the devaluation of army. But in the battle near Sellasia in 222 B. C. the | |||
money due to the influx of gold and silver from Asia united forces of the Macedonians and the Achaeans | |||
and the corresponding rise in the price of consumer destroyed the Spartan army, Cleomenes lied to | |||
goods ruined the indigent and middle strata of the Egypt, a Macedonian garrison was stationed at | |||
population. The problem of overcoming the econo- Sparta, and Cleomenes’s reforms were annulled, | |||
mic isolation of the poleis remained unsolved. Antigonus III founded the Hellenic League under | |||
Attempts were made to resolve that issue in the -I Macedonia’s hegemony, which included the | |||
framework of confederacies (cf., e. g., the intro- ^ Achaean League, Sparta and other Greek poleis, | |||
duction of a unified system of weights and measures * with the exception of the Aetolian League and | |||
and minting of coin in the Achaean League). In the ? Athens. | |||
poleis dominated by Macedonia, oligarchic or ty- ■§* Cleomenes’s defeat could not stop the growth of | |||
rannical regimes were set up, the freedom of interna- ^ social movements. Already in 219, Chilo again tried | |||
tional relations was restricted, and Macedonian gar- ^ to eliminate the ephorate in Sparta and to imple- | |||
risons were stationed at strategically important | ment a redistribution of property; in 215, the oli- | |||
points. | garchs were driven out of Messenia, and a redistri- | |||
249 | |||
bution of land was carried out; in 210, the tyrant The social situation in Egypt became especially | |||
Machanidas seized power in Sparta; after his death tense in the last decades of the 3rd century. In 219, | |||
in the war with the Achaean League, the Spartan the war with the Seleucids over Coelesyria flared up | |||
state was headed by the tyrant Nabis (206-192), who again. One of the first acts in that war was the cap- | |||
implemented even more radical reforms, redistribut- ture in 219 of Seleucia by Antiochus III through | |||
ing the lands and property of the aristocracy, freeing suborning the commanders of the Egyptian garrison | |||
helots and giving land to th e perioikoi. In 205, an which defended it. In 218 Antiochus invaded Coele- | |||
attempt to cancel debts was made in Aetolia. Syria and, conquering one city after another by bri- | |||
The growing acuteness of the social struggles com- bery or siege, approached the borders of Egypt. The | |||
pelled the aristocracy of the Greek poleis to seek decisive battle between the armies of Ptolemy IV | |||
support from a stronger state authority, which was and Antiochus III took place in 217 near Raphia. | |||
favourable to the expansion of Macedonian in- The forces of the two sides were well matched, and, | |||
fluence. However, an attempt to subdue the Aeto- according to Polybius, Ptolemy won the victory only | |||
lian League during the so-called War of the Allies due to the success of his Egyptian phalanxes. Antio- | |||
(220-217) proved unsuccessful. Then Philip V, in- chus retreated, and many cities of Coelesyria | |||
tending to consolidate his positions in the Adriatic, reverted to Ptolemy. But the latter did not have suf- | |||
formed an alliance with Hannibal (215 B. C.) and ficient strength to pursue the enemy and recapture | |||
dislodged the Romans from their possessions in his possessions in Syria; besides, soon after the batde | |||
Illyria, acquired in 229. That was the beginning of near Raphia, troubles apparently broke out in | |||
Philip’s first war against Rome (215-205) which was, Egypt; he was compelled to begin peace negotia- | |||
in fact, Philip’s war against his Greek opponents tions and accept Antiochus’s conditions, retaining | |||
which joined Rome-Aetolia, Sparta and Perga- only part of Coelesyria adjoining the borders of | |||
mum and ended favourably for Macedonia. The Egypt. | |||
last years of the 3rd century witnessed the peak of The unsuccessful war and the hardships it brought | |||
Macedonia’s political and economic power. Her rise caused unrest among the masses, first in Lower | |||
was facilitated by the overall political situation in Egypt and then throughout the countiy. The trou- | |||
the eastern Mediterranean. bles apparently began among Egyptian warriors and | |||
Towards the end of the 3rd century B. C., internal then spread to the rural population. The thoroughly | |||
conflicts in the socioeconomic structure of the Hel- Hellenised areas of Lower Egypt were fairly quickly | |||
lenistic states became apparent, particularly in the pacified by the government of Ptolemy IV, whereas | |||
state economy in Egypt. The entire organisation of the unrest that had started in the south of Egypt had | |||
the royal estates was aimed at extracting the greatest grown into a broad popular movement by 206 B. C. | |||
profit from lands, mines and workshops. As Egyp- Thebes seceded from the Ptolemies, and local | |||
tian papyri clearly show, the system of taxes and dynasts ruled there for more than two decades, | |||
tributes, worked out in great detail, swallowed most Their names, Anhmachis and Armachis, are men- | |||
of the harvest, exhausting the economic potential of tioned in private documents from those times. Ptlole- | |||
the small holdings. The expanding royal administ- mais remained the Ptolemies’ only stronghold in | |||
ration, as well as farmers and traders, added to the Upper Egypt. | |||
exploitation of the local population. One of the more Some works concerned with that period stressed | |||
common forms of protest against oppression was ana- ___ the “nationalist” anti-Hellenic aspects of the move- | |||
choresis, sometimes on a mass scale, and, in the case of 2. ment. It should be borne in mind, however, that by | |||
slaves, running away from their masters. Later, the 3 the end of the 3rd century the term “Hellenes” had | |||
popular masses resorted to more active forms of y come to denote a social rather than ethnic concept, | |||
struggle. Thus it was civil unrest in Egypt that made r During the Greeks’ more than a century-long | |||
Ptolemy III Euergetes hurriedly conclude peace | domination of Egypt, significant changes occurred | |||
during the Third Syrian War. In the Seleucid * in the population’s social and ethnic structure. In | |||
empire, the secession of Parthia and Bactria was also | Alexandria and Ptolemais, Graeco-Macedonians | |||
brought about by an uprising of the local population jr were more or less able to maintain their ethnic isola- | |||
against increased social oppression. g; tion and retain the polis customs and laws, whereas | |||
250 | |||
in the chora mixed marriages became quite common. lenistic world changed, too. Small Hellenistic states | |||
Judging from testaments from the 3rd century B. C., like Pergamum, Rhodes, Cappadocia and Pontus | |||
cleruchoi often lived with their slave- or freed-women, began to play an increasing role in the international | |||
Egyptian or Syrian, and later adopted the offspring. relations, while the political influence of the Ptole- | |||
The new generation learnt the local customs and maic kingdom, which was weakened by the con- | |||
beliefs from their mothers and at the same time tinual popular movements and acute political strife | |||
could be educated in the Greek style at gymnasiums within the ruling circles, decreased, | |||
which existed at Alexandria, Naucratis, Ptolemais, In the last years of the 3rd century, taking advan- | |||
and, towards the end of the 3rd century, in the tage of the internal instability of Egypt, Philip V | |||
centre of nomes and even some komas of Fayum. and Antiochus III seized the Ptolemies’ external | |||
In the south of Egypt, Greek colonisation was possessions. Macedonia now controlled all the | |||
much less thoroughgoing than in the Delta and poleis that had formerly belonged to the Ptolemies | |||
Fayum, and the old pre-Ptolemaic traditions were on the Hellespont, in Asia Minor and on the | |||
more stable. But here, too, the local aristocrats that Aegean, while Antiochus occupied Phoenicia and | |||
had survived the Graeco-Macedonian conquest and Coelesyria after his victory at Panion (200 | |||
now strove to retain their positions in the temples B. C.). Macedonia’s expansion infringed upon the | |||
and the administration increasingly became Hel- interests of Rhodes and Pergamum; this caused a | |||
lenised, learning Greek and absorbing Greek cul- war (201 B. C.), in which Philip V began to gain the | |||
ture the necessary prerequisites of membership in upper hand; Rhodes and Pergamum then turned for | |||
the privileged strata. For this reason, the movement help to the Romans. This was a convenient pretext | |||
in Thebes may have been to some extent a protest for Rome to begin a war against Macedonia, as after | |||
against foreign oppression, but the sources clearly the successful conclusion of the Second Punic War | |||
show its social colouring. Some Egyptian priests may Rome had subdued all western Mediterranean and | |||
have joined the rebels the temple of Horus at Edfu shifted the direction of its aggressive intentions east, | |||
was in the rebels’hands for twenty years), but on the In this way the conflict between the Hellenistic | |||
whole the priesthood was loyal to the ruling dynasty, states developed into the Second Macedonian War | |||
and many temples suffered from the “impious” and (200-197 B. G.). | |||
the “apostates”. The Romans’ demagogic campaign, in which the | |||
Against the background of endless uprisings in the traditional slogan of “freedom” for the Greek poleis | |||
south of the country, the struggle in the court circles figured prominently, attracted the Aetolian and | |||
never subsided either. With the accession to the Achaean Leagues to their side; this was especially | |||
throne of the six-year-old Ptolemy V in 204, a true of the propertied strata, which saw Rome as a | |||
vicious fight for the regency broke out among the force capable of protecting their interests without | |||
various groups of the court aristocracy. Relying imposing the monarchic form of rule, so odious to | |||
mostly on mercenaries, they also often resorted in the demos. After the defeat near Cynoscephalae Phi- | |||
their strife to such a terrible weapon as the anger of lip V had to conclude a peace according to which | |||
the Alexandrian mob. Macedonia lost all its possessions in Asia Minor, the | |||
The end of the 3rd and beginning of the 2nd cen- Aegean, and Greece. Having solemnly declared free- | |||
turies B. C. can be viewed as a landmark in the his- dom for the Greek poleis during the Isthmian | |||
tory of the Hellenistic world. In the previous period, g Games in 196, Rome went on to disregard com- | |||
the contacts between the countries of the eastern and ■§ pletely the interests of its former allies, setdng state | |||
western Mediterranean were mostly economic and 7. borders, stationing its garrisons in Corinth, Deme- | |||
cultural, while political (primarily diplomatic) links '. trias and in Chalcidice, and interfering in the poleis’ | |||
were very irregular; in the last decades of the 3rd ? internal affairs. The Romans robbed Greece of im- | |||
century, however, there was a tendency towards a -J mense numbers of bronze and marble statues, and of | |||
more active political interaction, as shown by the ^ vast quantities of gold and silver in the shape of | |||
alliance between Philip V and Hannibal during the ^ objects of art, bullion, bars, and coins. The “libe- | |||
Second Punic War and the so-called First Mace- j? ration” of Greece was in fact the first step in the | |||
donian War. The balance of forces within the Hel- | spreading of Roman domination in the eastern | |||
251 | |||
Mediterranean and the beginning of a new stage in gradual subjugation of one country after another by | |||
the history of the Hellenistic world. Rome. The premises of the process lay, on the one | |||
Macedonia’s defeat in the war against Rome and hand, in the demands of the economic development | |||
internal conflicts in Egypt created a favourable sit- of antique society as a whole, including the Hellenis- | |||
uation for the growth of the political might of the tic states, for the establishment of closer and more | |||
Seleucid kingdom. Its rise began with Antio- stable economic links between the western and the | |||
chus Ill’s eastern campaign in 212-204 B. C., which eastern Mediterranean, and on the other, in the | |||
partly followed Alexander the Great’s route. In the external conflicts and internal socio-political insta- | |||
course of the campaign, Antiochus III subdued bility of the Hellenistic states. The unification of the | |||
Sophene and Greater Armenia, made the Parthian western Mediterranean under Roman power intro- | |||
king Arsaces II and the king of Bactria Euthydemus duced significant changes in the traditional trading | |||
recognise their allegiance to the Seleucids, and links between Greece and Sicily and other western | |||
renewed friendly relations with the local rulers of Greek colonies, and in the links, consolidated in the | |||
north-western India, receiving from them gifts of 3rd century, between Egypt and Syria, on the one | |||
elephants and food supplies. Having consolidated his hand, and North Africa and Italy, on the other, | |||
positions in the east and annexed Coelesyria after The trading links and economic centres shifted | |||
the battle of Panion in 200 B. C., Antiochus seized, again, the Romans continued their drive east, and | |||
during Philip V’s war with Rome, the cities of Cili- the eastern economic centres adapted to the new sit- | |||
cia, Lycia and Caria, which had previously uation. The Roman military and economic expan- | |||
belonged to the Ptolemies, and then began to reduce sion was accompanied by an intense development of | |||
the poleis of Asia Minor and Thrace liberated by slave-owning relations in Italy and in the conquered | |||
Rome from Macedonian rule. Foreseeing an inevi- lands. | |||
table conflict with Rome, he settled his relations All these developments affected the internal situa- | |||
with his neighbours in Asia Minor and tried to win tion in the Hellenistic states. Those groups of the | |||
allies in Greece, but only Aetolia and Boeotia joined aristocracy, mostly urban, which were interested in | |||
him. the expansion of commodity production, trade and | |||
The war with Rome, which began in 192 on slave-owning, more and more came into conflict with | |||
Greek territory, ended in a defeat of Antiochus’s the strata of Hellenistic society linked with the royal | |||
army at Magnesia at Sipylus in Asia Minor (190 administrative apparatus and temples and deriving | |||
B. C.), as a result of which he had to renounce all their income mostly from traditional forms of exploi- | |||
Seleucid claims in Europe and north of Mt. Taurus tation of the rural population. These clashes of inter¬ | |||
in Asia Minor. For diplomatic reasons, the Romans est manifested themselves in palace coups, fierce | |||
handed these territories over to their allies, Rhodes dynastic wars, uprisings in the cities, and the persis- | |||
and Pergamum. Antiochus’s defeat stirred separatist tent attempts by the poleis to win complete inde¬ | |||
movements within the kingdom : recently subdued pendence from royal authority. The strife within the | |||
Greater Armenia and Sophene seceded, and unrest ruling class was aggravated by the struggle of the | |||
in the eastern provinces renewed. The victory of the popular masses in the chora, komas and the cities | |||
Romans and their allies over the greatest of the Hel- against the tax burden, usury and enslavement, | |||
lenistic states, the Seleucid kingdom, radically which sometimes developed into virtual civil wars | |||
changed the political situation. Now none of the __ that exhausted the economy and the states’ military | |||
Hellenistic states could claim hegemony over the §. potential. | |||
eastern Mediterranean. The threat of further 5 Private ownership of lands increased during the | |||
Roman expansion became very real, but conflicts ^ 2nd century. Land was acquired in various ways, | |||
between Hellenistic states ruled out any chance of 2 but mostly through direct purchasing of escheated, | |||
their joining forces. I abandoned or confiscated allotments. The lands of | |||
j, temples and kleruchoi gradually passed into private | |||
1 hands. The sale, resale, division and ceding of land, | |||
The Hellenistic World and Rome. The subsequent po- ? dowry settlements and bequests of privately owned | |||
litical history of the Hellenistic world was one of |- land are recorded in numerous Egyptian papyri. | |||
252 | |||
Despite the diversity of these deeds, they show a ten- honours and riches to the courtiers. Bv the beginning | |||
dency towards concentrating privately owned land of the 2nd century B. C., the situation had changed, | |||
in the hands of the more privileged individuals in the The interests of large sections of the court aristocracy | |||
royal administration in the nomes and toparchies, of which headed the administrative mechanism | |||
garrison officers, the higher echelons of the kleruchoi became increasingly interwoven with those of the | |||
( katoikoi ) and priests, rich farmers, traders and higher nobles of the nomes, who wanted to increase | |||
craftsmen from nome centres, and well-to-do peas- their incomes by cutting expenditure on foreign | |||
ants who usually held administrative posts in the policy ventures, the maintenance of a powerful navy | |||
komas. There is no evidence, however, of the forma- and large contingents of mercenaries. Already in the | |||
tion of large estates. Even the lands of major owners last decades of the 3rd century B. C., the first clash | |||
were always divided into small lots for renting out. occurred between these court circles and Alexan- | |||
Of the settlers from Greece, the Aegean islands, dria’s rich traders and manufacturers over Ptolemy | |||
Asia Minor and other Greek areas who came to V’s regency. Against the background of court strife, | |||
Egypt at the end of the 4th and first half of the 3rd the role of mercenaries stationed in Alexandria and | |||
centuries, some got richer, profiting from trade, of their commanders grew. | |||
farming, and official or priestly posts, while others The self-seeking officialdom exempt from all con- | |||
failed to retain their membership in the ruling class, trol or punishment, beginning with the lowest offi- | |||
becoming common craftsmen and peasants, part of cials and ending with the strategoi, undermined the | |||
the laoi. Towards the end of the 3rd century the liv- system of the state economy from within. The local | |||
ing conditions of the laoi deteriorated so much that administration, rigorously organised and, under the | |||
the government of Ptolemy V had to cancel tax first Ptolemies, entirely dependent on central | |||
arrears and reduce taxes, but life remained very authority, became an uncontrolled independent | |||
hard in the 2nd century as well. The burden of taxes force completely preoccupied with personal enrich- | |||
and tributes was aggravated by the abuses of the ment. The government had to issue special decrees | |||
local aristocracy. Complaints about officials’ abuses to protect peasants and craftsmen connected with | |||
and oppression on the part of rich and influential the royal estate against their greed, and to get its | |||
people poured into the king’s and strategoi 's offices, share of the income. | |||
but the higher royal administrators were already un- But the decrees could only temporarily slow down | |||
able to take any effective measures against these the restructuring of socioeconomic relations. Cor- | |||
abuses. porate ownership of land, of which the most pro- | |||
The court had to reckon with the united and minent feature was the preponderance of crown land | |||
economically strong body of the local military, bu- providing income accumulated in the state treasury | |||
reaucratic and priestly aristocracy, on which the in- and then distributed among the courtiers, officials, | |||
come of the royal court and the higher royal priests and the army in the form of upkeep, salary or | |||
administration largely depended, as did supplies of gifts, was giving way to private ownership of land | |||
foodstuffs and raw materials to Alexandria. Towards and of the income yielded by this land, the state | |||
the end of the 3rd century B. C., the local aristocracy economy being reduced to a size sufficient only for | |||
itself apparently realised its economic and political the maintenance of the royal court, mercenaries and | |||
importance and began to actively interfere in the the state mechanism in the narrow sense, | |||
court intrigues at Alexandria. g Towards the end of the 2nd century, the dynastic | |||
Under the first Ptolemies, the aims of the court i strife in Egypt increasingly became interwoven with | |||
aristocracy, which occupied the most important Z. that in the Seleucid kingdom, and relations with | |||
military and bureaucratic posts, and of Alexandria’s Rome assumed ever greater importance. Roman | |||
rich traders and owners of workshops more or less diplomacy played a considerable role in fanning the | |||
coincided, as both were interested in getting maxi- § dynastic conflicts within and among the Hellenistic | |||
mtim income (in the shape of grain, raw materials, 0 states. | |||
and money) from the Egyptian chora and in conduct- 3 . Roman diplomacy was particularly effective in | |||
ing an active foreign policy, which extended the |= the conquest of Macedonia and the states of Asia | |||
sphere of Alexandria’s trade and brought new | Minor. On the eve of the Third Macedonian War | |||
253 | |||
(171-168), Rome achieved an almost complete isola- ruptions, for more than a hundred years. The | |||
tion of Macedonia. Despite the attempts of the economic situation in the Egyptian chora was very | |||
Macedonian king Perseus to attract the Greek grave. Considerable tracts of land lay fallow, and the | |||
poleis to his side through democratic reforms (he government had to introduce compulsory rentals to | |||
announced cancellation of state debts and the return make people till these lands. The greater part of the | |||
of exiles), he was joined by Epirus and Illyria only. laoi were destitute even in the eyes of the royal | |||
After the defeat of the Macedonian army near administration. The official and legal documents of | |||
Pydna, the Romans divided Macedonia into four the end of the 2nd century point to anarchy and | |||
isolated districts and prohibited exploitation of abuses of power in Egypt during the dynastic wars, | |||
mines, salt-works, export of timber, purchase of real Anachoresis, refusal to pay debts, seizure of other peo- | |||
estate, and marriages between the inhabitants of dif- pie’s lands, vineyards, houses and property, appro- | |||
ferent districts. In Epirus, the Romans destroyed priation of temple and state incomes by private indi- | |||
most of the cities and sold more than 150,000 people viduals and enslavement of free people occurred on a | |||
into slavery; in Greece, they revised the boundaries mass scale. Records of economic activity, petitions, | |||
between the poleis. royal decrees (the so-called “decrees ofphilanthropia" | |||
While Rome was busy conquering Macedonia, published in times of reconciliation between the fac- | |||
the conflict between Egypt and the Seleucids over tions) point to decline in the state economy, decrease | |||
Coelesyria flared up again. By that time, the Seleu- of cultivated areas of land, disintegration of the royal | |||
cid kingdom had recovered from the damage done monopoly on the crafts and trade, devaluation of | |||
by the war with Rome and the payment of indem- money, abuses of officials in charge of collecting | |||
nity, and Antiochus IV again tried to increase the taxes and customs. The officials’ abuses gave rise to | |||
territory of his kingdom. In 170, and later in 168, he the phenomenon of “protection”. More or less well- | |||
campaigned successfully in Egypt, capturing Mem- to-do peasants, craftsmen, traders and farmers | |||
phis and besieging Alexandria, but Roman interfer- enlisted the support of influential persons in order to | |||
ence compelled him to give up his conquests. Addi- dodge payments of taxes or other duties to the state; | |||
tional taxes imposed in connection with prepa- on the other hand, sometimes whole korrns appealed | |||
rations for a war with Egypt caused an uprising in to higher officials to protect themselves against the | |||
Jerusalem. Antiochus crushed the rebellion, built abuses of the lower officials and tax farmers, | |||
the Acra fortress in Jerusalem and left a garrison Social struggles also grew more acute in the Bal- | |||
there. Power in Judea was handed over to the “Hel- kan peninsula where they took the form of an anti- | |||
lenists”- that part of priestly aristocracy which was Roman movement. The reprisals against Macedonia | |||
interested in closer ties between Judea and the and Epirus and crude interference in the internal | |||
Seleucids. Judaism was banned, and the cults of affairs of the Greek poleis gave rise to open rebel- | |||
Greek gods were introduced. These measures caused lions against Roman domination in Macedonia (in | |||
a new uprising in Judea (in 166), which developed 149-148) and the Achaean League (146), suppressed | |||
into a popular war against Seleucid domination. In with customary Roman ruthlessness. Macedonia | |||
164, the insurgents led by Judas Maccabaeus cap- was declared a Roman province, all leagues of Greek | |||
tured Jerusalem and besieged the Acra. Judas Mac- poleis were dissolved, and oligarchies were estab- | |||
cabaeus adopted the title of high priest, distributed fished everywhere. The population was sold in great | |||
priestly offices regardless of nobility of birth, and numbers into slavery outside the country, and Hellas | |||
confiscated the property of the Hellenists. In 160, I was impoverished, depopulated and generally in a | |||
Demetrius I routed Judas Maccabaeus and sta- 5 state of desolation. Rhodes suffered, too, for its neu- | |||
tioned his garrisons in Judean cities, but the Jews did s trality during the Third Macedonian War. The | |||
not cease to fight. 0. Romans deprived it of territories in Caria and Lycia | |||
After Antiochus’s campaigns, popular movements | received after the defeat of Antiochus III, and de- | |||
began again in Egypt in the nomes of Middle a- dared Delos a free port, which made that small | |||
Egypt, headed by Dionysius Petosarapis (suppressed | island a major centre of transit trade and slave- | |||
in 165), and in Panopolis. Simultaneously, acute - market, undermining Rhodes’ trade importance | |||
dynastic strife began, which lasted, with brief inter- | Having subdued Greece and Macedonia, Rome | |||
254 | |||
began an offensive against the states of Asia Minor. That crisis expressed itself in a hitter dynastic | |||
By spurring conflicts between Pergamum and its strife accompanied by military clashes, urban rebel- | |||
neighbours, the Romans exhausted their military lions, and bloody massacres of opponents. Twelve | |||
strength. At the same time Roman traders and pretenders succeeded one another on the throne in | |||
usurers penetrated the economic systems of the states just 35 years, and sometimes two or three kings ruled | |||
of Asia Minor, increasingly subordinating the simultaneously; the pretenders relied on rival groups | |||
domestic and foreign policy of those states to the in- of the aristocracy. The territory of the Seleucid king- | |||
terests of Rome. Pergamum’s position was worst; the dom kept shrinking until it included only the lands | |||
social situation there was so tense that king Atta- of Syria proper, Phoenicia, Coelesyria and part of | |||
lus III (139-133), despairing of the stability of the Cilicia. Major cities strove for autonomy or even in- | |||
existing regime, bequeathed his kingdom to Rome. dependence (cf. the tyrannies in Byblos, Tyre, | |||
But neither that act nor the reform which the aris- Sidon, etc.). Between 83 and 69, most Syria fell un- | |||
tocracy endeavoured to carry out after his death der the rule of Tigranes, king of Armenia. In 64, the | |||
could prevent a popular movement against the -Seleucid kingdom was annexed by Rome as the | |||
Romans and the local nobles which enveloped the province of Syria. A year later, Judea, where fierce | |||
whole country. For more than three years (132-129), social and dynastic conflicts were in progress, was | |||
the insurgent peasants, slaves and the underprivi- also added to the Roman state, | |||
leged urban population led by Aristonicus stub- In the 1st century B. C., Roman aggression was | |||
bornly resisted the Romans. After the suppression of most stubbornly resisted by the Pontic kingdom, | |||
the uprising, Pergamum was erected into a Roman which under Mithridates VI Eupator extended its | |||
province under the name of Asia. rule over almost the whole of the Black Sea coast. In | |||
The situation in the Seleucid empire grew more 89, Mithridates began a war with Rome, and his act | |||
and more unstable. Following Judea, the eastern was enthusiastically supported by the masses in Asia | |||
satrapies also showed separatist tendencies, leaning Minor and Greece. Hatred for the Romans, who | |||
towards Parthia. The attempt of Antiochus VII shamelessly plundered the territories under their | |||
Sidetes (138-129 B. C.) to restore the unity of the sway, was so great that at a call from Mithridates, all | |||
empire ended in his complete failure and death. Romans in Asia Minor were massacred on the same | |||
That was followed by the secession of Babylonia, day. In 88, he occupied almost the whole of Greece | |||
Persia and Media, which fell under the sway of without much difficulty. But Mithridates’s success | |||
Parthia or of independent dynasts. Early in the 1st was shortlived. His advent brought no significant | |||
century B. C., Commagene and Judea became inde- improvement in the life of the Greek poleis; the | |||
pendent. The aggravation of the domestic strife in Romans inflicted several defeats on the less disci- | |||
the Seleucid kingdom and the separatist tendencies plined Pontic army, and the social measures later | |||
in its provinces stemmed from the differences implemented by Mithridates cancellation of debts, | |||
between its eastern and the western regions. The redistribution of land, and the granting of citizen- | |||
western provinces, profoundly Hellenised (with the ship to the medcs and slaves-cost him the support | |||
exception of Judea) gravitated towards economic of the well-to-do citizens. In 85, Mithridates had to | |||
links with the Mediterranean, whereas the eastern admit defeat and give up his conquests. On two | |||
satrapies were more closely linked with caravan- more occasions, in 83-81 and 73-63, he tried to stop | |||
route trading, economic development of the Caspian 0 the Roman drive into Asia Minor, relying on the | |||
and Central Asian regions and trading across the i anti-Roman mood of the masses, but the alignment | |||
Persian Gulf. Their Hellenisation was fairly superfi- * of the social forces and the tendencies of historical | |||
cial: even those cities which were most Hellenistic in ' development determined the defeat of the Pontic | |||
their appearance and political organisation largely S' king. | |||
retained their traditional social structure and ide- 7 Early in the 1st century B.C., Roman possessions | |||
ology. Parthian rule apparently offered them greater ^ extended already as far as the borders of Egypt. In | |||
economic and political advantages than that of the 7 96, Cyrenaica, which had seceded from Egypt two | |||
Seleucids, whose empire was in the grip of an acute |= decades before, fell under Roman sway. The Ptole- | |||
socio-political crisis. § maic kingdom was still shaken by dynastic strife and | |||
2 55 | |||
popular movements. C. 88, a mass uprising flared of Oriental despotic states and the pofis organisation | |||
up in the Thebes region, and it was suppressed only of the cities. The Hellenistic polis is, however, rather | |||
three years later by Ptolemy IX, who destroyed different from the classical Greek one. The earlier | |||
Thebes, the hotbed of the rebellion. In the next 15 principles of the polis structure -eleutheria (freedom, | |||
years, there was also unrest in the nomes of Middle political independence), aulonomia and autarkia- un- | |||
Egypt in Hermopolis and, twice, in Heracleopolis. derwent considerable changes both in the old poleis | |||
Although the Roman Senate debated more than and those newly founded by the Hellenistic rulers, | |||
once the annexation of Egypt, the internal and Poleis that formed part of the Hellenistic states lost | |||
external situation did not permit Rome to begin an their political and economic independence; they | |||
open war against this state, comparatively strong were no longer free agents on the international | |||
and virtually inaccessible in strategic terms. Only in arena, and had to obey the laws promulgated by the | |||
48 B. C., as he pursued Pompey, did Caesar lead his head of state. The independence of the polis organs | |||
troops into Alexandria. After eight months of hard of self-government-the popular assembly, council | |||
fighting with the Egyptians, mostly Alexandrians, he and appointed officials-was restricted. The position | |||
too merely included Egypt in the Roman sphere of and the socio-political role of the Hellenistic polis | |||
influence as an allied kingdom. Only two decades place it between the classical Greek polis and the | |||
later, Alexandria, that major centre of handicrafts, Roman municipium. | |||
science and art, probably the most important port In the Hellenistic period, essential changes took | |||
on the Mediterranean of those times, and the capital place in the ethnic and social stratification of the | |||
of one of the richest countries, reconciled itself to the population. The ethnic distinctions between Greeks | |||
inevitability of Roman domination. In 30 B. C., from different parts of Greece and even between | |||
after his victory over Antony, Octavian subdued Greeks and Macedonians lost their former signifi- | |||
Egypt almost without resistance. The last Hellenistic cance, for they were all Hellenes in the eyes of the | |||
state fell. conquered peoples of the Near East and north-east- | |||
As a political system, the Hellenistic world was ern Africa, their language and culture differing from | |||
swallowed up by the Roman empire, but elements of those of the local population. In the course of time, | |||
the socio-political structure which took shape in the however, the ethnic term “Hellene”, as we have | |||
Hellenistic epoch made a great impact on the eas- mentioned, acquired social signification as well: the | |||
tern Mediterranean’s later history, largely determin- “Hellenes” were now those sections of the popula- | |||
ing its specific features. First of all, a new step in the tion whose social position permitted them to recei- | |||
development of productive forces was made during ve an education after the Greek model and to live in | |||
the Hellenistic epoch. The area of cultivated land an appropriate style, regardless of their ethnic | |||
was significantly expanded, irrigation systems were origin. | |||
extended and improved, and the mining of mineral That socioethnic process was reflected in the | |||
deposits became more intense. Noticeable progress moulding and spreading of a common Greek lan- | |||
was achieved in some handicrafts, particularly in guage, the so-called koine , which became the lan- | |||
construction techniques and production of luxury guage of Hellenistic literature, the official language | |||
goods. A number of new cities, major centres of of all the Hellenistic states, and later, side by side | |||
trade and industry, emerged; some of them have with Latin, the official language of the eastern half of | |||
survived from the Hellenistic epoch to this day (cf., ^ the Roman empire. | |||
e. g., Alexandria in Egypt, Laodicea (modern s All these changes in the economic, social and po- | |||
Latakia) in Syria, Thessalonice (modern Salonika) 5 litical spheres were accompanied by a restricting of | |||
in Greece, etc. Trading and navigation intensified; j the socio-psychological makeup of the man of the | |||
new caravan and sea routes appeared, and old ones Z, Hellenistic epoch. The instability of the foreign and | |||
functioned more regularly. There was a distinct ten- I domestic political situation-continual wars between | |||
dency towards a unification of the monetary system j states, internal domestic strife, political revolutions | |||
within definite regions. ( in the poleis, and social movements on the local and | |||
A new type of state emerged in the Hellenistic ? national scale-brought about the impoverishment, | |||
epoch - Hellenistic kingdoms combining the features £ ruin and enslavement of some and the enrichment of | |||
256 | |||
others, development of slave-owning and slave- | |||
trade, migration of the population from one locality | |||
to another, from the rural areas to the city and from | |||
the city to the chora. All this, in its turn, undermined | |||
the links within the civil communities of poleis and | |||
the communal links in villages, intensifying indivi¬ | |||
dualistic attitudes. The polis could no longer guar¬ | |||
antee the freedom and material well-being of the | |||
citizen; personal ties with members of the royal | |||
administration and patronage of the powers that be | |||
assumed greater importance. From generation to | |||
generation, psychological attitudes changed, and the | |||
former citizen of the polis became the king’s subject | |||
not only in formal status but also by political convic¬ | |||
tion. The same process somewhat later occurred in | |||
the Roman empire. | |||
Hellenistic culture. The most important heritage of the | |||
Hellenistic world was the culture that it created, | |||
which spread to the outlying areas of the Hellenistic | |||
world and made a great impact on the development | |||
of Roman culture (particularly of the eastern | |||
Roman provinces) as well as the culture of the other | |||
peoples of antiquity and of the Middle Ages. | |||
Hellenistic culture was not uniform throughout | |||
the Hellenistic world. In each region, it was | |||
moulded by the interaction between the stable, tra¬ | |||
ditional local elements and those brought by the | |||
conquerors and migrants, Greeks and non-Greeks. | |||
The particular combinations of these elements, and | |||
the forms of their synthesis, were determined by | |||
many concrete factors - specific for each given locali¬ | |||
ty- the size of the various ethnic groups (local and | |||
newly arrived), the level of their culture, social | |||
organisation, conditions of economic life, political | |||
situation, etc. Even if we compare the major Hel¬ | |||
lenistic cities-Alexandria, Antioch on the Orontes, | |||
Pergamum, etc., where the Graeco-Macedonian | |||
population played the leading role - distinctive fea- ^ | |||
tures of cultural life in each of them stand out quite ■§ | |||
clearly. They are naturally more distinct in the in- * | |||
terior regions of the Hellenistic states, such as the | |||
Thebaid, Babylonia, or Thrace. ? | |||
Still, Hellenistic culture may be regarded as some- ■|’ | |||
thing integral and original, since all its local variants | |||
have certain common traits determined, on the one 5 , | |||
hand, by the obligatory presence of elements of |= | |||
Greek culture in the overall synthesis, and on the | | |||
257 | |||
other, by analogous trends in the socioeconomic and | |||
political development of society throughout the Hel¬ | |||
lenistic world. The development of cities, commodi¬ | |||
ty-money relations, and commercial links in the | |||
Mediterranean countries and the Near East largely | |||
conditioned the moulding of the material and non¬ | |||
material culture in the Hellenistic period. The emer¬ | |||
gence of Hellenistic monarchies, which absorbed | |||
some features of the polis structure, facilitated the | |||
formation of new legal relations, of a new socio-psy- | |||
chological makeup of man and society as a whole | |||
and of novel ideology. Compared with classical | |||
Greek culture, the content and nature of Hellenistic | |||
culture manifested more clearly the differences | |||
between the Hellenised upper strata of society and | |||
the indigent urban and rural population, which | |||
retained its cultural traditions more tenaciously. | |||
Evidence of interaction between Hellenic and | |||
local elements in the material culture is found in the | |||
development of handicraft techniques, in arma¬ | |||
ments, shipbuilding, town planning, and applied | |||
arts. The same phenomena were observed in other | |||
areas of artistic creativity, above all in architecture. | |||
The architecture of the Hellenistic poleis continued | |||
the Greek traditions, but side by side with temple | |||
construction civil engineering-the building of | |||
theatres, gymnasia, bouleuteria, and palaces-now | |||
played a major part. The interior and exterior deco¬ | |||
ration of buildings became more varied and sump¬ | |||
tuous; porticoes and columns, mostly of the Ionic | |||
and Corinthian orders, were widely used; colon¬ | |||
nades were built to frame separate edifices, the agora, | |||
and sometimes the main streets (cf. the porticoes of | |||
Antigonus Gonatas, of Attalus on Delos, or those in | |||
the main streets of Alexandria). Kings built or | |||
restored cities and numerous temples dedicated to | |||
Greek and local deities. The projects were stupen¬ | |||
dous and the means insufficient, so construction | |||
sometimes lasted dozens and hundreds of years. The | |||
most magnificent and beautiful of these temples | |||
were believed to be Sarapeum in Alexandria, built | |||
by Parmeniskos in the 3rd century B. C.; the temple | |||
of Apollo at Didyma near Miletus, the construction | |||
of which began in 300 B. C., lasted nearly 200 years | |||
and was never completed; the temple of Zeus in | |||
Athens, designed by the architect Cossutius, begun | |||
in 170 A. D., and finished at the beginning of the | |||
2nd century A. D., under emperor Hadrian; and | |||
the temple of Artemis in Magnesia on the Meander, | |||
17 — 344 | |||
designed by the architect Hermogenes (begun late in | |||
the third or early in the 2nd century, finished in | |||
129). The temples of the local deities-the temple of | |||
Horus at Edfu, of the goddess Hathor in Denderah, | |||
of Khnum in Esnae, of Isis on the island of Phylae, of | |||
Esagila in Babylon, or the temples of the god Nabu, | |||
son of Marduk, in Borsippa and Uruk-were built | |||
just as slowly. The temples of the Greek gods were | |||
built according to classical canons with slight devia¬ | |||
tions. The architecture of the temples of the Oriental | |||
deities also rigorously followed the traditions of | |||
ancient Egyptian and Babylonian architects, and | |||
the only traces of Hellenistic influences are found in | |||
separate details and in inscriptions on temple walls. | |||
A novel development of the Hellenistic period was | |||
the construction of new types of public buildings - li¬ | |||
braries (in Alexandria, Pergamum, Antioch, and | |||
other cities), the Museum (in Alexandria), the light¬ | |||
house of Pharos, the Tower of the Winds in Athens. | |||
The Pharos lighthouse, erected by the architect and | |||
builder Sostratos of Cnidus and believed to be one of | |||
the seven wonders of the world, was the most magni¬ | |||
ficent and complex of these structures. Its tower | |||
crowned with a statue of Poseidon rose to the height | |||
of 120 metres. Its base was a square, with the sides | |||
aligned on the cardinal points; it narrowed down | |||
towards the central part, an octahedron with sides | |||
aligned on the directions of the prevailing winds; | |||
and the upper part was a cylindric lantern equipped | |||
with metal mirrors. The fuel for the lighthouse was | |||
carried by donkeys up a winding staircase or path | |||
within the building. The Pharos lighthouse was at | |||
the same time an observation post, a sort of weather | |||
station, and a fortress, presumably with a garrison | |||
and supplies of provision and water (in a tank in the | |||
underground part of the tower). The octagonal | |||
Tower of the Winds in Athens, with a weather-vane | |||
in the shape of a Triton figurine on the roof, appar¬ | |||
ently played similar meteorological functions. It also | |||
had sundials on the walls and a water clock within | |||
for bad weather. | |||
The Alexandriana Library was believed to be the | |||
largest library of antiquity. Books were brought here | |||
from all the countries of the classical world, and in | |||
the 1st century B. C. it possessed, according to | |||
legend, some 700,000 scrolls. We have no description | |||
of the building in which the Library of Alexandria | |||
was housed; it must have adjoined or been part of | |||
the Museum complex (the temple of the Muses). | |||
The Museum itself was part of the palace complex. | |||
Besides the temple, it included a large house with a | |||
common dining-hall for the scholars attached to the | |||
Museum, and an exedra- a roofed gallery with seats | |||
for work-and a place for walks. | |||
The construction of such public edifices, which | |||
served as centres of scholarly work or application of | |||
scientific knowledge, may be regarded as a symptom | |||
and a material expression of the growing role of | |||
science in the practical and spiritual life of Hellenis¬ | |||
tic society. | |||
The knowledge accumulated in the previous | |||
epoch in the Greek and the Oriental world, and the | |||
possibility of bringing them together necessitated the | |||
classification of the available material and some kind | |||
of summing up. Differentiation began in the syncre¬ | |||
tic body of scientific concepts, as mathematics, | |||
astronomy, botany, geography, medicine and phi¬ | |||
lology became separated from philosophy and estab¬ | |||
lished as sciences in their own right. | |||
Eucleidean Elements (or Principles) can be seen as a | |||
synthesis of mathematical knowledge of the ancient | |||
world. For centuries, its postulates and the deductive | |||
methods of proof formed the basis of textbooks on | |||
geometry. The works of Appollonius of Perga on | |||
conic sections laid the foundations of trigonometry. | |||
Archimedes of Syracuse, who worked for a while at | |||
Alexandria, discovered one of the principal laws of | |||
hydrostatics, worked out the basics of infinitely large | |||
and infinitesimal calculus, formulated some impor¬ | |||
tant propositions of mechanics and invented many | |||
technical devices. | |||
The Babylonian centres of stydying astronomical | |||
phenomena, which existed long before the Greeks | |||
took up these observations, and the works of the | |||
Babylonian fourth-century scholars Kidenas and | |||
Sudines had a great influence on the development of | |||
astronomy in the Hellenistic period. Aristarchus of | |||
Samos (310-230 B. C.) formulated the hypothesis | |||
that the earth and the planets revolve around the | |||
S* sun along circular orbits. Seleucus of Chaldea tried | |||
5 to substantiate that proposition. Hipparchus of | |||
-i Nicaea (146-126 B. C.) discovered (or repeated | |||
I Kidenas’s discovery of) the phenomenon of equinoc- | |||
s tial precession, measured the duration of the lunar | |||
jo month, compiled a catalogue of 805 stationary stars | |||
| with their coordinates, and divided them into three | |||
- classes according to their brightness. He rejected, | |||
|. however, Aristarchus’s hypothesis on the grounds | |||
258 | |||
that the orbits he suggested did not accord with | |||
observed planetary motions, and his authority | |||
helped to assert the geocentric system in antique | |||
science. | |||
Alexander the Great’s campaigns considerably | |||
extended the Greeks’ geographical horizons. On the | |||
basis of this extended knowledge, Dicaearchus drew | |||
up a map of the world (c. 300); he also calculated | |||
the height of many mountains in Greece. Eratos¬ | |||
thenes of Cyrene (275-200), an extraordinarily eru¬ | |||
dite scholar who for some time was in charge of the | |||
Alexandriana Library, assumed the earth to be a | |||
globe and calculated its circumference at 252,000 | |||
stadia (approx. 39,700 kilometres), which practi¬ | |||
cally coincides with the actual circumference | |||
(approx. 40,076 kilometres). He also insisted that all | |||
seas form a single ocean, and that it is possible to | |||
arrive in India by sailing round Africa or west of | |||
Spain. His hypothesis was supported by Posidonius | |||
of Apamea (135-51), a scholar with wide-ranging in¬ | |||
terests who studied the tides of the Atlantic and vol¬ | |||
canic and meteorological phenomena, and proposed | |||
the division of the earth into five climatic zones. In | |||
the 2nd century, Hippalus discovered monsoons, | |||
and Eudoxus of Cyzicus showed their practical im¬ | |||
portance by sailing to India across the open sea. | |||
Numerous geographical descriptions, later lost, | |||
formed the foundation for Strabo’s overview, Geogra¬ | |||
phy, which he finished C. A. D. 7. It contains the des¬ | |||
cription of the whole world known at that time, from | |||
Britain to India. Along with purely geographical | |||
data, Strabo included in his Geography a considerable | |||
body of historical information and legends about the | |||
countries and peoples described. | |||
The study of nature and man made considerable | |||
advances. Theophrastus, Aristotle’s disciple and suc¬ | |||
cessor in the Peripatetic school, wrote his History of | |||
Plants after the model of Aristotle’s History of Animals, | |||
systematising all the information accumulated by | |||
the beginning of the 3rd century B. C., including the | |||
data gathered during Alexander’s campaigns. Later | |||
works of antique botanists made some significant | |||
additions only to the knowledge of medicinal herbs, | |||
which was connected with the development of medi¬ | |||
cine. There were two trends in medical knowledge in | |||
the Hellenistic epoch-the “dogmatic” or “book¬ | |||
ish”, pursuing the task of speculative cognition of the | |||
nature of man and the causes of diseases concealed in | |||
it, and the empirical one, aimed at the study and | |||
treatment of each concrete disease. Herophilus of | |||
Chalcedon (3rd century B. C.) made a great contri¬ | |||
bution to the study of the anatomy of man. He wrote | |||
of the existence of nerves and established their con¬ | |||
nection with the brain. He also expressed the | |||
hypothesis that human cognitive abilities were con¬ | |||
nected with man’s brain; he believed that it was | |||
blood, and not air, that circulated in the veins and | |||
arteries, that is to say he arrived in fact at the idea of | |||
blood circulation. His conclusions apparently rested | |||
on personal experiences in the dissection of corpses, | |||
and on those of Egyptian experts in medicine and | |||
mummification. Erasistratus of Chios (3rd century | |||
B. C.) was just as famous; he distinguished between | |||
motor and sensor nerves and studied the anatomy of | |||
the heart. Both of them performed difficult ope¬ | |||
rations and had their schools of disciples. Herac- | |||
leides of Tarentum and other empirical physicians | |||
paid great attention to the study of medicines. | |||
This short account of the scientific achievements | |||
of Hellenistic times should show that science as a | |||
whole became one of the most important forms of | |||
social consciousness. Other indications of this de¬ | |||
velopment were the museums and libraries estab¬ | |||
lished at the courts of Hellenistic kings, to increase | |||
their prestige, and their patronage of scholars and | |||
poets, who were provided the necessary facilities for | |||
work. The material and moral dependence on the | |||
royal court imposed, however, a definite imprint on | |||
the form and content of scientific and artistic creati¬ | |||
vity, so that Timon the Sceptic had every right to | |||
call the scholars of the Alexandrian Museum | |||
“capons in a chicken coop”. | |||
The literature of the Hellenistic epoch was ext¬ | |||
remely extensive and varied; the sources mention | |||
more than a thousand names of writers and poets, | |||
including scientists and philosophers. The tradi¬ | |||
tional genres-epics, tragedy, comedy, lyrics, rhetor¬ | |||
ical and historical prose-continued to develop, but | |||
q new types of works also emerged, such as philologi- | |||
•I cal studies (cf. the work of Zenodotus of Ephesos on | |||
_ the true text of Homer’s poems), dictionaries (the | |||
first Greek lexicon was compiled by Philetas of Cos | |||
S' c. 300), biographies, poetic versions of scientific | |||
■S’ treatises, epistolography, etc. Splendiferous and | |||
* sophisticated poetry abounding in mythological im- | |||
•L agery but devoid of sincere feeling and divorced | |||
s from real life flourished at the courts of Hellenistic | |||
£ | |||
| kings. Its highest achievements were the idyls and | |||
259 | |||
17 * | |||
hymns by Callimachus of Cyrene (310-245 B. C.), by his works - Court of Arbitration, The Samian Woman, | |||
Aratusof Soli (3rd century), the epic poem Argonau- Crop-head, Grumbler, The Shield, The Man from Sicyon, | |||
tica by Apollonius of Rhodes, and other works. Brief The Hateful One, and others-have survived in the | |||
and expressive epigrams, a genre in which all poets papyri of the 2nd-4th centuries found in remote | |||
were active, particularly in the 2nd and 1st centuries cities and komas of Egypt. Menander’s works proved | |||
B. C., were more intimate and had greater vitality. to be so viable because he stressed the best traits of | |||
Epigrams evolved from dedicatory inscriptions and his characters, typical of his times, and asserted the | |||
epitaphs and varied greatly in content, expressing new, humanistic attitude to each individual regard- | |||
brief appraisals of works by poets, ardsts and archi- less of his position in society, to women, foreigners, | |||
tects, portraying certain individuals, or describing and slaves. | |||
scenes of everyday life and erotic ones. The epigram The mime, just as the comedy, has existed in | |||
expressed the poet’s feelings, moods and thoughts, Greece since remote times. It was frequently an inl¬ | |||
and only in the Roman epoch did it become mostly provisation performed in a square or at a feast in a | |||
satirical. In the late 4th and early 3rd centuries private house by an actor (or actress) without a | |||
B. C., most popular were the epigrams of Ascle- mask who used facial expressions, gestures and tones | |||
piades, Posidippus, and Leonidas of Tarentum, of voice to portray various characters. That genre | |||
and in the 2nd and 1st centuries, those by Anti- became particularly popular in the Hellenistic | |||
pater of Sidon, and Meleager and Philodemos of epoch. But no texts of mimes have survived except | |||
Gadara. those of Herondas (3rd century), and these were in- | |||
Theocritus of Syracuse (born in 305 B.C.) was a tentionally written in the Aeolian dialect that had | |||
major lyrical poet, author of bucolic idyls. That become obsolete by that time, and were not meant | |||
genre arose from the Sicilian competitions of she- for the broad public. Still, they give some idea of the | |||
pherds ( boucoloi) in the performance of songs, distichs style and content of such works. Scenes written by | |||
or quatrains. Theocritus’s bucolic verse abounded in Herondas pictured a procuress, a keeper of a | |||
vivid realistic descriptions of nature and graphic im- brothel, a cobbler, a jealous mistress torturing her | |||
ages of shepherds, while in other idyls, similar to slave lover, and other characters. In a vivid scene | |||
mimes but with a lyric colouring, he painted scenes laid at a school, a poor woman plaintively described | |||
of urban life. how hard it was for her to pay tuition fees, and asked | |||
Epic poems, hymns, idyls and even epigrams the teacher to give a sound thrashing to her son, an | |||
mostly appealed to the taste of the privileged strata idler who played dice instead of studying which the | |||
of Hellenistic society, whereas the interests and tastes teacher did willingly, aided by the other pupils. Un- | |||
of the broad masses were reflected in such genres as like the Greek literature of the 5th and 4th centuries, | |||
comedy and mime. Menander (342-291 B.C.) was Hellenistic literature was not concerned with the | |||
the most popular of the authors of the New Comedy, major socio-political and ethical problems of those | |||
or comedy of manners, which flourished in Greece in times, its themes being limited to the interests, mora- | |||
the late 4th century B.C. and was concerned with lity and everyday life of the narrow social group to | |||
citizens’ private rather than public life. which a given author belonged. Many of these works | |||
Menander wrote at the time of the formation of therefore quickly lost their social and artistic signifi- | |||
the Hellenistic states. Political instability, frequent cance and were forgotten, and only some of them left | |||
changes of oligarchic and democratic regimes, the a trace in the history of culture, | |||
ravages of frequent wars on Greek territory, ruin of I The themes, images and moods characteristic of | |||
some people and enrichment of others-all this 5 fiction were paralleled in sculpture and painting, | |||
brought confusion into the citizens’ moral and ethi- s Monumental sculpture, intended for squares, tem- | |||
cal notions and undermined the foundations of the j. pies and other public edifices, continued to develop, | |||
polis ideology. Uncertainty about the future and f Its characteristic features were mythological themes, | |||
beliefin destiny and chance grew. These moods were j vast scale, and complexity of composition. Thus the | |||
reflected in the New Comedy. An indication of | Colossus of Rhodes, a bronze statue of Helios created | |||
Menander’s popularity in Hellenistic society and - by Chares of Lindus (3rd century B. C.), rose to a | |||
later in the Roman epoch was the fact that many of |- height of 35 metres and was believed to be an artistic | |||
260 | |||
and technical wonder of the world. The battle of the an adherent of Cleomenes’s reforms (late 3rd cen- | |||
gods and titans on the famous frieze, more than 120 tury). Another trend in historiography, biased | |||
metres long, on the altar of Zeus in Pergamum (2nd though it might be, followed a dryer and more | |||
century B. C.), consisted of a great number of figures rigorous method of presenting facts. That was the | |||
and was marked by dynamism, extraordinary style of the history of Alexander’s campaigns written | |||
expressiveness and dramatism. In early Christian by Ptolemy I (after 301), of which only fragments | |||
literature the Pergamum altar was called “the tern- have survived, the history of the struggles between | |||
pie of Satan”. Schools of sculpture at Rhodes, Perga- the diadochoi written by Hieronymus of Cardia | |||
mum and Alexandria, which continued the tradi- (mid-3rd century), and other works. Polybius, a | |||
tions of Lysippus, Scopas and Praxiteles, evolved in major historian of the 2nd century (198-117), was | |||
this period. The statues of the goddess Tyche (Des- the author of the Universal History in 40 books, which | |||
tiny), patroness of Antioch, of Nike from the island dealt with the events of 221-146, i. e., the period | |||
of Samothrace, Aphrodite from the island of Melos when Rome emerged as a Mediterranean power and | |||
(Venus de Milo), and Aphrodite Anadyomene of Cy- subdued Greece and Macedonia. Following Poly- | |||
rene are believed to be masterpieces of Hellenistic bius, universal histories were written by Posidonius | |||
sculpture. The emphatic dramatism, characteristic of Apamea, Nicolaus Damascenus, Agatharchides of | |||
of the Pergamum school of sculpture, later degener- Cnidus, and Diodorus Siculus. But research in the | |||
ated into cold theatricality characteristic of such history of separate states continued : chronicles and | |||
sculptural groups as Laocoon or the Famese Bull. decrees of Greek poleis were studied, and interest | |||
Portrait sculpture (as illustrated, e. g., by for the history of Oriental countries grew. In the | |||
Polyeuctus’s Demosthenes, c. 280) and portrait paint- early 3rd century, Manetho, an Egyptian priest, | |||
ing (cf. the Fayum portraits) achieved a high level of wrote a history of pharaonic Egypt in Greek, and | |||
skill. Apparently the same moods and tastes that Berossos, a Babylonian priest, a history of Babylonia, | |||
engendered Theocritus’s bucolic idyl, epigrams, the also in Greek; later, a history of the Parthians was | |||
New Comedy and mimes, were reflected in realistic written by Apollodorus of Artemites. Historical | |||
sculptural images of old fishermen, shepherds, works in local languages also appeared, as, e. g., the | |||
numerous terracotta figurines of women, peasants Books of the Maccabees about the revolt of Judea | |||
and slaves, in the portrayal of comic characters, in against the Seleucids. | |||
depicting everyday scenes and rural landscapes in The choice of topics and presentation of events | |||
mosaic and wall painting. The influence of Hellenis- were undoubtedly affected by the political struggles | |||
tic art can also be traced in traditional Egyptian and political and philosophical theories of that | |||
sculpture (reliefs on tombs and the statues of the Pto- epoch, but these are often difficult to detect, as most | |||
lemies), and later in Parthian and Kushan art. historical works of the Hellenistic period have sur- | |||
Art and literature mostly reflected the worldview vived only in fragments or accounts of later authors, | |||
aspects of man’s private life and inner world, Only the relatively well-preserved work by Polybius | |||
whereas historical and philosophical works revealed permits an investigation of the methods of historical | |||
his attitude to society, and to political and social research and some historico-philosophical concepts | |||
problems of the times. Historical works mostly dealt characteristic of the times. | |||
with events of the recent past and current events. In Polybius, a prominent statesman of the Achaean | |||
form, the works of many historians bordered on fic- „ League, was taken, after the defeat of Macedonia in | |||
tion: the presentation was skilfully dramadsed, and 4 168, to Rome as one of a thousand hostages. There, | |||
rhetorical devices were used to produce an emo- _ he became an associate of Scipio and absorbed | |||
tional impact on mass audiences. That was the style " Roman ideology, particularly the idea of the provi- | |||
in which the history of Alexander the Great was r dential mission of Rome. Polybius’s work was in- | |||
written by Callisthenes (end of the 4th century) and -f tended to show why and in what way the entire | |||
Clitarchus of Alexandria (mid-3rd century); the his- ^ world known at that time found itself under Roman | |||
tory of the Greeks of the western Mediterranean, by t. domination. In his view, the history of the world was | |||
Timaeus of Tauromenium (same period); the his- |= determined by destiny: it was Tyche who forcibly | |||
toryofGreece between 280 and 219, by Phylarchus, | brought together the histories of separate countries | |||
261 | |||
to start world history, and it was Tyche who gave view, man was no longer a citizen of the polis but of | |||
the Romans world domination. The power of Tyche the cosmos; to achieve happiness, he must learn the | |||
was manifested in the causal links between all natural law of phenomena predetermined by the | |||
events. At the same time Polybius insisted on the supreme force (destiny) and live in harmony with | |||
great role of man, of outstanding personalities. He nature. The eclecticism and ambivalence of the | |||
endeavoured to demonstrate that the Romans had Stoics’ principal propositions ensured their popular- | |||
been able to create a powerful empire due to their ity in various strata of the Hellenistic and later | |||
perfect state structure, which combined elements of Roman society, permitting the merging of Stoic doc- | |||
monarchy, aristocracy and democracy, and due to trines with mystic faiths and astrology, paradoxi- | |||
the wisdom and moral superiority of its statesmen. cally combined with certain elements of mate- | |||
idealising the Romans and their state structure, rialism, mostly in ontology. | |||
Polybius tried to make his compatriots reconcile The philosophy of Epicurus was a further step in | |||
themselves to inevitable subordination to Rome and the development of Democritus’s materialism (the | |||
the loss of political independence by the Greek doctrine of spontaneous deviation of atoms from rec- | |||
poleis. The appearance of such views showed that tilinear movement), but it also focused primarily on | |||
the political attitudes of Hellenistic society had basi- man. Epicurus’s main task, as he saw it, was to free | |||
cally departed from the polis ideology. man from the fear of death and of destiny: he | |||
This was even more evident in philosophical doc- asserted that the gods had no influence over the life | |||
trines. The schools of Plato and Aristotle, which ref- of nature and man, and endeavoured to prove the | |||
lected the worldview of the civic community of the materiality of the soul. Man’s happiness lay in | |||
classical city state, lost their dominant position with achieving tranquility and undisturbed peace of the | |||
the decline in the political significance of the polis. soul ( ataraxm ) through cognition, self-perfection, | |||
Simultaneously, the influence of the schools of Seep- and avoidance of passions, sufferings, and vigorous | |||
tics and Cynics, which had been born of the crisis of activity. | |||
the polis ideology in the 4th century B. C., in- Gradually joining forces with the followers of | |||
creased. But the most popular teachings of the Helle- Plato’s Academy (the so-called Middle Academy), | |||
nistic period were those of the Stoics and of Epicu- the Sceptics levelled their criticism mostly against | |||
rus, which emerged late in the 4th and early in the the epistemology of Epicurus and the Stoics. They | |||
3rd centuries B. C., absorbing the principal features also identified happiness with ataraxia, but the latter | |||
of the new epoch’s worldview. The Stoic school, was interpreted as the realisation of the impossibility | |||
founded in 302 in Athens by Zeno of Cyprus to cognize the world (Timon the Sceptic, 3rd cen- | |||
(c. 336-264 B. C.), included many major philoso- tury B. C.), which signified a renunciation of the | |||
phers and scholars of the Hellenistic world, such as cognition of the surrounding reality and of social | |||
Chrysippus of Soli (3rd century), Panaetius of activity. | |||
Rhodes (2nd century), Posidonius of Apamea (1st Although they reflected certain general traits of | |||
century), and others. These were men of different the worldview of their epoch, the doctrines of the | |||
political orientation and stature, ranging from kings’ Stoics, Epicurus and Sceptics were intended for the | |||
advisers (like Zeno) to inspirers of social reform more cultured and privileged circles. Unlike any of | |||
(Sphaerus was Cleomenes’s tutor in Sparta, Blossius, them, the Cynics conducted their talks, or diatribes , | |||
the tutor of Aristonicus at Pergamum). The Stoics ^ before crowds in the streets, squares, at harbours, | |||
mostly concentrated on man as personality and on I proving the unreasonableness of the existing order | |||
ethical problems, leaving problems of the essence of 5 and preaching poverty not only in word but also in | |||
being in the background. The awareness of the insta- a deed by their mode of life. The best-known Cynics of | |||
bility of man’s social and economic position at a time ^ the Hellenistic times were Crates of Thebes | |||
when links with the polis or rural community weak- | (c. 365-285) and Bion Borysthenites (3rd century | |||
ened and military and social conflicts were rife, was g> B. C.). Crates came from a rich Theban family, but, | |||
interpreted by the Stoics as man’s dependence on a | absorbing the ideas of Cynicism, he dismissed his | |||
supreme benevolent force (logos, nature, god) dir- y slaves, gave away his riches and, like, Diogenes, | |||
ecting all that is in accordance with reason. In their c began to lead the life of a mendicant philosopher. | |||
262 | |||
Sharply criticising his philosophical opponents. | |||
Crates preached moderate cynicism and was | |||
renowned for his humaneness. He had a great | |||
number of pupils and followers, including Zeno, the | |||
founder of the Stoic school. Bion was born in the | |||
northern Black Sea region, a son of a freedman and a | |||
hetaera, and in his youth was sold into slavery. | |||
Receiving on the death of his master freedom and a | |||
legacy, he came to Athens and joined the school of | |||
Cynics. It was Bion who introduced the genre of dia¬ | |||
tribes -speeches and talks preaching Cynical philoso¬ | |||
phy, full of polemics with their opponents and acute | |||
criticism of generally accepted views. But the Cynics | |||
did not go beyond criticism of rich men and rulers, | |||
searching for happiness in the renunciation of needs | |||
and desires, in the “beggar’s bag”, and opposing the | |||
mendicant philosopher not only to the kings but also | |||
to the “foolish mob”. | |||
The element of social protest reflected in the phi¬ | |||
losophy of the Cynics was also expressed in the social | |||
Utopia that emerged in the Hellenistic epoch. Euhe- | |||
merus (late 4th-early 3rd centuries B. C.) in his fan¬ | |||
tastical story about the island of Panchaea, and Iam- | |||
bulus (3rd century B. C.) in his description of a | |||
voyage to Sun Islands created the ideal of a society | |||
free from slavery, social vices and conflicts. Unfor¬ | |||
tunately, their works have only survived in an | |||
account by the historian Diodorus Siculus. Iambulus | |||
drew a picture of life on Sun Islands, where people of | |||
high spiritual culture lived in exotic surroundings | |||
without kings, priests, family, property, or division | |||
of labour. These happy people worked together, per¬ | |||
forming public duties in rotation. In his Sacred His¬ | |||
tory , Euhemerus also described a happy life on an | |||
island lost in the Indian Ocean, but the population | |||
of that island was divided into priests and men of in¬ | |||
tellectual occupations, farmers, shepherds, and war¬ | |||
riors (there were no landowners). There was a | |||
“Sacred History” on a column of gold on the island | |||
describing the deeds of Uranus, Chronos and Zeus | |||
who once arranged the life of the islanders. In | |||
expounding the History, Euhemerus actually | |||
explained his views on the origin of religion: the | |||
gods were merely outstanding personalities that once | |||
existed, organisers of social life who proclaimed | |||
themselves to be gods and established their own cult. | |||
The appearance of this hypothesis was undoubtedly | |||
connected with the spreading of royal cults in the | |||
Hellenistic states. | |||
Hellenistic philosophy was created by the privi¬ | |||
leged, deeply Hellenised strata of society, and it is | |||
difficult to trace the influence of Oriental elements | |||
on it, whereas Hellenistic religion was the product of | |||
the broadest strata of the population and its most | |||
characteristic feature was syncretism of many reli¬ | |||
gious faiths, with the Oriental heritage playing a | |||
great role. | |||
The gods of the Greek pantheon, identified with | |||
ancient Eastern deities, acquired some new features. | |||
The forms of their worship changed. Some Oriental | |||
cults (of Isis, Cybele and others) were adopted by | |||
the Greeks in an almost unchanged form. Tyche, the | |||
goddess of destiny and patroness of Antioch, the | |||
capital of the Seleucid kingdom, achieved the | |||
eminence of a principal deity. The cult of Sarapis, | |||
established in pursuance of the religious policy of the | |||
Ptolemies, was a distinctly Hellenistic phenomenon. | |||
Apparently life itself at Alexandria, with its multi¬ | |||
lingual population with their different customs, | |||
faiths and traditions, prompted Ptolemy I the idea of | |||
founding a new religious cult that could unite this | |||
motley foreign crowd with the indigenous Egyptian | |||
population. The atmosphere of spiritual life in those | |||
times demanded that such an act should take a mys¬ | |||
tic form. According to the sources, an unknown | |||
deity appeared before Ptolemy in a dream; that | |||
dream was interpreted by the priests, a statue of a | |||
deity in the shape of a bearded youth was then | |||
moved from Sinope to Alexandria, and that youth | |||
was proclaimed Sarapis-the god that combined the | |||
traits of Osiris-Apis of Memphis and the Greek gods | |||
Zeus, Hades and Asclepius. Ptolemy’s principal | |||
assistants in the shaping of the cult of Sarapis was the | |||
Athenian Timotheus, a priest from Eleusis, and the | |||
Egyptian priest Manetho, from Heliopolis. Appar¬ | |||
ently they succeeded in lending the new cult form | |||
and content that accorded with the spiritual needs of | |||
the times, for the worship of Sarapis fairly quickly | |||
spread through Egypt, and later Sarapis and Isis | |||
became the most popular Hellenistic deities; their | |||
cult existed until the triumph of Christianity. | |||
The local differences in the pantheon and cult | |||
forms in various regions of the Hellenistic world con¬ | |||
tinued to exist, but certain universal divinities com¬ | |||
bining the functions of the most worshipped deities | |||
of various peoples gradually became widespread. | |||
Zeus Hypsistes (the Highest) emerged as one of the | |||
primary gods, identified with Phoenician Baal, | |||
263 | |||
Egyptian Ammon, Babylonian Belus, Judean Jeho- the face of religion and mysticism, while mysteries, | |||
vah and many other principal deities of various magic and astrology became widespread. At the | |||
regions (such as Zeus Dolichenus of Asia Minor). same time, signs of social protest increased-social | |||
His numerous epithets-Pantokrator (Omnipotent), Utopias and prophecies gained popularity again. | |||
Soter (Saviour), Helios (Sun), etc.-point to an unu- Papyri have preserved numerous magic formulas | |||
sual expansion of his functions. Zeus’s rival in popu- with which men hoped to make gods or demons | |||
larity was Dionysus, whose cult, with its mysteries, change their destiny, cure diseases, destroy an | |||
was close to that of Osiris in Egypt and Sabasios and enemy, etc. Initiation into mysteries was seen as | |||
Adonis in Asia Minor. Of the female deities, the offering a chance of direct communication with the | |||
Egyptian Isis, who embodied many Greek and Asian gods and freedom from the power of fate. The Tales | |||
goddesses, and Mother of the Gods of Asia Minor, of Khamuas, a wise man of Egypt, described his | |||
became the principal and almost universally wor- search for the magic book of the god Thoth, which | |||
shipped divinities. The syncretic cults which ori- made its owner exempt from the power of the gods; | |||
ginated in the East spread to the poleis of Asia the transfiguration of an ancient powerful magician | |||
Minor, Greece and Macedonia, and later to the into Khamuas’s son; and the miraculous deeds of the | |||
western Mediterranean. boy magician. Especially curious among these deeds | |||
Relying on the ancient Oriental traditions, Hel- was Khamuas’s voyage into the next world, where | |||
lenistic kings did their best to spread the royal cult. the boy magician showed his father the ordeals of a | |||
That phenomenon was engendered by the political rich man and the blissful life of the righteous poor | |||
needs of the newly formed states. The royal cult was men next to the gods. | |||
in fact one of the forms of the new Hellenistic ideo- Attempts to put the social Utopia into practice | |||
logy combining the ancient Oriental notions of the were made by the Judaist sects of the Essenes in | |||
divine origin of royal power, the Greek cult of heroes Palestine and therapeutai in Egypt, which appeared in | |||
and oekistai (the city founders), and the philosophi- the 2nd and 1st centuries B. C. and combined reli- | |||
cal theories of the 4th and 3rd centuries B.C. on the gious opposition to Judaist priests with the assertion | |||
nature of state power. The cult of kings embodied of alternative forms of socioeconomic existence, | |||
the idea of the unity of the new Hellenistic state, According to such ancient authors as Pliny the | |||
magnifying the king’s political authority through Elder, Philo of Alexandria, and Josephus Flavius, | |||
religious rites. Just as many other political institu- the Essenes lived in communities, jointly owned | |||
tions of the Hellenistic world, that cult was inherited property and worked together, producing only the | |||
by the Roman empire and further developed in it. things that were necessary for consumption. Entry | |||
The decline of the Hellenistic states and the begin- into the community was voluntary, the internal life, | |||
ning of the Roman aggression, accompanied by management of community affairs and religious rites | |||
aggravation of social conflicts, impoverishment of were strictly regulated, the younger members | |||
the population, and mass enslavement of war cap- obeyed their seniors in age and seniority; some com- | |||
tives, brought in its wake significant changes in Hel- munities prescribed continence. The Essenes | |||
lenistic culture. Throughout the Hellenistic epoch, rejected slavery; their moral, ethical and religious | |||
works in local languages were written which views were marked by messianic and eschatological | |||
retained the traditional forms (religious hymns, features and the opposition of community members | |||
funeral and magic texts, instructions, prophecies, to the surrounding “world of evil”. The therapeutai | |||
chronicles, and fairytales) but reflected to some I may be regarded as an Egyptian variety of the | |||
extent the features of the Hellenistic worldview. 5 Essenes. They, too, jointly owned property, rejected | |||
From the end of the 3rd century B. C., the role of 5 riches and slavery, limited their needs to the vital | |||
these works in Hellenistic culture began to grow. ones, and were extremely pious and ascetic. They | |||
Ecclesiastes , one of the books of the Bible, written at 5 also had many traits in common with the Essenes in | |||
the end of the 3rd century B.C., is permeated with a, religious rites and the community’s internal organi- | |||
profound pessimism. Wealth, wisdom, work were all | sation. | |||
“vanity of vanities”, according to its author. 2 The discovery of the Qumran texts and archaeolo- | |||
Rationalistic elements in the worldview receded in |- gical research have given unquestionable proof of | |||
264 | |||
the existence in the desert of Judea of religious com- literature, art and philosophy. Adaptations of | |||
munities related to the Essenes in their religious, themes from Menander and other authors of the | |||
moral, ethical and social principles of organisation. New Comedy by Terence and Plautus, the flourish- | |||
The Qumran community existed from the middle ing of the Stoic, Epicurean and other philosophical | |||
of the 2nd century B. C. to A. D. 65. Along with Bib- schools on Roman soil, and the spreading of Orien- | |||
lical texts, a number of apocryphal works were found tal cults to Rome were only some of the more | |||
in its “library”, and, most importantly, a number conspicuous signs of the influence of Hellenistic | |||
of texts which were created within the community culture. | |||
itself Rules, hymns, comments on Biblical texts, and Not only these but also many other features of the | |||
texts of apocalyptic and messianic character, which Hellenistic world and its culture were inherited by | |||
gave a notion of the ideology of the Qumran com- the Roman empire. They were most fully manifested | |||
munity and its internal organisation. The Qumran in the last centuries of its existence in its eastern half, | |||
community had many features in common with the But the immense significance of the Hellenistic | |||
Essenes but opposed itself more sharply to the sur- epoch in the history of world civilisation goes far | |||
rounding world, which was reflected in the doctrine beyond this. It was at that time that, for the first | |||
of the opposition between the “kingdom of light” time in the history of mankind, contacts between | |||
and the “kingdom of darkness”, of the struggle Afro-Asian and European peoples became stable | |||
between the “sons of light” and the “sons of dark- and regular rather than temporary and accidental, | |||
ness”, in their preaching on the “New Alliance” or involving cooperation in creating the economy, cul- | |||
the “New Testament”, and in the great role of the ture and new modes of social life within Hellenistic | |||
“Teacher of Righteousness” - the founder and pre- states, and not just military campaigns or commer- | |||
ceptor of the community. cial relations. Social and ethnic antagonisms natu- | |||
The significance of the Qumran manuscripts is rally imposed their imprint on this cooperation, in | |||
not, however, limited to evidence of the Essenes as a which some parties proved to be in a dependent | |||
socio-religious trend in Palestine in the 2nd century position while others, in a privileged one. But suc- | |||
B.C. and 1st century A. D. Comparison of these cesses in the development of agriculture and the | |||
manuscripts with early Christian and apocryphal crafts and in creating perennial works of art were | |||
works shows the similarities in the ideological con- undoubtedly achieved by the joint efforts and com- | |||
cepts and principles of organisation of the Qumran bination of production and artistic skills of Balkan, | |||
and early Christian communities. There was also a Near Eastern, and Egyptian craftsmen, peasants, | |||
significant difference between them: the former was builders, architects, artists and sculptors, | |||
a closed organisation keeping its doctrine secret in This interaction in material production was re- | |||
the expectation of the Messiah’s arrival, whereas fleeted, in a mediated form and in varying degrees, | |||
Christian communities, which regarded themselves in the nonmaterial culture of the Hellenistic epoch, | |||
as followers of Christ the Messiah, were open to all, It would be an oversimplification to see it merely as | |||
spreading their doctrine among the broadest masses. a development of the Greek culture. It is no accident, | |||
The Qumranite Essenes were merely the forerunners for instance, that the most important discoveries in | |||
of the new ideological trend, Christianity, which the Hellenistic period were made in those branches | |||
emerged later, in the times of the Roman empire. of science where knowledge previously accumulated | |||
The subordination of Hellenistic states by Rome, n in the ancient Oriental science clearly interacted | |||
accompanied by the extension of Roman forms of | with that of Greece (astronomy, mathematics, medi- | |||
political and socioeconomic relations to the coun- * cine). Hellenistic religious ideology was a particu- | |||
tries of the eastern Mediterranean, had as its reverse * larly vivid manifestation of joint creativity of the | |||
side the penetration of Hellenistic culture, ideology ? Afro-Asian and European peoples. It was ultimately | |||
and elements of the socio-political structure into j? on this same basis that the politico-philosophical | |||
Rome. Art objects, libraries (e. g., the library of Per- 3 idea of the universe, of the world as a single whole, | |||
seus brought to Rome by Aemilius Paulus), and edu- ^ arose which was reflected in the creation of Universal | |||
cated slaves and hostages taken to Rome as booty |= History (Polybius and his followers), in the Stoic | |||
made a great impact on the development of Roman \ theory of the cosmos and the cosmopolitan, etc. | |||
265 | |||
The areal of the spreading and influence of Hel¬ | |||
lenistic culture, syncretic in its nature, - was ex¬ | |||
tremely extensive, including Western and Eastern | |||
Europe, the Near East and Central Asia, and North | |||
Africa. Hellenistic elements can be traced not only | |||
in Roman but also in Parthian, Graeco-Bactrian, | |||
Kushan and Coptic cultures, and in the early medie¬ | |||
val cultures of Armenia and Iberia. Many achieve¬ | |||
ments of Hellenistic science and culture were inheri¬ | |||
ted by the Byzantine empire and the Arabs and | |||
became part and parcel of human culture as a | |||
whole. | |||
Chapter 15 | |||
From the Origin of Rome to the Unification of Italy | |||
The Problem oj the Emergence of Rome and the Epoch of the | |||
Kings. Until recently, the early history of Italy and | |||
Rome was only known from accounts by classical | |||
authors, often contradictory and unreliable, since | |||
Greek writers had little interest for Italy, and works | |||
by Roman historians date from later times (mostly | |||
from the 2nd century B.C. and later), while earlier | |||
ones are only known in fragments. Their accounts of | |||
the history of Rome and Italy echoed myths and | |||
legends that were hard to separate from descriptions | |||
of real events. Most early Roman historians, or | |||
annalists, belonged to aristocratic families and laid | |||
special stress on the exploits of these families. | |||
Besides, with rare exceptions, we only have Roman | |||
versions of the historical events. There are only brief | |||
and muffled reports of what the conquered peoples | |||
thought of Rome, and Roman sources are thus prac¬ | |||
tically unverifiable. jp | |||
As a result, many modern historians, particularly 1 | |||
in the 19th and the first half of the 20th century, a | |||
believed early Roman history to be almost com- 51 | |||
pletely unknowable. This sort of hypercritical atti- ^ | |||
tude has been revised in recent times, when rigor- ? | |||
ously scientific archaeological excavations were £ | |||
conducted on a vast scale, and linguistic methods, in “ | |||
particular analysis of ancient Italic languages, were ^ | |||
vastly improved. Archaeological and linguistic data 1 | |||
have extended our knowledge of ancient Italy; they s | |||
have showed that what was earlier believed to be * | |||
complete myths, absorbed by the Roman historical ^ | |||
tradition, were founded on real historical facts, and | | |||
that events later embellished by legend actually § | |||
occurred, though in a way rather different from the ^ | |||
myth. For example, according to a fairly late <!■ | |||
Roman tradition, Greeks from Arcadia led by king | |||
Evander settled on the Palatine hill already before | |||
the Trojan War, teaching the local population to | |||
cultivate land and establishing the Lupercalia festi¬ | |||
vities in honour of the Arcadian god Pan, identified | |||
with Italic Faunus, to increase the fertility of the | |||
flocks and to protect them from wolves; returning | |||
from Spain, Hercules visited Evander and fought the | |||
Cacus monster; Evander was an ally of the Trojan | |||
hero Aeneas, son of Anchises and Venus, who, after | |||
the fall of Troy, disembarked with his men and son | |||
Julus in Italy, fought the Latins, conquered them, | |||
married Lavinia, daughter of king Latinus, founded | |||
the city of Lavinium (which shows that he was a | |||
forebear of Romulus and Remus, founders of | |||
Rome), and was deified after his death, while his son | |||
became the forefather of the gens Julia. | |||
Recent archaeological and linguistic studies have | |||
shown that there was an Arcadian settlement in | |||
c. 12th century B. C. on the Palatine hill, that the | |||
name Evander (Euandros) is an Arcadian name, | |||
and that the Lupercalia rites have a great deal in | |||
common with the rites of the cult of the Arcadian | |||
god Pan. 6 th- or 5th-century B. C. figurines were also | |||
discovered portraying Aeneas carrying Anchises | |||
from burning Troy on his shoulders; other finds in¬ | |||
clude a sanctuary (the so-called heroon, i. e., the | |||
place of the cult of a Hero) dedicated to Aeneas in a | |||
very ancient tomb ( 8 th century B. G), and an in¬ | |||
scription in which he was called “Lar Aeneas”. A | |||
connection has been established between the legends | |||
about Aeneas, and the sacred penates he had | |||
brought from Troy, and the arrival in Italy of Thra- | |||
co-Illyrian tribes, since it was believed that Aeneas | |||
267 | |||
came from the family of Dardanus, king of the Ulyr- of Indo-Europeans) coming from the north, seem to | |||
ian tribe of the Dardans, and Romans themselves be the most ancient inhabitants of Italy (to be pre¬ | |||
linked their penates with the mysteries in honour of cise, of its north-western part). The regions of Ve- | |||
the Cabeirian gods performed on the island of rona and Padua were inhabited by the Rhaeti, who | |||
Samothrace. In Lavinium, remnants of 9th- and were shepherds and hunters; next to them lived the | |||
8 th-century settlements have been found. These and warlike Veneti, who made the conquered popula- | |||
other coincidences between linguistic and archaeo- tion their helots, and killed slaves during the funeral | |||
logical data, on the one hand, and the Roman tradi- of their master. The much more advanced Umbro- | |||
tion, on the other, have increased the faith in the lat- Sabellic tribes inhabited central Italy. Linguisti- | |||
ter, although it is still believed by many historians to cally, they were divided into two groups. One group | |||
be unreliable on many accounts, and many issues of included the Falisces, the Marsi, the Aequi, the | |||
the early history of Italy and Rome are either moot Volscians, the Hernici, the Vestini, the Peligni, the | |||
or completely unexplored. Frentani; the other, the Samnites, the Herpini, the | |||
It has become clear that ancient Italy, and in par- Fucani, the Brutii, the Osci. The warlike Samnites, | |||
ticular the Tyrrhenian coast of Fatium, earlier who lived in the Appenines, were the least | |||
believed to be inhabited by primitive tribes isolated advanced. The Adriatic shores were inhabited by | |||
from the external world, came into contact with the the Picenes and Iapyges who had come from Illyria. | |||
Mediterranean world at a rather early stage. The A great role in the migration of the tribes was | |||
Achaeans maintained links with this area in the played by the so-called “sacred spring” custom, | |||
Mycenaean epoch. The founding of such important when the redundant younger generation set forth in | |||
cities in the south of Italy as Metapontum, Sybaris, search of new places of settlement. According to | |||
and Croton was attributed to them. They exported legend, the path that they took was pointed to them | |||
the metals and alum found in Toscana, imported by some deity: Mars showed the way to the Marsi | |||
handicraft products, and they also spread their cults, and the Mamerci; the goddess Ops, to the Osci; | |||
as for instance the cult of Artemis. The Rhodians, Vesta, to the Vestini; Vulcan, to the Volscians; or | |||
who probably founded Paestunt and Naples, also else it could be some animal dedicated to a deity: the | |||
kept up links with Italy. They also made an impact bull showed the way to the Boviani; the wolf, to the | |||
on Fatium, where the cults of Dioskouroi and Her- Herpini, and the woodpecker, to the Picenes. | |||
cules flourished, and objects brought from Greece Fatium was inhabited by Fatin tribes (30 in | |||
have been found. The ties with Greece were not in- number, according to Pliny the Elder) united in a | |||
terrupted after the fall of Mycenae either, but they league which had its cult centre, dedicated to the | |||
were particularly intensified at the time of the great goddess of the forest and maternity, Diana, on Fake | |||
Greek colonisation. In 706 B. C., the Spartans Nemi near Aricia, and the one dedicated to Jupiter | |||
founded Tarentum in Apulia. The cities previously Fatiaris with a shrine on Mount Alba near the city | |||
founded in Fucania and Calabria acquired new sig- of Alba Fonga, where representatives of the tribes | |||
nificance; Paestum and Cumae flourished in Cam- annually met in council and to celebrate the festivi- | |||
pania. Excavations on the island of Pithecusa in the ties in honour of the god. | |||
Bay of Naples have shown that in the 8 th century Most of the tribes inhabiting Italy lived in consan- | |||
B. C., all Greek cities in Italy, and some cities of guine or neighbourhood communities, villages and | |||
Fatium, had links with all the centres of Greece, so-called pagi , which had territories of their own, | |||
with Syria, Egypt and Phoenicia. The Greeks made a partly divided among the families, partly remaining | |||
considerable impact on the local population, with 5 in common use. The communities were headed by | |||
which they traded both by sea and by land, through ^ elders. Some of the communities united round a | |||
the rather extensive network of roads leading inland. n more significant and well-fortified urban-type settle- | |||
The indigenous population was rather varied- § ment; here, rites were performed, the council of | |||
ethnically, linguistically, socioeconomically, and j, elders gathered, craftsmen settled, and products | |||
culturally. Genetically, it was in part Indo-Euro- | were exchanged. Such a city was governed by | |||
pean. The non-Indo-European pastoral tribes of the 5 elected magistrates. We know from the tablets with | |||
Figurians, who later mixed with the Celts (a branch 1 ritual texts from the F T mbrian town of Iguvium that | |||
268 | |||
the territory of the city was considered to be sacred; ived, as well as clients-people who had lost their | |||
annually, special priests went on a ceremonial round links with their own clan or came in search of the | |||
of the territory, offering sacrifices to the gods and patronage of a strong local clan. We know from later | |||
reciting the proper prayers. More or less identical sources that clients received land allotments on the | |||
myths were connected with the founding of cities. clan’s lands from the patron, and they were obliged | |||
Thus Praeneste was founded by Caecula. The city of to accompany them during war and help them in | |||
Cures was founded by the son of the god Quirinus every way. The bonds within the clan and the clien- | |||
and a maid that fell asleep in his temple. The legend tele gradually changed in character, but they always | |||
of the founding of Rome belongs in the same cate- played a great role in Rome’s social life. However, | |||
gory. Romulus and Remus were descendants of even before the unification of separate settlements in | |||
Aeneas, the sons of Rhea Silvia, daughter of Numi- one city, the clan community was gradually ousted | |||
tor, king of Alba Longa, driven from that city by his by the neighbourhood one. Members of clans mi- | |||
brother Amulius, and of the god Mars; or, according grated, and the clans themselves became divided | |||
to a different version quoted by Plutarch, they were into large families, each headed by the father, the | |||
the sons of a slave woman and the hearth deity. pater familias. But members of stronger and older | |||
Thrown into the Tiber on Amulius’s orders, they clans continued to play the leading role in territo- | |||
were found by a she-wolf who suckled them under a rial communities. | |||
fig-tree that afterwards became sacred; later they At the time of the emergence of Rome, Italy was | |||
were found and brought up by the herdsman Faus- largely dominated by the Etruscans, who inhabited | |||
tulus and his wife Acca Larentia. When the children the territory of modern 1 uscany and were gradually | |||
grew up and learnt the truth about their origin, they moving towards the valley of the river Padus | |||
reinstated their grandfather as king of Alba Longa (modern Po), where their centres were Arretium | |||
and, together with a crowd of runaways from var- and Perusia, and towards Campania, where Capua | |||
ious places, founded Rome. In a quarrel, Romulus on the lands of the Osci rose to greatest prominence, | |||
killed Remus and became solitary ruler of the new The origin of the Etruscans was a matter of debate | |||
city. He invited to a feast his neighbours, the already in antiquity, and scholars still argue about | |||
Sabines, who were unwilling to give their daughters it. According to some authorities, they were | |||
in marriage to the disreputable Romans. During the migrants from Asia Minor or from the north; | |||
feast, Romulus’s warriors abducted the Sabine according to others, they were autochtonous. It is | |||
maids, which led to a war with the Sabines, but it not yet clear to what group the Etruscan language | |||
ended at a plea from the women. The Romans and belonged, and there are therefore no linguistic | |||
the Sabines became one people, populus Romanus pointers on their origin. But a general outline of | |||
Quiritium, ruled at first jointly by Romulus and Titus Q their history and culture can be drawn from the in- | |||
Tatius, the king of the Sabines, and after the latter’s formation we find in antique authors and from | |||
death, by Romulus alone. 5 materials yielded by archaeological excavations. | |||
Roman scholars believed Rome to have been 5 , The Etruscans had a highly developed metallurgy, | |||
founded in 753 B. C., on April 21, the day of the fes- i with centres at Populonia and Vetulonia. Here, var- | |||
tivities in honour of Pales, the ancient goddess of she- « ious objects were made of iron mined on the island of | |||
pherds. Although the story of the founding of Rome S? Ilva (modern Elba), and of bronze, lead, zinc, and | |||
is a myth, excavations have shown that it was in the 3 precious metals. Tarquinii, Arretium, and Perusia | |||
middle of the 8 th century B. C. that the settlements ^ were centres of textile industry. Other cities were | |||
which had originally arisen on the Palatine hill and § agrarian rather than industrial. Shipbuilding was a | |||
later on the other hills were united. Such settlements s- major craft. Etruscan warships and merchant ships | |||
formed communities or pagi, whose traces continued S' were built by skilled craftsmen, and Etruscan mer- | |||
to exist on Roman territory until the 1st century J chants could therefore compete with Greek and | |||
B. C. At some time in the past a pagus may have been | Carthaginian ones, combining sea trade with piracy, | |||
inhabited by members of one clan, which sometimes § They traded with the cities of Greece, with Sicily, | |||
included several hundred descendants of one com- ^ Corsica, Sardinia, Spain, and raided the islands of | |||
mon ancestor from whom the clan’s name was der- | the Aegean, capturing slaves and other booty. Con- | |||
269 | |||
struction techniques were highly advanced. Roads cans. Presumably they had a powerful aristocracy, | |||
crossing Roman territory linked Tuscany with Cam- and in some cities aristocratic republics were estab- | |||
pania. The cities were built strictly on the gridiron lished with elected magistrates or warlords (Mastar- | |||
plan with two main streets crossing at right angles, na), others were ruled by kings (the Lucumones). | |||
and the streets running parallel to these two dividing The royal insignia, later borrowed by the Romans, | |||
the city into regular rectangles built up with one- were the golden crown, the sceptre, the gold-embroi- | |||
and two-storey houses. dered purple toga, the double axe in a bunch of rods, | |||
The Etruscan alphabet, together with the Greek the fasces, and seats ornamented with gold and | |||
one, formed the basis of the script used by the Italic ivory. The kings were at the same time supreme | |||
tribes. Etruscan art, which we know from the paint- judges and priests. There was a considerable number | |||
ings of rich tombs and vessels, from figurines, clay of household slaves. The common people were free | |||
and metal masks, ornaments on mirrors, etc., was artisans or peasants dependent on the nobility, | |||
moulded by Oriental and Greek influences, but Together with mercenaries, these made up the | |||
gradually it worked out its own style. Religion Etruscan army. Later, in the 4th and 3rd centuries | |||
mostly involved ideas about the nether regions inha- B. C., violent but unsuccessful democratic move- | |||
bited by monstrous daemons, where the dead person ments occurred in some Etrurian cities, | |||
continued, as it were, his earthly life. Etruscans Etruscan cities formed leagues the focus of which | |||
believed that a person of noble origin must depart was a common cult centre (one such league had its | |||
for the next world in a chariot, provided with all the centre at the temple of Voltumna), but they retained | |||
everyday objects that he might need; tombs were complete autonomy. Links between the Etruscans | |||
replicas of houses complete with all the furniture, and Carthage were particularly close. A bilingual | |||
and necropolises were built on the usual city plan. gold plate was found at Pyrgi, the harbour of the city | |||
Gods and goddesses of heaven were also worshipped of Tarquinii, with a dedication in Punic and Etrus- | |||
like Tinia, portrayed with lightning in his hands, can to Phoenician Astarta, whom the Etruscans | |||
Uni and Mnerva, corresponding to the Roman identified with their goddess Uni. It may be assumed | |||
Jupiter, Juno and Minerva (it is a matter of debate that a Carthaginian settlement and temple were | |||
whether they were borrowed by the Romans from situated there. The alliance of the Carthaginians | |||
the Etruscans or vice versa); the god of war and fer- and the Etruscans was based on their enmity tow- | |||
tility Voltumna, and the great mother Turan. Aplu ards the Greeks, their chief rivals in sea trade. It is a | |||
(Apollo) and Herkles (Hercules) were borrowed fact that there were even major military conflicts | |||
from the Greeks. The Etruscans had various ways of between the Greeks, on the one hand, and the Etrus- | |||
divining the will of the gods from numerous pheno- cans and the Carthaginians, on the other. At the end | |||
mena lightning and thunder, the flight of birds, of the 6th century the Etruscans were routed by | |||
and the entrails, in the first place the liver, of sacrifi- Aristodemos, tyrant of Cumae, | |||
cial animals. The haruspices (who divined the will of Thus Rome emerged amidst extremely diverse | |||
the gods from animals’ entrails) and augurs (who tribes and peoples. Its convenient geographical | |||
foretold events by the flight of birds) were believed situation on the bank of the navigable Tiber and | |||
to have received the very complex rules for the inter- on the roads leading from Etruria to Campania | |||
pretation of divine omens from the revelations of a brought an influx of migrants and stimulated the | |||
certain divine being called Tages, which rose from ^ development of crafts, commodity exchange and a | |||
the earth; other revelations were ascribed to the a rise in agriculture, along with livestock-breeding | |||
nymph Vegoia and to Cacus, who was apparently 5 practised here from the earliest times. The valley of | |||
connected with the cult of fire. Augurs divided the the Forum, and the hills - Palatine, Velia, Esquiline | |||
sky into definite areas with their rods; the liver was and Capitoline-were settled. The villages and pagi | |||
divided into 16 parts. Each area or part were § still retained a certain autonomy, but their com- | |||
devoted to a definite deity and were believed to be munity lands were already merging to form the nu- | |||
either favourable or unfavourable. All this wisdom f cleus of the future Roman public land -ager publicus. | |||
was later absorbed by Rome. s The cults of the separate settlements merged, too, | |||
We know little of the social structure of the Etrus- s the pastoral deities of the hill dwellers being identi- | |||
270 | |||
fied with the agricultural gods of the valleys. The dence, in the Forum, where all the principal sacred | |||
ancient cult colleges were doubled; thus there were objects of Rome, the pledge of its prosperity, were | |||
now two colleges of the Luperci, the priests of Pan- kept: Mars’s spear, the shield that fell from heaven | |||
Faunus, and two of the Salii, priests of Mars and and 11 other shields, replicas of the first one, which | |||
Quirinus. The Palatine, Velia, Subura, Caelius and were made to prevent the enemies from stealing the | |||
others were the first to be united in the Septimon- original, and the penates brought by Aeneas, | |||
tium, which was probably the first name of the city According to legend, Numa introduced the cult of | |||
and later the name of a festival including a cere- loyalty to the oath, or fides, which formed the basis of | |||
monial procession and sacrifices to the Tiber. That the relations between citizens, patrons and clients, | |||
was the ancient Roma quadrata divided into four parts and later between the Romans and their allies, | |||
by the roads crossing in the Forum. The population Numa also compiled a calendar, fixing holidays and | |||
was divided into three bodies each called tribus business days, lucky and unlucky days (no undertak- | |||
(apparently tribes) — Ramnes, Luceres and Tities— ings could be started on unlucky days), and priestly | |||
and 30 wards called curiae, each of which was subdi- books for the colleges oiflamines, pontifices and others, | |||
vided into 10 clans or gentes. That artificial division Putting aside the issue of the reliability or other- | |||
was later ascribed to Romulus. The curiae had com- wise of the tradition concerning the first kings of | |||
mon lands, their own cults, and an elected head, the Rome, we can now reconstruct the principal features | |||
curio', each contributed a contingent of 100 foot, of its life in this period. The main fact was an in- | |||
which formed a legion, and 10 horse from the most creasingly close unity of the population-the Roman | |||
aristocratic and richest families, who formed the people or the Quirites (the word quirites, just as the | |||
king’s bodyguard. According to the legend, word curia and the name of the god Quirinus, appar- | |||
Romulus founded the city in the way prescribed by ently derives from co-viria, or “gathering of men”), | |||
the Etruscan ritual, marking its boundaries with a At the head of the people stood an elected king, com - | |||
plough drawn by a bull and a cow and lifting the bining the functions of supreme priest, judge, legisla- | |||
plough where the gates of the city wall would be built. tor and military chieftain. The king consulted the | |||
The land thus circumscribed was sacred territory Senate, or council of elders, presumably consisting of | |||
“within the pomerium" (later, the pomerium was the heads of the gentes, but the most important | |||
extended many times). There could be no armed sol- issues were settled by the popular assemblies of the | |||
diers or temples of foreign gods on this territory. curiae, or the comitia curiata. After the king’s death, his | |||
Each year, a procession of the priestly college of the functions were performed by senators elected by | |||
Arval brothers (Fratres Armies, “brothers of the casting lots, who ruled in rotation. They also pro- | |||
field”) marched along its boundaries, purifying the posed the candidacy of the new king, who was then | |||
city through sacrifices in the sacred coppice of the 5 approved by the people. The gens continued to play | |||
Dea Dia and prayers to the spirits of the ancestors, j an important role (we know, for instance, that in | |||
Lares and Mars, begging them to remove all evil p; later times, in the 4th century B. C., gens Fabia, 306 | |||
from the city and help the people. > strong, counting clients and slaves, went to war | |||
The traditions about the first kings of Rome are 3 against the Etruscan city of Veii), but the principal | |||
accepted by some historians (with the exception of ? socioeconomic cell was the family the property and | |||
the legends about Romulus) and rejected by others, js the people in the power (potestas ) of the father: his | |||
Thus, according to Roman historians, Romulus 5 wife, sons, grandsons and greatgrandsons with their | |||
(who suddenly disappeared after 30 years of rule, £ wives, unmarried daughters, clients, slaves, and | |||
and was deified under the name Quirinus) was fol- | freedmen. The father’s power was absolute. The | |||
lowed by the Sabinian Numa Pompilius, who added 5 life and death of the family’s members were in his | |||
to Romulus’s political and military institutions the ? power, he could sell any of them, and he appro- | |||
principal religious establishments, including the .£ priated their labour. None of them could have any | |||
priestly college of theflamines and the college of Ves- | property of their own, everything they acquired | |||
tal virgins, who tended the eternal fire in the temple 5 belonged to the father alone, and only the father | |||
ofVesta, the goddess of the city’s sacred hearth, built ^ could be a party to a contract. The father was also | |||
by Numa. He also built the regia, or the king’s resi- •! the supreme priest of the family cult, of which the | |||
271 | |||
focus was the cult of ancestors, or Lares, who pro- himself officiated as the priest of Janus. There may | |||
tected the house, the estate, the family, and saw to it have existed a myth concerning the origin of men | |||
that justice was observed in the relations within the from trees, which were still worshipped (cf., e. g., | |||
family: thus, a slave or a younger member of the the sacred fig-tree, and the oaks dedicated to | |||
family appealed to the altar of the Lares to protect Jupiter). Coppices dedicated to various gods and | |||
him from the excessive cruelty of an irate father or goddesses were regarded as sacred, as were springs | |||
master. After the death of the father who was also in- inhabited by nymphs, and fire, worshipped as Vesta, | |||
eluded among the ancestor gods, his sons became in- the guardian of the community hearth, and as the | |||
dependent individuals (sui juris), heads of their fami- god Volcanus. The most ancient form of banishing a | |||
lies; they either continued to work together or person was his “interdiction from fire and water”, | |||
divided the father’s legacy. According to the tradi- the symbols of communal unity. Numerous legends | |||
tion, Romulus gave two jugera of land (half a hec- were connected with the wolf, dedicated to Mars, | |||
tare) to each head of the family; these were, pre- During the Lupercalia, the naked priests, the | |||
sumably, the homesteads. For the main part, Luperci, whipped women with belts from the skin of | |||
Roman land was public. Everyone could occupy a a sacrificial goat, which was supposed to increase | |||
plot and begin to cultivate it, becoming its owner, their fertility. The dead were worshipped as Manes, | |||
but the Roman community remained the supreme the gods living underground. They had to be propi- | |||
owner of land. If an owner ceased to cultivate his tiated with gifts on the days of remembrance of the | |||
plot, the land reverted, as it were, to the common dead, when they were believed to be present at the | |||
stock, and could be occupied by any other citizen a meals of their families, after which they were driven | |||
rule that was effective throughout Roman history, as underground by incantations, | |||
was the law that the head of the family was obliged The triad of the most ancient principal gods in¬ | |||
to till his land well and to increase his property. It eluded Jupiter, the god of heaven, thunder, light- | |||
was believed that a city was rich when its citizens ning, and rain; Mars, who protected the community | |||
were rich, and, vice versa, the citizens prospered of the descendants of his son Romulus from dangers | |||
when the city was powerful and rich. Most of the coming from the outside as well as from internal mis- | |||
land was pasture in common use it could be used fortunes; and Quirinus, the god of communal unity, | |||
both by members of the curiae and those of the pagi. Many other gods were also worshipped. The most | |||
We know little of the earliest Roman religion. important of these were Saturn, probably the god of | |||
Later, it experienced a strong Greek influence, and a sowing, although his original function is not clear; | |||
great deal was forgotten and distorted, becoming in- the goddesses of the earth, differently known as | |||
comprehensible to the Romans themselves. Most Tellus, Telumo, Ops; the deities of growing plants | |||
modern scholars see the Roman religion as a very and those that protected cereals and fruit-Ceres, | |||
dry one, based on pettifogging regulation of rites and Liber, Libera, Pomona, Flora, Robigus; the shep- | |||
formulas of addressing the deity. It is pointed out herds’ goddess Pales, whose festival the shepherds | |||
that the Romans had no mythology, which is seen as celebrated by leaping over bonfires and sulphurat- | |||
a sign of their inability to perceive the world emo- ing sheep to cleanse themselves and their livestock of | |||
tionally and poetically. Other researchers attempt to all things unclean, begging the goddess to forgive | |||
identify elements of a primordial Roman mythology them their sins and to protect the health of their | |||
similar to that which existed among other primitive flocks, their dogs, and themselves; the god of the un¬ | |||
tribes. Indeed, there are echoes of this mythology in ~ derground granary Consus; during his festival, the | |||
the work of later writers. Thus it may be assumed * Consualia, shepherds staged competitions, and | |||
that the two-faced god Janus (later the god of any horses and mules were crowned with garlands, | |||
beginning, of entry and exit), was worshipped in the n According to the legend, the Sabine maids invited | |||
earliest times as the creator of the world from chaos, | by Romulus were abducted during the first Consua- | |||
the builder of the metal firmament (a double arch g> lia. There were many other gods and goddesses | |||
covered with bronze was erected in his honour in the 1 whose significance was later forgotten, while the fes- | |||
Forum, allegedly by Numa), and as the god who ^ tivals and rites dedicated to them remained. Myths | |||
encouraged the human species to multiply. The king s: may have existed about sacred marriages between, | |||
y | |||
n | |||
•> | |||
o | |||
d | |||
?s | |||
a, | |||
le | |||
a | |||
>» | |||
ds | |||
rs. | |||
he | |||
of | |||
ise | |||
es, | |||
Pi- | |||
he | |||
he | |||
en | |||
in- | |||
ht- | |||
lity | |||
;ers | |||
ais- | |||
ity. | |||
lost | |||
dof | |||
*ar; | |||
i as | |||
ints | |||
:res, | |||
lep- | |||
erds | |||
irat- | |||
:k of | |||
give | |||
their | |||
: un- | |||
, the | |||
and | |||
inds. | |||
vited | |||
lsua- | |||
lesses | |||
e fes- | |||
lyths | |||
veen, | |||
say, slave women as priestesses of the hearth and the | |||
god of the home fires, and about the birth of heroes | |||
from such marriages - heroes like Caecula, Romulus | |||
and Remus. | |||
For a long time, researchers attached great signifi¬ | |||
cance to the influence of the Etruscan religion on the | |||
Romans. At present, however, more emphasis is | |||
placed on the Italic beliefs that had taken shape | |||
before the rise of the Etruscans. | |||
Military campaigns against their neighbours | |||
played the decisive role in the life of the Romans. | |||
They began in March and ended in September. War | |||
was declared and peace concluded with special cere¬ | |||
monies and set formulas by priests of the college of | |||
Fetiales. At the beginning and conclusion of cam¬ | |||
paigns a horse was sacrificed to Mars, weapons and | |||
war trumpets were ritually cleaned, and the Salii, | |||
singing hymns, performed warlike dances in honour | |||
of Mars, carrying his shields and shaking his spear. | |||
Lands seized from the enemy were partly divided | |||
among the citizens, and partly added to the common | |||
stock. | |||
Despite the continued independence of the separ¬ | |||
ate communities, the unity of the city grew stronger. | |||
That process was especially intensified in the 6 th | |||
century B. C. under the three last Roman kings | |||
Tarquinius Priscus, Servius Tullius, and Tarquinius | |||
Superbus. All of them came from Etruria, which was | |||
then in the zenith of its strength and glory. Some | |||
scholars believe that Rome (Ruma, later Roma) was | |||
given its name by the Etruscans. They settled in con¬ | |||
siderable numbers in Rome, where an Etruscan | |||
quarter, mostly inhabited by craftsmen, arose. The f | |||
Etruscans introduced the custom of according a vie- 1 | |||
torious military leader a triumphant reception-a s | |||
custom that assumed particular importance in later 5 ! | |||
history. The organisation of the gilds of jewellers, * | |||
carpenters, blacksmiths, potters, dyers, fullers, cobb- ? | |||
lers, and trumpeters was ascribed to Numa, but in ? | |||
the first centuries of the city’s existence crafts re- " | |||
mained household occupations, and only under the | |||
Etruscan kings did they become independent I | |||
branches of the economy. ^ | |||
Trade expanded, as indicated by great numbers of » | |||
imported objects from Etruscan and Greek cities f | |||
found during excavations. The Romans traded with | | |||
Carthage, among other cities. In 509, a treaty was S | |||
concluded between Rome and Carthage which ^ | |||
divided the maritime spheres of influence: the •§- | |||
Romans undertook not to enter Spanish waters, as | |||
the Carthaginians exported most of their metals | |||
from Spain. Construction techniques in Rome were | |||
improved; the facing of buildings with tiles with | |||
stucco mouldings was borrowed from the Etruscans. | |||
The Etruscan kings were said to have built an exten¬ | |||
sive system of drainage (the so-called cloaca maxima ), | |||
cobbled the streets, and erected a great number of | |||
buildings, including the circus, where games in | |||
honour of the gods (competitions of charioteers and | |||
athletes) were introduced, and the famous temple on | |||
the Capitoline dedicated to the new triad of gods- | |||
Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva, which also emerged un¬ | |||
der Etruscan influence. The Capitoline hill became | |||
the centre of Rome and a symbol of its power and | |||
glory. The greatest sacrificial ceremonies were held | |||
there; it was to the Capitoline that the triumpher’s | |||
procession went, and here the triumpher, wearing | |||
the robes of Etruscan kings, put his golden crown at | |||
the feet of Jupiter and brought the thanksgiving sac¬ | |||
rifices. The city’s territory was expanded. The popu¬ | |||
lation grew to such an extent that Rome could now | |||
arm 600 equestrian warriors and 6,000 infantry, | |||
i. e., two legions, which now fought on the model of | |||
the Greek phalanx. After a number of victories over | |||
neighbouring communities, Rome became head of | |||
the Latin League, which now included 47 communi¬ | |||
ties. The Diana cult was moved to Rome, and a tem¬ | |||
ple of Diana was built on the Aventine. | |||
The most striking figure among the Etruscan | |||
kings was the second of them, Servius Tullius, | |||
remembered by the Romans as a great reformer and | |||
the people’s benefactor. According to the legend, he | |||
was born of Tarquinius Priscus’s slave woman and | |||
the Larfamiliaris. Tanaquil, the king’s wise wife, fore¬ | |||
seeing the exceptional gifts of the child, a special | |||
favourite of the goddess Fortune (he later built | |||
several temples in her honour), brought him up and | |||
helped him in his rise to eminence. After Tarquinius | |||
Priscus’s death, he became king against the will of | |||
the Senate due to the support of the people, as he | |||
gave them land to make them free and independent | |||
of the aristocracy. | |||
Servius Tullius was said to have introduced many | |||
important institutions, the most important of these | |||
being the introduction of census and the organisa¬ | |||
tion of territorial tribes. Citizens were divided by the | |||
property qualifications into property classes that | |||
formed the army and the popular assembly (comitia | |||
273 | |||
18-344 | |||
centuriata) which replaced the old (comitia curiata). clan organisation gave way to the territorial one. | |||
The richest and most aristocratic families formed 18 True, the tribal aristocracy remained influential eno- | |||
centuries of equites or knights. Then came 80 cen- ugh. The rural tribes were known by the names of | |||
turies of men who could afford to buy heavy arms. the aristocratic gentes-Cornelii, Claudii, Fabii, Ho- | |||
Next followed 95 centuries of four property classes ratii, Sergii, Papirii, etc., who had the greatest pos- | |||
who could only afford light arms. To these were sessions on the tribe’s territory. The urban tribes were | |||
added two centuries of trumpeters and two centuries named after the city blocks. As Rome conquered | |||
of craftsmen. Last came the century of the proletar- new lands, new tribes were organised, and their | |||
ians, who did not serve in the army as they could not number ultimately rose to 35. | |||
buy arms at all. Later, when minted copper coins Servius Tullius’s activities were fiercely opposed | |||
were introduced in Rome, the property qualifica- by the Senate, which was behind the king’s assas; | |||
tions were computed to asses (the time of the intro- sination. But his son-in-law and successor Tar- | |||
duction of minted coins is uncertain; the 5th, 4th quinius Superbus continued his policy of developing | |||
and even 3rd centuries B. C. are mentioned as possi- crafts, trade and construction advantageous to the | |||
bilities). Members of the first class had to have not common people. He added some members from the | |||
less than 100,000 asses; of the second, 75,000; of the less prominent families to the Senate. He was even | |||
third, 50,000; of the fourth, 25,000; and of the fifth, accused of disrespect for the Senate, and of excessive | |||
12,500 asses. Each century had one vote in the expenditure on labour-consuming construction pro- | |||
popular assembly, and decisions were taken by a jects. Servius Tullius’s and Tarquinius Superbus’s | |||
simple majority of the centuries. It is frequently policies were apparently similar to those imple- | |||
stressed in scholarly literature that Servius Tullius’s mented by contemporary tyrants of Greece, the | |||
reform was plutocratic in character, since citizens of south of Italy and of Sicily installed by democratic | |||
the first class, by forming a bloc with the equites, parties, | |||
were always in the majority. The well-known | |||
French historian C. Nicolet has shown, however, | |||
that the reform had a more profound significance. The Establishment of a Republic and the Formation of the | |||
introducing what Nicolet (citing Aristotle) calls pro- Roman Civic Community. The Conquest of Italy. In 510 | |||
portionate or “geometric” equality; the sum of the B. C., Tarquinius was banished by the insurgent | |||
citizens’ rights equalled the sum of their duties. The defenders of “freedom”, that is, of the power of the | |||
richer the citizen and the nobler his family, the more Senate, led by Junius Brutus, and the monarchy was | |||
he had to contribute to the commonwealth in terms replaced by an aristocratic republic, | |||
of money and effort. For instance, when the city had The reign of the last Etruscan kings saw the for- | |||
to resort to a loan (the so-called Iributum) in case of mation of the orders of patricians and plebeians, of | |||
war, each gave in accordance with his property qua- the aristocracy and the common people-a process of | |||
lification. In later times, the census was taken every the greatest importance for the subsequent history of | |||
five years, and in dividing the citizens into classes, Rome. By the time of the expulsion of the kings, | |||
the censor took into account not only their property these two orders had taken definite shape, and the | |||
but also their services to society. The Romans them- overthrow of the monarchy was a triumph for the | |||
selves saw Servius Tullius’s reform as a democratic patricians. Later, all political leaders defending the | |||
one, for it gave a chance of promotion not only to the ^ interests of the plebs, beginning with Spurius Cassius | |||
nobly born but also to gifted men, who could move =• (early 5th century B.C.) and Manlius Capitolinus | |||
on to a higher property class if they made a fortune 5 (early 4th century B. C.), who proposed to divide | |||
through their industry and talent. Servius Tullius among the plebeians the public lands seized by the | |||
himself became a symbol of a worthy man attaining r patricians and to cancel the plebeians’ debts to the | |||
high status despite lowly birth. The division of the | patricians, and ending with the Gracchi and Julius | |||
citizens into classes somewhat weakened the influen- a= Caesar, who acted as leaders of the people, were in- | |||
ce of the tribal aristocracy. A still greater effect in f variably accused by the Senate of aspiring to royal | |||
this respect had the division of the entire Roman ter- ? power and tyranny, and the Senate brought about | |||
ritory into tribes-4 urban and 16 rural ones. The 5 their destruction by fair means or foui. | |||
274 | |||
The banishment of Tarquinius, who had support¬ | |||
ers both in Rome and outside it (such as Lars Por- | |||
senna, king of the Etruscan city of Clusium, who | |||
began a war against Rome), was aided by the decline | |||
of the influence in Italy of the Etruscans defeated | |||
by the Greeks. The final defeat of the Romans over | |||
Porsenna and the expulsion of the Etruscan garrison | |||
from Rome became possible when Aristodemus, ty¬ | |||
rant of Cumae, inflicted a crushing defeat on Aruns, | |||
Porsenna’s son, near Aricia. Tarquinius’s death in | |||
exile put a definite end to attempts at restoring | |||
royal power, and consolidated the republic. | |||
The question of the original organisation of the | |||
republic is acutely debated in modern historiogra¬ | |||
phy. There is no doubt but that the king was re¬ | |||
placed by elected magistrates. According to Roman | |||
historians, these magistrates, the consuls, were | |||
elected for a year; the first consuls were Junius | |||
Brutus and Valerius Poplicola (i. e., “lover of the | |||
people”), his accomplice in the plot against Tar¬ | |||
quinius. The consuls had the highest authority ( im- | |||
perium) in times of peace and were supreme com¬ | |||
manders during a war. In cases of extreme danger to | |||
Rome from external enemies or internal distur¬ | |||
bances, the entire power was vested in a dictator | |||
elected for six months. | |||
The priestly college of pontiffs, headed by the | |||
chief pontiff fontifex maximus), which eclipsed the | |||
flamines, had to perform the cult rites and aslo record | |||
annually the most important events and the names | |||
of elected consuls in the so-called fasti consulates, or | |||
the lists of consuls. Some modern scholars believe | |||
that changes were later introduced in the earliest | |||
fasti to please the aristocratic families. Others have | |||
greater confidence in them, stressing that in the first | |||
decades of the republic there were both patricians | |||
and plebeians among the consuls; that is to say, that | |||
magistracy was then accessible to the plebs. Soon, | |||
however, the patricians blocked the plebeians’ way | |||
to the consulate and to other magistracies added in | |||
the 5th century B. C.-that of praetor (who kept up | |||
order in Rome), quaestor (who was at first a consul’s | |||
assistant and later had charge of the treasury), and | |||
censors. Only the patricians knew what days of the | |||
calendar were favourable to convening the popular | |||
assembly, and only they knew the legal procedure, | |||
which gave them an edge over both the popular | |||
assembly and the individual plebeians compelled to | |||
appeal to the court. The patricians’ political | |||
275 | |||
domination increased their economic supremacy, | |||
and vice versa. They occupied more and more of the | |||
public lands, while plebeians were ruined by the | |||
constant wars, crop failures, murrain, falling domes¬ | |||
tic and foreign trade and decline in the crafts in the | |||
wake of the expulsion of the Etruscans; debtors who | |||
could not pay their debts were enthralled or sold | |||
into slavery. The position of the plebeians is clear | |||
from Pliny the Elder’s remark that, among the | |||
ancestors, a man who killed his colon (that is, a | |||
tenant), incurred the same liability as if he had | |||
killed an ox, and not a human being. In the words of | |||
another author, only patricians were regarded as | |||
freeborn in those times. On the path that Rome fol¬ | |||
lowed, the orders were becoming classes of major | |||
landowners and of dependent peasants and slaves, | |||
and a state was formed in which political power was | |||
in the hands of the dominant class. However, this | |||
mode of development, characteristic of many primi¬ | |||
tive societies, was slowed down by the stubborn and | |||
successful resistance of the plebeians against the pa¬ | |||
tricians. The conflicts centred on three main issues: | |||
the plebeians demanded that newly conquered lands | |||
should be divided amongst them, whereas the patri¬ | |||
cians wanted to add them to the public lands open to | |||
their occupation; the plebeians insisted on cancel¬ | |||
ing debtor bondage and enslavement of insolvent | |||
debtors, which the patricians refused to concede; | |||
finally, in a bid to protect their rights, the plebeians | |||
demanded greater authority for the popular assem¬ | |||
bly and access to the magistracies and priesthood, | |||
whereas the patricians tenaciously held on to their | |||
privileges. | |||
This struggle, now dying down, now flaring up, | |||
was interwoven with Rome’s continual wars with | |||
the neighbours. It was partly the need to present a | |||
semblance of unity in the face of the enemy, and to | |||
avoid exciting the fury of the plebeians, who formed | |||
the basis of the Roman army, the infantry legions, | |||
that made the patricians satisfy the plebeians’ | |||
demands one after another. | |||
The first episode in the struggle between the patri¬ | |||
cians and the plebeians occurred during the war | |||
with Latin communities that made an attempt to | |||
throw off Roman hegemony. The plebeians refused | |||
to fight and retreated to Mons Sacer (the so-called | |||
first secession of the plebeians in 494). They only | |||
agreed to return on winning the right to elect, at | |||
separate meetings, tribunes of the people, defenders | |||
is* | |||
of their interests, from their midst. Tribunes of the confirmed, but an article was introduced according | |||
people could veto the orders of magistrates (with the to which a patron who cheated his client was cursed, | |||
exception of a dictator’s orders), convene meetings The father’s authority was restricted by an article | |||
of the plebs, and protect against injustice any pie- stipulating that he could sell his son into slavery | |||
beian who took refuge in their house, which was three times, after which the son was no longer in the | |||
open day and night. The tribunes themselves were father’s power. There was a very important interdic- | |||
declared to be under the protection of the gods and tion on personal privileges to anyone. That affirmed | |||
inviolable; anyone who hurt in any way the person the citizens’ equality before the law and ruled out | |||
of a tribune of the people was cursed and became an the practice, very common among ancient societies, | |||
outcast without any rights whom anyone could kill. of handing over a territory to some highborn | |||
The reconciliation between the patricians and the individual who collected taxes from that territpry. | |||
plebeians resulted in a splendid victory over the The entire territory of the Roman community was to | |||
Latins at Lake Regillus and in the restoration of remain entirely under community control. Here also | |||
Roman hegemony. An alliance was concluded with belonged the law forbidding the handing over of | |||
the Latins which was called foedus Cassianum after the lands to temples, which precluded the emergence of | |||
consul Spurius Cassius. Now the Romans would get an economically and therefore politically strong | |||
half the booty won in a war waged jointly with the priesthood in Rome. The laws confirmed the | |||
allies, while the allies divided the other half among citizen’s right to occupy abandoned plots, which | |||
themselves. after two years of tenancy became their property. | |||
But the struggle between the patricians and the That rule did not apply to foreigners-only a Roman | |||
plebeians continued. The temple of the peasant dei- citizen could possess land on Roman territory. The | |||
ties-Ceres, Liber and Libera, a triad opposed, as it ancient laws also regulated the procedure for the | |||
were, to the patrician triad on the Capitoline-built alienation of the property of a pater familias. Objects | |||
by Greek craftsmen from Campania, became the of the greatest importance for agriculture-land | |||
centre of the plebeian organisation. Soon, the cult of allotments, cattle, and slaves-were alienated | |||
the Greek god Hermes (named Mercury in Rome) through a complicated procedure of mancipation in- | |||
as the god of trade was adopted in Rome, and a col- eluding the pronunciation of fixed formulas in the | |||
lege of grain dealers associated with that cult was presence of five witnesses and a weigher who | |||
organised. This was intended to stimulate imports of weighed the copper paid for the property. An estate | |||
grain and thus stop unrest among the plebeians who usually passed on to the sons, to next of kin on the | |||
suffered from bread shortages. male side, or to other members of the gens. If a per- | |||
Relations between the orders again sharply dete- son wanted to make a will disinheriting a son, it had | |||
riorated in the middle of the 5th century B.C. The to be approved by the popular assembly. All these | |||
plebeians demanded written laws to be able to fight are signs of the community’s rigorous control over | |||
the patricians’ abuses. A board of ten, the decemviri, private as well as public property, | |||
was elected in 451 B.C. to write down the laws The first committee of the decemviri was succeeded | |||
approved by the popular assembly on ten tablets by a second one, of extreme anti-plebeian orien- | |||
that were posted in the Forum and formed the basis tation. It added two more tablets of laws (that is why | |||
for further development of Roman law. Judging by the first written Roman law is called the law of 12 | |||
surviving fragments of these laws, they were largely ^ tablets), forbidding marriages between patricians | |||
based on common law characteristic of other peoples and plebeians and abolishing the office of tribunes of | |||
that stood on approximately the same stage of de- 3 the people, which led to the second secession of the | |||
velopment, but they also introduced some new fea- ^ plebeians. The situation was aggravated by food | |||
tures. They regulated the legal procedure and estab- 0 shortages and the plague. As a means of averting the | |||
lished penalties for various crimes (e. g., high | plague the temple of Apollo, the first Greek god to | |||
treason, arson, theft, sorcery, etc.), reserving the is be included in the Roman pantheon under his own | |||
citizen’s right to appeal to the popular assembly as | name, was erected in Rome. A new reconciliation | |||
the highest judicial organ, if he was under threat of ^ between the patricians and the plebeians was | |||
execution or banishment. Harsh laws on debts were jj achieved with the restoration of the power of the | |||
276 | |||
tribunes of the people and the lifting of the ban on in external affairs but also of its laws and courts; it | |||
marriages between members of the two orders. To had to accept the laws and the courts of the Romans, | |||
provide the plebeians with land, the Romans began to contribute contingents to the Roman army and to | |||
to plant colonies on conquered territories. In the 5th pay the tributum\ its people became Roman citizens | |||
century B. C., some 10 colonies were founded, and in with all the obligations that Roman citizenship | |||
the 4th century, 15. The colonies were subject to entailed without the right to participate in the | |||
Roman and Latin laws, but their inhabitants could Roman popular assembly or to vote in the elections | |||
only become Roman citizens by moving to Rome or of magistrates. The victory over Caere and its allies | |||
to the territory of one of its tribes. The colonies were gave the Romans access to the grain and metals of | |||
meant to be Rome’s strongholds and bearers of Etruria and greatly consolidated their positions. | |||
Roman influence but, unlike other ancient con- According to a census of the mid-4th century B. C., | |||
querors, Romans did not turn the conquered peoples there were already 255,000 Roman citizens at that | |||
into helots-on the contrary, they abolished the time, and they could raise 10 legions. The new treaty | |||
helot estate where they found one. This policy, along with Carthage, concluded in 348, again divided the | |||
with expanding colonisation, largely ensured the sta- spheres of maritime influence, which pointed to a | |||
bility of Roman power on conquered territories. revival of Roman trade. Judging from the introduc- | |||
Internal strife receded into the background to tion of a tax on manumissions in 357, there were | |||
some extent due to an outbreak of war for control already great numbers of slaves in Rome who were | |||
over certain important trade centres of Latium. used in different capacities. | |||
After a war that lasted ten years, the Etruscan city of The frequent wars necessitated further concessions | |||
Veii bordering on Latium was destroyed, which con- to the plebeians. In 367 B. C., a new law was | |||
solidated Rome’s influence both in Latium and in adopted after a fresh outbreak of disturbances, pro¬ | |||
file south of Etruria. But now a new and terrible posed by the popular tribunes Gaius Licinius Stolo | |||
danger threatened Rome. The Celtic tribes, whom and Lucius Sextius. According to that law, one of | |||
the Romans called the Gauls, had moved in on the consuls had to be elected from among the ple- | |||
Italy’s north and by the year 390 reached Latium. beians; it was forbidden to occupy more than 500 | |||
They inflicted a major defeat on the Romans on the jugera (125 hectares) of public land or to graze upon | |||
river Allia, then took Rome by storm and sacked it, them more than 100 head of cattle and 500 sheep; | |||
burning down many buildings. Only the Capitol’s landowners were required to hire a definite number | |||
garrison, commanded by Manlius, who was later of free men as labourers; the interest already paid on | |||
named Capitolinus, held out for seven months, until debts was to be deducted from the principal. The | |||
the Gauls, learning of attacks on their lands by the law of Genucius (341 B.C.) stipulated that both | |||
Veneti, left with a large ransom in gold. A great jp consuls could be elected from among the plebeians, | |||
many buildings and the pontiff’s records were de- f The dictator Camillus erected a temple to the god- | |||
stroyed by the fires. The Gallic invasion remained in a dess of harmony between the citizens, Concordia, to | |||
the memory of Romans as a terrible misfortune, and $ mark the reconciliation of the orders that followed | |||
the Gauls, as Rome’s eternal enemies. a the introduction of that law. | |||
The entire first half of the 4th century B. C. was ~ Soon the Romans had to fight other enemies, the | |||
taken up by wars with Etruscan and Latin cities, in ^ tribes of the Lucanians and Samnites, who spread | |||
which the Romans ultimately gained the upper 3 throughout Campania and Apulia after the decline | |||
hand. In 358 B. C., the city of Caere was taken. Pre- ^ of the Etruscans, seizing Capua, the richest city of | |||
viously, the conquered cities of Latium were in- | Campania, as well as Cumae, Nola, and Pompeii, | |||
eluded in the Latin League as allies, retaining their s Those Samnites who remained in the mountains | |||
autonomy. Caere, as an Etruscan city, was given a continued to raid the rich farmlands of the valleys, | |||
special status, which was termed ms Caeritum and ? In 343, Capua turned to Rome for help, and the | |||
later extended to many other conquered cities that | ensuing wars between the Romans and the Sam- | |||
surrendered unconditionally, i. e., recognised = nites, the Latins, the Etruscans, and Capua that | |||
Rome’s legal right to their lands, people and prop- ^ later betrayed Rome, lasted until 290. During the | |||
erty. Caere was deprived not only of independence 3- hostilities against the Samnites in the mountains, | |||
277 | |||
where the phalanx battle order was unsuitable, | |||
smaller and more mobile units, the maniples were | |||
used, which ensured the success of the Romans. In | |||
the end, the Romans won a complete victory in these | |||
wars of attrition. For the Latins, it meant the end of | |||
the foedus Cassiamm. They were no longer allies but | |||
Rome’s subjects, citizens without a vote, like those of | |||
Caere. Many cities were given the status of munici- | |||
pia, that is, they were obliged to pay tribute; their | |||
lands were confiscated, and colonies of citizens were | |||
planted on these lands. The extremely fertile lands | |||
round Capua, the Falernian fields, became Roman | |||
public land. Victories over the Gauls still remaining | |||
in the north of Italy gave Rome the lands along the | |||
Adriatic coast and in the valley of the Padus. | |||
According to some computations, by the end of the | |||
4th century B. C. the Romans had a territory of | |||
20,000 square kilometres, which permitted them to | |||
establish new colonies and increase the army of peas¬ | |||
ants ready to fight hardily for new lands and booty. | |||
Now the Romans found themselves face to face | |||
with the Greek cities of the south of Italy, which had | |||
previously had no fear of Rome, as she had no navy. | |||
But in 312 B. C. the Romans elected special duumviri | |||
navales entrusted with the task of building warships, | |||
and began to consider seriously the need for achiev¬ | |||
ing supremacy on the sea. These pretensions led to a | |||
conflict with Tarentum, which turned for help to | |||
Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, who enjoyed the support of | |||
Egypt. Pyrrhus sent 3,000 soldiers to Tarentum | |||
commanded by Cineas, who knocked together an | |||
anti-Roman coalition of Greek cities as well as the | |||
Samnites, the Lucanians and the Brutii. Fifty battle | |||
elephants were received from Egypt. In 280, Pyrrhus | |||
himself came over to Italy and started the hostilities. | |||
The Romans, who had previously never encoun¬ | |||
tered battle elephants, were defeated in the very first | |||
battle, but Pyrrhus himself suffered staggering losses | |||
(hence the expression “Pyrrhic victory”). In 275, | |||
Pyrrhus was utterly defeated and left Italy. In the | |||
next eight years Rome occupied all the cities of a | |||
Magna Graecia. They retained a certain measure of 5 | |||
autonomy but were obliged to supply Rome with ^ | |||
warships. The Samnites and the Etruscans were - | |||
finally subdued. | | |||
Rome became an unchallenged head and master g> | |||
of the federation of Italic cities and tribes of ex- | | |||
tremely diverse levels of development-from the ^ | |||
agrarian, industrial and trading cities of Magna s: | |||
278 | |||
Graecia and Etruria, with their very high culture, to | |||
the Samnites, Marsi, and others who were still at the | |||
primitive communal stage. The conquerors and the | |||
conquered mutually influenced one another, the Ita¬ | |||
lic cities absorbing Roman political and socioeco¬ | |||
nomic institutions, language, and cults. In their | |||
turn, the Romans also assimilated the cults of the | |||
vanquished peoples following the ancient custom of I | |||
evocation-inviting the deity of a hostile city to take | |||
the side of the Romans and promising to build a | |||
temple in its honour in return. Between the year of I | |||
the founding of the republic and the end of the war | |||
with Pyrrhus, more than 20 temples were built to | |||
old and new deities. | |||
Considerable changes also took place in Rome’s | |||
internal life. The plebs won one victory after | |||
another. In 326, the Poetelian law banned enslave¬ | |||
ment for debts. An insolvent debtor paid with his | |||
property, not his person. The torture or corporal | |||
punishment of Roman citizens were also forbidden. | |||
According to the law of Q. Publilius Philo of 339 | |||
B. C., confirmed by the law of Publius Hortensiusof | |||
287 B. C. ( lex Hortensia), decisions taken at meetings | |||
of the plebs (the plebiscites) had the full force of | |||
laws. From then on, the comitia centuriata were re¬ | |||
placed by meetings of the tribes, where there were no | |||
census distinctions ( comitia tributa ). Open ballot was | |||
later replaced by the secret vote, lest patrons should | |||
influence the will of their clients. It was prohibited | |||
for patrons to demand payment of money from their | |||
clients. The law of 311 gave the people the right to | |||
elect 16 out of 24 military tribunes. By the lex Ogulnia | |||
of 300 B. C., the way to the priestly colleges of | |||
augurs and pontiffs was thrown open to the ple¬ | |||
beians. The office of the chief pontiff became an | |||
elected one. Censor Appius Claudius admitted sons | |||
offreedmen to the Senate; as for the freedmen them¬ | |||
selves, who had Roman citizenship but had pre¬ | |||
viously been included only in the urban tribes, they I | |||
were now distributed among all the tribes in an | |||
attempt to democratise the latter. The establishment | |||
of colonies, the setting of a limit to land property, the | |||
rich booty divided among soldiers, and the introduc¬ | |||
tion of salaries (stipends) for the soldiers - all this im¬ | |||
proved the position of the plebs. | |||
Thus by the beginning of the 3rd century B. C., | |||
Rome evolved into an antique civic community, | |||
owing to the victories of the plebs, as had Athens | |||
through the triumphs of the demos. As the well- | |||
ki | |||
se | |||
n | |||
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P | |||
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I | |||
known British historian M. I. Finley shrewdly ob- who had to bring both the defendant and the wit- | |||
served, Greece and Rome demonstrated a pheno- nesses to court himself, and after the trial, to carry | |||
menon fairly rare in antique societies-the inclusion out the sentence. The heavy penalties for criminal | |||
of peasants into an urban community as citizens offences envisaged by the laws of the 12 tablets were | |||
having equal rights with town-dwellers. In Rome in gradually replaced by fines (or banishment, at | |||
particular, the peasants-farmers and warriors-were most), and the triumvirs who punished criminals, as | |||
for a long time regarded as the salt of the earth, one well as the duumviri who dealt with particularly grave | |||
might say, and were held in higher esteem than offences, gradually lost their functions. Besides, a trib- | |||
town-dwellers. It was this phenomenon which pre- une of the people could personally interfere in the | |||
determined the development of Rome as a civic trial at any stage, imposing a veto or freeing the | |||
community. Its principal features were the existence accused. Only the army was bound by iron disci- | |||
ofboth collective and private land property, though pline: a commander could impose any punishment | |||
community ownership was supreme, and private on the soldiers, including the so-called decimation, | |||
plots did not differ from occupied public lands in the i. e., the execution of each tenth soldier in a unit | |||
right of alienation, identical for both, but in the fact that showed cowardice or insubordination, | |||
that private plots were exempt from rent while a The ideology that dominated society accorded | |||
rental had to be paid for the occupied lands to the with the civic community system. It was based | |||
Roman people’s treasury; the near identity of the above all on the concept of “the good of all” and on | |||
concepts of landowner, warrior and citizen; the each citizen’s duty to spare neither property nor | |||
right of every citizen to receive land and other labour nor life itself for the well-being of the citi- | |||
means of subsistence; the equality of the citizens’ zenry as a whole. Everyone was expected to do their | |||
political and legal rights; the supreme authority of duty in their appointed positions: patrician and the | |||
the popular assembly on all issues concerning both richest of the plebeian families had to perform their | |||
the body of the citizenry and each individual duties of magistrates free, arrange games and specta- | |||
cidzen; and the principle of “geometric” equality, cles for the people at their own expense, and com- | |||
which implied contributions from each individual to mand the legions; citizens of more modest means | |||
the common good, understood as the good for each were obliged to fight bravely, to till their lands con- | |||
citizen. scientiously, to bring up their children, and to take | |||
As the chances for exploiting compatriots as serfs care of the well-being of their family. A sense of duty | |||
or slaves sharply decreased, mostly foreigners were permeated the relations between the citizens and the | |||
made into slaves and placed outside civic society. gods officially included into the Roman pantheon, | |||
Distribution of the still not very numerous slaves between the members of a family and its deities, | |||
among families, where they were supervised by the S between fathers and sons, and between the citizens | |||
masters who had absolute authority over the 5 and the magistrates. All these relations were covered | |||
members of the family and especially over slaves, a by the concept of pietas. The second basic concept | |||
and emancipation of clients and colons, who became ? was freedom, libertas, the freeborn citizen’s right to | |||
full-fledged citizens and owners of their land allot- 3 freely express his will, which distinguished him from | |||
ments, slowed down the formation of the classes of ' slave and even freedman, both of whom had to con- | |||
big landowners and dependent peasants, and of a | ceal their thoughts. The free man also had to have | |||
strong state mechanism that was necessary for the 3 certain virtues that set him apart from the slave- | |||
suppression of exploited strata. Rome returned, at a ^ courage, quiet dignity, stern reticence, incorruptibil- | |||
new and higher stage, as it were, to the community | ity, and honouring his word, or fides. Pietas, libertas , | |||
system, with its council of elders, elected officials, ? and fides, together with courage, or virtus, which | |||
and a popular assembly. In that period, just as in the ? became synonymous with all virtue, were the cor- | |||
next two centuries, the state apparatus did not yet s' nerstones of the Roman civic community. These | |||
take shape; the army, consisting of citizens, only | ideological attitudes, identical for all free Romans, | |||
served to suppress resistance from the outside; there 5 which grew even firmer with the establishment of | |||
was neither police nor organs of prosecution; taking ^ the equality of the orders, helped them to recover | |||
a case to court was the private affair of the plaintiff, f quickly from the worst defeats and to win new vic- | |||
279 | |||
tories. The two centuries from the establishment of military discipline during a war with the Latins; | |||
the republic to the achievement of equality between Furius Camillus, who took the city of Veii and | |||
the orders formed the basis of the “Roman myth”, begged the gods to turn their wrath against him and | |||
remaining in the memory of the subsequent gene- not the city of Rome, if its military successes were | |||
rations as the ideal times of the ancestors who lived disagreeable to them (accused later of concealing | |||
simply and modestly (which is incidentally sup- part of the booty, he was banished from Rome but, | |||
ported by archaeological excavations, where finds of when the Gallic invaders came, he forgot the old | |||
imported and expensive objects are few) and were hurt, returned to Rome, assumed command as dic- | |||
renowned for their exceptional courage and patrio- tator and defeated the Gauls); Cincinnatus, whom | |||
tism. A whole series of half-legends about the the ambassadors that came to offer him the dictator- | |||
Romans of those times became part and parcel of the ship during the war with the Volscians, found walk- | |||
Roman and later of European culture. The heroes of ing behind a plough, and who returned to his field | |||
these legends are Mucius Scaevola, who slipped into after his victory; Curius Dentatus, who defeated the | |||
Porsenna’s camp in order to kill him and on being Samnites and Pyrrhus and took as his reward only a | |||
caught burnt his hand on the fire in the king’s tent wooden sacrificial vessel and a plot of land which he | |||
to prove the courage of Roman youths; Horatius could cultivate with his own hands; he was cooking | |||
Codes, who defended, together with two other war- turnips when the Samnites’ ambassadors came to | |||
riors, the bridge across the Tiber against Porsenna’s him with great amounts of gold, but he rejected their | |||
Etruscans, giving the Romans the time to prepare gifts saying that as long as he could be content with | |||
for defence, and then destroyed the bridge and swam turnips, he preferred to have power over those who | |||
across the river to his side; Manlius Torquatus had gold rather than gold itself. The memory of | |||
(given that name after he killed a Gallic chieftain in these models of “the virtues of the ancestors” was | |||
single combat and took his torques, or neck orna- revered in later epochs, but gradually a moral de¬ | |||
ment), who executed his own son for a breach of dine set in in Rome. | |||
Chapter 16 | |||
The Rise of the Roman Empire. The Crisis of the Republic | |||
Roman Expansion in the Mediterranean Region. Changes in | |||
the Socioeconomic Structure of Rome. The peoples and | |||
tribes with which Rome was destined to come in | |||
contact varied greatly in the level of their socio¬ | |||
economic, political and cultural development. | |||
Macedonia, Greece, Asia Minor, Syria and Egypt | |||
were ruled by Hellenistic kings; they were debili¬ | |||
tated both by internal social conflicts and by wars. | |||
The western Mediterranean was dominated by Car¬ | |||
thage. Founded in the 8th century B. C. as a Phoeni¬ | |||
cian colony, it gained independence after the con¬ | |||
quest of Phoenicia by Assyria and grew rich and | |||
powerful through transit trade and the exploitation | |||
of the subdued, tribute-paying Libyan tribes. Power | |||
was in the hands of big landowners whose estates | |||
were run on principles of rationally organised slave | |||
labour (worked out theoretically by a certain Mago | |||
whose books were later translated into Latin), rich | |||
shipowners and traders. The supreme organs were | |||
the council of elders with 300 members, the council | |||
of 30, a college of judges of 400 members, and | |||
elected magistrates or suffetes ( suffetim). The com¬ | |||
mon people were in fact barred from participation in | |||
politics and from serving in the army, which con¬ | |||
sisted of mercenaries. Taking possession of western | |||
Sicily, with a stronghold at Lilybaeum, as well as | |||
Corsica and Sardinia, and founding several colonies | |||
on the Spanish coast, Carthage controlled sea trade | |||
in the western Mediterranean. | |||
The population of the Iberian peninsula was of | |||
extreme ethnic diversity. The peninsula was excep¬ | |||
tionally rich in metals, including precious ones, and | |||
this attracted Phoenicians, Carthaginians, and | |||
Greeks since very early times; trade in metals ac¬ | |||
celerated the development of the south of the penin¬ | |||
sula, where gold and silver were mostly mined. At | |||
the end of the 2nd millennium B. C., the kingdom of | |||
Tartessus arose in the south-west, which was famous | |||
for its wealth. This kingdom with clearcut social dif¬ | |||
ferentiation and written laws kept up trade relations | |||
with the entire Mediterranean. At the end of the 6th | |||
century B. C., Tartessus disintegrated for unknown | |||
reasons, but its culture made a great impact on the | |||
Iberian tribes which lived on its territory. They were | |||
also influenced by the Carthaginian and Greek col¬ | |||
onies founded on the peninsula. The Iberians built | |||
cities ruled by aristocrats or kings, they had a writ¬ | |||
ing system of their own and highly advanced art. | |||
The central and north-western parts of the peninsula | |||
were inhabited by the aboriginal tribes of the Astur¬ | |||
ians, the Cantabrians, the Celts and the Celtiber- | |||
ians. Some of them still lived in small village com¬ | |||
munities collectively owning their land, while others | |||
already had fortified cities, such as Tarragona, Ter- | |||
mantia, or Numantia, with their councils of elders, | |||
popular assemblies, and warlords. The latter rec¬ | |||
ruited their warriors who pleaded allegiance to the | |||
chieftains and believed it to be a disgrace to outlive | |||
their commander killed in battle without avenging | |||
his death. The Celts brought well-developed metal¬ | |||
lurgy and agricultural technology with them, but | |||
the poor quality of soil on the uplands, suitable only | |||
for livestock-breeding, forced the mountain tribes to | |||
pillage the valley, fight one another, or serve as mer¬ | |||
cenaries in Carthaginian and Greek armies. | |||
A considerable part of Europe (modern Britain, | |||
France, Switzerland, and Belgium) were inhabited | |||
by the Celts; their tribes also varied in social struc- | |||
_ | |||
ture. In Britain, for instance, they were at a very low force, and it had to pay Rome one-tenth of the crops | |||
level of development, while the Gallic tribes and grazing taxes, a total of 24 million denarii a | |||
achieved a higher social and economic development year. The Greek communities of Sicily were de- | |||
owing to a relatively high agricultural technology, dared free cities and paid no taxes. Soon, Rome | |||
the skills of their metallurgists, and trade. Especially also seized Sardinia and Corsica, which became its | |||
prominent among them were Druid priests and the second province. | |||
tribal aristocracy. Highborn Gauls had extensive Roman losses in the war were enormous. They lost | |||
land property and large clienteles, and the common a total of 600 warships. The 50 million denarii bor- | |||
people became increasingly dependent on them. In rowed from rich citizens as a tributum could not be | |||
some areas, royal power still survived, while among paid back from the booty and the indemnity. In 264- | |||
other peoples it gave way to oligarchic rule. 233, the number of citizens fell from 293,234 to | |||
Beyond the Rhine lived the Germans. They did 270,213. Still, in 229 the Romans were able to send | |||
not yet lead a settled life and had no private land 200 ships against the pirates of queen Teuta, seize | |||
ownership. They elected their chieftains and settled the island of Corcyra and force the cities of Apol- | |||
all their affairs at popular assemblies or tings. The Ionia and Epidamnus to recognise Roman protec- | |||
eastern coast of the Adriatic was occupied by the torate. Between 225 and 218, they defeated the | |||
Illyrians, skilled seamen and pirates. In the 3rd cen- Ligurians and the Celts in the north of Italy, took | |||
tury B. C., they were temporarily united under their capital, Mediolanum, establishing a new pro¬ | |||
queen Teuta. vince - Cisalpine Gaul, and founded the colonies of | |||
That was Rome’s environment in the epoch when Cremona, Modena and Placentia, connected with | |||
it took steps to subordinate the Mediterranean Rome by the famous Via Flaminia. In the same per- | |||
region. The First Punic War with Carthage was the iod, the popular tribune Flaminius promulgated a | |||
first step in that direction. The conflict broke out law providing land allotments to all of Rome’s poor- | |||
when the Oscian tribe of the Mamertines seized in est citizens; with his support, the Claudian law was | |||
289 B. C. the city of Messana, established a democ- passed forbidding senators and their sons to possess | |||
racy there and began to interfere with the shipping merchant ships capable of carrying more than 300 | |||
in the Messina Straits. Hiero II of Syracuse went to amphoras, i. e., 80 hectolitres. These laws suited not | |||
war against them in 265. The Mamertines then only the plebs but also big businessmen among | |||
turned to Rome for help, reminding her of their ori- Romans and Italics, as they got rid of the competi- | |||
gin from Mars, the father of Romulus. For his part, tion on the part of the senatorial order, the richest of | |||
Hiero II concluded an alliance with Carthage. The them all. The democratic reform of the comitia centur- | |||
Roman Senate hesitated, but the comitia centuriata, iata was also in the interests of the plebs; 373 cen- | |||
fearing a blockade of the Messina Straits, pro- turies were formed instead of the former 193, and the | |||
nounced themselves in favour of war. The war, in proportion of the centuries of the equites and first | |||
which the Romans now gained victories, now suf- class citizens to the rest of the centuries changed | |||
fered defeats, lasted nearly 20 years. In the course of drastically - 88 to 258 instead of the former 98 to 95. | |||
the war, the Romans mastered the art of naval war- Despite internal democratisation, Roman foreign | |||
fare, in particular the tactics of grappling and policy was basically one of support for the aristoc- | |||
boarding enemy ships (first used by the consul Gaius racy of all the tribes and peoples with whom they | |||
Duilius). In 241 B. C., they defeated the fleet of the came in contact. Thus the Romans helped the aris- | |||
Carthaginian admiral Hamilcar Barca off the 1 tocracy of the Etruscan city of Volsinii to suppress | |||
Aegates or Aegusae Islands, after which negotiations > an uprising of the enslaved population, | |||
began and a peace treaty was concluded according J In the meantime, Hamilcar moved to Spain and, | |||
to which the Carthaginians ceded Sicily to Rome supported by Carthaginian colonies and some local | |||
and had to pay an indemnity of 36 million denarii | kings and chieftains, made his way across the penin- | |||
during 20 years. All Sicily, with the exception of j sula, ruthlessly suppressing any resistance. In 229 he | |||
Hiero’s kingdom, came under the Roman rule. It 1 fell in action, and the army was headed by his son- | |||
became the first Roman overseas province ruled by a ^ in-law Hasdrubal, who founded the city of Carthago | |||
Roman governor who commanded the occupation s Nova, or Cartagena, which soon became a major | |||
282 | |||
centre owing to the rich silver mines in its vicinity. also to diplomatic moves. In Greece, the Romans | |||
When Hasdrubal was assassinated by a Celt slave, knocked together an anti-Macedonian coalition, | |||
he was succeeded by Hamilcar’s son Hannibal. Han- Philip was forced to conclude peace with Rome, | |||
nibal persistently gathered men and money, hoping After two years of siege, in 212, Syracuse was taken | |||
to avenge the defeat in the First Punic War. The by Marcellus with the aid of the local aristocracy | |||
pretext for the war was Hannibal’s destruction of the after a tunnel was dug leading into the city. | |||
Greek colony of Saguntum, Rome’s ally, south of the Capua also fell. One by one, the Greek cities cap- | |||
Ebro. Hannibal placed his hopes on an alliance with tured by Hannibal were won back. As a result, the | |||
the Gauls and the secession of Roman allies in Italy; whole of Sicily became a Roman province, while | |||
he also planned to form an alliance with king Phi- Capua was harshly punished, deprived of its lands | |||
lip V of Macedonia, who feared the strengthening (now added to Roman public lands) and of its status | |||
of Roman influence in the Adriatic. He failed to take as a city. In 210, an army was sent to Spain headed | |||
into account, however, that the ruling circles of most by 26-year-old Publius Cornelius Scipio, later nick- | |||
Italian cities were already closely linked with Rome named “Africanus”. Disembarking at the Greek city | |||
and had a vested interest in its support and naval ofEmporion, an ally of Rome, Scipio showed excep- | |||
supremacy. As for the Roman and Latin citizens of tional military talent, seizing Cartagena by a sudden | |||
the colonies, they were ready to defend their land to assault the following year and capturing an enor- | |||
the last. mous booty. A number of Iberian and Celtic tribes | |||
The beginning of the war was exceptionally propi- went over to his side. In 206, he forced the Cartha- | |||
tious for Hannibal. His great military talent and ginians to leave Spain, which then became a Roman | |||
skill, and the differences between the Roman people province. In 204, setting forth with his army from | |||
and the Senate on the tactics to be employed in the the Sicilian harbour of Lilybaeum, he disembarked | |||
war, brought him victories over the Romans in the in Africa, where he concluded an alliance with | |||
battles near the Ticino river, the Trebia river, Lake Masinissa, king of Numidia and an enemy of | |||
Trasimene and especially in the battle of Cannae, Carthage. Recalled from Italy, Hannibal fought Sci- | |||
where 50,000 Romans were slain. This seemed to pio’s army near the city of Zama Regia, was roundly | |||
make the Roman position hopeless, but Rome again defeated and escaped to king Antiochus III of | |||
recovered. Various measures were taken, beginning Syria. Much later, meeting Hannibal at that king’s | |||
with numerous religious ceremonies intended to court, Scipio is said to have asked Hannibal whom | |||
ensure the assistance of the gods and the cohesion of he believed to be the greatest general. Hannibal | |||
the people, and ending with calling up slaves for ser- 5 placed Alexander the Great first, himself second, and | |||
vice in the army-a measure that appeared desper- 5 Scipio third. Amazed, Scipio asked Hannibal why | |||
ate to later Roman historians, as slaves were strictly 5 ; the latter believed himself greater than he, Scipio, | |||
forbidden to serve in the army. After the Cannae ^ after a defeat at his hands. Hannibal replied, “Had I | |||
defeat, the Samnites, the Lucani and the Bruttii, ^ defeated you, I would have been greater than | |||
who had not yet been Romanised deep enough, rose ' Alexander.” | |||
against Rome. Capua, Rome’s old rival, took the ^ The Second Punic War ended in a complete | |||
side of the Carthaginians (except for the aristocracy, ^ triumph for Rome. Under the terms of the peace | |||
which remained loyal to Rome) and effectively | treaty, the Carthaginians had to pay an indemnity | |||
helped Hannibal. But the Greek cities and most * of 600 million denarii in 50 years, and to hand over | |||
allies remained loyal to Rome, as did Roman and -i to the Romans their elephants and all but ten war- | |||
Latin colonies. True, Hannibal managed to take ? ships, they would also have no right to wage wars | |||
Tarentum, Metapontum and Heraclea, and con- 5 ^ without the consent of Rome. Masinissa’s right to | |||
eluded an alliance with king Hiero of Syracuse, but Q most of Numidia was confirmed. Roman victory had | |||
the tide of war had definitely turned against Car- = been won at a very high cost. According to modern | |||
thage. Commanded by Fabius Maximus, nick- ^ computations, it cost them 200 million denarii- | |||
named Cunctator (“The Laggard”), the Romans 1 three times as much as the First Punic War. Hannibal | |||
adopted the tactics of skirmishing and avoiding deci- "I destroyed about 400 settlements' in the lands of | |||
sive battles. They resorted not only to military but ? Roman allies. During the war, when the Romans | |||
283 | |||
had to maintain 36 legions and 150 warships, the | |||
prices grew skyhigh. Many lands in Apulia and | |||
Lucania were abandoned and became pastures, | |||
although part of them was distributed among Sci- | |||
pio’s veterans. | |||
Hannibal’s supporters were harshly punished. | |||
32,000 Tarentians were sold into slavery; the Bruttii | |||
were made state slaves; 40,000 Ligurians, who had | |||
taken the Carthaginians’ part, were driven from | |||
northern Italy to the Beneventum area. The colonies | |||
of Lucca, Bononia and Aquileia were founded in | |||
northern Italy, and the lands of the rural and tribal | |||
communities of those areas were added to the | |||
Roman public lands, which increased to 55,000 | |||
square kilometres. They were open to occupation for | |||
a rental of one-tenth of the cereal crops, one-fifth of | |||
fruit gathered, and a tax on grazing land. Colonies | |||
were founded in other areas, too. Colonists received | |||
from 5 to 50 jugera, and commanders in veterans’ | |||
colonies got as much as 100 to 140 jugera. Land-sur¬ | |||
veying went on all over Italy, and roads, bridges and | |||
cities were built. Colonisation and resettlement of | |||
the population stimulated the Romanisadon of | |||
Italy, the spreading of Roman technology and of the | |||
Latin language, and the organisation of cities after | |||
the Roman model, with elected magistrates and | |||
senates. | |||
New sources of enrichment appeared. In the | |||
absence of a state mechanism, a system of tax-farm¬ | |||
ing was introduced; collecting taxes in the provinces | |||
and rentals from the public lands, construction | |||
work, and exploitation of Spanish silver mines, | |||
where more than 40,000 slaves were employed, were | |||
handed over to publicani. As all these enterprises | |||
required great capital investment and were thus | |||
beyond the means of individual publicani (e. g., the | |||
exploitation of the Spanish mines required 26 mil¬ | |||
lion denarii for buying slaves, five million a year for | |||
their upkeep, and 10 million in payments to the | |||
Roman treasury), the publicani and contractors set | |||
up companies which also included men of very | |||
modest means who later received dividens on their | |||
investments. Judging from Polybius’s account, | |||
nearly the whole of the Roman people was a kind of | |||
limited company exploiting the provinces and Italy | |||
itself. As a result, the Roman economy not only re¬ | |||
covered but also made rapid progress. Middle as | |||
well as major entrepreneurs were getting richer on | |||
dividends from capital they mostly invested in the | |||
buying of private or occupation of public lands, as | |||
agriculture was traditionally the most prestigious | |||
source of income. To be a city magistrate, a person | |||
had to own real estate. Thus, according to a statute | |||
of the city of Tarentum (dating, however, from later | |||
times), only a person owning a house on city terri¬ | |||
tory covered with not less than 1,500 tiles (a tile | |||
measured 0.65 by 0.45 metre) could be a magistrate. | |||
Men of substance bought estates or villas in different | |||
areas of Italy. The growth of urban population' | |||
created a market for agricultural produce. The | |||
chase after profit became universal. | |||
The demand for money, which was invested in | |||
various enterprises, stimulated usury. The interest | |||
rates paid by Roman citizens were limited by law, | |||
but usurers found ways to circumvent that law, lend¬ | |||
ing money to front men who had no Roman citizen¬ | |||
ship; in the provinces, the interest rates reached 48 | |||
per cent per annum. Usurers grew fabulously rich. | |||
As a result of all these processes, medium-sized | |||
villas (100 to 250 jugera) and large tracts of grazing | |||
land became widespread throughout Italy. The | |||
former produced grain, wine, olives, fruit, and vege¬ | |||
tables; the latter, meat, milk, and wool that was | |||
spun, woven and dyed by artisans in the cities. A sin¬ | |||
gle family and a few slaves no longer sufficed to run | |||
such an estate. More manpower was needed. As we | |||
have mentioned already, in a civic community such | |||
manpower could not be recruited among exploited | |||
compatriots, and the only way out was to increase | |||
the number of slaves born on the estate or bought | |||
during sales of war prisoners. That period marked | |||
the beginning of extremely rapid development of the | |||
antique slave-owning mode of production, which | |||
soon reached its peak. Slaves and slave-owners | |||
became the two principal antagonistic classes of | |||
society. | |||
A villa with 10 to 15 slaves was described by Cato | |||
in his treatise on agriculture. He had it all worked | |||
^ out in great detail-the size and the organisation of | |||
a the labour force, the division of labour (still rather | |||
•s primitive), the meagre rations of the slaves, which | |||
^ depended on their skills and capacity for work, the | |||
r production quotas, the duties of the villicus, the villa | |||
| manager, the conditions of hiring extra hands dur- | |||
g> ing harvest or construction workers, the advantages | |||
| of buying various tools in different cities. Cato’s | |||
s villa, selling its agricultural produce on the market, | |||
s; is often seen as a sort of analogue of a capitalist | |||
284 | |||
enterprise and evidence of the birth of capitalism in and kept them accordingly, the slave’s human per- | |||
Rome. We believe, however, that Cato’s treatise sonality was entirely suppressed. The position of | |||
clearly shows the difference between simple commo- slaves in the cities was somewhat better; here, the | |||
dity production in some branches of the Roman master sometimes gave them some small property, | |||
economy and capitalist production. Accumulation the so-called peculium, that helped them to save | |||
rather than acceleration of capital turnover and money with which to buy their freedom and with it, | |||
expanded reproduction was its prime purpose. A Roman citizenship. Urban slaves mixed with free | |||
good master, Cato taught, must not buy he must plebeians and attended spectacles, but here, too, | |||
sell. An estate owner did his best to produce every- they were despised. It was taken for granted that a | |||
thing that he could on his estate. Hoarding treasures slave was a thief, a scoundrel and a cheat. To quote | |||
that might come in handy at a time of need or be a line from a contemporary comedy: if a slave does | |||
expended on ostentatious display of wealth or on not lie, that is not unlike a miraculous omen, | |||
public needs was the owner’s principal goal. Such a Although Romans often let their trusted slaves into | |||
villa could hardly have been highly profitable - the private and political intrigues, and slaves had entry | |||
profits of publicani, sea traders and usurers must have into all spheres of society, they remained outsiders in | |||
been much higher. But slave-owners’ villas had a it. To be suspected of a slave’s vices was a terrible | |||
number of advantages over small-scale peasant hold- disgrace for a freeborn person. The development of | |||
ings. They practised simple cooperation and division slavery largely determined the subsequent history of | |||
of labour, which increased labour productivity, and Rome and, with the spreading of slavery throughout | |||
they were also able to buy better implements, like the provinces, of the Roman republic as a whole, | |||
ploughs, presses for olives and grapes, etc., all of The advantages Rome derived from the wars with | |||
which brought an upsurge in Italic agriculture. Carthage, incited it to further expansion east and | |||
Slaves were also used in artisans’ shops, though not west, where new lands promised new profit, | |||
on the same scale as in agriculture. Slaves’ marks Although wars demanded considerable financial | |||
alongside of free craftsmen’s occur on pottery, tiles outlay (10 legions, 100 warships and 400 transport | |||
and bricks. ships had to be permanently maintained), all | |||
The growing role of slaves in production affected members of the “limited company” in the above | |||
their position. Once, they had been to some extent sense had at first a vested interest in them. Both in | |||
responsible for their acts and could even be guaran- the east and in the west the Romans succeeded best | |||
tors in bargains; they had participated in acts of when they could play on their opponents’ external | |||
worship (in household cults), while now they were n and domestic conflicts, supporting one state in the | |||
equated with cattle by the lex Aquilia (its precise date f fight against another or the aristocracy against the | |||
is unknown): damage done by a slave was the res- Z commons. They had great difficulty in conquering | |||
ponsibility of the master, who paid for it as if it had s tribes with little social differentiation. Vegetius, an | |||
been done by a quadruped—by handing over the ^ author of a treatise on military art who lived in the | |||
culprit to the injured party or by paying a fine. The jf 4th century A. D. and drew on a thousand years of | |||
master was responsible for robbery, theft, or murder ^ Roman military experience, wrote that even the | |||
committed by a slave at the master’s bidding, for the ? smallest people cannot be conquered if it is not torn | |||
slave could not disobey the master for fear of punish- jf by inner strife. | |||
ment. The master or the villicus (steward and over- § In the east, directly after the victory near Zama | |||
seer of an estate) made a sacrifice to the Lares on the Romans interfered in the affairs of the Hellenis- | |||
behalf of the entire family, and ordinary slaves took 3 tic states, demanding that Philip V should stop | |||
no part in the rite. Kinship among slaves was not a waging war on Rhodes, Pergamum and other Greek | |||
recognised; a slave could only have a concubine, not p cities that had appealed to Rome for help. Winning | |||
a wife, and it was accepted that a slave had no | over to their side the Illyrians, the Achaean and the | |||
father. In Cato’s view, a slave must work so much as ^ Aetolian Leagues, the Romans, commanded by | |||
to be unable to think of anything but sleep. « Titus Quinctius Flamininus, defeated Philip. In the | |||
Although each landowner knew that his well-being I following year, Flamininus solemnly declared free- | |||
depended on the fitness of his cattle and his slaves, fe dom for the Greek cities during the Isthmian Games, | |||
285 | |||
and was deified by the Greeks. A temple was built in | |||
his honour. Flamininus brought to his triumph in | |||
Rome the booty he had won in Greece: 18,270 | |||
pounds of silver, 3,714 pounds of gold, 14,514 gold | |||
and 80,000 silver coins, 114 gold wreathes given him | |||
by the Greek cities, and numerous works of art. | |||
Soon after the end of the war with Philip, the war | |||
with Antiochus III began, this time in alliance with | |||
Macedonia, and in 189 B. C. Antiochus was defeated | |||
near Magnesia. In 168, Perseus, Philip V’s heir, was | |||
defeated. Seventy settlements were destroyed and | |||
150,000 inhabitants were sold into slavery in Epirus, | |||
which had joined Perseus. | |||
The “freedom” which the Romans had given to | |||
the Greek cities proved rather illusory, and the | |||
dominion of the pro-Roman oligarchy in the cities, | |||
exceedingly onerous. When Andriscus, who claimed | |||
to be Perseus’s son, led an uprising in Macedonia, | |||
many Greek cities joined him. In 148, the Romans | |||
suppressed the revolt and made Macedonia, Epirus | |||
and Illyria their provinces. In 146, Mummius | |||
crushed the democratic regime that had been estab¬ | |||
lished in the Achaean League, and destroyed Cor¬ | |||
inth, seizing a great number of slaves and objects of | |||
art as his booty. Only Athens, Sparta and Delphi | |||
retained their freedom, while all the other Greek | |||
cities were subordinated to the governor of Mace¬ | |||
donia. Finally, in that same year 146 B. C., after the | |||
short Third Punic War begun by the Romans out of | |||
fear of Carthage’s revival, Scipio Aemilianus, grand¬ | |||
son ofScipio Africanus, destroyed Carthage, cursing | |||
the very land on which Rome’s great rival had | |||
stood. Carthage’s possessions became the Roman | |||
province of Africa. Soon after, Attalus of Pergamum, | |||
Rome’s sincere friend, left his kingdom as a legacy to | |||
Rome, and it formed the province of Asia. | |||
In the west, the Romans encountered the greatest | |||
difficulties in Spain, which was finally subdued only | |||
after 200 years of struggle. Several uprisings in the | |||
early 2nd century B. C. in the south and south-east | |||
of the peninsula, where the Romans relied on the a | |||
urban and tribal aristocracy were rather quickly 3 | |||
suppressed, but the tribes of the Celtiberians and the ~ | |||
Lusitanians, who lived on the territory of modern 1 | |||
Portugal, put up a stiff resistance. The Spainish wars | | |||
cost the Romans great losses, the soldiers unaccus- ^ | |||
tomed to the climate died of exposure, discipline | | |||
declined, and no one wanted to serve there. = | |||
The conquests of the 2nd century B. C. brought | | |||
about a decisive change in all spheres of Roman life. | |||
Despite the great military spending, the profit in | |||
booty and taxes was so vast (some 2,000 tons of silver | |||
were brought to Rome between 200 and 150 B.C.) | |||
that in the 170s the government no longer needed to | |||
resort to the tributum. New market-places specialising | |||
in the sale of cattle, vegetables, fish and meat were | |||
built in Rome. Objects of luxury-delicacies, fine | |||
clothes, ornaments, fine-looking and well-trained | |||
servants-became highly fashionable. Well-to-dp | |||
citizens were rebuilding their modest houses. New | |||
public buildings - circuses and temples-were | |||
erected in the cities. Laws against luxury promul¬ | |||
gated several times (not less than six), whose purpose | |||
was to reduce inequality among citizens and the out¬ | |||
flow of precious metals to Greece and Asia, the | |||
sources of imported luxury goods, were ineffectual. | |||
At the same time, an increasingly narrow circle of | |||
Romans —mostly generals, governors, and publicani- | |||
profited from the conquests, while ordinary citizens | |||
gained less and less. | |||
The socio-political structure of Roman society | |||
changed, too. The nobility, which monopolised the | |||
magistracies, became established; senators no longer | |||
served in cavalry; and the second privileged order, | |||
that of the equites, evolved. This order included per¬ | |||
sons of noble origin (sons of senators or knights) who | |||
owned not less than 400,000 sestertia and partici¬ | |||
pated in no less than ten campaigns as cavalrymen. | |||
Military tribunes, and prominent citizens of Italic | |||
cities were sometimes included among the equites. | |||
Many of them had large tracts of land in Italy and | |||
the provinces, invested money in usury and com¬ | |||
merce, and played a leading role in publican ?s com¬ | |||
panies. There were orators and prominent lawyers | |||
among them. | |||
Although the equites and the senators belonged to | |||
the same class of big property owners, and as often as | |||
not to the same aristocratic family, they competed | |||
with one another over the offices of publicani or gov¬ | |||
ernors of provinces which offered considerable | |||
opportunities for enrichment through exploitation | |||
or direct plunder. The office of governor was so pro¬ | |||
fitable that it was said that when a governor went | |||
out to his province, he was poor and it was rich, and | |||
when he returned to Rome, he was rich and the | |||
province was poor. The offices of consul and praetor, | |||
which opened the way to governorship, became | |||
more and more desirable. All sorts of manoeuvres | |||
286 | |||
were resorted to during elections -secret pre-election transportation adversely affected the markets of both | |||
agreements, agitation, bribes, and discrimination of agriculture and the crafts. Transportation by sea | |||
rivals. Laws against abuses during election cam- was cheaper and promised great profit in case of suc- | |||
paigns (of which not less than 12 were passed) were cess, but it required considerable capital outlay, and | |||
unavailing. In 149, special senatorial courts were set the risk factor was rather great, as ships might | |||
up to try cases of violation of these laws and consider founder, be seized by pirates, etc. The law therefore | |||
accusations of abuses in the provinces, but the judges did not restrict the interest rates on credit to finance | |||
of these courts were not as harsh as they used to be in sea trade, as the creditor shared the risk, | |||
the times of the laws of XII Tablets. The penalties Borrowing money often resulted in loss of prop- | |||
did not go beyond fines or banishment from Rome at erty, which meant expulsion from the higher order | |||
the most. Besides, the senators were inclined to or census class for the privileged, while for the ple- | |||
acquit members of their own order and condemn the beians, especially rural ones, it meant debtor servi- | |||
equites. tude, which was restored in circumvention of the lex | |||
Differentiation among the plebeians increased, Petelia. | |||
too. The rural plebs, which frequently had to inter- Great changes had also been brought about in the | |||
rupt its peaceful pursuits because of the constant culture of Roman society and its ideology by the in¬ | |||
wars, and suffered from the competition of the more ternal processes and Rome’s altered international | |||
profitable slave-owners’ villas as well as from forcible position. | |||
seizure of lands by rich neighbours who armed their Opposition to Rome was very strong in the con- | |||
slaves, lost its allotments and was brought to ruin. quered countries. In Asia, it was prophesied that | |||
The peasants’ ruin undermined the fighting effec- Rome would soon fall, the Romans would be made | |||
tiveness of the Roman army despite the fact that the slaves and would have to atone twentyfold for the | |||
property qualifications for the conscripts were low- evil they had done. Romans were said to be so | |||
ered several times. Discipline in the army declined. bloodthirsty that, not content with wars and the in- | |||
It grew more and more difficult to recruit soldiers. creasingly fashionable gladiator shows, they hired | |||
The urban plebs, whose numbers swelled as more men who killed each other during their feasts, and | |||
impoverished peasants came to the city and more they were said to be so vain that they were followed | |||
slaves were freed, was mostly employed in the crafts, by a retinue of 20,000 slaves whenever they left their | |||
petty trade, and construction work; it had little in- house. Fawning on the Romans in public, the | |||
terestfor land, being mostly concerned with cheaper Greeks secretly despised them and believed them to | |||
foodstuffs, lower rent, and more orders for the arti- 5 be barbarians. The most farsighted of the Roman | |||
sans and contractors that meant steady employment ■? politicians, amongst whom the Scipios and their cir- | |||
for them. Of great importance for the entire plebs 5 cle (the so-called Philhellenes) played the leading | |||
was winning greater powers for the popular assem- s role, realised that such a reputation was detrimental | |||
bly and tribunes of the people, the two institutions ' to Roman diplomacy, which was no less important | |||
that curbed the power of the magistrates and the S' in asserting their domination than weapons. They | |||
nobility. This became especially important in view ^ began to study intensely the Greek language, Greek | |||
of extreme rise in debts owed to big property-owners ? literature and philosophy, paying enormous sums of | |||
and usurers by the plebs and other sections of the § money for educated Greek slaves to teach their | |||
population. The senators needed money for pomp, s children (it is a well-attested fact, for instance, that | |||
for election campaigns, and sops to their numerous .§ the Greek grammarian Daphnides was bought for | |||
clients who supported them in the popular assembly. ? 700,000 sesterces, whereas an ordinary slave cost | |||
The peasants needed money to better their position S about 2,000). Many of these slaves later became | |||
after crop failure or murrain, to buy labour imple- 9 freedmen and gained fame as rhetoricians, gram- | |||
ments, and to equip their sons for service in the § marians and writers, or opened schools where | |||
army. The urban plebs needed money to start work- ° children of the plebeians were educated. Literacy | |||
shops, to buy food and pay rent. But possibilities for ' became widespread among the people and even | |||
getting money were limited, except for publicani and among slaves. Rich people began to send their sons | |||
usurers. The difficulty and expense of overland ? to Athens, Ephesus and other cities of Greece and | |||
287 | |||
Asia Minor to listen to lectures by famous orators | |||
and philosophers. Some of these moved to Rome; | |||
thus the historian Polybius and the Stoics Panaitios | |||
and Posedonios were warmly received in the Philhel- | |||
lenes’ circle. Educated Romans were familiar with | |||
the principal schools in Greek philosophy. Stoicism | |||
became popular among the aristocracy, while the | |||
middle strata were more inclined towards Epicu¬ | |||
reanism. | |||
The art of oratory, which was particularly neces¬ | |||
sary for success in the popular assembly and the | |||
courts, made great advances. The ability to be per¬ | |||
suasive assumed a knowledge of human psychology. | |||
One school of oratory even insisted that the skill of | |||
rousing the listeners’ emotions was more important | |||
than a knowledge of law and custom. Attention to | |||
the psychology of persons of different sex, age, and | |||
status became a distinguishing trait of Roman es¬ | |||
thetic theories and Roman art. Roman nobles, who | |||
began to write a history of Rome in Greek, aimed in | |||
part at their readers’ psychology, hoping to persuade | |||
the Greeks that the Romans’ victories and their right | |||
to rule the world were rooted in their exceptional | |||
virtues. But the Roman virtues did not inspire much | |||
confidence among the vanquished. The Greek Poly¬ | |||
bius, who was close to the Scipios’ circle, ap¬ | |||
proached the problem in a different fashion. Taking | |||
into account the Greeks’ interest in the problem | |||
of ideal political order, he wrote the Universal His¬ | |||
tory-a. history of Roman victories intended to prove | |||
that these victories stemmed from and were justified | |||
by Rome’s perfect political system. Rome was the | |||
only state that proved able to combine the advan¬ | |||
tages of monarchy (as represented by the magis¬ | |||
trates), aristocracy (represented by the Senate) and | |||
democracy (represented by the popular assembly). | |||
An ideal political system uniting all citizens and | |||
ensuring everyone’s proper rights, provided they | |||
performed their duties, made Rome invincible and | |||
capable of founding a great state and of ruling it for | |||
the benefit of its people. Polybius’s theory, along | |||
with the Romans’ confidence in their mission to rule | |||
the world, intended for them from the beginning by | |||
destiny and the gods, formed the basis of Roman | |||
political thought and later of the official ideology of | |||
the Roman empire. | |||
During the Second Punic War, to inspire hope for | |||
divine intervention among the citizenry, and to | |||
achieve closer unity with their allies from Greek | |||
cities by stressing the common origin of the Greeks | |||
and Aeneas’s descendants, the Romans, the Senate | |||
commenced to include in the Roman pantheon some | |||
foreign gods-Venus Erucina, so called after her | |||
famous temple on Mt Eryx (Erice) in Sicily; Cybele, | |||
the Great Mother of Gods worshipped on Mt Ida in | |||
Pergamum; and somewhat later Aesculapius, the | |||
god of doctoring. The Saturnalia, the festivities in | |||
honour of the god Saturn, were now organised after | |||
the model of the Greek Kronia and intended to | |||
remind the people of the Golden Age of plenty and | |||
freedom. The masters offered food and drink to their | |||
slaves, who took part in the noisy, carnival-style | |||
merry-making along with free men. Various new | |||
games in honour of the gods were initiated. In 265, | |||
during the funeral of the former dictator Junius | |||
Pera, his grandsons replaced the custom of killing | |||
captives, as part of the ceremony during funerals of | |||
highborn citizens, by fights among these captives. | |||
That was the beginning of gladiatorial fights, which | |||
were soon moved to the circus and enjoyed great | |||
popularity among all sections of the population. | |||
Stage plays, after the Greek model, were also intro¬ | |||
duced in Rome, and a whole constellation of play¬ | |||
wrights immediately appeared. As a rule, they took | |||
Greek tragedies and comedies as their material, | |||
adapting them to the Roman public’s taste. Mere | |||
fragments of their countless works have survived, | |||
and only the works of Plautus and Terence have | |||
been fully preserved. Terence (190-150 B. C.) was a | |||
freedman, accepted, despite his past, in the Scipionic | |||
circle. His comedies, copying Greek models, written | |||
in refined language and full of moral dicta, bored | |||
the general public, while the comedies of Plautus | |||
(254-184 B. C.), who came from the lowest strata of | |||
the plebs, were extremely popular. He also took the | |||
plots of Greek comedies as his starting point, but he | |||
filled them with numerous details borrowed from | |||
Roman folklore, everyday life, or court cases, and | |||
with funny jokes. The principal character in most of | |||
§. his plays was a slave —dodgy, cunning and resource- | |||
5 ful. With his inexhaustible supply of tricks, he | |||
^ helped the son of his master, a stingy grumbler, to | |||
make the father part with the money the youth | |||
§ needed to buy the freedom of his beloved, a pimp’s | |||
jj slave (who in the end proved to be a freeborn maid | |||
| whom the young man could marry). Plautus’s com- | |||
^ edies showed the spectators a whole range of types | |||
5 they knew so well-citizens of modest means preoc- | |||
288 | |||
cupied with their villas and commerce, boastful sol¬ | |||
diers, shrewish wives, toadies, swaggering major- | |||
domo slaves, etc. Each actor had to wear a costume | |||
and wig suitable to his character during the | |||
performance, which was accompanied by flute-play¬ | |||
ing. The actors, recruited among the common peo¬ | |||
ple, freedmen, and slaves (the actor’s craft deprived | |||
the man who practised it of a citizen’s honour), as | |||
well as the musicians and the playwrights, were | |||
organised in colleges attached to the Apollo temple. | |||
Plays about life in Rome (the so-called togatae, as dis¬ | |||
tinct from the Greek palliatae) were also produced. | |||
The rule was that a slave could be cleverer than his | |||
master in comedies about Greek life but not in the | |||
togatae. A genre of comedies arose on the Italic soil | |||
that were called atellanae (from Atella, a city in Cam¬ | |||
pania), with a set of masks (the Fool, the Glutton, | |||
the Scoundrel, the Stinger, the Gossip), but not even | |||
fragments of these comedies have survived. | |||
Next to Plautus and Terence, their older contem¬ | |||
porary, Livius Andronicus, born in Tarentum, made | |||
into a slave and then freed, also enjoyed great | |||
renown. He was the first to begin writing plays, and | |||
he also translated the Odyssey into Latin. Naevius, a | |||
Roman citizen and veteran of the First Punic War, | |||
wrote besides comedies, an epic poem about that | |||
war, starting from Aeneas’s wanderings. Although | |||
only fragments of that work have survived, it can be | |||
assumed to have expressed the idea of Rome’s great | |||
mission and to have praised the virtues of the | |||
Romans. Ennius, a citizen of the Calabrian town q | |||
near Brindisium, sang the praises of the Roman aris¬ | |||
tocracy in works of extreme diversity-he wrote | |||
many tragedies, the Annals (a patriotic history of | |||
Rome in verse), and translated Euhemerus’s Sacred | |||
History, which endeavoured to prove that the gods | |||
were ancient kings and heroes deified for their deeds. | |||
The poet Lucilius, who came from an aristocratic | |||
family and was close to the Philhellenes, wrote | |||
satires on various themes; thus he described, in jocu¬ | |||
lar style, a council of the gods convened by Jupiter to | |||
decide on punishment for a certain unworthy | |||
Roman. In Plautus’s comedy Amphitryon, Jupiter | |||
appeared as Amphitryon, the husband of Alcmene, | |||
the future mother of Hercules, in order to get into | |||
her bedroom, while Mercury assumed the guise of | |||
Amphitryon’s slave Sossius, which led to all sorts of | |||
funny situations in which the gods appeared ridicu¬ | |||
lous-something quite incompatible with the | |||
Romans’ traditional solemn attitude towards the | |||
gods. Those were the first cracks in the attitude of | |||
the Roman community to the religion of their ances¬ | |||
tors, if not in the whole of Roman ideology. | |||
Acquaintanceship with the Odyssey in Livius | |||
Andronicus’s translation and with statues and pic¬ | |||
tures brought from Greece and Asia Minor and | |||
placed in temples and squares made a decisive im¬ | |||
pact not only on the Philhellenes but also on all | |||
Romans. The Greek gods, given Latin names by | |||
Roman poets and playwrights (thus, Zeus became | |||
Jupiter; Hera, Juno; Athena, Minerva; Aphrodite, | |||
Venus; Demeter, Ceres; Cronos, Saturn, etc.), were | |||
identified with Roman gods and linked with Greek | |||
myths, which were already well known to the specta¬ | |||
tors of tragedies. | |||
The poets and playwrights who wrote at the end | |||
of the 3rd and the 2nd centuries were mostly clients | |||
of aristocratic families and did their best to glorify | |||
their patrons and the ancestry of their patrons. Thus | |||
Scipio Africanus was said to have been the son of | |||
none other than Jupiter. Ennius dedicated to him | |||
verses that were full of rapturous praise. Roman | |||
generals became patrons of many provincial cities | |||
and tribes, which built temples in their honour | |||
(e. g., the temple of Flamininus). Contempt for the | |||
common people became widespread among the | |||
upper strata. Lucilius defined virtues as science or | |||
knowledge that was only accessible to an educated | |||
person. This view, adopted by the privileged strata, | |||
was later expressed in the brief maxim : virtue is wis¬ | |||
dom, of which the plebs has none. | |||
The growing strength of the nobility incited a | |||
reaction among the higher strata as well as among | |||
the plebs. The opposition took various forms, includ¬ | |||
ing resistance against Hellenic culture spread by the | |||
Philhellenes. This resistance was led by Cato, one of | |||
the few plebeians who became a consul and a censor. | |||
He was famous among the plebeians as an inflexible | |||
guardian of the “customs of the ancestors”. His per¬ | |||
sonal and political rivalry with the Scipios was | |||
aggravated, particularly during his censorship, by | |||
his campaign against foreign excesses-luxury, effe¬ | |||
minacy, laziness, swagger, profit-seeking and a pen¬ | |||
chant for fame. The Greeks, Cato wrote, boasted of | |||
their heroes, while Rome’s greatness had been built | |||
by all Romans, who demanded no reward other | |||
than recognition of their deserts by the compatriots. | |||
The citizens’ stern virtue, courage, and modesty had | |||
19-344 | |||
brought glory to Rome. Cato’s statue with a grateful peregrines. On coming into office, city praetors pub- | |||
inscription was erected, at the people’s expense, in lished edicts defining their intentions in solving cases | |||
the temple of Salus, the goddess of Salvation. Cato of certain types, and the sorcalled inter dicta, mostly | |||
was particularly hostile to Greek philosophy and aimed at defending possession of property. All these | |||
rhetoric. When the philosopher Carneades, who documents, together with senatus consulta, plebiscites, | |||
arrived with a Greek embassy, made a speech prais- magistrates’ instructions and decisions of judges con¬ | |||
ing justice, so highly valued by the Romans, and on stituting the precedents, made law extremely com- | |||
the next day, another speech proving that there was plex and chaotic, in Cicero’s words. A knowledge of | |||
no justice whatever in the world, and, if there had law, along with the art of rhetoric, was one of the few | |||
been, the Romans would have had to give up all ways of achieving eminence for those who, like | |||
their conquered lands, Cato hastily expelled him Cicero, came from the lower classes. There emerged | |||
from Rome that he might not corrupt Roman youth. a theory of the rights of peoples, natural law, and | |||
Later, the issue of justice became a burning one for civil law (which only applied to Roman citizens, | |||
Rome. Cicero, who spent a great deal of effort on regulating the relations between them), of the differ- | |||
reconciling what is useful with that which is just and ence between natural justice and formal application | |||
noble, finally found the solution, announcing that of literally interpreted law which might result in | |||
usefulness and justice coincided when peoples or in- “supreme injustice”. All this accorded with purely | |||
dividuals incapable of making reasonable use of Roman ideas and needs. On the purely theoretical | |||
their freedom were subordinated to others. Some plane, the Epicurean interpretation of law as a result | |||
senators supported Cato’s fight against foreign in- of “social contract” was borrowed from the Greeks, | |||
fluences and innovations. Thus, when a man who and so was the Stoic one identifying the law of the | |||
owned land on the Janiculum announced in 181 that city with that of the universe, the “supreme reason of | |||
he had dug up Numa’s tomb and the books he had the divinity”, | |||
written, expounding Pythagoras’s philosophy, the | |||
Senate issued an order to burn those books. | |||
The spreading of “foreign excesses”, stimulated The First Stage of the Civil Wars. Conflicts between the | |||
by objective changes in the life of society, could not different social strata of Roman society became par- | |||
be stopped by agitation or forcible measures. By no ticularly exacerbated when slaves’ resistance began | |||
means all elements of Greek culture were assimi- to assume extremely dangerous forms due to the in- | |||
lated, though. For instance, the Sophists’ idea that tensification of their exploitation by big property- | |||
the strong had the right to trample laws and mora- owners, and their degradation to the state of beasts | |||
lity, placing himself beyond good and evil, was of burden from their former position of members of | |||
never absorbed, as it was incompatible with the tra- the family in which two or three slaves worked | |||
ditional Roman respect for the good of all. Neither together with the master and took part in the Lares | |||
was there any interest for Utopian theories, so popu- cult. In the early 2nd century B.C., there were | |||
lar in Greece, as the Romans believed that the ideal several outbreaks of unrest among Carthaginians | |||
social structure had already been implemented in sold into slavery. In the 180s, the slave herdsmen of | |||
the Roman republic. The Romans accepted the Apulia revolted. These movements were quickly | |||
Greek cults only to the extent to which they did not suppressed, but the uprising of slaves in Sicily, begun | |||
violate ancient morality. The cult of Dionysus, iden- ^ in 138, posed a real threat to slave-owners. The land- | |||
tified with the Italic Liber, was permitted, but with- §. owners of that province, fleeced by Roman gover- | |||
out the nocturnal orgies, the bacchanalia, banned & nors and publicani, tried to recover their losses by | |||
by a special senatus consultum. harsh exploitation of their numerous slaves, most of | |||
Roman law, which always played a significant I whom came from Syria and Asia Minor. Besides, | |||
role in Roman society, developed on an independent | there were not only major landowners but also quite | |||
basis. Compared with the laws of the XII Tablets, it a few very poor peasants there, who owned plots of | |||
had grown quite complex, as had Roman society | one jugerum only. In the cities, numerous slaves toiled | |||
itself. A special praetor was appointed to try cases of ? in artisans’ workshops that exported their products, | |||
litigation between citizens and non-citizens, or the Driven to despair, the slaves rose in revolt; they were | |||
290 | |||
led by the Syrian Eunus (who was regarded as a pro¬ | |||
phet and elected king under the name of Antiochus) | |||
and the Cilician Cleo, who joined his force with that | |||
of Eunus. The cities of Enna and Tauromenium | |||
became the centres of the uprising. The numbers of | |||
the insurgents swelled as they were joined by peas¬ | |||
ants. The Roman armies sent against Eunus and | |||
Cleo suffered one defeat after another. They ma¬ | |||
naged to take Enna and Tauromenium only in | |||
132, largely because of treason. Almost simul¬ | |||
taneously with that uprising began the revolt in Per- | |||
gamum headed by Aristonicus, a pretender to the | |||
Pergamum throne. He was joined by all opponents | |||
of the passage of Pergamum under Roman domina¬ | |||
tion. Slaves and impoverished free citizens, who | |||
dreamed of founding the just state of the Heliopo- | |||
lites, or worshippers of the sun-god, Helios, were the | |||
prime force of the uprising. Slaves also rebelled on | |||
Delos, Chios and in Attica. The uprisings were only | |||
suppressed at a great cost. | |||
Slaves’ uprisings and the fall of the Roman army’s | |||
fighting efficiency threatened the stability of Roman | |||
power. Shrewd politicians realised the need for | |||
reforms that might revive the peasant army and | |||
unite the citizenry. One of these politicians was | |||
Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, a man of noble | |||
extraction, Scipio Africanus’s grandson on the | |||
maternal side, a disciple of the Greek philosopher | |||
Blossius, and a veteran of the Third Punic and of the | |||
Spanish wars in which he saw for himself the sad | |||
state of the Roman army. Elected a tribune of the p | |||
people in 133, he proposed a bill restricting public 4 | |||
land that could be occupied by citizens to 500 jugera ^ | |||
(plus 250 jugera for each of two grownup sons); the ^ | |||
surplus would be distributed among the poor in | |||
holdings of 30 jugera. The proposed law was in fact in 5 | |||
line with the traditional recognition of the civic com- ^ | |||
munity’s supreme ownership of land and its right to ~ | |||
dispose of it, but it was fiercely resisted by the great g | |||
majority of big landowners, who persuaded Tiber- 5 | |||
ius’s colleague, the tribune M. Octavius, to veto the 4 | |||
bill. Tiberius then asked the popular assembly if > | |||
someone acting against the people’s interest could be £3 | |||
a tribune of the people. The assembly, attended by p | |||
masses of peasants, divested Octavius of power, I | |||
which was an unheard-of violation of the Roman ' | |||
tradition that did not permit an elected official to be " | |||
recalled before his mandate expired, and voted for ■§ | |||
Tiberius’s bill. A committee of three was elected for ? | |||
291 | |||
the implementation of the law - Tiberius himself, his | |||
father-in-law Appius Claudius Pulcher, and his | |||
brother Gaius. Tiberius proposed to use the treasury | |||
of Pergamum to supply the peasants receiving land | |||
with everything they would need for work, which | |||
ran counter to the interests of the publicani and big | |||
landowners. When Tiberius announced his intention | |||
to run for the tribunate for the second year in succes¬ | |||
sion (which also contravened the tradition), his | |||
opponents, mobilising all their forces, began an in¬ | |||
tense campaign against him, accusing him of royal | |||
pretensions. On the day of voting, they brought all | |||
their supporters and clients to the popular assembly. | |||
It all ended in a massacre, during which Tiberius | |||
and 300 his followers were killed. | |||
His law was implemented very slowly in the face | |||
of desperate resistance of the owners of occupied | |||
lands (possessores). Scipio Aemilianus, who lent his | |||
authority to the opposition, proposed that the dis¬ | |||
putes arising in the implementation of the law | |||
should be considered by the Senate, which naturally | |||
slowed down the process. Soon Scipio Aemilianus | |||
was found dead in his bedroom, and the adherents of | |||
the reform were immediately accused of secret assas¬ | |||
sination of the famous hero. The affair was compli¬ | |||
cated by unrest among the Italic allies, who insisted | |||
that they had not been fairly compensated for the | |||
burden of the wars which they had shared with the | |||
Romans. They also demanded Roman citizenship | |||
for themselves, in order to gain access to land and all | |||
those rights and freedoms which Roman citizens | |||
enjoyed. A rejection of their demands caused an | |||
uprising in Asculum. The revolt was crushed, but | |||
the problem of the allies became a constant worry | |||
for the Romans. | |||
In 124, Gaius Gracchus was elected tribune of the | |||
people. He saw himself as his brother’s successor, | |||
but, not content with merely repeating his agrarian | |||
law, he wanted to build a broad front of the various | |||
social strata opposed to the Senate. He promulgated | |||
the so-called lexfrumentaria (corn law), which bene¬ | |||
fited the urban plebs; by that law, poor plebeians | |||
were allowed to buy 60 modia of wheat at a reduced | |||
price (6.3 asses per modius). A new road-building | |||
project was intended to give employment to contrac¬ | |||
tors and workers. The law proposing to farm out the | |||
tithe in the new province of Asia, and another on the | |||
participation of the equites in the courts, benefited | |||
the publicani and the equestrian order. The peasants’ | |||
19 * | |||
interests were to be met by a law limiting military | |||
service to 17 years, providing them with arms at | |||
state expense, and extending the right of appeal to | |||
the popular assembly to include soldiers, to curb the | |||
abuses of commanders. Besides, Gaius proposed to | |||
found colonies for 6,000 in Capua, Tarentum and | |||
Carthage, giving each colonist a land allotment of | |||
200 jugera. Finally, he proposed to grant Roman citi¬ | |||
zenship to the allies. But this last suggestion was in¬ | |||
tensely disliked by the Roman plebs which did not | |||
want to share its rights and privileges with the Ital¬ | |||
ics. The opposition again raised its head and started | |||
an agitation against Gaius. He was accused of ne¬ | |||
glect for the curse on the land of Carthage. At a | |||
popular assembly convened to discuss this issue, | |||
fighting broke out between Gaius’s followers and his | |||
opponents. In the end, the former occupied the | |||
Aventine, but the consul Opimius, granted extraor¬ | |||
dinary powers, led his supporters and a mercenary | |||
unit, the Cretan archers, against them. Three thou¬ | |||
sand Gracchans were killed, and Gaius himself com¬ | |||
mitted suicide. Later, Cicero accused the Gracchi of | |||
being the initiators of civil wars that lasted a | |||
hundred years, and of inciting the people’s unruli¬ | |||
ness. In his work on oratory he gave a list of argu¬ | |||
ments counsel for the defence could use to justify | |||
assassination, citing Opimius as one of the examples: | |||
in killing Gaius Gracchus, the latter saved the | |||
republic. The people, however, revered the memory | |||
of the Gracchi. | |||
The Gracchi reforms were to some extent neutra¬ | |||
lised. In 119 B. C., the agrarian commission was dis¬ | |||
solved (though it had granted land allotments to | |||
some 50 or 75 thousand families), and according to | |||
the law of 111, both land received from the commis¬ | |||
sion and land occupied in Italy and the provinces, | |||
regardless of the size of the holding, was declared | |||
private, i. e., rent-free and not subject to redistribu¬ | |||
tion. The lex frumentaria and the law on courts | |||
remained in force, and the participation of the | |||
equites in the courts made court trials an especially | |||
sharp weapon in the hands of the conflicting groups. | |||
New conquests in Gaul, where the Allobrogi tribe | |||
was subdued and a new province, of which Tolosa | |||
was the capital, established, as well as the founding | |||
of the Narbo colony and of two colonies on the | |||
Balearic Islands, provided more lands for the pea¬ | |||
sants and satisfied the businessmen. For a while, | |||
peace was restored, but it did not last long, as the | |||
most acute issues remained. It was, in fact, impos¬ | |||
sible to restore the Roman community of peasants | |||
and warriors (which was the Gracchi’s ultimate | |||
aim; under the conditions of developing commodity- | |||
money relations, slavery, increasing social differen¬ | |||
tiation, and economic inequality. | |||
The war with Jugurtha, a pretender to the Numi- | |||
dian throne, which began in 111 B. C., showed the | |||
extent of the corruption of the Roman army and its | |||
command. The soldiers cared for nothing but the | |||
booty. The commanders, including Opimius, the | |||
murderer of Gaius Gracchus, bribed by Jugurtha, | |||
lost battles to him. During that war, which was a dis¬ | |||
grace to Rome, two men rose to prominence, Marius | |||
and Sulla, who were destined to play an enormous | |||
role in the fate of the republic. | |||
Gaius Marius came from a small village near the | |||
city of Arpinum; he began his military career in | |||
Spain, under Caecilius Metellus, the patron of Mar¬ | |||
ius’s father. Metellus’s patronage, Marius’s courage, | |||
and later his marriage to a woman of noble birth | |||
(Julius Caesar’s aunt) helped Marius in his career | |||
that was exceptional for a person of humble birth. | |||
Rising from one magistracy to another, he was | |||
finally elected consul in 107 and carried out an im¬ | |||
portant military reform. Now everyone could join | |||
the army regardless of their property qualifications; | |||
apart from salary and part of the booty, soldiers | |||
received a land allotment on retirement after 16 to | |||
20 years of service. The agrarian question was now | |||
shifted to quite a different plane: land allotments | |||
were now a prize for the indigent plebeians serving | |||
in the army, and the army could fight for its interests | |||
much more effectively than the popular assembly. | |||
The veterans now expected their land allotments to | |||
come from their commander, who was, as it were, | |||
obliged to provide them, and not from the Roman | |||
people. The ties between the civic community and | |||
the soldiers weakened, while their links with the | |||
supreme commander grew stronger. He protected | |||
§. their interests in the government, and they sup- | |||
5 ported him with their votes and, if peaceful means | |||
g were inadequate, with their arms. | |||
2, Another traditional mainstay of the life of the | |||
5 Roman civic community, the inalienable link | |||
io between the concepts of “warrior” and “citizen”, | |||
| was also broke; not all citizens were now obliged to | |||
s be warriors. All this signified the beginning crisis of | |||
g Rome as a civic community. It could no longer | |||
292 | |||
remain such a community, as it had become the the capital of the insurgents. They won several vic- | |||
centreofan enormous state where conflicts were rife tories, although they failed to capture any fortified | |||
between slaves and slave-owners, big and small cities, especially because the urban slaves did not | |||
landowners, Senate and plebs, citizens and Italics, support them. The uprising was suppressed, and | |||
Italics and provincials, and in the provinces, Sicilian slaves were forbidden to carry arms on pain | |||
between a handful of the pro-Roman aristocracy of death, even for hunting. | |||
and all the other social strata. The civic community This uprising in Sicily, just as the previous one, in- | |||
could not overcome these conflicts in the absence of cited unrest among the plebeians in Rome. In the 1st | |||
a well-developed state apparatus. The army became century B. C., two parties in Rome’s political life | |||
the only real force. Earlier, it was a force directed took shape th t populates and the optimates. The opti- | |||
against the outside world. Marius’s reform made it a mates were supporters of the power of the Senate and | |||
force capable of asserting itself within Rome as well. its monopoly of exploiting the provinces and the | |||
Marius recruited an army, introduced iron disci- public lands; they opposed any reforms that bene- | |||
pline in it, and changed its structure - the principal fited the plebs and any increase in the power of the | |||
unit was now a cohort consisting of six centuries, so tribunes of the people. The populates supported such | |||
that a legion was now made up of 10 cohorts and 60 reforms and appealed to popular assemblies and ral- | |||
centuries. This army routed Jugurtha, who fled to lies of the plebs. Though they had no official status, | |||
the Mauretanian king Bocchus. Lucius Cornelius these rallies played an increasing role in Rome’s | |||
Sulla, Marius’s questor, was sent to conduct negotia- political life. | |||
tions with Bocchus and secured the extradition of The question of whether the optimates and the | |||
Jugurtha, thus laying the beginning of a dizzy populates were, in a sense, political parties, has been | |||
career. debated in modern scholarly literature on several | |||
Marius’s army also honourably acquitted itself in occasions. Apparently they were not parties in the | |||
another hard test-the war with the Germanic tribes modern sense of the word; they had no orderly | |||
of the Cimbri and Teutones, who invaded Gaul and organisation, Rules, or permanent membership, in¬ | |||
northern Italy and inflicted a number of crushing dividual politicians constantly changing sides. Still, | |||
defeats on the Romans, who lost 60,000 soldiers. they were sufficiently clearcut trends with their dis- | |||
Marius, now elected consul year after year, repulsed tinct programmes and ideologies, with which we are | |||
the onslaught of the Germans after some hard fight- familiar from the works of the optimas Cicero and the | |||
ing in 102 and 101, capturing 150,000 prisoners of populatis Sallust. Both admitted that Rome’s affairs | |||
war, including Teutobodes, king of the Teutones. £ were in a bad way, and that the cause of that lay in | |||
In the same year 101 B. C., Marius’s colleague, H deviation from the customs of the ancestors, and | |||
consul Aquilius, suppressed another uprising of slaves ~ from the ideal republican system they had created, | |||
in Sicily, which had lasted for three years. The inci- s Cicero held that this deviation was due to the “unru- | |||
dent that started the war strikingly characterises the * liness” of the people and of the tribunes of the peo- | |||
position of the population of the Roman provinces g pie the demagogues who undermined the authority | |||
and vassal kingdoms. To fight the Germans, Marius 'A of the Senate and of the optimates, i. e., rich and | |||
asked the king of Bithynia to send auxiliary units, ^ noble citizens or simply the well-to-do who were not | |||
but the latter replied that he could not comply with s’ inclined to rebel. The government should be in the | |||
the request as most of his subjects had been sold into “ hands of those entitled to rule by their origin, | |||
slavery to various provinces by the publicani. The _| wealth, and education; the common people must | |||
Senate ordered an inquiry into the matter and the pursue their occupations, obey laws and maintain | |||
restoration of freedom for the unlawfully enslaved. S3 peace and tranquility. Cicero believed the attempts | |||
The governor of Sicily freed 800 slaves but then o to undermine the existing relations of property, to | |||
stopped the inquiry, bribed by the masters. The § redistribute land and cancel debts to be the greatest | |||
slaves rebelled, electing the Syrian Salvius, who took 'A evil contravening natural justice and all the norms of | |||
the name of Tryphon, their king. Another rebel » human intercourse. In Sallust’s view, all misfortunes | |||
army was commanded by the Cilician Athenion, ■§. came, on the contrary, from divesting the people of | |||
who later joined forces with Tryphon in Triocala, § power and from the abuses of the corrupt, suborned, | |||
293 | |||
and decadent nobility. The people and the tribunes | |||
of the people must occupy their proper place and | |||
show the Senate and the magistrates that all their | |||
laws and actions were powerless without the people, | |||
as the plebeians’ secessions had once showed. After | |||
its victory, the people would have to do away with | |||
luxury, the power of money, and usury, becoming | |||
again a people of peasants and warriors. | |||
The populares, who were often scions of noble fami¬ | |||
lies, frequently spoke at rallies of the common people | |||
(the conciliaplebis), denouncing rich property owners | |||
who barred the access to public lands for the ple¬ | |||
beians, made their debtors work in fetters on their | |||
immense estates, and surrounded themselves with | |||
crowds of slaves, some of whom, being their masters’ | |||
favourites, were better off than many freeborn | |||
citizens. Their speeches apparently echoed the views | |||
of Poseidonius, who endeavoured to prove the perni¬ | |||
cious effect of excessive development of slavery, cit¬ | |||
ing the Sicilian uprisings as an example. The | |||
speeches of the populares found a lively response | |||
among listeners. Legends about Roman kings were | |||
very popular among the plebs, especially the one | |||
about Servius Tullius, who had given the people | |||
land liberating them from dependence, and had | |||
offered everyone a chance for promotion through | |||
ability rather than noble birth. Fortune, Servius | |||
Tullius’s beloved, who had humiliated the highborn | |||
and elevated worthy simple people, was worshipped, | |||
as were the Lares, guarantors of justice in relations | |||
between members of families and between neigh¬ | |||
bours. Colleges dedicated to their cult embraced ple¬ | |||
beians and slaves and were the broadest and the | |||
most active organisations. | |||
In the late 2nd and early 1st centuries B. C., | |||
Marius, who enjoyed great popularity, was the | |||
recognised leader of the populares. His demand for | |||
land for his veterans was opposed by the Senate, and | |||
that threatened to bring to nought his military | |||
reform and to undermine his personal authority. ^ | |||
Marius was supported by the popular tribunes Apu- a | |||
leius Saturninus and Servilius Glaucia who, relying 5 | |||
on the votes of Marius’s veterans, promulgated in j | |||
100 B. C. a law providing for the founding of | |||
colonies for veterans in Gaul, Sicily, Achaia, | | |||
Macedonia, and Africa, where each veteran would i | |||
get an allotment of 100 jugera. That made them I | |||
owners of villas similar to those of Cato. The next - | |||
year Marius was elected consul for the sixth time, |- | |||
and Saturninus, tribune of the people for a second | |||
term. But during the election campaign of Glaucia, | |||
who was to be elected praetor, his supporters killed | |||
Memmius, the optimates’ candidate, which resulted | |||
in fresh disturbances. The supporters of Saturninus | |||
and Glaucia occupied the Capitol. The Senate dec¬ | |||
lared a state of emergency and entrusted Marius | |||
with the task of suppressing the rebellion, which the | |||
latter did after some hesitation. The Capitol was | |||
taken, Saturninus and Glaucia were killed, and their | |||
followers banished from Rome. Marius’s betrayal | |||
made his position insecure, and he was compelled to | |||
leave for Asia. | |||
The Social War and the Disintegration of the Roman Civic | |||
Community. The optimates won a temporary victory, | |||
but the unrest continued. The allies (socii) again | |||
demanded Roman citizenship; when the Senate | |||
refused to grant it, they rebelled. The war with the | |||
allies, called the Social War, lasted from 91 to 88 | |||
B. C. and was fought with extreme ferocity'. In the | |||
city of Asculum, where the uprising began, all | |||
Romans were slaughtered. The Picenes, the Marsi, | |||
the Samnites and other, poorer tribes joined the | |||
rebels. Big landowners in Etruria, Umbria, northern | |||
Italy, as well as Greek dues and Latin and Roman | |||
colonies, remained loyal to Rome. The rebel army, | |||
commanded by the Marsian Pompedius Silo and the | |||
Samnite Papius Mutilus, was about 100,000 strong. | |||
Capturing the colonies, the rebels killed the local | |||
nobles and recruited in their army the common peo¬ | |||
ple and the slaves, who massacred their masters. | |||
Rome resorted to recruiting units of Gauls, Numi- | |||
dians and Spaniards, and still it could not achieve | |||
success. All Campania fell into the hands of the | |||
allies, and even Etruria and Umbria began to vacil¬ | |||
late. In the end, Rome had to make concessions. In | |||
89 B. C., all Italy south of the Padus was granted | |||
Roman citizenship, and in 88 B. C., Cisalpine Gaul | |||
received Latin citizenship. In that same year, the | |||
Roman army, commanded by Sulla, reoccupied | |||
Campania and defeated the allies. | |||
Although at first the new citizens were distributed | |||
only among eight or ten tribes, to diminish their in¬ | |||
fluence, the impact of the war was still quite consid¬ | |||
erable. Roman citizens, who now inhabited the | |||
whole of Italy, could not, practically speaking, take | |||
part in popular assemblies, so that the principle of | |||
294 | |||
citizen participation in the government became powers of the tribunes of the people and of the popu- | |||
void, as did the link between citizenship and owning lar assembly were curtailed and those of the Senate | |||
land on community territory for now any inhabitant increased. | |||
of Italy could own land in any part of its territory. However, as soon as Sulla left, at the head of his | |||
Service in the legions became accessible to the new army, for the war against Mithridates, the populares | |||
citizens, who received land for it, and the influence raised their head again. The consul L. Cornelius | |||
of supreme commanders spread throughout Italy. Cinna revived the proposals of Sulpicius Rufus, but | |||
Italy was thus completely Romanised. The influence Cinna’s colleague Octavius, an optimas, pressed his | |||
of well-to-do citizens and owners of villas and slaves expulsion, and Cinna was forced to leave for Cam- | |||
grew, as they were mostly elected to the offices of city pania, where the soldiers stationed there went over | |||
magistrates and municipal councils. to his side. Marius returned from Africa. Disembark- | |||
At the same time the situation in the provinces ing in Etruria, he began to gather his supporters and | |||
further deteriorated. The war with king Mithrida- even promised slaves freedom. Slaves began to | |||
tes VI of Pontus began. Concluding alliances with throng towards his camp, but that gave his | |||
Nicomedes III, king of Bithynia, with Tigranes, opponents a reason to describe his actions as those of | |||
king of Armenia, with the Thracians and the Scyth- a tyrant. Even his personal bodyguard (the Bar- | |||
ians, Mithridates captured nearly all of the Pontic diaei) consisted of slaves. Combining their forces, | |||
coast, Paphlagonia, and Galatia; in Cappadocia, he Cinna and Marius took Rome, cancelled Sulla’s | |||
overthrew the Roman protege and installed a crea- orders and began to persecute his followers, killing | |||
ture of his own. As he moved across Asia Minor, the them and confiscating their property. Together with | |||
provincials everywhere received Mithridates as their Cinna, Marius was elected consul for the year 86 (his | |||
liberator. In response to his call, the population of seventh consulship), but he soon died. Many of his | |||
the province of Asia slaughtered on the same day followers resented the fact that Marius had armed | |||
80,000 Romans, Italics, their freedmen and slaves slaves. One of these malcontents, Sertorius, led a | |||
living there. On taking Delos, a major trade centre, unit of troops which surrounded at night the camp of | |||
Mithridates massacred all the Italic businessmen Marius’s bodyguard and massacred them. Valerius | |||
there. When he seized Athens, he drove away the Flaccus, who replaced Marius, and Cinna were | |||
rich pro-Roman aristocracy and established a de- entrusted with command of the army in the war | |||
mocracy. against Mithridates, but both of them were killed — | |||
The Senate entrusted the prosecution of the war Flaccus in Illyria and Cinna, in Ancona, by rebel- | |||
against Mithridates to Sulla, who had proved him- g lious troops. | |||
self a talented general and a confirmed optimas. That i In the meantime, Sulla, supported by the pro-Ro- | |||
decision roused discontent among the populares. (L man aristocracy, achieved major successes in the war | |||
When Sulla left for the army awaiting him at Nola, ^ against Mithridates. After a long siege, he seized | |||
they forced the Senate to hand the command over to ' Athens and let his soldiers sack the city; this was fol- | |||
Marius, who had by that time returned to Rome. ? lowed up by several other victories over the Pontic | |||
Simultaneously, the tribune Sulpicius Rufus pro- army in Greece. In an attempt to strengthen his | |||
mulgated the law on distribution of the new citizens » party, Mithridates declared Greek cities free, can- | |||
among all the tribes and the return of all those g celled debts, announced his intention to redistribute | |||
banished after the rebellion of Saturninus and Glau- § land, granted citizenship to the metics, and freed | |||
cia. Sulla’s soldiers, fearing that Marius would re- 4 many slaves, which increased the aristocracy’s | |||
cruit a fresh army and they would be deprived of a 3 hatred towards him. The Romans won back Mace- | |||
chance of rich booty in Asia Minor, refused to obey 5 donia, Pergamum, and the islands of the Aegean, | |||
the decision of the popular assembly and demanded p Sulla, impatient to return to Rome, concluded peace | |||
that Sulla should lead them against Rome under the § with Mithridates in 85 B. C. Mithridates gave up | |||
plea of saving Rome from Marius’s tyranny. The ^ Asia Minor and had to pay an indemnity of 2.3 mil- | |||
city was taken, Sulpicius Rufus was killed, and his ^ lion talents. As punishment for its disloyalty, Asia | |||
laws were repealed. Marius, declared an enemy of -f had to pay 20,000 talents and tribute for five years, | |||
the people, fled to Africa. On Sulla’s orders, the |i In the spring of 83, Sulla led 1,600 ships to | |||
295 | |||
Brundisium and disembarked 40,000 troops there. gave slaves a chance to take part in the fighting | |||
Prominent optimates flocked to that city. A new civil among freemen. The lands of proscribed individuals | |||
war began, in which Marius’s followers suffered were confiscated and handed over to the veterans at | |||
several defeats. In 82, Sulla seized Rome. Marius’s the bidding of the head of the victorious group and | |||
adherents were punished with extraordinary cruelty. not by sanction of the citizens’ body. Sulla’s absolute | |||
The Samnites who had supported them were exe- and unlimited dictatorship contravened the princi- | |||
cuted in the field of Mars. The cities of Samnium pies of the Roman constitution which, though un- | |||
and Etruria were destroyed. The so-called proscrip- written, was sanctified by custom and tradition, | |||
dons-a list of Sulla’s outlawed opponents-were Sulla’s personality was also far from the ideal of the | |||
announced in Rome. Everyone who killed any of the ancestors-he claimed that Fortune and Venus were | |||
persons proscribed, or informed on them, received a especially kind towards him, and called . himself | |||
reward; if the killer or informer was a slave, the re- Felix, “the lucky one”. At the same time the war | |||
ward was freedom. The property of outlawed between Marians and Sullans showed the signifi- | |||
citizens was confiscated and sold at auctions. Forty cance and strength of the new army. On the whole, | |||
senators and 1,600 knights were thus put to death. the social base of Sulla’s dictatorship was narrow. | |||
Ten thousand slaves who had belonged to pro- The plebeians, the equites, the landowners who lost | |||
scribed persons and who were set free by Sulla (they their estates, the provincials oppressed by their own | |||
were named “cornelians”) formed his personal aristocracy and now fleeced without any checks by | |||
bodyguard. 120,000 veterans received lands in Sam- the governors and their staff consisting of freedmen | |||
nium, Etruria, and Campania. The popular assem- and slaves all were against Sulla. An excellent | |||
bly appointed Sulla dictator. The number of sena- illustration of this fact is Cicero’s famous speeches | |||
tors rose from 300 to 600, all the new members being against Verres, governor of Sicily. In Cicero’s words, | |||
Sulla’s followers. To investigate various criminal even the name of Romans was hated in the prov- | |||
offences, new permanent courts were set up, which inces. The war with Mithridates showed that the | |||
were given the right to mete out punishment in population of the provinces was ready to rise at the | |||
accordance with an emergency procedure. The first opportunity. | |||
equestrian order was barred from participation in The inviability of Sulla’s measures became appar- | |||
the courts. The number of questors and praetors was ent immediately after he gave up the dictatorship, | |||
increased. The governors of provinces-two procon- for reasons still not clear, in 79 B. C., and died a year | |||
suls and eight propraetors-were granted absolute later. Right after a ceremonious funeral, distur- | |||
powers, and the publicani lost their most profitable bances broke out again. Aemilius Lepidus, the con¬ | |||
sources of income in Asia. Sulla introduced greater sul of 78 B. C., tried to abrogate Sulla’s laws, but the | |||
order in the passage of officials through the magis- Senate declared him a public enemy. His army was | |||
tracies and established the candidates’ minimal beaten by a force commanded by Pompey. The | |||
age 30 years for a questor, 40 for a praetor, and 43 Marian Sertorius, invited to Spain by rebellious | |||
for a consul. Tribunes of the people were forbidden Lusitanians, firmly established himself there. He was | |||
to fill magistracies after their term of office. He pub- immensely popular among the tribes of Spain which | |||
fished several laws which introduced harsh penalties believed him to be a favourite of the gods. At the | |||
for criminal offences (murder, forgery, etc.), failure head of an army consisting of these tribesmen and | |||
to obey the magistrates, power abuses, and bribery. ^ the Marians who had fled to Sertorius, he inflicted | |||
Sulla’s measures were an important stage in the a several defeats on Pompey sent against him. Only | |||
transformation of Rome into a state in the modern S after Sertorius’s assassination by a traitor was this | |||
acceptation of the term. -h movement crushed. In 73 B. C., however, a new war | |||
Although Sulla’s dictatorship was supported by Z, with Mithridates began. The Roman forces were | |||
the optimates who proclaimed themselves champions § commanded by L. Lucullus. At first, he won several | |||
of the “customs of the ancestors”, it deviated greatly victories, taking Sinope, Mithridates’s capital, and a | |||
from the norms of the old civic community. Just as | large booty, but his further progress was slowed | |||
Marius’s appeals to slaves, proscriptions under- = down by mutiny among the troops, | |||
mined the absolute power of the pater familias, and In74B. C., at a time of defeats in external conflicts | |||
296 | |||
and at the peak of internal disturbances, a major dangerous to the Roman slave-owners than the | |||
uprising ofslaves broke out; it was headed by Sparta- rebellions in Sicily, showed quite clearly that slaves | |||
cus, a Thracian who had been made a gladiator for had become a numerous class hosdle to slave- | |||
refusal to serve in the Roman auxiliary forces. Anti- owners, and that a strong state was needed to sup- | |||
que authors described Spartacus as a very talented press it. | |||
strategist and a brilliant organiser. The revolt began Despite the slave-owners’ victory, internal diffi- | |||
with the escape of Spartacus and 70 other gladiators culties continued. The agrarian question again | |||
from a gladiators’ training school in Capua. They became acute at that time, although it took some- | |||
established a fortified camp on Mt Vesuvius, and what different forms from those of the past. Veterans | |||
their numbers gradually increased as slaves and im- and poor peasants demanded land allotments and | |||
poverished peasants joined them. A 3,000-strong guarantees from seizure of their holdings by rich | |||
Roman unit barred the descent from Vesuvius, but neighbours. Big landowners demanded guarantees | |||
Spartacus outmanoeuvred it. Using ladders made of against new agrarian laws and redistribution of | |||
wild vines, Spartacus and his force descended Vesu- land. Sulla's followers, buying up the lands of pro- | |||
vius on the opposite side, took the soldiers in the scribed owners for a song, had made immense for- | |||
rear and routed them. Praetor Varinius, sent against tunes. Their estates, often covering many thousand | |||
Spartacus, was also worsted. The slave army grew jugera, were mostly tilled not by slaves but by | |||
rapidly, and soon it was 70,000 strong (100,000, ac- tenants, the colons, who were often their clients, | |||
cording to other sources). The movement spread Strabo mentions that some of Latium’s smaller | |||
from Campania to other regions. Roman historians towns became villages on private lands apparently | |||
believed that Spartacus’s goal was to lead the slaves inhabited by colons. The labour of enslaved debtors | |||
across the Alps to free Gaul. Indeed, at first Spartacus was widely used on such estates. Extensive grazing | |||
triumphantly made his way to the north of Italy. lands were very profitable. Among the richest men | |||
Near Mutina, he defeated the army of the governor of the end of the republic, Pliny the Elder mentioned | |||
of Cisalpine Gaul, opening the way to the Alps, but Cecilius Claudius Isidorus, a freedman who left in | |||
then, instead of crossing them, he turned back. The his will 3,600 pair of oxen, 257,000 heads of other | |||
reasons for that decision were not clear. Somemodern livestock, 4,116 slaves and 60 million sesterces. From | |||
historians believe that discord began among the in- Varro’s work on agriculture we know that its organi- | |||
surgents, while others hold that Spartacus had sation was vastly improved compared to Cato’s | |||
intended to take Rome from the very beginning. In times. The improvement was brought about by | |||
any case, he moved south and beat the army of £ accumulated experiences and knowledge, a well- | |||
both consuls in Picenum. The Senate then sent If thought-out placement of workers, division of labour | |||
against Spartacus the praetor M. Licinius Crassus, ^ among specialists in various branches of the | |||
granted extraordinary powers and assisted by Lu- ^ economy, a system of penalties and rewards, and | |||
cullus and Pompey recalled from Spain. Spartacus, ^ specialisation of the functions of the villa’s consi- | |||
however, went further south, intending to go across s derably increased administrative staff, which now | |||
to Sicily with pirates’ help and stir up rebellion A enjoyed various privileges. For instance, a villicus | |||
among slaves there. But he was deceived by the » was given not only a concubine but also a peculium, | |||
pirates and had great trouble extricating himself 3 which sometimes enabled him to rent part of the | |||
from Bruttium where Crassus had invested him. a master’s land, contract for various jobs, etc. | |||
For reasons unknown, two units, 12,000 strong, f Rational management of an estate, particularly one | |||
broke away from Spartacus’s army and were an- > planted with perennials, demanded capital invest- | |||
nihilated by Crassus’s troops. In 71, the insurgents S ment, but, as Cicero wrote, landowners did not want | |||
were destroyed by Crassus’s army in Apulia, despite $ to invest money in improvements on their estates for | |||
the desperate fight they put up, and Spartacus him- « fear of confiscations and agrarian laws. Guarantees | |||
self fell in battle. The remnants of Spartacus’s army A for small-scale and larger properties and optimal | |||
were mopped up by Pompey, and 6,000 slaves were ;; conditions for land cultivation were becoming vital | |||
crucified along the via Appia. f necessities for further development of the economy, | |||
The Spartacus uprising, which was much more J which had by that time achieved a rather high level. | |||
297 | |||
Craftsmen of all kinds were very numerous, parti¬ | |||
cularly in Rome. Fairly large workshops appeared. | |||
Thus, up to 100 slaves were employed in some work¬ | |||
shops producing fine pottery. Jewellers, craftsmen | |||
dying fabrics in purple, perfumers and others toiled | |||
to produce luxury articles. Thousands of slaves and | |||
plebeians worked on the construction of villas, city | |||
residences, and public buildings. Household crafts | |||
continued to exist, but urban craftsmen who worked | |||
for the market or to fill clients’ orders played an in¬ | |||
creasing role. Not only luxury objects but also food¬ | |||
stuffs, clothes, and objects of metal and wood were | |||
items of trade. Apart from wholesale merchants | |||
there were small shopkeepers and pedlars. The level | |||
achieved by agriculture, the crafts, and trade | |||
became incompatible with the social system of old | |||
peasant Rome. | |||
The republic, which had arisen on the basis of the | |||
civic community, could no longer cope with the new | |||
social and economic tasks. Ruled by a fraction of the | |||
nobility, which grew rich by plundering the prov¬ | |||
inces, and by citizens who could attend popular | |||
assemblies (these were mostly urban plebeians fed | |||
and amused with money pumped out of the provin¬ | |||
ces), it could not build a broader social basis, either | |||
in Italy or in the provinces, for Roman domination, | |||
and neither did it see any need for such a basis. It | |||
was also unable to transform the army-the main | |||
force in the civil wars-into a part of the military | |||
and bureaucratic mechanism necessary to run the | |||
state. Realising that a strong army was needed to | |||
maintain sway over the conquered lands and to | |||
acquire new ones, the Senate at the same time con¬ | |||
tinually fought supreme commanders and thus the | |||
army over allotments for veterans. As for the com¬ | |||
manders, they had to rely on the popular assembly | |||
on this issue, in order not to lose their authority, and | |||
that meant concessions to the plebs. | |||
The Fall of the Senate Republic. That was exactly what 5. | |||
happened in 70 B. C., when the optimas Pompey and -5 | |||
the Sullan Crassus, famous for his wealth acquired ^ | |||
during the proscriptions, gained consulships, with r | |||
the support of the plebs. They repealed Sulla’s laws, 1 | |||
removed 60 of the most loyal Sullans from the | |||
Senate, restored the powers of the tribunes of the | | |||
people, handed the courts over to committees of 5 | |||
senators, equites, and aerarian tribunes ( tribuni aera- 5 | |||
rii) elected by the tribes, and restored the offices of | |||
publicani in Asia for members of the equestrian order. | |||
After the consulship of Pompey and Crassus, the | |||
populaces again became active. Gaius Julius Caesar, | |||
Marius’s nephew and Cinna’s son-in-law, became | |||
one of their leaders on his return from banishment. | |||
During the funeral of his aunt, Marius’s wife, he | |||
made a speech praising Marius’s services to the | |||
republic, and when he became questor, he restored | |||
Marius’s trophies in the Forum removed by Sulla.' | |||
In 63, Julius Caesar was elected chief pontiff, and in | |||
his term office as praetor he spent huge sums of | |||
money on games and handouts for the people, | |||
denouncing at the same time prominent Sullans at | |||
court trials. Cicero also began his career at that time | |||
with a speech against Sulla’s richest freedman, I | |||
Chrysogonus, and Sicily’s governor Gaius Verres; | |||
the pains Cicero took to gather the facts against | |||
Verres, and his brilliance as a public speaker, imme¬ | |||
diately attracted general attention. | |||
In the meantime, the situation called for a fresh | |||
reconciliation between the Senate and Pompey. In I | |||
67 B. C., Pompey had been given extraordinary | |||
powers to exterminate piracy that endangered the I | |||
transportation of food supplies to Rome, and he had | |||
coped with that task in just three months. After that | |||
he had been granted the same extraordinary powers I | |||
to complete the war with Mithridates that had not I | |||
been finished by Lucullus. In 63 he triumphantly I | |||
ended that war and began to arrange things in Asia | |||
as he saw fit, appointing and removing the kings of I | |||
states conquered by Rome. Pompey founded about | |||
40 poleis in the eastern provinces, handing over to | |||
the city magistracies the collection of taxes from the | |||
urban neighbourhood and thus consolidating the | |||
position of those magistracies. | |||
Owing to Pompey’s conquests, the income of the | |||
Roman treasury increased by 70 per cent. He was a | |||
real hero in the eyes of the public. In Asia, even his | |||
favourite freedmen were honoured as kings. In 62, | |||
he returned to Italy. | |||
The situation here was far from tranquil. In 64 | |||
B. C., Cicero was elected consul. His rival Catiline | |||
(Lucius Sergius Catilina), who was defeated at the | |||
polls and had earlier been suspected of underhand | |||
dealings, organised a conspiracy to overthrow the | |||
existing system, in which extremely diverse strata of | |||
the population were involved including both nobles | |||
and plebeians who demanded cancellation of debts. | |||
298 | |||
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who | |||
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perir | |||
beiai | |||
the | |||
St | |||
cert. | |||
Cr it | |||
kne 1 | |||
evid | |||
to 11 | |||
Cal | |||
wht | |||
ris | |||
hiu | |||
Ca | |||
cor | |||
sar | |||
glr | |||
set | |||
sa 1 | |||
if* | |||
in | |||
tn | |||
■ | |||
o | |||
■ | |||
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The conspiracy was joined by the enslaved peasants | |||
of Etruria, who organised armed groups com¬ | |||
manded by a certain Gaius Manlius. Some of Cati¬ | |||
line’s adherents also appealed to the urban slaves, | |||
who had small shops and workshops as their peculia | |||
or did odd jobs as hired hands with their masters’ | |||
permission, coming in close contact with free ple¬ | |||
beians, taking part in the colleges, and supporting | |||
the plebs at rallies. | |||
Some antique authors believed, apparently with | |||
certain justification, that Catiline was backed by | |||
Crassus, an enemy of the Senate, and Caesar. Cicero | |||
knew about the conspiracy, but he had no sufficient | |||
evidence to proceed from speeches against Catiline | |||
to more decisive action. Finally a letter from some | |||
Catilinarians to the ambassadors of the Allobrogi | |||
who were at that time in Rome, calling on them to | |||
rise in revolt, fell into his hands. That was proof of | |||
high treason, and Cicero ordered the arrest of some | |||
Catilinarians. Catiline himself joined Manlius. The | |||
conspirators were tried in the Senate; despite Cae¬ | |||
sar’s protest, they were sentenced to death and stran¬ | |||
gled in gaol. Catiline himself fell Fighting the troops | |||
sent against Manlius. Cicero posed as the country’s | |||
saviour, singing his own praises. | |||
What we know of Catiline comes from the writ¬ | |||
ings of his two worst enemies. Cicero described him | |||
in his speeches as an instigator of all rebellious ele¬ | |||
ments and enemies of law and order, ready to des¬ | |||
troy Rome to avoid paying their debts. The histo¬ | |||
rian Sallust saw Catiline as a typical representative 5 | |||
of corrupt and vice-ridden nobility, ambitious, self- f | |||
seeking, and shameless. It is therefore difficult to | |||
draw a true picture of Catiline and of his movement. | |||
In any case, he undoubtedly had a following among ? | |||
certain sections of the plebs, and his failure was an =• | |||
indication of the latter’s weakness. The plebs was "S, | |||
even unable to counteract the dissolution of colleges ? | |||
ordered by the Senate. On the other hand, the | | |||
Senate’s ability for resistance also weakened. When = | |||
Pompey’s demand for land allotments for his JT | |||
veterans was rejected, and his desire to run for the | |||
office of consul thwarted, Pompey formed an ; | |||
alliance with Crassus and Caesar, who had just 9 | |||
returned from Spain, where he had been propraetor. £ | |||
That agreement was later termed the First Trium- ^ | |||
virate. It united the army, represented by Pompey, ^ | |||
big businessmen close to Crassus, and the populares §’ | |||
who recognised Caesar as their leader-all of them ? | |||
opposed to the Senate. The triumvirs ensured the | |||
election of Caesar as consul for the year 59. Despite | |||
the Senate’s opposition headed by Marcus Cato, | |||
greatgrandson of Cato the Censor, Caesar promul¬ | |||
gated the law granting land allotments for Pompey’s | |||
veterans from the remaining public lands. At the | |||
end of Caesar’s consulship, he was made governor of | |||
Cisalpine Gaul and Illyria and granted the right to | |||
recruit two legions. | |||
By that time Caesar must have realised that only | |||
the army could be a real power base of a political | |||
leader, not the badly organised plebs. The move¬ | |||
ment of Clodius, elected popular tribune for the year | |||
58, was an even more striking indication of the | |||
plebs’s weakness than Catiline’s failure. Clodius | |||
began his career by inciting Lucullus’s troops to | |||
mutiny; he then returned to Rome, where he joined | |||
Caesar’s party and gained notoriety by wearing | |||
women’s clothes to steal into Caesar’s house for an | |||
assignation with his wife during the festivities of the | |||
Bona Dea, at which no men could be present. | |||
Caught in the act, he was tried for sacrilege. Cicero | |||
spoke against him, but the judges, bribed by | |||
Crassus, acquitted him. Caesar, who appeared as a | |||
witness, spoke in favour of Clodius, and when the | |||
latter decided to become a tribune of the people, | |||
Caesar arranged his transfer from the patrician to | |||
the plebeian order, and Clodius was elected for the | |||
office. In the words of Cicero, Clodius acted as a | |||
demagogue and a candidate for tyranny. Restoring | |||
plebeian colleges which served the cult of the Lares | |||
and had been banned by the Senate, he recruited to | |||
these colleges masses of plebeians, freedmen and | |||
slaves, who terrorised the optimates and even Pompey | |||
himself. With their help, Clodius burnt down the | |||
temple of the Nymphs where the census archives | |||
were kept; he intended to make the slaves of the king | |||
of Cyprus, who had just bequeathed his kingdom to | |||
Rome, freedmen, and even to free all slaves, follow¬ | |||
ing the example of tyrants. Clodius promulgated a | |||
new lex frumentaria, according to which 300,000 ple¬ | |||
beians could receive grain free, and forced the | |||
banishment of Cicero, blaming him for the illegal | |||
execution of the Catilinarians, who had been | |||
deprived of the chance to appeal to the people. | |||
Cicero’s property was confiscated, his house de¬ | |||
stroyed, and on its site the temple of Freedom was | |||
erected. The optimates, frightened by all these events, | |||
surrounded themselves by bodyguards, buying glad- | |||
299 | |||
1 | |||
iators for that purpose. Elections of magistrates were to surpass one another in the splendour of the specta- | |||
often disrupted. cles they put on, so that the spectators learnt to | |||
In practical terms, however, Clodius did not expect more and more expensive amusements. Next | |||
achieve much, although, as a populans, he went to comedies and tragedies, mimes, or amusing short | |||
much further than Caesar had believed necessary. plays, appeared. Publilius Syrus, a freedman, was | |||
Gradually Clodius retired from public life, and in 52 famous as an author of mimes, and his sayings | |||
B. C. he was killed by the slaves of Milo, his fierce became popular proverbs (sententiae). | |||
enemy. The plebs, divided into rural and urban, There were quite a few authors (often slaves and | |||
with further subdivisions within the urban plebs, freedmen) who wrote works on history, linguistics, | |||
which included both indigent citizens and owners of and literary criticism. Greek and Latin books were | |||
shops and workshops concerned that they might lose in great demand. The thirst for education became | |||
their property during disturbances, could no longer universal. In the view of Vitruvius, an author of a | |||
justify the hopes that populates like Sallust set on it. It treatise on architecture, an architect must be con- | |||
could only become a force again when organised as versant not only with construction engineering but | |||
an army. All these events and class shifts in society also with medicine, astronomy, philosophy, and | |||
radically changed the nature of Rome as a civic mythology. In Varro’s words, an estate owner and | |||
community. Rome was on the eve of major political his manager must know something of agronomy, | |||
and social changes. Certain developments that had medicine, veterinary matters, and astronomy. Varro | |||
begun to show in the 2nd century B.C., now stood himself was a scholar of wide-ranging interests-he | |||
out clearly in all the spheres of culture and everyday wrote on agriculture, Latin, the history of Roman | |||
life. cults and religious institutions, and many other sub- | |||
Magnificent public and private edifices were jects. Another outstanding thinker was Lucretius | |||
built. Having learnt the dome technique, the Carus, author of the famous poem De rerum natura | |||
Romans could increase considerably the size of their written in the spirit of Epicureanism. Aspiring to | |||
buildings. After the invention of concrete made from conquer man’s fear of the gods and the destiny of the | |||
lava, it became possible to paint large frescoes on soul after life, he formulated a natural explanation of | |||
walls, with outsize figures and landscapes. The villas the origin of the universe, the earth, plants, animals, | |||
and city residences of the aristocracy were sur- and the history of human society, an explanation | |||
rounded with gardens, and specially trained slaves that did not envisage any intervention from the gods | |||
became gardeners, a privileged group among house- and was entirely based on the theory of combination | |||
hold servants. Multistorey buildings were also and separation of eternally moving atoms. Society, | |||
erected, where rooms were let to the poor that in his view, did not evolve at the will of the gods but | |||
flocked to Rome, at a great profit for the landlords. owing to men’s observations of nature and a reason- | |||
Roman sculptors followed Greek patterns, but they able idea of the good of all recorded in customs and | |||
evolved a style of their own in portrait sculpture. laws which could change along with changes in the | |||
Unlike the Greeks, who often prettified the originals, conception of the good of all. | |||
the Romans did their best to achieve an exact por- The endless misfortunes brought by external and | |||
trayal of the subject’s appearance and character. civil wars made men look for consolation and guid- | |||
Cicero, and later Horace in his Ars poetica, worked ance to teachings concerned with the question of | |||
out a theory of realistic art of which the principal how one could live when all the customary norms | |||
tasks were the study and representation of real life in I and concepts disintegrated and the evil reigning in | |||
all its diversity and precise deliniation of character, 5 the world raised doubts about divine and human | |||
habits and views of persons of different age and s justice. Various answers were offered, based on the | |||
status. They condemned deviations from the truth of 2, theories of diverse Greek philosophical sch&ols that | |||
life and opposed any embellishment of it. Cicero | had numerous adherents in Rome. Epicureans | |||
believed that even in architecture, ornaments with- g, advised to “live inconspicuously”, to avoid political | |||
out a purpose might appear pleasing at first but soon | strife, to be content with a circle of friends and men | |||
began to pall, like an excessively sweet dish. At the ^ of similar views, and to be moderate, lest excesses | |||
same time magistrates, in a bid for popularity, tried | should lead to suffering. Stoics believed that man | |||
300 | |||
could be happy if he valued, above all other things, view. The main theme of the work of Catullus, one | |||
virtue prompted by nature itself, did his duty by of the best Roman poets, was his love, happy at first | |||
society, and set little store by the external circum- and miserable later, for P. Clodius’s sister, a well- | |||
stances -wealth, status, honours, freedom and even known “society lioness” whom he called Lesbia. The | |||
life itself. Pythagoreanism again became wide- world that surrounded him was largely eclipsed by | |||
spread; its exponent in Rome at that time was Pub- the joys and sufferings of love which he described | |||
lius Nigidius Figulus, famous for his learning. As- with extraordinary force. | |||
trologv, philosophically substantiated by Marcus The development of individualism also manifested | |||
Manilius, became extremely popular everyone itself in an acute interest for the lives of outstanding | |||
believed in it, beginning with slaves, who turned to persons. Prominent political leaders, such as Sulla, | |||
fortune-tellers infesting the Forum, and ending with Cicero and Caesar, wrote memoirs in which they | |||
Marius, Sulla, or Pompey, who constantly resorted justified their actions (only Caesar’s Commentaries on | |||
to astrologers’ advice. the Gallic and Civil wars have survived). Catiline’s | |||
There was a revival of interest in various prophe- conspiracy and the war with Jugurtha were the | |||
cies, such as the Etruscan tradition about a periodi- themes of Sallust’s works. | |||
cally repeated sequence of ages and the imminent Cicero did a great deal for the development of cul- | |||
comingof a new “Golden Age”. Returning from the ture of his times. His speeches, letters to his friends, | |||
East, soldiers brought to Rome the cults of Egyptian later published, and other works are the principal | |||
and Asian gods. Despite interdictions these cults source of our knowledge of the history, culture and | |||
found great numbers of followers. The Dionysus cult ideology of those turbulent years, | |||
and his mysteries were again revived. Many Romans Returning in 54 from exile as something of a hero, | |||
in Greece were initiated in the Eleusinian and he began a vigorous literary activity. He wrote | |||
Samothracian mysteries. several historico-philosophical treatises-the De | |||
At the same time, neglect for the traditional republica, De Legibus- expounding his views of the | |||
Roman religion grew among the upper classes. best possible state structure and of laws that must | |||
Cicero’s treatise De divinatione mocked all the tradi- underly it. In his philosophical treatises, he also tried | |||
tional ways of divining the will of the gods, and his to establish links between philosophy and a political | |||
treatise De natura deorum (On the Nature of the Gods ) programme for the renovation of the republic, call- | |||
expressed the view that religion and its institutions ing for the unification and harmony between all the | |||
were obligatory for the common people, but believ- “good” people, that is, people loyal to the existing | |||
ing or not believing in the gods was a matter of pri- p system; at the same time Cicero created the image of | |||
vate preference. Varroheld a similar opinion, divid- % a certain “ideal man” (whose prototype he saw in | |||
ing religion into that of the poets, who invented all g. Scipios, particularly Scipio Aemilianus, who had | |||
kinds of absurd myths, the religion of the philoso- __ fought against the Gracchi), a princeps capable of | |||
phers and religion obligatory for all citizens and ? heading the republic and establishing order in it in | |||
established by the society they lived in. Family mo- §■ the common interest in actual fact, in the intersts of | |||
rality, formerly so rigorous, declined. Divorces A the optimates. He saw no contradiction between abso- | |||
became more frequent. Sons were in fact less and less * lute personal power and the republic, which he | |||
dependent on fathers and had property of their own. | defined as the “property of the people”, in accor- | |||
Rich aristocratic women lived a life of ease and free- s dance with the traditional Roman views. Any form | |||
dom, indulging in numerous love affairs. JT of government-monarchy, aristocracy, democra- | |||
All this was evidence of basic changes in the tradi- s cy was beneficial for the republic, provided they | |||
tional ideology of the civic community, and of the S functioned in the common interest and did not vio- | |||
development of individualism. Significant in this res- ^ late law and justice. Only the perverted forms of | |||
pect was the activity of the so-called Neoteroi (“new I government-tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy | |||
poets”), to which the poet Catullus belonged. Fol- A (the power of the mob) were pernicious for the | |||
lowing Hellenistic models, the Neoteroi wrote ’ republic, Cicero believed. In this way, he justified | |||
elaborate poems on mythological themes and were V ideologically the transition to absolute personal | |||
absolutely useless members of society, in Cicero’s power which had been prepared practically by the | |||
301 | |||
dictatorship of Sulla, the extraordinary powers of | |||
Pompey, and the rule of the triumvirs. Cicero saw | |||
such an absolute ruler as an aristocrat of exceptional | |||
merits. The plebeians awaited a successor to the | |||
people-loving kings who had liberated the people | |||
from the power of the Senate. The question was who | |||
would become head of the republic. It was clear | |||
from the overall situation that the choice would be | |||
made in favour of a leader supported by the army | |||
and capable of solving the acute problems of every¬ | |||
day life. | |||
Pompey, whose links with the Senate again | |||
became closer, particularly after Crassus fell in the | |||
war with Parthia, was a possible candidate for dicta¬ | |||
torship. But it was precisely these links with the | |||
Senate that undermined Pompey’s popularity. | |||
Besides, he did not have the qualities necessary for a | |||
decisive break with the past. Caesar’s role at that | |||
time kept growing. He had the reputation of a popu- | |||
laris and great charisma, as even his enemy Cicero | |||
admitted, but his most important assets were his dip¬ | |||
lomatic and military talents that had brought him | |||
the victories in Gaul. It had taken 200 years to sub¬ | |||
due Spain, and 10, to conquer Gaul. Caesar began | |||
the war on the plea of liberating the Gauls from the | |||
forces of the German chieftain Ariovistus who had | |||
invaded their lands, although in his Commentaries on | |||
the Gallic War (De hello Gallico) Caesar recorded these | |||
words Ariovistus is supposed to have said during | |||
their conversation: whoever conquered anyone | |||
without declaring that he was bringing freedom? | |||
This fairly cynical idea was apparently Caesar’s | |||
own. Skilfully playing on the contradictions between | |||
various tribes and between tribal aristocracy and the | |||
people, suppressing any resistance to the Roman | |||
army, crossing the Rhine twice and moving on to | |||
Britain then unknown to the Romans (which pro¬ | |||
duced a great impression in Rome), he turned Gaul | |||
into a province and won a great booty and a million | |||
prisoners of war. Besides, Caesar’s gifts as military | |||
leader, his concern for the needs of his soldiers, with | |||
whom he shared all the hardships of the campaigns, | |||
and his talent for oratory, helped him to build a | |||
well-trained, disciplined and loyal army. He also | |||
won the favour of the Gallic aristocracy, granting it | |||
Roman citizenship, privileges and lands, and admit¬ | |||
ting its members to his army. When the Arverni | |||
tribe rose against Caesar at the end of the war, led | |||
by its king Vercingetorix, who tried to unite all Gaul | |||
in a war against the Romans, the aristocracy of the | |||
other tribes did not support him, and Caesar, despite | |||
the rebels’ superior numbers and several victories, | |||
was able to suppress the uprising, seizing the fortress | |||
of Alesia in which Vercingetorix took refuge. | |||
In the eyes of the Romans, Caesar was not only a | |||
conqueror of a vast new territory but also an avenger | |||
of Rome’s humiliation during the Gallic invasion of | |||
390 B. C. True, the Senate, headed by extreme opti- | |||
mates like Cato, was disgruntled at Caesar’s rise to | |||
eminence, and it demanded that his army should be | |||
disbanded, threatening to withdraw permission to | |||
run for the office of consul. When the popular trib¬ | |||
une Mark Antony imposed a veto on that demand, | |||
the Senate disregarded it, and Antony fled to Cae¬ | |||
sar. The Senate now set all its hopes on Pompey, | |||
appointed “consul without a college”. The war | |||
became inevitable. On January 10, 49 B. C., Caesar, | |||
under the plea of defending the rights of the tribunes | |||
of the people, crossed the river Rubicon separating | |||
Cisalpine Gaul from Italy. One after another, Italic | |||
cities went over to Caesar’s side. It was rumoured | |||
that on seizing power Pompey intended to announce | |||
proscriptions, as Sulla had done. Even Pompey’s | |||
troops stationed in Italy joined Caesar. Pompey had | |||
no other choice but to flee. He went to Greece, | |||
accompanied by numerous optimates, including | |||
Cicero, who wrote to his friend Pomponius Atticus | |||
that, although he had no special liking for the Pom¬ | |||
peians, he followed the optimates out of habit, as an | |||
ox will follow oxen and sheep will follow sheep. | |||
The civil war also spread through the provinces- | |||
Spain, Greece, and Africa. Pompey was supported | |||
by the local aristocracy loyal to the Senate, and Cae¬ | |||
sar, by urban landowners opposed to the aristocracy | |||
and the power of the Senate. Almost everywhere the | |||
cities went over to Caesar, who granted Roman citi¬ | |||
zenship to his adherents, sometimes to whole cities | |||
(e. g., Gades). It was the army’s loyalty and the | |||
alliance with the urban population that ensured | |||
S Caesar’s victory. | |||
5 On occupying Italy, Caesar went over to Spain, | |||
y where some of Pompey’s troops were stationed. | |||
^ Defeating them near the city of Ilerda, Caesar | |||
| moved to Greece, where Pompey’s main forces were | |||
gj concentrated. Caesar lost the Grst battle near Dyr- | |||
| rhachium in Epirus, but in the second battle, at | |||
s Pharsalus in Thessaly, Pompey was routed and fled | |||
| to Egypt, where he was killed on orders from king | |||
302 | |||
Ptc | |||
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the | |||
Pc | |||
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■ | |||
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D < 2 | |||
Ptolemy XI Dionysus, who feared Caesar’s anger. tent with half-measures. This antagonised many of | |||
Following Pompey to Egypt, Caesar interfered in his followers but did not win him the favour of the | |||
the dynastic strife there and, after a rather difficult Senate, although he included 600 new members in | |||
campaign that was later called the Alexandrian it-military men with a fine war record, municipal | |||
War, handed over the throne of Egypt to queen aristocrats and even provincials. All this seemed to | |||
Cleopatra, who had become his mistress. the nobility an unheard-of violation of all norms and | |||
After a speedy victory over Pharnaces, king of traditions. There were long delays in providing | |||
Pontus (the famous report to the Senate, Vent, vidi, veterans with land allotments. Only a few colonies, | |||
via, referred to that victory), Caesar returned for a Carthage and Corinth among them, were founded | |||
while to Rome and then departed for Africa, where for the poor. The plebs was disgruntled at the reduc- | |||
the Pompeians had gathered significant forces and tion of grain dole and the new ban on colleges. A | |||
concluded an alliance with Juba, king of Numidia. certain reduction of the plebs’s debts to usurers’ and | |||
But here too the cities went over to Caesar’s side, landlords brought unified relief. Caesar’s measures | |||
and the Pompeians’ position became hopeless. In the to extend the social basis of Roman domination in | |||
battle of Thapsus they were defeated; Juba was the provinces were more consistent. Cisalpine Gaul | |||
killed, and his kingdom, was made a province. Utica was granted Roman citizenship and ceased to be | |||
was the Pompeians’ last stronghold. Here, Cato the regarded as a province. A special municipal law un- | |||
Younger established his headquarters, but the Cae- ified the administrative system of colonies and muni- | |||
sarean party gained the upper hand there too. Cato cipia, which now reproduced the structure of the | |||
committed suicide and was later named Uticensis; Roman civic community. The popular assembly | |||
his name became a symbol of a hero who would die elected magistrates out of those who had the neces- | |||
rather than outlive freedom. The last and, as Caesar sary property qualification (apparently 200,000 ses- | |||
himself admitted, the most difficult campaign of the terces); they made up the municipal council and | |||
civil war was the second campaign in Spain against were called decurions. The city was given a territory | |||
Pompey’s sons, Gnaeus and Sextus, who had gath- divided into private allotments and public lands, | |||
ered considerable forces. In 45 B. C., the war ended The latter, just as the city’s treasury, were managed | |||
with Caesar’s victory near the city of Munda. by the magistrates, who pledged their property as | |||
Gnaeus was killed soon after, but Sextus escaped. they swore to manage the affairs conscientiously. | |||
Caesar became an absolute ruler of the Roman Public lands, workshops, belonging to the city, and | |||
state. He was granted an unlimited dictatorship and contracts to various projects were leased. It was the | |||
tribunitian powers for life. He was named Impera- £ decurions’ duty to see to the correct performance of | |||
tor-a title usually conferred on a victorious general | the city gods’ rites, to the conduct of festivals and | |||
by troops on the battlefield, and was also granted the 5 spectacles, regular supplies of foodstuffs for the city, | |||
title of “father of the country”. Without consulting H the administration of justice, and census-taking on | |||
anyone, he could decide the issues of war and peace, ^ the city’s territory. In this way, a stratum of urban | |||
propose candidates for the magistracies, and look S' land- and slave-owners, bearers of Roman policy | |||
after the society’s morals. His insignia were a purple ^ and Roman culture, evolved; later, the decurions | |||
toga, a laurel wreath and a seat ornamented with ? became the third privileged order, next to the sena- | |||
ivory and gold. In May 45, his statue was erected in 1 tors and the equites, but during Caesar’s dictator- | |||
the temple of Quirinus in Rome. a ship that order was merely taking shape and could | |||
But Caesar, who had exercised such talent, resolu- .J not be a great help to him. | |||
tion and even cruelty on his way to power, was un- s' The nobility took advantage of Caesar’s half-and- | |||
able to make use of it when it was in his hands. He j half policies. Rumours were circulated about his in- | |||
forgave Cicero, who returned to Rome, outwardly p tention to become a king, after the model of Hel- | |||
submissive but in actual fact full of hatred for Cae- 5 lenistic monarchs, and to move the capital to | |||
sar. “We are all Caesar’s slaves,” he wrote, “and ° Alexandria. His liaison with Cleopatra was con- | |||
Caesar is a slave of the circumstances.” Caesar for- ; demned. He was called a tyrant who had strangled | |||
gave Pompeian nobles, made them members of his ? freedom. The people recalled Brutus of the ancient | |||
retinue, and rejected the idea of proscriptions, con- ? times and appealed to his descendant Junius Brutus, | |||
303 | |||
a friend of Cicero and a particular favourite of Cae- and given the provinces of Crete and Cyrenaica. | |||
sar. Brutus, who hesitated at first, was involved in Sextus Pompey would be allowed to return to Italy | |||
the conspiracy against Caesar headed by Cassius, a and to assume possession of his father’s property. | |||
Pompeian forgiven by Caesar-a strong-willed and Dictatorship would be banned for all time to come, | |||
vigorous man who had made a reputation for him- When Antony pressed the law on the handing | |||
self during the war with Parthia. The conspirators over of Gaul to him, his relations with the Senate | |||
were in a hurry to finish off Caesar, since the latter, deteriorated again. Cicero was especially fierce in his | |||
sensing the weakness of his position, intended to denunciations of Antony. He made 14 speeches | |||
leave Rome for the war with Parthia. He may have (which he called Philippics) purporting to prove | |||
known of the conspiracy and believed death at the that Antony was a drunkard and libertine and that, | |||
hands of the conspirators to be the best way out of like Caesar, he would consolidate his positions in | |||
the situation. When asked what sort of death he pre- Gaul and then seize power. Cicero called on all the | |||
ferred, he is said to have replied, “A sudden one”. In “best people” to unite against the new tyrant, | |||
any case, on the day appointed by the conspirators During this conflict, which was daily growing | |||
for his assassination, March 15, 44 B. C., he went to more fierce, Octavian, Caesar’s grand-nephew, | |||
the Senate despite advice on all sides not to do so, adopted son (under the name of Gaius Julius Caesar | |||
and was killed there. Octavian) and appointed heir, became a major | |||
I his act of terrorism could not, however, save the force. Together with his friend Agrippa, 18-year-old | |||
republic of the nobility. The conspirators believed Octavian was studying military art in the city of | |||
that, when they announced the tyrant’s death and Apollonia in Epirus when he received news of the | |||
the restoration of freedom, the grateful people would events in Rome. The youth’s mother and stepfather | |||
declare them their saviours and throw the body of advised him not to go to Rome and not to interfere | |||
assassinated Caesar into the Tiber. But for Caesar’s in the whirlwind events. But the soldiers of Caesar | |||
veterans and for the people Caesar remained, des- and Agrippa stationed in Apollonia urged him to try | |||
pite the inconsistency of his policy, a victorious his strength and to accept Caesar’s inheritance, | |||
emperor, leader of the populates, a hero who fell at According to legend, a famous astrologer offered to | |||
the hands of the Senate, like Servius Tullius. VV'hen tell the fortunes of Octavian and Agrippa. Aerippa’s | |||
consul Mark Antony announced in his speech at the career appeared so brilliant that proud Octavian | |||
funeral that Caesar had bequeathed 300 sesterces to refused to have his fortune told, for fear of being | |||
each plebeian, and his rich gardens beyond the eclipsed by his friend. But when the astrologer drew | |||
Tiber, to the whole of the people, the people’s indig- up his horoscope, after all, he went down on his | |||
nation flared up with even greater force. The people knees before the youth who was destined, he said, to | |||
started to sack the houses of optimates, and on the site become the ruler of the world. However that may | |||
of Caesar’s funeral pyre sacrifices were made to him have been, Octavian arrived in Italy, where Cae- | |||
as if he were god. It was believed that the comet sar’s veterans and rich freedmen thronged to his | |||
which appeared in those days was Caesar’s soul that house inciting him to revenge. In Rome, Octavian | |||
had ascended to heaven. The frightened optimates did went to Antony demanding Caesar’s treasury, that | |||
not dare to appear in public, and the conspirators he might fulfil his father’s will. Antony rudely re¬ | |||
took refuge on the Capitoline. In the end, they plied that Caesar’s treasury was empty, and that | |||
decided to settle the matter with Antony, who had ^ Octavian had only Antony to thank that he was not | |||
had time to take possession of Caesar’s treasury and - now the son of a disgraced tyrant. Octavian then | |||
papers (which enabled him to cite Caesar’s yet un- 5 began to play a game that was remarkably subtle for | |||
published instructions). At a session of the Senate at ^ someone of his age. On the one hand, he ingratiated | |||
which Cicero was present, a compromise was - himself with Cicero, calling him father and asking | |||
reached: Antony and his colleague Dolabella would ? his advice. Realising that Caesar’s son could be a | |||
restore order in the city; Caesar would not be de- gj great asset to the opposition to Antony, and taking | |||
dared a tyrant, and his orders would remain valid, | Octavian’s modesty for a sign of mediocrity, he | |||
but his assassins would not be punished either- ^ began praising Octavian everywhere as someone | |||
Brutus and Cassius would be sent off from Rome g sent by Jupiter himself to save Rome from Antony’s | |||
304 | |||
ica. | |||
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to | |||
a’s | |||
an | |||
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ew | |||
his | |||
to | |||
ay | |||
le- | |||
his | |||
an | |||
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'or | |||
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A | |||
tyranny. On the other hand, in conferences with his | |||
followers Octavian said that his relations with | |||
Cicero were no more than a ruse to which he had to | |||
resort in view of.Antony’s behaviour, and that he | |||
would avenge Caesar’s death as soon as he felt strong | |||
enough. He used the money he received from the | |||
Senate through Cicero’s mediation to seduce | |||
Antony’s soldiers with higher salaries. | |||
At the end of 44 B. C., Antony went to Gaul. The | |||
Senate sent an army against him, which was joined | |||
by the troops recruited by Octavian. Antony was | |||
defeated in the battle of Mutina. The Senate then | |||
decided that it could now do without Octavian, and | |||
refused him the consulship it had earlier promised. | |||
Octavian then joined forces with Antony and Aemi- | |||
lius Lepidus, a Caesarean and governor of Gallia | |||
Narbonensis-allegedly at the insistence of the | |||
troops that grieved over discord among men who | |||
were closest to Caesar. The Second Triumvirate was | |||
concluded before the assembled troops. Rome was | |||
taken without much difficulty by the Caesarean | |||
army. Octavian was elected consul, and the popular | |||
assembly granted the triumvirs extraordinary | |||
powers to restore the republic. The amnesty to Cae¬ | |||
sar’s assassins, who were gathering armed forces and | |||
money in the eastern provinces, was cancelled, and | |||
it was decided to declare war on them. To punish | |||
Caesar’s assassins and their adherents, proscriptions | |||
were drawn up in which, at Antony’s insistence, | |||
Cicero was included among the first; he was soon | |||
killed by a centurion who recognized him. Distribu¬ | |||
tion of land among the veterans began. Eighteen | |||
cities of Italy were deprived of land, implements, | |||
and slaves in favour of the new owners. Optimates’ | |||
lands were confiscated. During the proscriptions, | |||
300 senators, 2,000 equites and many other people | |||
died. That period remained in the memory of the | |||
Romans as a time of terror and chaos. Wives in¬ | |||
formed on their husbands, and children, on their | |||
fathers, slaves, on their masters, to get the reward or | |||
simply for revenge. The troops committed numerous | |||
outrages. Citizens cursed the “ungodly soldiers” that | |||
had deprived them of their lands and other | |||
property. | |||
The situation in the eastern provinces, where | |||
Brutus and Cassius exacted money and men from | |||
the population, was no better. Both sides declared, | |||
however, that they were fighting for freedom (as the | |||
historian Appian remarked, the word “freedom” | |||
was always attractive and always empty). The war | |||
ended in a defeat for Brutus and Cassius, who com¬ | |||
mitted suicide. | |||
Antony, the victor in the battle of Philippi, went | |||
east to settle the problems there. Lepidus was soon | |||
pushed into the background; Octavian, who | |||
received the western provinces, remained in Italy. | |||
Sextus Pompeius established himself in Sicily, where | |||
he recruited into his army the optimates and slaves | |||
that fled to him. His strong navy interfered with the | |||
transportation of grain supplies to Italy. The Parth- | |||
ians, taking advantage of Rome’s weakness, seized | |||
Syria. It took Ventidius Bassus a great effort to drive | |||
away the Parthians in 39 B.C. In 36, Agrippa eli¬ | |||
minated the threat from Sextus Pompeius, whose | |||
freedman Menas went over to Octavian, surrender¬ | |||
ing the fleet which he commanded. Octavian prom¬ | |||
ised to respect the freedom of the slaves that had | |||
fought on Sextus Pompeius’s side, but later sent | |||
them to different provinces and secretly ordered the | |||
governors of these provinces to disarm and seize | |||
them on the same day. Thirty thousand slaves were | |||
returned to their owners, and when it was impossible | |||
to establish who the slave’s master was, the slave was | |||
executed. That act marked the beginning of Octa- | |||
vian’s reconciliation with the propertied classes. He | |||
then stopped the proscriptions and, to consolidate | |||
his links with the senatorial aristocracy, he married | |||
Livia, the divorced wife of Tiberius Claudius Nero, | |||
an enemy of the triumvirs. Octavian and his retinue | |||
~ began to encourage the prophecies, that were cur- | |||
"2 rent among the people, that the age of terrible mis- | |||
- fortunes and disturbances would soon come to an | |||
^ end and a new Golden Age would arrive, owing to | |||
Octavian’s deserts-an age of plenty, happiness and | |||
? peace. His popularity grew, and all the inhabitants | |||
of Italy pledged allegiance to him. | |||
But the pacification could not be complete as long | |||
j as Antony remained ruler in the east. He became in- | |||
3 volved with Cleopatra, changed the rulers of vassal | |||
4 kingdoms at his will, and made gifts of land to his | |||
' children by Cleopatra. Antony’s abuses of power | |||
5 were played up by Octavian and his followers. | |||
Rumours were spread about Cleopatra’s intention to | |||
e become queen of Rome, about Antony being tied to | |||
^ her apron strings, etc. | |||
War between Octavian and Antony became in- | |||
•f evitable. It began in 32 B. C. and ended in a defeat | |||
~ of Antony and Cleopatra’s fleet in September 31 in | |||
305 | |||
20-344 | |||
the battle of Cape Actium in western Greece. | |||
Antony and Cleopatra sailed for Egypt, while | |||
Antony’s troops, after waiting for him for several | |||
days on the sea coast, went over to Octavian, who | |||
promised to reward them as his own soldiers. In 30 | |||
B. C., Octavian arrived in Egypt and seized it with¬ | |||
out difficulty, making it a province subordinated | |||
to him. Antony and Cleopatra committed suicide. | |||
Octavian became absolute ruler of the empire. | |||
The vast Egyptian booty enabled him to buy rather | |||
than take by force lands for his veterans. Some | |||
300,000 received land allotments. Virtually all lands | |||
in Italy were redivided. Octavian’s commanders | |||
and retinue received estates of several hundred | |||
jugera. In this way, large-scale estates, or latifundia, | |||
emerged. Medium- and small-scale holdings, based | |||
on the labour of slaves who were again beaten into | |||
submission, also grew stronger. The supreme right of | |||
disposing of land passed on to the head of the state, | |||
and land owners no longer feared new agrarian laws | |||
adopted by the plebs. Their ownership of land | |||
became just as solid as a master’s ownership of his | |||
slaves. It was at that time that a new legal term, | |||
dominium (from dominus “master”), appeared. | |||
Octavian now decided on a switch from the policy | |||
of terror to that of clemency (later called “satiated | |||
cruelty” by the philosopher Seneca). Thus a new | |||
period in the history of Rome began-the period of | |||
absolute rule or empire. Modern scholars have often | |||
discussed the question of whether this transition was | |||
a revolution. Some historians believe that the events | |||
that then happened can be regarded as signs of a | |||
revolution, while others object on the grounds that | |||
Roman society did not change its structure, remain¬ | |||
ing a slave-owning one. The Soviet researcher | |||
S. L. Utchenko pointed out that revolutions have | |||
occurred that did not involve a radical change of the | |||
dominant mode of production (e. g., the 1848 revo¬ | |||
lution in France) but did bring about considerable | |||
changes in the structure of the ruling class, in the | |||
political system and general trend of policy. The | |||
establishment of the empire was a victory for the | |||
class of municipal land- and slave-owners, and in | |||
part of the provinces, over the upper stratum of the | |||
landed aristocracy, as later policy of Octavian and | |||
his successors showed. From this viewpoint, the tran¬ | |||
sition to empire can be described, in a sense, as a | |||
revolution. | |||
Chapter 17 | |||
The Roman Empire | |||
Augustus's Principate. Octavian became an undis¬ | |||
puted master of what was in fact an empire. Then, in | |||
27 B. C., he solemnly resigned his extraordinary | |||
powers and handed them back to the Senate and the | |||
people. He always insisted (particularly in a list of | |||
his services to the people) that the only things that | |||
distinguished him from other magistrates were his | |||
great moral authority (auctoritas) and the fact that he | |||
came first in the lists of the Senate. Hence his official | |||
title of princeps and the name “principate” for this | |||
system of power. In actual fact Octavian wielded | |||
absolute power-he was Imperator, i. e., supreme | |||
commander, for life; each year he was granted tri- | |||
bunicia potestas, i. e., the powers of a tribune of the | |||
plebs; he had the right to propose candidates for the | |||
magistracies (he himself stood for and received con¬ | |||
sulship many times); and he had control of the trea¬ | |||
sury. The Senate voted him the cognomen | |||
“Augustus” (“exalted”, “sacred”), which lent his | |||
power a sacral character. Since Caesar had been dei¬ | |||
fied already at the time of the triumvirs and a temple | |||
had been built for him, Augustus was also son of the | |||
god, which was part of his titulature: Imperator Caesar | |||
Augustus divifilius “Emperor Caesar Augustus, son of | |||
the god”. In the Eastern provinces, shrines were | |||
built to him as they had been to Hellenistic kings. | |||
Towards the end of his life, altars were erected to | |||
him in Italy as well; the priests of his cult were called | |||
“augustals”. Even before that, anniversaries of his | |||
victories, his own birthday and those of his relatives | |||
were marked in some cities by prayers to the gods | |||
and to Augustus himself. After the death of Lepidus, | |||
the triumvir who had been elected chief pontiff, | |||
Augustus assumed that dignity as well. Thus | |||
Augustus and his successors, who inherited all his | |||
titles, wielded absolute civil, military and religious | |||
power. | |||
The official view was that the Roman people | |||
transferred to Augustus and his successors its “power | |||
and majesty”, thus handing over to them the | |||
supreme ownership of land and the right to dispose | |||
of it, and the power over the provinces which had | |||
previously been regarded the “property of the | |||
Roman people”. Augustus and his adherents insisted | |||
that the republic had been restored. In those times, | |||
the Romans associated the republic with any form of | |||
government that upheld justice and benefited all. | |||
Augustus’s rule was perceived as the end of the | |||
triumvirs’ extraordinary powers and a restoration of | |||
the traditional system of government, although in | |||
actual fact the latter had undergone a radical | |||
change. The people who had embodied their power | |||
in the personality of the princeps formally remained | |||
sovereign, but everything that they had formerly | |||
owed to the civic community they now owed to the | |||
princeps. Augustus appointed many of his ardent | |||
followers members of the Senate, and it was now | |||
completely subordinated to him, although it was | |||
outwardly respected as the supreme organ of govern¬ | |||
ment (in actual fact, only unimportant issues were | |||
submitted to the Senate for discussion) and senators | |||
remained the highest privileged order of the Roman | |||
state. Various newly created offices were filled with | |||
equites; in particular, Egypt was governed by an | |||
equestrian prefect. Cicero’s programme of uniting | |||
all the orders “for the benefit of all” was to all | |||
appearances implemented. | |||
Augustus was a born statesman. Avoiding any dis- | |||
307 | |||
play of power that might be construed as an insult to | |||
the Roman traditions and stressing, on the contrary, | |||
his modesty, moderation, and devotion to the | |||
ancient cults and customs, he skilfully used his power | |||
for the solution (however temporary) of the most | |||
pressing issues, in the first place for the setting up of | |||
a strong state apparatus. He organised the picked | |||
Italian-born troops in nine praetorian cohorts com¬ | |||
manded by an equestrian prefect; these were the | |||
Guards, stationed in Rome and around it and in¬ | |||
tended to maintain public security. Praetorians | |||
served only 16 years, not 20, as all the other | |||
legionaries; they received higher pay and were often | |||
appointed centurions in the Roman legions. All this | |||
ensured their loyalty to the emperor. Besides, he set | |||
up three city police cohorts under the prefect of | |||
Rome whose duty it was to keep slaves and the plebs | |||
in check, and watchmen’s cohorts for putting out | |||
fires and maintaining order at night. These units | |||
were sufficiently effective instruments of enforcing | |||
Augustus’s laws against mutiny, preventing the arm¬ | |||
ing of freemen and slaves as a preliminary to rebel¬ | |||
lions. After the provision of land for the veterans, the | |||
army was reduced to 25 legions consisting entirely of | |||
Roman citizens, which were stationed, together with | |||
the provincial units (infantry cohorts and cavalry | |||
alae) attached to them, along the empire’s frontiers | |||
or in insufficiently pacified provinces. Legion com¬ | |||
manders of senatorial rank, who were simul¬ | |||
taneously provincial governors, were directly res¬ | |||
ponsible to Augustus. The “peaceful” provinces, in | |||
which no troops were stationed, were formally under | |||
Senate administration, although Augustus actually | |||
controlled these, too. The prefects of the auxiliary | |||
units were of equestrian rank, but ordinary soldiers | |||
also had a chance of promotion, even to the rank of | |||
centurion, and centurions who won special distinc¬ | |||
tion could be admitted to the equestrian order. | |||
Upon discharge, veterans received a grant of land | |||
and were exempt from taxes. In this way, men who | |||
were formerly branded as “ungodly soldiers” were | |||
tamed and made the basis of firm authority and | |||
order. | |||
Although the popular assemblies in Rome lost in | |||
fact any significance whatever and were later discon¬ | |||
tinued entirely, Augustus, who had begun his career | |||
as Caesar’s successor in the role of the leader of the | |||
populares, thought it expedient to win the favour of | |||
the plebs not only through largesses and spectacles | |||
(of which the Secular Games were particularly | |||
splendid) but also through certain laws. The lex Pete- | |||
lia was revived, according to which an insolvent | |||
debtor had to give up his property to the creditor | |||
but remained free and retained possession of any¬ | |||
thing he might gain later. Permission was granted | |||
again to organise in Rome and other cities colleges of | |||
the Lares consisting of freemen, freedmen and slaves, | |||
with the proviso that they would also practise the | |||
cult of the genius of Augustus. In this way Augustus | |||
wanted to ensure the support and loyalty to the | |||
regime among the broad masses. A special permis¬ | |||
sion was required, however, each time a cultic or | |||
craftsmen’s college was set up; these were called “lit¬ | |||
tle men’s” colleges, intended to provide decent bur¬ | |||
ial to their members. The organisation of an unau¬ | |||
thorised college was equated with armed seizure of a | |||
public building. Rigid control was thus imposed | |||
upon the plebs. | |||
Augustus willingly promoted landowners from | |||
Italic cities to equestrian or even senatorial rank. | |||
The things they particularly liked about Augustus | |||
was his devotion to the ancient Roman virtues of | |||
pietas, aequitas, and dementia inscribed on a gold | |||
shield which the Senate presented to the princeps, | |||
and to the “customs of the ancestors”, which was re¬ | |||
flected, among other things, in his legislation aimed | |||
at consolidating the family ties that had grown | |||
weaker during the civil wars the strict laws against | |||
adultery and privileges for fathers of three children. | |||
The opposition of Roman citizens to all non-citizens | |||
(the so-called “peregrines”) was also in the spirit of | |||
the “customs of the ancestors”. His laws directed | |||
against slaves occupy a special place in Augustus’s | |||
legislation. The harshest of them was the so-called | |||
Silanian senatus consultum according to which, in the | |||
event of a master’s violent death, all slaves under the | |||
same roof or within call who failed to come to his aid | |||
were subject to torture and execution. A person who | |||
helped a member of a proscribed family to flee was | |||
tried as a murderer, while anyone informing on a | |||
runaway received a reward. Realising at the same | |||
time that it was dangerous to drive slaves to | |||
extremes of discontent, Augustus prosecuted masters | |||
who cruelly tortured their slaves, and permitted | |||
slaves to seek asylum as the last resort (the Caesar | |||
temple had the right of asylum), the case later to be | |||
tried by magistrates. Setting an example to other | |||
slave-owners, Augustus treated his slaves mildly. He | |||
308 | |||
set a policy that was later continued and developed The Augustan age was the time of the flourishing | |||
by his successors: suppression of slaves not only by of Roman culture, of literature in particular. The | |||
the power of the master but also by that of the state, three great poets of that age-Virgil, Horace and | |||
curbing at the same time the slave-owners’ abuses of Ovid-made an enormous impact on their contem- | |||
their rights. In a way, slaves became subjects of the poraries and descendants. Virgil (70-19 B. C.) came | |||
state, not just of their masters. To slow down the from Mantua. During the proscriptions he lost his | |||
growth of the body of proletarian plebeians and to estate but was given another by Augustus and | |||
check the adulteration of their ranks by unreliable became a member of the circle of the most talented | |||
elements, Augustus regulated the manumission of authors under Maecenas, who was close to | |||
slaves, setting the limit to the number of slaves that a Augustus. Virgil published a collection of poems | |||
master could set free (depending on the size of his called the Eclogues , mostly devoted to love among | |||
family), to the age of the master (not less than 20) shepherds and shepherdesses and showing some signs | |||
and of the slave to be released (not less than 30). If a of the influence of Theorcitus’s Idylls. That was | |||
slave had been branded or fettered for some offence, before the battle of Actium, but the poems of that | |||
he received no Roman citizenship upon manumis- book already reflected Virgil’s admiration for Octa- | |||
sion. On the other hand, Augustus forbade the vian as a beneficent divinity. Particularly famous is | |||
enslavement of freedmen and reduced their obliga- the fourth eclogue prophesying the birth of a divine | |||
tions to their former patrons. child destined to introduce a new Golden Age on | |||
Augustus’s policy towards the provinces was of earth. (Despite the numerous attempts of both | |||
great importance. The role of the publicani was signi- Roman and modern commentators to read the rid- | |||
ficantly limited. In some places, the taxes were col- die of this mysterious child, it is still not known | |||
lected, in accordance with the census taken in the whom Virgil meant.) In response to Augustus’s | |||
provinces by Augustus’s agents-slaves or freedmen. desire to restore agriculture ruined by the civil wars, | |||
Assemblies of highly placed provincials received the Virgil later wrote the Georgies, a poem on country | |||
right to complain about the abuses of the governors- life. Advice on agriculture alternated in it with de¬ | |||
general, and their complaints were investigated. scriptions of Italian scenery, appeals to the country | |||
Numerous colonies were founded in all the prov- gods, and profound meditations. Particularly inter- | |||
inces. Old cities and individual provincials particu- esting are Virgil’s ideas on the Iron Age of Jupiter | |||
larly loyal to Augustus were given various privileges. succeeding the Golden Age of Saturn. Under | |||
In this way a class was consolidated that was able to Saturn, when nature itself provided everything that | |||
ensure the stability of Roman domination in the pro- men needed, they led a carefree life; but Jupiter | |||
vinces. A lasting peace was yet another factor benefi- decided that they must learn to toil, think and in¬ | |||
dent for Italy. vent the crafts and arts that would improve their | |||
True, there were wars and rebellions in the pro- lives. Virgil’s most famous work was his Aeneid, | |||
vinces in Augustus’s times. In Spain, the Canta- recounting the wanderings of Aeneas and his son | |||
brians and the Asturians rose; the suppression of lulus, Aeneas’s love for Dido, the queen of Carthage, | |||
that uprising completed the subjugation of the Ibe- his abandonment of her at the orders from Jupiter, | |||
rian peninsula. It took a great effort to put down the who intended him to become the founder of Rome, | |||
revolts of the Dalmatians and the Pannonians in Aeneas’s arrival in Italy, his war against the Latins | |||
Illyria. The Romans were completely routed by and the other Italic tribes, his victory and marriage | |||
rebellious Germans in the battle of the Teutoburg to Lavinia, daughter of king Latinus. The high poetic | |||
forest, and they failed to establish their presence on |( quality of the Aeneid, the author’s thorough knowl- | |||
German territory beyond the Elbe. 5 edge of ancient traditions, beliefs and rites, as well | |||
However, compared to the external and especially ^ as of the philosophical theories of the origin of the | |||
civil wars of the past, all these were relatively minor ? universe, ensured its unprecedented success among | |||
episodes, and Augustus proudly stated that with his * the poet’s contemporaries and later generations. But | |||
rule the Golden Age of peace and prosperity came. 1 the main point of the poem was the merging of the | |||
Augustus had numerous admirers who enjoyed his j*> “Roman myth” with the nascent “Augustan myth”, | |||
patronage. f- With the aid of the Cumaean sybil, Aeneas descends | |||
309 | |||
to the underworld to question his father Anchises and that the gods should grant Rome and Augustus wet e | |||
about the future. Anchises reveals to him his own eternal happiness. num , | |||
destiny and that of Rome, which would be founded Ovid (43 B. C.-A. D. 17) was a younger contem- ■ publ | |||
by Aeneas’s descendants and would rule all the peo- porary of Virgil and Horace. He won fame through I | |||
pies, merciful to the obedient and harsh on the recal- his love poems and the Metamorphoses , a long poem I 3 ^ | |||
citrant. Anchises shows to Aeneas the souls of on the transfiguration of men into animals and I f unc | |||
Roman kings and heroes awaiting incarnation, in- plants ending with the transformation of deified I A | |||
eluding Augustus, the greatest descendant of lulus Caesar into a star. Ovid’s Art of Love, with its instruc- ou j | |||
who will carry out and complete Rome’s mission. tions for courtship, seduction and strengthening the | |||
Virgil died before he could accomplish the Aeneid, ties of love, incurred the displeasure of Augustus who | |||
but even in this unfinished form it became the most saw it as a mockery of his marriage laws, but the ercc | |||
popular work in Roman literature. young nobles, who found those laws very irksome, | |||
Horace (65-8 B. C.) came from the family of a liked the poem very much. Augustus banished Ovid out( | |||
freedman of modest means who managed to provide to the town of Tomis on the Black Sea. From Tomis, | |||
an excellent education for his son. Having fought at the poet wrote sad epistles to Rome describing his Qj r | |||
Philippi on the side of Brutus and Cassius, he was for hard life among the barbarians and pleading for H timt | |||
a long time in disgrace, but later he was accepted, pardon, which never came. H a q U | |||
through the good offices of Virgil, at Maecenas’s cir- The “Roman myth” was reflected not only in the V | |||
cle and received the gift of a small farm. Horace’s classically perfect Aeneid but also in a history of f Ice i | |||
work is noted for the extreme diversity of the style Rome written by Livy (Titus Livius) of Patavium p ea | |||
and meter of his poems (he himself wrote that (Padua). Little of the History has survived, but even p OI | |||
Romans surpassed in this respect their Greek from the extant text we can form a clear conception p,. a | |||
teachers who had brought the arts to “rural of the authors’ intention to show that the Romans IU | |||
Latium”) as well as of his subjects. Horace was a elevated their small town on the Tiber to the status p l(1 | |||
typical representative of his times, his work reflect- of the world’s ruler through their valour, patriotism, ,| 1( . | |||
ing the complexity and contradictions of the spiri- resilience in recovering from their worst defeats, and | l)(1 | |||
tual life of that epoch. He sang the praises of the old through worshipping the gods and their patronage. H | |||
times, of simple life in the womb of nature, and the In that same period, Dionysus of Halicarnassus, a \ | |||
unsophisticated rural festivals, but at the same time Greek living in Rome, wrote his Roman Antiquities, a , ( | | |||
he acknowledged that he could not live far from the study of the first stages in the history of Rome in ll|s | |||
Rome of Augustus, so different from that of which he endeavoured to show the community of |M | | |||
Romulus, that he suffered whenever Maecenas Roman and Greek cults and institutions. Of the | |||
failed to invite him, and that he craved fame. His great many other literary scholarly works of the | |||
poems were a mixture of Epicurean appeals to enjoy Augustan age only a few have survived, including | |||
the fleeting moments without a thought for the Vitruvius’s treatise On Architecture, Strabo’s Geogra- I ^u | |||
future and of Stoic insistence on harsh virtue. He phy, containing a description of all the countries then I p U | |||
also wrote Satires on the vices and fads of Roman known, the Bibliotheca historica by Diodorus Siculus, H | |||
society. Horace held high the mission of poetry and and some others. The men who surveyed lands | |||
poets, whose duty it was to correct the mores and to assigned to the colonies in Italy and the provinces MU | |||
instruct and entertain the public. Combining talent ^ under Augustus, wrote books on the various methods fol | |||
and erudition, the poet must incessantly toil and 5- of land surveying and measurement, the rules for the un | |||
strive for perfection, for “neither the gods nor the 5 assignment of land to cities, villages dndpagi, and for | |||
people nor booksellers could stand mediocrity” in ~ compiling inventories of private and public lands as | |||
poetry. Just as other poets, Horace adulated - well as for drawing plans of cities marking the boun- su | |||
Augustus, glorifying him as a deity. For the Secular | daries of lands of different categories. Agrippa, be | |||
Games, he wrote a hymn, sung by choirs of youths Augustus’s closest associate and husband of his I wl | |||
and maidens, in honour of Apollo whom Augustus | daughter Julia, took part in drawing the map of the I wj | |||
worshipped particularly, imploring him that there ^ western provinces. Augustus highly valued educated be | |||
should be nothing greater under the sun than Rome, jj persons, who were accepted at his court even if they | |||
310 | |||
were freedmen, like Hyginus, the author of Agrippa, his son-in-law, his heir, and after the lat- | |||
numerous works. Augustus was the first to establish a ter’s death, the sons of Agrippa and Julia. But these, | |||
public library in Rome after the Greek model, where too, died before Augustus, and he had to adopt | |||
disputations and public readings of books by their Tiberius, Livia’s son from her first marriage, whom | |||
authors were arranged, apart from the usual library he disliked despite his reputation as a talented mili- | |||
functions. tary leader. At Augustus’s death in 14 A. D. (on his | |||
A great many construction projects were carried deathbed, he is said to have asked certain ex-consuls, | |||
out in Augustus’s time. “I found Rome built of “Have I played my part in the farce of life creditably | |||
bricks; I leave her clothed in marble,” Augustus enough?”, and when they assented, he told them, | |||
boasted -quite justifiably. New temples were “Then send me off with a good clap”), Tiberius | |||
erected, and the Forum was rebuilt. Augustus built became his successor. Augustus was deified, and all | |||
himself a palace on the Palatine Hill. With money strata of society participated in his cult, as they did | |||
out of his own purse, Agrippa raised the Pantheon, a in the cults of the later deified emperors. The office | |||
“temple of all the gods”, which was later made a of a priest of the imperial cult was regarded as the | |||
Christian church and has survived to the present height of a provincial or city politician’s career, | |||
times. It was also Agrippa who built the Roman The beginning of Tiberius’s reign was inauspi- | |||
aqueduct to supply water for the residencies of the cious. The legions stationed on the Danube and the | |||
nobility and the public reservoirs. One of the magni- Rhine mutinied immediately on his accession, | |||
ficent works undertaken at the time was the “altar of demanding land for the veterans and payment of sal- | |||
peace” in honour of August, with splendid reliefs ary arrears. The campaigns of Tiberius’s nephew | |||
portraying the goddess of the Earth, the goddess of Germanicus beyond the Rhine were failures. The | |||
Peace, and various symbols of affluence and prosper- Gauls and later the Numidians rebelled. The revolts | |||
ity. Indeed it might appear to both Romans and were crushed, but the Senate opposition, that had | |||
provincials, who still remembered the misfortunes of not dared to move under Augustus, raised its head, | |||
the civil wars, that Augustus, the beneficent deity, Tiberius was accused of haughtiness and of tram- | |||
brought them peace and happiness for all time to pling freedom. Some senators could not reconcile | |||
come. themselves to the loss of their former privileged posi- | |||
There was, however, a great danger in this mood, tions, particularly in the provinces, or to the fact | |||
a danger that became quite obvious under Augus- that the Roman treasury had ceased to be their | |||
tus’s successors. All the aspirations of society seemed property. Tiberius responded with reprisals, relying | |||
to have been satisfied, all the slogans under which its on the law of lese-majesle. People were now punished | |||
various strata fought became the slogans of the offi- not only for mutiny or treason but also for words and | |||
cial propaganda. The idea of the inevitability of the actions insulting to the princeps. Many senators | |||
existing state of things that might change in detail were executed, and their confiscated property passed | |||
but not in the essentials took root in the minds of the on to the emperor. The greatest atrocities were corn- | |||
public, and that led to the loss of the realisation of mitted by Sejanus, prefect of the praetorians, but he | |||
the collective social goals of the Roman community was later found guilty of conspiracy against the | |||
by its members, to a sense of alienation, estrange- emperor, executed and thrown into the Tiber, | |||
ment and disruption of links between individuals, That was the beginning of the fight, which lasted | |||
followed by a feverish search for the lost integrity, throughout the 1st century A. D., between the sena- | |||
unity and harmony. 0 torial opposition and the emperors, first of the Julio- | |||
4 Claudian dynasty of the relatives of Augustus and | |||
The Empire in the 1st and 2nd Centuries A. D. All this ' Tiberius, and later of the Flavian dynasty. Our data | |||
surfaced under Augustus’s successors, when it N about those times mostly come from the works of | |||
became clear that the system Augustus had built, 3 authors who either belonged to the senatorial oppo- | |||
whatever its advantages over the senatorial republic, §> sition or lived already in the 2nd century, when the | |||
was by no means as perfect as his close associates had 1 new, Antonine dynasty came to power, which broke | |||
believed. jp officially with the policies of their predecessors. The | |||
Augustus, who had no sons, wanted to appoint g principal of these authors are the historian Tacitus, | |||
311 | |||
Suetonius, the biographer of the first twelve Caesars, characters his closest associates. A conspiracy against | |||
and the trenchant satirist Juvenal. Their positions him, betrayed by a slave, was used as a pretext for | |||
determined, for many centuries to come, the attitude mass reprisals, executions and confiscations. Among | |||
to the emperors and the society of the 1st century. the victims were Seneca, the poet Lucan, known for | |||
The former were portrayed as despots whom abso- his praise of Julius Caesar’s enemies in his poem the | |||
lute power corrupted to the point of madness, while Pharsalia, and Petronius, author of the Satyricon- a | |||
society was described as consisting of servile and picturesque novel describing the adventures of three | |||
adulating senators ready to inform one on the other rascals and a feast given by Trimalchio, a rich, vul- | |||
in order to curry favour with the emperors, only a gar and extremely ignorant freedman, the whole | |||
handful of the senators daring to signify their protest being, according to contemporary report, a parody | |||
by silence. of Nero and his court. The adherents of the “ances- | |||
According to that tradition, Tiberius, a cruel, vile tors’ customs” were particularly outraged by Nero’s | |||
old man, was strangled in A. D. 37 by Macro, pre- passion for poetry, music, and the theatre. Nero | |||
feet of the praetorians, and Gaius Caesar, nick- composed poems and songs, appeared on the stage, | |||
named Caligula, one of the few relatives of Tiberius and went on a tour of Greece to take part in artistic | |||
whom he had not executed, became emperor. That competitions there. The Senate made sacrifices in | |||
bloodthirsty madman put to death many noblemen honour of his “divine voice”, while the people | |||
without any guilt whatever, and was finally assas- applauded Nero’s performance and sang his songs, | |||
sinated (A. D. 41) by Cassius Chaerea, a praetorian In the end, however, the provinces rebelled ruined | |||
tribune who could no longer stand his taunts. The by the high taxes Nero exacted to pay for his amuse- | |||
praetorians proclaimed Claudius, Germanicus’s ments and extensive construction projects, such as | |||
brother, emperor. Tiberius had left Claudius alive the Golden House-a magnificent palace that he | |||
because he had expected no danger from that quiet built for himself, and the rebuilding of Rome almost | |||
crank completely immersed in the study of antiqui- completely destroyed by the fire of A. D. 64 (started | |||
ties. As emperor, he became a plaything in the hands by Nero himself, according to some accounts). To | |||
of his wives (first Messalina, notorious for her profli- stop the unrest caused by these rumours, the fire was | |||
gacy, and then the imperious and ambitious Agrip- blamed on the Christians, then a new sect in Rome, | |||
pina) and of his freedmen, who grew unbelievably who were thereupon subjected to harsh reprisals. In | |||
rich and arrogant. Agrippina induced Claudius to the Christian literature, Nero figured as an impious | |||
adopt Nero, her son from her first marriage with man, a servant of Antichrist or even Antichrist him- | |||
Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus, married Nero to self. In 68, Gaul, Spain and Africa rose against Nero. | |||
Claudius’s daughter Octavia and, after some pre- The Roman troops stationed in the provinces allied | |||
paratory work, poisoned Claudius (A.D. 54). The themselves with the local population, proposing | |||
praetorian guard proclaimed Nero, then sixteen, Galba, Otho or Vitellius for emperor. A mass upris- | |||
emperor. At first, under the beneficent influence of ing broke out in Judea even before that, in A.D. 66 | |||
the philosopher Seneca, his tutor, he ruled in har- Vespasian, sent to suppress it, was proclaimed | |||
mony with the Senate, but later his vicious nature emperor by his troops. Praetorians also deserted | |||
asserted itself. Intent on marrying the beautiful but Nero. The Senate, taking courage, deposed him; | |||
depraved Poppaea Sabina, he murdered Octavia Nero fled from Rome and ordered a freedman who | |||
and sent assassins to his mother, whose domination ^ had followed him to kill him. | |||
he came to resent; but first he poisoned Claudius’s 3. A civil war began between the claimants to the | |||
son Britannicus. After the assassination of his 5 throne, each of which ruled for a few months only, | |||
mother, he did not dare to leave his mansion for h The outcome was decided by the army on the | |||
Rome for a long time, fearing that matricide would ^ Danube, which supported Vespasian (in full, Titus | |||
make him odious to the Romans. But when the § Flavius Vespasianus). He took Rome, and the | |||
Senate received him with great honours upon his gs Senate proclaimed him Imperator. His son Titus, | |||
return, he exclaimed, “Before this, no princeps has | relying on the upper classes of Judea, which were | |||
known just how far he might go.” His relations with s frightened by the extreme radical direction of the | |||
the Senate deteriorated. He made all kinds of shady popular masses’ uprising, ended the Judean war | |||
312 | |||
St | |||
>r | |||
'g | |||
jr | |||
te | |||
:c | |||
ti¬ | |||
le | |||
*y | |||
.■s- | |||
)’s | |||
ro | |||
?e, | |||
tic | |||
in | |||
)le | |||
gs- | |||
ed | |||
se¬ | |||
as | |||
he | |||
ost | |||
ted | |||
To | |||
vas | |||
ne, | |||
In | |||
ous | |||
im- | |||
:ro. | |||
lied | |||
ting | |||
»ris- | |||
. 66 | |||
ned | |||
rted | |||
tim; | |||
who | |||
the | |||
mly. | |||
the | |||
Titus | |||
the | |||
itus, | |||
were | |||
f the | |||
I | |||
t | |||
. | |||
* | |||
seized Jerusalem, and got hold of immense spoils of | |||
war and great numbers of enslaved war captives. | |||
Simultaneously, Vespasian’s general, Q. Petillius | |||
Cerialis, suppressed an uprising in Gaul headed by | |||
Gaius Julius Civilis, chieftain of the Batavians. | |||
Roman historians treated Vespasian more favoura¬ | |||
bly than Nero or other emperors. Born in the Sabine | |||
country near Reate, of a humble family, he began | |||
his career in the army, ultimately becoming an | |||
experienced general and skilful administrator. Ves¬ | |||
pasian admitted Italic citizens to the Senate, and | |||
was commended for the modest life-style of these | |||
new senators and even of himself which set an exam¬ | |||
ple for the Roman aristocracy. But he, too, had to | |||
cope with some opposition, punishing certain philos¬ | |||
ophers who favoured the opposition circles, in parti¬ | |||
cular the well-known Stoic Helvidius Priscus. | |||
Vespasian died in A. D. 79 and was succeeded by | |||
Titus, who only ruled for two years, being in his turn | |||
succeeded by Vespasian’s younger son Domitian- | |||
yet another tyrant in the eyes of the senatorial oppo¬ | |||
sition. Accusations of high treason, reprisals, execu¬ | |||
tions and confiscations again became the order of the | |||
day, especially after an attempt in 89 by Antonius | |||
Saturninus, legate of the army of the Rhine, to | |||
become emperor through rebellion. Informers, both | |||
freemen and slaves, were encouraged with high re¬ | |||
wards. Domitian, a haughty and gloomy man, in¬ | |||
sisted on being regarded as Minerva’s son and inces¬ | |||
santly glorified. Later, senator Pliny the Younger | |||
recalled that whenever the Senate convened, even if | |||
it were to discuss a minor question like the setting up | |||
of a firebrigade, it began its decree with an enume¬ | |||
ration of Domitian’s great merits and triumphs. | |||
Anyone not doing his share of the glorification was | |||
suspect. The opposition grew especially strong after | |||
the crushing defeat inflicted on the Romans on the | |||
Danube by Decebalus, king of Dacia. In 96, Domi¬ | |||
tian was killed by two of his freedmen, and Marcus | |||
Cocceius Nerva, a creature of the Senate, Avas pro¬ | |||
claimed emperor. A new epoch began, which was , | |||
known in the senatorial historiography as the f | |||
“Golden Age of the Antonines” (the dynasty was ~ | |||
named after emperor Antoninus Pius). | |||
But were the Julio-Claudian and Flavian periods ? | |||
indeed as dark as they were painted ? The personali- g= | |||
ties of the emperors apart, it must be recognised that § | |||
the tendencies initiated by Augustus continued to jp | |||
develop in that epoch, and considerable progress 5 | |||
was achieved in various fields. Many accusations on | |||
the part of the senatorial opposition were no more | |||
than a reflection of its own conservatism. Thus the | |||
opposition demanded a continuation of harsh poli¬ | |||
cies towards the provinces. Under Claudius, the | |||
Romans conquered and made a province of the part | |||
of Britain in which a pro-Roman party, nonexistent | |||
under Caesar, emerged. But the atrocities of the | |||
Roman military settlers at Camulodunum, and the | |||
practice of enslaving debtors by Roman creditors (of | |||
whom, incidentally, Seneca was one) led to an upris¬ | |||
ing of the lceni tribe led by the queen Boadicea | |||
(properly Boudicca). The Senate demanded a war | |||
to exterminate all the rebels, and was extremely in¬ | |||
dignant at the government’s concessions and offers | |||
of peace to them. The government wanted to | |||
Romanise at least the upper stratum of the Britons, | |||
making them its supporters. As the Roman power in | |||
the provinces lost its harshness, it gained in stability. | |||
Vespasian gave Latin rights to the cities of Spain, | |||
and now each occupant of a city magistracy there | |||
received Roman citizenship. The influx of provin¬ | |||
cials to the equestrian and senatorial orders grew, | |||
and the cities of Italy and of the provinces flouri¬ | |||
shed. | |||
The Senate was also dissatisfied with the emperors’ | |||
foreign policy, finding it insufficiently rigid. When | |||
Tiberius recalled Germanicus from the Rhine, | |||
realising that further advance into German territory | |||
was impossible, and resorted to diplomacy, setting | |||
some German tribes against others and appointing | |||
kings ready to obey Rome, the senators declared | |||
that he was simply envious of the successes of | |||
his nephew. They also condemned the policy to¬ | |||
wards Parthia. Augustus concluded an honourable | |||
peace with Parthia, recovering the Roman eagles | |||
the Parthians had captured from Crassus, but under | |||
Nero war to influence strategically important | |||
Armenia broke out again. Carbulo, the Senate’s | |||
favourite, prosecuted the war with all the resolute¬ | |||
ness of the generals from the times of the “ances¬ | |||
tors”, but the government was in favour of a reason¬ | |||
able settlement here as well: Tiridates, a creature of | |||
Parthia, was recognised as the king of Armenia, but | |||
he received his crown from Nero’s hands, in Rome. | |||
The client kingdoms of Thrace, Mauretania, and | |||
Comagene were made provinces without much trou¬ | |||
ble, except for an uprising in Mauretania. The | |||
administration of Pannonia, Dalmatia, Moesia and | |||
313 | |||
war | |||
Noricum, formerly included in Illyria, was reor- could dispose of it in any way he pleased, as the city require | |||
ganised. community had once been in a position to do. The ing the | |||
Under Claudius and Domitian, service in the aux- old law, according to which abandoned land the wor | |||
iliary units was regulated: provincials had to serve became the property of the person who began to till umella | |||
for 25 to 26 years, whereupon they and the children it, regardless of who the previous owner had been, | produc | |||
born by their concubines received Roman citizen- remained in force throughout the existence of the I skilled | |||
ship, assignments of land and veterans’ privileges, all empire, but the emperor’s right was not challenged * | |||
of which made service in the army attractive for either. True, the Senate believed that the “tyrants” I liable . | |||
them. The veterans of the legions and of auxiliary exercised that right much too extensively. Indeed, I growe; | |||
forces stationed in provincial cities reinforced the they could confiscate lands (mostly badly tilled or ' and dii | |||
class of decurions, which was the carrier of Roman entirely abandoned latifundia), dividing them into I he hat | |||
methods of economic organisation, Roman mode of lots granted to the emperor’s supporters. Sometimes i in the | |||
life, and Roman culture; in short, decurions were the lands of major landowners (mostly in the prov- | |||
the agents of the Romanisation of the provinces. The inces, it seems) were distributed among small worke | |||
opposition also protested against the influence of farmers. A “good” emperor could not, in the I skills; | |||
emperors’freedmen. But the empire’s administrative Senate’s view, act that way. Let the emperor own I of his | |||
apparatus consisted in part of such freedmen as everything, said Pliny the Younger, addressing him- | |||
well as slaves. Claudius set a number of departments self to Trajan, but those who possessed the lands I necess | |||
to handle appeals to the emperor as the highest in- assigned to them must remain their owners. In a I swallc | |||
stance, and to keep books, manage archives, etc. All word, the senators demanded that the emperor’s I duct, | |||
these departments were run by freedmen and staffed authority as the suzerain, as head of state, should be B villicu | |||
by slaves. Imperial freedmen and'slaves were also separated from his authority as the supreme owner H Colui | |||
sent to the provinces, where they were mostly of land. edge | |||
employed in the financial departments and But the emperors paid a great deal of attention to ■ his n | |||
managed the crown estates, which constantly grew the agrarian policy, as can be seen, for instance, H come | |||
through confiscations. The governors and their small from Vespasian’s decree that took away the public | |||
staff did not stay in any one place long, being con- lands from rich men who had seized them and I en J°) | |||
stantly transferred from province to province; they handed them over to small farmers. The right to use H famii | |||
had but a poor grasp of the local situation and of the neighbouring grazing lands, to use sand and lime | |||
administrative procedures. The emperors’ slaves and from neighbouring holdings, water cattle there, etc., | |||
freedmen, together with the veterans, were reliable was also established in the interests of small farmers, | |||
proponents of Roman policies and official ideology. Support for small- and medium-scale farmers at the | |||
Thus, they initiated various steps to demonstrate expense of the latifundia was part of the emperors’ | |||
their loyalty to the imperial regime, building statues agrarian policy. I desil | |||
for the principes and organising the colleges of the Certain alarming symptoms appeared at that I g enl | |||
cult of Augustus and the other deified emperors time in Italy’s agriculture. The Soviet researcher I P rui | |||
(apart from Augustus, the emperors Claudius, Ves- V. I. Kuzishchin has shown that several types of I an t | |||
pasian and Titus were deified in the 1st century), holdings evolved at that time: farms, or villas, in the I thai | |||
and the cults of their Lares, Genii, etc. Many of neighbourhood of cities, often specialising in prod- | |||
these freedmen used their position as a source of uce for the city market; farms remote from cities, eral | |||
gain, becoming very rich men. Provincial I mostly engaged in mixed natural economy; latifun- I the | |||
businessmen and governors also made fortunes. 5 dia, based on extensive economy and combining ■ I | |||
Highly placed officials sent their freedmen and ^ land cultivation, livestock-breeding and the handi- I cer | |||
slaves to the provinces, where they went into whole- ^ crafts (at potters’, fullers’, metal workers’ and other em | |||
sale trade and usury, enriching themselves and their | workshops). The theory of rationally conducting a lab | |||
patrons. j relatively large estate (not a latifundium, though) I tio | |||
The government and the senatorial opposition | was developed by Columella, who endeavoured to gre | |||
also differed considerably on the agrarian question. ^ prove that such a farm could yield a great income, no | |||
Becoming the supreme owner of land, the emperor £ comparable to that from usury, provided all the inf | |||
314 | |||
requirements of agronomy for the tilling and fertilis¬ | |||
ing the soil, cultivating the plants, and organising | |||
the work of slaves were satisfied. But the ideas of Col¬ | |||
umella’s treatise were mostly utopian. The level of | |||
production on such farms would demand highly | |||
skilled and attentive workers capable of initiative. In | |||
Columella’s view, however, such workers were unre¬ | |||
liable and inclined towards rebellion. A good vine- | |||
grower, costing 8,000 sesterces, was obstreperous | |||
and disobedient because of his skills and knowledge; | |||
he had to be driven to work in fetters and locked up | |||
in the house dungeon, the ergastulum, for the night. | |||
It was only natural under these conditions that the | |||
worker had no desire to exercise his knowledge and | |||
skills; Columella complained that neither he nor any | |||
of his neighbours could make the vine-growers care¬ | |||
fully divide the vines into varieties. It was therefore | |||
necessary to increase the number of overseers, which | |||
swallowed up a considerable part of the surplus pro¬ | |||
duct. But that was not very effective either, for the | |||
villicus, an overseer of an estate, was expected by | |||
Columella to have not only a wide-ranging knowl¬ | |||
edge of agriculture but also an exceptional loyalty to | |||
his master-a commodity that would be hard to | |||
come by. | |||
On farms remote from the market, where slaves | |||
enjoyed a relative freedom and had their own huts, | |||
families and a few head of cattle, the situation was | |||
better. On the latifundia, attempts to use the labour | |||
of hundreds of fettered slaves resulted in enormous | |||
expenditure on managerial staff. The use of some | |||
primitive machines like reapers and mowers saved | |||
labour but wasted a great deal of the harvest. The | |||
desire to save labour resulted in untimely and negli¬ | |||
gent performance of various operations, like the | |||
pruning of vines. All treatises of those times speak of | |||
an extremely wasteful use of land on latifundia, so | |||
that the emperors who confiscated and divided them | |||
into small lots proceeded from practical consid¬ | |||
erations that were as weighty as those of the times of | |||
the Gracchi. | |||
It was not only the government that was con- .f | |||
cerned with the difficult economic situation in the ^ | |||
empire. It was now clear to many people that slave N | |||
labour, which had promoted progress when produc- 3 | |||
tion was primitive enough, became a drag on it as it ? | |||
grew more complex. These tendencies were observed 1 | |||
not only in agriculture but also in the crafts, increas- Ep | |||
ing with the growing specialisation of production f- | |||
and higher demands of buyers and customers. | |||
Large-scale enterprises using slave labour failed | |||
Thus workshops using the labour of 100 to 150 slaves | |||
in the production of ceramics folded after a short | |||
while; large workshops producing brick and tiles, | |||
that were concentrated in the hands of the emperors | |||
at the beginning of the 2nd century, began to disin¬ | |||
tegrate into smaller units. Everything turned on the | |||
need to carry the large expenses of overseeing the | |||
slaves. | |||
Sober, practical men looked for a way out in such | |||
measures as leasing part of their land to the villici or, | |||
in smaller lots, to colons for a fixed rent (in money or | |||
in kind) or part of the harvest; leasing parts of work¬ | |||
shops (such as kilns); forming associations whose | |||
members (often freedmen of one patron) divided the | |||
workshop among themselves; and offering incentives | |||
to the most skilled slaves by assigning a peculium to | |||
them in the form of shops or workshops together | |||
with tools and slaves, and letting them manage their | |||
business on their own. | |||
Theoreticians like Seneca suggested the restruc¬ | |||
turing of the relations between masters and slaves | |||
after the model of the relations between patrons and | |||
clients; Pliny the Elder believed it necessary to | |||
revert to small holdings that could be tilled by small | |||
families. Poets and writers did their best to implant | |||
the ideas of mutual love between masters and slaves, | |||
invoking instances of loyalty of some slaves for their | |||
masters, whom they saved at the time of proscrip¬ | |||
tions and other misfortunes. But none of these | |||
appeals were very effective, for it was practically im¬ | |||
possible to offer incentives to all slaves. The leases | |||
merely increased production costs. Naturally, slaves | |||
continued to hate their masters, they ran away, and | |||
often killed their owners, despite the rigidly enforced | |||
Silanian senatus consultum. | |||
The signs of crisis appeared first of all in the old | |||
slave-owning regions of Italy. On the contrary, | |||
Cisalpine Gaul, where there were many peasants, | |||
and where large estates were mostly tilled by colons, | |||
not slaves, flourished. By the end of the 1st century, | |||
most of the praetorians and legionaries, as well as | |||
senators, came from Cisalpine Gaul. The policy of | |||
the emperors of the 1st century thus marked the | |||
beginning of efflorescence of the provinces, which | |||
had fallen into decay under senatorial rule, and not | |||
of Italy itself. | |||
The senatorial opposition constantly complained | |||
315 | |||
about the loss of liberty, glorifying Cicero, Cassius, | |||
Brutus, and Cato Uticensis as real fighters for free¬ | |||
dom. At the same time Tacitus, Seneca and other | |||
ideologues of the opposition held that absolute rule | |||
was inevitable, and their one wish was to have a | |||
“good” emperor, a philosopher on the throne. | |||
Others believed that one should pray the gods to | |||
send a good princeps and bear with bad ones, as we | |||
endure thunderstorms or hail. In the 1st century, the | |||
reprisals mostly fell on the upper sections of the sena¬ | |||
torial order, while the citizens of Italic and provin¬ | |||
cial cities enjoyed greater freedom and willingly | |||
spent money on municipal needs, hoping for promo¬ | |||
tion for themselves and their children. At the same | |||
time the overall climate was one of tolerance. Even | |||
books by persons subject to reprisals were not de¬ | |||
stroyed. Anyone could believe in any gods whatever | |||
or follow no faith at all, provided he performed the | |||
rites of the imperial cult; anyone could adhere to | |||
any philosophical doctrine, provided it did not | |||
entail lese-majeste. But the general “spirit of freedom” | |||
was illusory. The decurion estate, which profited | |||
greatly from the establishment of the empire, | |||
believed that excessive freedom was conducive to | |||
unrest. Plutarch, who came from a small Greek city | |||
of Chaeronea, wrote in his instructions for city | |||
magistrates on the proper way to conduct the affairs | |||
that the emperors offered enough freedom for the | |||
cities, and there was no need for more. In his | |||
speeches to the people he insisted that it was better | |||
to remember the sad consequences of rebellions than | |||
to dwell on the great past of the Greeks. The plebs | |||
ousted from political life, lost its interest in such life | |||
entirely. When one princeps succeeds another, wrote | |||
Phaedrus, Tiberius’s freedman and fable writer who | |||
was very close to the people, nothing but the mas¬ | |||
ter’s name changes for the little man. | |||
The painful awareness of lack of freedom was | |||
shared by various sections of society. It stemmed not | |||
so much from the policies of the emperors as from | |||
the absence of common goals, increasing depen- I | |||
dence of the upper strata on the emperors, of provin- 5 | |||
cials on governors and imperial officials, of colons on y | |||
landowners, of artisans’ and other colleges on the ^ | |||
patrons that now regulated all aspects of their lives, § | |||
and of each little man on his superior, who expected as | |||
him to be respectful and servile. The dependence § | |||
was both material and moral. The emperors ^ | |||
demanded that their subjects should praise their I | |||
316 | |||
virtues and the happiness they brought to the peo¬ | |||
ple. City magistrates and patrons of colleges | |||
expected the citizens to glorify their deeds and to put | |||
up their statues with grateful inscriptions. Setting up | |||
colleges in their homes and on their estates, the mas¬ | |||
ters demanded signs of loyalty and submission from | |||
the members of these colleges-freedmen, slaves and | |||
clients. The intellectuals were especially sensitive to | |||
their dependence on their rich patrons, who were | |||
often vulgar and ignorant. | |||
Under favourable circumstances, there was a | |||
chance of promotion and enrichment for men of dif¬ | |||
ferent strata: thus a senator could become a gover¬ | |||
nor of a province and even member of the princeps’s | |||
council, after holding a number of magistracies; a | |||
knight could rise to be a prefect of Egypt or prefect | |||
of the praetorian guard; a decurion could become a | |||
knight; a time-expired peregrine soldier could | |||
become a Roman citizen and a decurion; a slave | |||
could receive a peculium, buy his freedom, get rich, | |||
and his children would be freemen. However, | |||
anyone who stood out in any way inspired suspicion | |||
and mistrust. Emperors were afraid of senators | |||
renowned for their wealth, talents, or education, as | |||
their probable rivals. In the cities, the rivalry and in¬ | |||
trigues among candidates for various magistracies | |||
were unending. The position of the common people | |||
is best described in the catchword: “It is dangerous | |||
for a lowly man to surpass others in any art.” | |||
Finally, no one could be certain of what the next day | |||
might bring. The disfavour of the emperor, the | |||
patron or master, litigation or denuciation could | |||
deprive a person at one stroke of everything that he | |||
had attained. | |||
Men who rejected all this strove for ways to retain | |||
at least their spiritual freedom and a sense of inner | |||
independence and self-respect. These were the pre¬ | |||
cepts of the Stoics, of whom Seneca and the former | |||
slave Epictetus were the most outstanding pro¬ | |||
ponents. They wrote of the unity of the world im¬ | |||
bued with the supreme world reason, or world soul, | |||
uniting all that is; of the justice of the laws estab¬ | |||
lished by nature itself; and of the duty of each indi¬ | |||
vidual to follow the natural necessity reigning in the | |||
world, to bring one’s wishes in harmony with that | |||
necessity, to perform one’s duty to the fellow citizens | |||
and the entire mankind, and to play conscientiously | |||
one’s role in the “world drama”, condemning | |||
nothing and complaining of nothing. Things exter¬ | |||
nal, tl | |||
have r | |||
the ini | |||
table | |||
stress* | |||
from | |||
he wl | |||
to wl | |||
Howi | |||
had i | |||
his b | |||
him | |||
must | |||
to d | |||
wou | |||
mas | |||
Ii | |||
the | |||
but | |||
age | |||
E | |||
tiv* | |||
me | |||
exj | |||
sin | |||
tht | |||
nal, they taught, are beyond our control, but they Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, and Marcus Au- | |||
have no significance; the only significant things are relius, all of them deified after death- resolutely con- | |||
the inner “I” and the inner virtue remaining immu- demned the “tyrants” that preceded them, giving | |||
table in all the peripeteias of destiny. Epictetus up reprisals and achieving a reconciliation with the | |||
stressed in particular that only a person independent Senate. By that time, the Senate itself and its claims | |||
from the material world could be free. He said that had changed. The majority of the Senate were no | |||
he who could give us all we want and take away all longer members of the old aristocracy but new- | |||
to which we are attached would always be master. comers from Italian cities and the provinces who | |||
However, he who despised riches and the body, and laid no claim to a share of the profit from the exploi- | |||
had neither desires nor attachments, could give up tation of the provinces, and who recognized the | |||
his body and life to the tyrant but would not permit monarchy without qualification. Significantly, the | |||
him to direct his ideas and judgement. The wise man emperors of that dynasty were born in the provinces: | |||
must entrust himself to the gods and live according Trajan and Hadrian in Spain, and Antoninus Pius | |||
to divine laws, and not for earthly pleasures; he in Gaul. The Antonines’ dynastic policy also satis- | |||
would not then be afraid of earthly rulers and fied the Senate: rather than leaving the throne to | |||
masters. chosen members of their family, they adopted as | |||
In the 1st century A. D., some of the Stoics close to their heirs men that were popular in the army and | |||
the senatorial opposition were subjected to reprisals, approved by the Senate. Thus Nerva adopted Tra- | |||
but during the 2nd century the Antonines encour- jan (98-117), whom Roman historians regarded as | |||
aged Stoicism, and it became very popular. an ideal ruler. He routed Decebalus and made | |||
Epicureanism, on the other hand, lost its attrac- Dacia with its fertile lands and rich gold mines a | |||
tiveness. Epitaphs in the Epicurean spirit, urging Roman province. His successful wars with Parthia | |||
men to enjoy life, as there was nothing to be considerably extended Roman possessions in the | |||
expected after death, became more and more pes- East. He was generous with all kinds of handouts to | |||
simistic, stressing the ultimate utter destruction. At the plebs; he arranged splendid games that ran for | |||
the same time the faith in the immortality of the several days on end, and set up alimentary institu- | |||
soul, previously quite uncharacteristic of Romans, dons to help the poor-landowners needing money | |||
became stronger. There were more and more epi- mortgaged their lands, and then the state used the | |||
taphs expressing the hope that the deceased’s soul interest on the loans to help needy parents educate | |||
was alive, enjoying bliss, as a reward for his virtuous their children. Trajan went so far in his condemna- | |||
life, in communion with the gods in Elysium-and tion of “tyrants” that, handing the sword to the pre- | |||
that he himself might be a god. The cults and mys- feet of the praetorians, he said: “Use it to defend me | |||
teries of Dionysus, Isis and Osiris, and later of the if I rule well, and against me, if I rule badly.” This | |||
Iranian god Mithra spread among the upper and apparently sanctioned the right to assassinate “tyr- | |||
middle classes. Those initiated in the mysteries ants”. Trajan’s successor Hadrian (117-138) was | |||
hoped to grasp the secrets of the universe and famous for his erudition, his patronage of philoso- | |||
achieve immortality. The common people remained phers, scholars, orators and writers, his love for | |||
true to the Roman gods but showed a preference for Greek culture and antiquities, his attention for the | |||
those which were least connected with the official provinces, which he kept touring, his extensive con- | |||
cult, such as the forest godlet Silvanus, who grew in struction projects, and democratic conduct in pub- | |||
the eyes of the plebs and slaves into a powerful god _ lie: he used to walk about Rome on foot and talk to | |||
the creator and at the same time great worker and the people he met without ceremony. Antoninus | |||
helper of workers. Hercules, included among the " Pius (138-161) was popular as a just ruler renowned | |||
gods for his labours for the benefit of the people, was " J for his piety (hence the cognomen). Finally, Marcus | |||
also very popular. The importance of religion grew, S Aurelius (161-180), the last Stoic of antiquity of any | |||
and the search for a god worthy of worship, to whom ? distinction, was seen as precisely that type ofphiloso- | |||
one might entrust one’s whole life, became more and 1 pher on the throne of whom both Greeks and | |||
more intense. g 1 Romans had dreamed. | |||
The emperors of the Antonine dynasty-Nerva, 5 Under the Antonines, the empire reached the | |||
317 | |||
peak of its economic development. Construction high posts, were provincials, too. Mathematicians, | |||
techniques were greatly improved. The Flavian astronomers, geographers and physicians were | |||
amphitheatre, or Colosseum, Hadrian’s mausoleum active in the famous scholarly institutions of Perga- | |||
and villa, Titus’s triumphal arch and other magnifi- mum and Alexandria. Such great men of antique | |||
cent edifices were built at that time. After the con- science as the physician Galen and the astronomer | |||
quest of Dacia, the architect Apollodorus built Ptolemy worked in that period, | |||
a 1.5-km-long bridge across the Danube. The art The position of slaves improved under the | |||
of mosaic ornamentation of public and private Antonines, although the Silanian senatus consultum | |||
buildings, and the production of glass ware deve- was not abolished, and under Trajan it was even | |||
loped. Agriculture, crafts and construction made extended to the murdered man’s freedmen. How- | |||
rapid advances in the provinces; education and art, ever, the masters were deprived of the right to exe- | |||
which followed Greek and Roman models, received cute slaves, lock them up in ergastula, fetter them for | |||
a fresh impetus. Road construction, well-organised life, or send them to the mines and gladiator schools, | |||
navigation and the building of harbours streng- The slaves of cruel masters could appeal to magis- | |||
thened commercial links between the provinces, as trates with a request to sell them to less harsh | |||
well as between the empire and other countries and owners. Slaves guilty of grave criminal offences | |||
peoples-Transrhenish and Transdanubian tribes, punishable by death or hard labour were tried by | |||
Arabia, India, and even China, to some extent. Both the courts. All this signified a further development of | |||
luxury goods and agricultural and craftsmen’s prod- the tendency, started by Augustus, to make slaves, to | |||
ucts intended for the mass market were imported some extent at least, the state’s subjects. The slaves’ | |||
and exported. Some areas specialised in certain com- rights to their peculia, and their actual legal capabi- | |||
modities. Thus Spain exported metals, olive oil, and lity (“in natural law”) to be a party to bargains were | |||
fishery products; Italy, wine and pottery; Africa, consolidated. Slaves’ family ties were also actually | |||
grain and olives; Asia Minor and Syria, fabrics, jew- recognized; some of the richer slaves married free | |||
elry, etc. Provincial cities received the status of col- women, and lawyers even considered suits involving | |||
onies and municipia, and the number of provincials dowries received by such slaves’ wives. Where there | |||
attaining Roman citizenship grew. There was a was doubt as to the slave’s right to freedom (an obs- | |||
great deal of activity in the cities. Magistrates, who cure will or other document or condition of | |||
had to pay certain sums for the honour of filling their manumission, etc.), slaves were given the benefit of | |||
posts, decurions, and rich freedmen (that were the doubt by decree. The exercise of the patrons’ | |||
members of the estate of seviri augustales, which rights to their freedmen’s various obligations (to | |||
served the imperial cult) were those who paid for work for their former masters, to leave them part of | |||
the building of temples, circuses, theatres, market- their property in their wills, to maintain an impover- | |||
places, bath-houses, and aqueducts, paved streets, ished patron) was also controlled. The law especially | |||
and held games and feasts for the people; patrons of supported well-to-do freedmen and slaves who | |||
colleges gave the latter gifts of buildings for assem- owned large peculia and, without changing their | |||
blies, money for treats and handouts on the birth- legal status, already actually passed into the class of | |||
days of emperors, patrons themselves and their rela- owners of means of production and even of slaves, as | |||
tives. Festivals in honour of the gods were accom- the latter could be employed in th e peculia. Imperial | |||
panied by solemn processions which made, in the ^ bureaucracy was further consolidated under the | |||
words of Plutarch, the common people, even slave S Antonines. Although the state apparatus was still | |||
women, feel their own importance. Provincial intel- 5 staffed by the emperors’ slaves and freedmen, the | |||
lectuals also made a considerable contribution to the s principal offices were now entrusted to knights, with | |||
common Graeco-Roman culture. The poet Martial r salaries appropriate to their rank, | |||
was born in Spain; the writer and philosopher Apu- § However, processes were already maturing which | |||
leius, in Africa; the historian Appian, in Alexandria; gj ultimately put an end to this epoch of efflorescence, | |||
the famous satirist Lucian, in Syria; and the orator I The empire’s socioeconomic structure was not | |||
and philosopher Dio Chrysostom, in Asia Minor. = uniform, comprising as it did various social struc- | |||
Many prominent lawyers, who sometimes occupied 5 tures which developed in different ways and at dif- | |||
318 | |||
ferent rates. In the last centuries of the republic and The third structure was associated with the enor- | |||
the first centuries of the empire, the city communi- mous estates, often called saltus, of the emperors and | |||
ties, with their public and private lands, precisely provincial nobles, both native and newly come from | |||
delimited and entered in land-survey records, with Italy and Rome. They were tilled by colons who | |||
their slave-owners’ farms, well-developed crafts and rented the land from the owners or by tenants long | |||
trade, with the underlying principle of the work of settled on lands belonging to tribal chieftains or tern- | |||
each citizen, to the extent of his means and abilities, pies. Impoverished peasants as well as slaves and | |||
being aimed at the common weal, and with the an- freedmen given the status of colons swelled the | |||
tique culture synthesising Greek and Roman tradi- numbers of those working on the latifundia. Since | |||
tions, formed the dominant structure. The principal the exploitation of communities bound by mutual | |||
antagonistic classes here were slave-owners and responsibility was more profitable than that of indi¬ | |||
slaves, whose relations determined the state of the vidual colons, saltus owners organised, in addition to | |||
economy; owners of small holdings in the cities, of the existing communities, new communities of | |||
craftsmen’s workshops, and shops also played a con- freedmen on the lands they rented out. The staff of a | |||
siderable role, as a class. The cities varied in their saltus usually consisted of the owner’s slaves who | |||
size, character, and importance. Apart from Rome regularly collected the fixed rent and the landlord’s | |||
itself with its population of more than a million, share of the harvest, and sometimes supervised the | |||
there were such large rich centres of trade, crafts and corvee on the lands the estate owners left unleased, | |||
culture as Antioch and Palmyra in Syria, Alexan- They had their markets, temples, and workshops | |||
dria and Carthage in Africa, Arelate, Nemausus, where slaves and free artisans worked. Their popula- | |||
Narbo Martius, and Lugudumun in Gaul, Gades, tion had few ties with the external world, and only | |||
Tarragona and Carthago Nova in Spain, Ephesus, the owner, or rather his trusted agents, sold the | |||
and many others, where rich landowners and mer- produce at external markets. The principal anta- | |||
chants lived. gonistic classes of this socioeconomic structure were | |||
Another structure, not very prominent in the first landowners and colons, the latter depending in vary- | |||
centuries, was represented by consanguine and rural ing degree on the former. The relations between | |||
communities-villages, pagi, and neighbourhoods, them were not yet those of feudal societies, but ele- | |||
which continued to exist even in the north of Italy ments of feudal relations could develop faster here | |||
and were more or less numerous in various areas of than on the slave-owning villas of the cities, | |||
the western and eastern provinces. These communi- In reward for distinguished service, saltus owners | |||
ties collectively owned tracts of land within or out- were permitted to withdraw their estates from the | |||
side city boundaries, which they divided among its city administration, so that neither they nor their | |||
members; they were also collectively responsible for colons had any obligations before the city. In the | |||
the taxes imposed on the members. The communi- middle or at the end of the 2nd century a law was | |||
ties had their own popular assemblies, officials passed according to which all the lands of senators, | |||
(sometimes subordinated to the city magistracies), their sons and grandsons were withdrawn from the | |||
cults (partly surviving from the pre-Roman times city territories (the so-called exempt saltus), which | |||
and partly Romanised), and traditions, which the deprived the cities of their richest taxpayers, sacri- | |||
Roman authorities could hardly ignore. Some of fice-makers, and the bulk of buyers in the city mar- | |||
these communities began to disintegrate under the kets. All lands belonging to the emperors were also | |||
impact of the developing commodity-money rela- _ exempt in this sense. The towns, especially little | |||
tions. Rich individuals with special rights to their 4 ones, whose territories were often smaller than the | |||
lands (mostly veterans and Roman citizens) became ’ territories of the neighbouring saltus, were extremely | |||
prominent in the communities, while at the other N hostile to their owners, their imperial adminis- | |||
pole there appeared the exploited stratum of indi- ? tration, and their big lessees (or conductores), who | |||
gent community members and aliens. If the disinteg- subleased the lands. | |||
ration of a rural community went far enough, it 1 All these socioeconomic structures interacted with | |||
received city status; but such communities were still J one another, forming various hybrids (e. g., large | |||
numerous, and their traditions, very tenacious, f- estates on city territory cultivated by colons, or | |||
319 | |||
slave-owning farms on village territory), but they soldiers. Petitions have survived in which peasants | |||
became increasingly isolated from and opposed to from Thrace, Africa and Asia Minor appealed to the | |||
one another, the slave-owning socioeconomic struc- emperor to punish abuses, threatening to abandon | |||
ture losing its dominant role. their lands and flee if their demands were not met. | |||
Hadrian was compelled to cancel tax arrears to Peasants were again losing their independence as | |||
the tune of 900 million sesterces incurred by provin- they became insolvent debtors and colons tilling the | |||
cial cities but the arrears accumulated again. As the lands of landlords from whom they could not escape | |||
slave-owning economy in the provinces developed, it until they paid off all their debts, | |||
ran into the same problems that had arisen in Italy. The ruin of the peasants, who were the backbone | |||
The slave-owning mode of production could only of the army, led to a fall in the numbers of Roman | |||
partly develop through improving production im- citizens-and only Roman citizens could serve in the | |||
plements: progress mostly had to be attained legions. Hadrian had to give up some of Trajan’s | |||
through raising the workers’ skill and initiative, but conquests in the East, and he also began to recruit | |||
the basic contradictions between slaves and masters peregrines from the provinces for the legions, grant- | |||
impeded this mode of development. The same anta- ing them Roman citizenship. Giving up the offensive | |||
gonism was the reason why large enterprises capable strategy, the emperor went on the defensive and | |||
of the complex cooperation inevitably preceding the began to construct powerful fortifications, the so- | |||
invention and integration in production of machines called Hadrian’s Wall, along the empire’s boun- | |||
did not emerge. It proved impossible either to lower daries. | |||
production costs or to increase labour productivity Despite the glorification of the Antonines who, in | |||
to any significant extent. Besides, the well-to-do the words of Tacitus, succeeded in combining abso- | |||
members of communities traditionally had to spend lute rule with freedom, certain alarming tendencies | |||
considerable sums for the “public weal”, and these were becoming apparent in the mood of various | |||
expenditures constituted a great part of the surplus social strata. The desire, conscious or unconscious, to | |||
product. Even simple reproduction, not to mention go beyond the strictly regulated aimless routine gave | |||
reproduction on an extended scale, became less and rise to a morbid interest in all things extraordinary, | |||
less feasible. mystical and irreal. Works reflecting actual life were | |||
Despite all the attempts of the Antonines to sup- superceded by popular tales of miracles, ghosts, | |||
port the cities and city land-owning through cancel- vampires, daemons, spirits, statues coming to life, | |||
lation of arrears, subsidies from the treasury, exotic peoples and animals, tales that flooded even | |||
appointment of special curators supervising city works purporting to be scholarly. With the excep- | |||
finances, and limiting expenditure on the most tion of Alexandria and Pergamum, science declined, | |||
expensive spectacles like gladiator fights, the cities, increasingly becoming speculative and based on a | |||
especially the smaller ones, grew impoverished, and chain of logical constructs and assumptions, often | |||
city magistracies became an onerous burden rather arbitrary, rather than on observation. Losing its | |||
than honourable and highly coveted offices. former ties with science, philosophy moved closer to | |||
Some lands that brought no profit were aban- religion. On the other hand, practical application of | |||
doned. Hadrian issued a decree offering various pri- the achievements of science was impeded by the | |||
vileges to those persons who began to cultivate aban- growing contempt among the upper classes for any | |||
doned lands, but the results were not encouraging. ^ sort of mundane activity. Seneca wrote that those | |||
On the other hand, land was increasingly concentra- ^ who believed that the wise men of antiquity had | |||
ted in the hands of the richest individuals, mostly j3 taught men various useful things, and invented those | |||
senators and the emperor himself, and these lands, y things, were wrong. If they had done so, they had | |||
together with their colon tenants, were no longer ~ not acted as befitted wise men, for invention was an | |||
under the jurisdiction of the cities. Small land- f occupation suitable for contemptible slaves, not phi- | |||
owners, who paid large taxes and carried the gs losophers. Science and life increasingly diverged, | |||
burden of all sorts of exactions, suffered more than 1 The physician Sextus Empiricus protested against | |||
the rest of the populace from the pressure and even s this kind of speculative and dogmatic scholarship, | |||
violence on the part of the provincial officials and jj- insisting that science could only be based on experi- | |||
320 | |||
Dish with a picture of a hunter with | |||
four dogs. Clay. 4th millennium B.C. | |||
A. S. Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts, | |||
Moscow | |||
King Narmer’s palette. End of the 4th mil¬ | |||
lennium B.C. Egyptian Museum, Cairo | |||
Knife made of a thin strip of flint. Flint, | |||
ivory. Late 4th-early 3rd millennium B.C. | |||
The sphinx and the pyramid of Khefren | |||
(Kha-f-Ra) at Gizeh, Egypt. 27th century | |||
B.C. | |||
A night view of the Sphinx and pharaohs’ | |||
tombs at Gizeh | |||
The great pyramids. Gizeh. 27th century | |||
B.C. | |||
Scarab. 16th-17th centuries B.C. | |||
A sphinx of the Old Kingdom at Gizeh. | |||
27th century B.C. | |||
Relief from the tomb of treasurer Isi. | |||
Limestone. Mid-3rd millennium B.C. A. S. | |||
Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts | |||
Statue of Pharaoh Amenemhet III. Basalt. | |||
18th century B.C. A. S. Pushkin State | |||
Museum of Fine Arts, Moscow | |||
Head of a queen’s statue. Granite. 18th | |||
century B.C. A. S. Pushkin State Museum | |||
of Fine Arts, Moscow | |||
Relief from a scribe’s tomb. Limestone. | |||
Mid-3rd millennium B.C. A. S. Pushkin | |||
State Museum of Fine Arts, Moscow | |||
Figurine of a scribe. Basalt. 18th century | |||
B.C. A. S. Pushkin State Museum of Fine | |||
Arts, Moscow | |||
m 4-v T-;v ^ | |||
■> , K y-' ' $mis4 • | |||
Illrtlin- 11 ^ | |||
Model of a boat. Wood, paint. 18th cen¬ | |||
tury B.C. A. S. Pushkin State Museum of | |||
Fine Arts, Moscow | |||
Boat. Wood. 18th century B.C. A. S. Push¬ | |||
kin State Museum of Fine Arts, Mos¬ | |||
cow | |||
Sarcophagus of a farmer. Wood, paint. | |||
15th century B.C. A. S. Pushkin State | |||
Museum of Fine Arts, Moscow | |||
Scarab with a hieroglyphic text reporting | |||
the killing of 102 lions by Pharaoh Amen- | |||
hotep III. Steatite. 15th century B.C. | |||
A. S. Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts, | |||
Moscow | |||
The Book of the Dead. Papyrus, paint. 13th | |||
century B.C. A. S. Pushkin State Museum | |||
of Fine Arts, Moscow | |||
Relief from a Memphis tomb. Limestone. | |||
13th century B.C. A. S. Pushkin State | |||
Museum of Fine Arts, Moscow | |||
Relief with heads of Hittites. Sandstone. | |||
13th century B.C. A. S. Pushkin State | |||
Museum of Fine Arts, Moscow | |||
Statue of an Ethiopian queen. Basalt. 4th | |||
century B.C. A. S. Pushkin State Museum | |||
of Fine Arts, Moscow | |||
Portrait of a man. From the Fayum oasis. | |||
Wood, paint. 2nd century B.C. A. S. Push¬ | |||
kin State Museum of Fine Arts, Moscow | |||
Portrait of a woman. From the Fayum | |||
oasis. Wood, paint. 2nd century B.C. | |||
A. S. Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts, | |||
Moscow | |||
Sculptured model of a bust. Limestone. 3rd | |||
century B.C. A. S. Pushkin State Museum | |||
of Fine Arts, Moscow | |||
Portrait of a man from the Fayum oasis. | |||
Wood, paint. 2nd century B.C. A. S. Push¬ | |||
kin State Museum of Fine Arts, Moscow | |||
B | |||
11 | |||
> W | |||
V'~ | |||
m | |||
omen | |||
lgrad | |||
. The | |||
Statue of a ruler in prayer. Limes¬ | |||
tone. C. 3300 B.C. Bagdad | |||
Museum | |||
Seal portraying a hero fighting ani¬ | |||
mals. Steatite. 3rd millennium B.C. | |||
A. S. Pushkin State Museum of | |||
Fine Arts, Moscow | |||
Statue of a man in prayer. Plaster. | |||
C. 2700 B.C. Bagdad Museum | |||
. | |||
n ■» -• Cj | |||
... „ ■. ^ A. | |||
Statue of a goddess with a vessel from the | |||
palace of Zimri-Lim (Mari). Limestone. | |||
Early 18th century B.C. Museum, Aleppo | |||
Ebih-il, an official from Mari. Alabaster. | |||
C. 2400 B.C. Louvre, Paris | |||
The Naramsin stele. Limestone. C. 2250 | |||
B.C. Louvre, Paris | |||
Statue of King Ashurnasirpal II. Alabas¬ | |||
ter. 9th century B.C. British Museum, | |||
London | |||
- u. | |||
ELA | |||
AMORI | |||
© | |||
(Shanid | |||
36 | |||
40 | |||
44 | |||
48 | |||
(Tepe Gawra | |||
(Zawi Chemi) | |||
EBLA | |||
J Alalakh (5) | |||
(Tell Halaf) | |||
Arbelw | |||
[arim Shahir) | |||
Assur | |||
(Samarra, | |||
By bios | |||
O Eshnunna ■ | |||
^(Khafajah) | |||
®*AKKAD | |||
’"•'(J-O Nippur | |||
~ Umma | |||
' £ ° ©LAGASH ' | |||
© n R(AfUbaid) | |||
y Lana^yA UR ^ p | |||
® | |||
ERIDU | |||
180km | |||
MESOPOTAMIA | |||
Area of the Hassuna culture | |||
Area of the Jarmo culture | |||
Archaeological sites | |||
ELAM Names of historical regions and states | |||
AMO RITES Peoples | |||
® Significant centres of the Early Dynastic period | |||
(1st half of 3rd millennium B.C.) | |||
(§) Centres of the important states (2nd half of 3rd millennium B.C.) | |||
O Other ancient settlements | |||
H Area of irrigation | |||
— Ancient coastline and courses of the Tigris and the Euphrates | |||
(Shanidar) Modem names | |||
Reconstruction of the Ishtar Gate. Baby¬ | |||
lon. Glazed brick. Early 6th century B.C. | |||
Berlin Museum | |||
Offerer with a kid. Sargon II’s palace at | |||
Dur-Sharrukin. Painted plaster. End of the | |||
8th century B.C. Louvre, Paris | |||
Assyrian reliefs. Archers | |||
Cuneiform tablets. Clay. 2nd millennium | |||
B.C. A. S. Pushkin State Museum of Fine | |||
Arts, Moscow | |||
Vase in the shape of a lion. Kanish (Anato¬ | |||
lia). 20th-19th centuries B.C. Louvre, Paris | |||
Hittites. A seal. | |||
Hittite god of the storm. Basalt. 9th cen | |||
tury B.C. Istanbul Museum | |||
Portrayal of a goddess in childbirth. Qatal | |||
Hiiyiik, level II. Terracotta. 6th millen¬ | |||
nium B.C. Hittite Museum, Ankara | |||
Hittites. The “Daemon’s Head” lead amu¬ | |||
let. The Hermitage, Leningrad | |||
“Standard” mount from a royal tomb at | |||
Alaca Huy iik (Anatolia). Bronze and | |||
silver. C. 2300 B.C. Ankara Museum | |||
$ | |||
Statuette of a goddess giving benediction | |||
(Ugarit). Bronze. Mid-3rd millennium | |||
B.C. Damascus Museum | |||
Vessels, dagger, plaque (Phoenicia). Gold, | |||
silver, lapis lazuli. 19th- 18th centuries B.C. | |||
National Museum, Beirut | |||
Vessel in the form of a human head (Pales¬ | |||
tine'. Terracotta. 1 7th-16th centuries B.C. | |||
Jerusalem Museum | |||
Woman’s head in tall headgear (Ugarit). | |||
Ivory, gold. 14th century B.C. National | |||
Museum, Damascus | |||
Figurines on a votive chariot fUgantj | |||
13th century B.C. Louvre, Paris | |||
NEAR EAST | |||
NAIRI States and historical regions | |||
ARAMAEANS Peoples | |||
Capitals of states | |||
Other ancient cities | |||
Old Bahylonian Empire under Hammurapi | |||
(18th century B.C.) | |||
Hittite Empire in 14th century B.C. | |||
Assur colonies | |||
Assyrian Empire in mid-7th century B.C. | |||
Kingdom of Van’ in the 7th century B.C. | |||
Lydian Empire in the 1st half of | |||
the 6th century B.C. | |||
Trade routes | |||
Gold mines | |||
Copper mines | |||
Iron mines | |||
Later names | |||
Ancient coastline | |||
□ | |||
A | |||
(CARIA) | |||
p | |||
taruhen . | |||
C3, | |||
(Sinope , | |||
HfHLAGONI*, | |||
YtU^I | |||
(Trapezus) | |||
Tekhebaini | |||
^(KarMirBlur)) | |||
ihinili (Armavir) | |||
Carchemish | |||
Alalakh | |||
Arbela | |||
By bios*^ | |||
Beirut q'^ | |||
Sidonrs£? | |||
Palmyra | |||
Megidib | |||
1 Nippur } | |||
Steppe | |||
Syro-Mesopotamian | |||
Juruhen ^ | |||
Vfw | |||
Oi.-Jn. i L •*.«’ ,^ v .. -5^*fct|||( | |||
*ss»» '*■ | |||
Horse’s head. Mount on a chariot pole. | |||
Bronze. 8th century B.C. Museum of the | |||
History of Armenia, Yerevan | |||
Dish with a cuneiform inscription from | |||
Teishebaini. Bronze. 8th century B.C. The | |||
Hermitage, Leningrad | |||
Ornament on a cauldron. Bronze. 8th cen¬ | |||
tury. The Hermitage, Leningrad | |||
Fragment of a wall painting with figures of | |||
bulls and ornament. 8th century B.C. | |||
Museum of the History of Armenia, | |||
Yerevan | |||
◄ | |||
Erebuni. Armenian SSR | |||
Erebuni. Reconstruction of the hall | |||
v ■//„£ ‘Sk? ^ | |||
. 1 | |||
% | |||
* A | |||
4 : ja - « | |||
K£ii | |||
. L | |||
* ,jb* | |||
> wr | |||
▼w | |||
Winged lion with a human head. Throne | |||
ornament. Bronze. 8th century B.C. The | |||
Hermitage, Leningrad | |||
Gold necklace with turtle-shaped pen¬ | |||
dants. From excavations at Vani. (Geor¬ | |||
gian SSR). 5th century B.C. | |||
Gold temple ornaments. From excavations | |||
at Vani (Georgian SSR). 5th century B.C. | |||
Urartu. Teishebaini. View of the excava¬ | |||
tions. 7th century B.C. | |||
- -^’Y ^flif — j ^yrif^iMii'f ’“■ ' -• | |||
in iA.vi».-u.J:.. | |||
Urartaean vessels from Erebuni | |||
and Teishebaini. 8th-7th centuries | |||
B. C. A. S. Pushkin State Museum | |||
of Fine Arts, Moscow | |||
Ariadne. Terracotta. 2nd-1st centu¬ | |||
ries B. C. (Georgian SSR) | |||
Temple at Garni. The Hellenistic | |||
epoch | |||
Sculptured felt figurines of swans from the | |||
5th Pazyryk kurgan (High Altai . 5th-4th | |||
centuries B.C. The Hermitage, Leningrad | |||
Heads of rams (saddle ornaments). From | |||
the 2nd Bashadar kurgan (High Altai). | |||
Wood, gold foil. 5th century B.C. The Her¬ | |||
mitage, Leningrad | |||
Panther. Gold plaque on a shield from the | |||
Kelermes kurgan (Kuban Region ). 7th-6th | |||
centuries B.C. The Hermitage, Leningrad | |||
Deer. Gold shield plaque from a kurgan | |||
near Kostromskaya village (Kuban | |||
Region). 7th-6th centuries B.C. The Her¬ | |||
mitage, Leningrad | |||
Gold comb from the Solokha kurgan | |||
(North Black Sea coast). 4th century B.C. | |||
The Hermitage, Leningrad | |||
- | |||
Felt carpet (detail) from the 5th Pazyryk | |||
kurgan (High Altai). 5th-4th centuries | |||
B.C. The Hermitage, Leningrad | |||
felt carpet (detail) from the 5th Pazyryk | |||
kurgan (High Altai). 5th-4th centuries | |||
B.C. The Hermitage, Leningrad | |||
Felt saddle cover from the 1st Pazyryk kur- | |||
gan (High Altai). 5th-4th centuries B.C. | |||
The Hermitage, Leningrad | |||
Figurines of eagles (saddle ornament). | |||
From the 2nd Bashadar kurgan (High | |||
Altai). Wood, gold foil. 5th century B.C. | |||
Bridle ornament: browband in the shape'of | |||
an eagle. Wood. 6th century B.C. The 1st | |||
kurgan near Thekta, Altai | |||
Pile carpet from the 5th Pazyryk kurgan | |||
(High Altai). 5th-4th centuries B.C. The | |||
Hermitage, Leningrad | |||
Silver amphora from the Chertomlyk kur¬ | |||
gan (North Black Sea coast). 4th century | |||
B.C. The Hermitage, Leningrad | |||
Silver vessel with a mythological scene | |||
from a kurgan near Voronezh. 4th century | |||
B.C. The Hermitage, Leningrad | |||
Gold cover of a bowcase from the Cher- | |||
tomlyk kurgan (North Black Sea coast). | |||
4th century B.C. The Hermitage, Lenin- | |||
grad | |||
Gold pectoral from the Tolstaya Mogila | |||
kurgan (North Black Sea coast). 4th cen¬ | |||
tury B.C. Museum of Historical Treasures, | |||
Kiev | |||
DYAKOVSKAYA | |||
/ CULTURE | |||
ANANYINSKAYA | |||
CULTURE | |||
iYRSAGET AE | |||
GORODETSKAYA f | |||
CULTURE / | |||
EARLY SARMATIANS^£^ | |||
/PROKHOROVSKAYA / | |||
/ CULTURE 2*3^) | |||
( Tolstaya Mogila | |||
Y/ T \H I^A)^N 5_ | |||
Y , Chert omlyk^j Kamenskoe | |||
Solokha | |||
°nai s | |||
Kelermes | |||
TASMOLIAN CULTURE | |||
0 (SEA \ | |||
OF ARAL! | |||
Tagisken ^ ^ | |||
Cyprus | |||
Nineveh’ | |||
Syro-Mesopotamian | |||
Steppe / | |||
^Jerusalem | |||
Ecbatana | |||
Babylon!© | |||
‘Persepolis>L | |||
(Lake Baikal) | |||
TAGAR | |||
CULTURE* | |||
Arzhan | |||
IAN CULTURE | |||
(Lake Balkhash) | |||
^ Chelektinsky | |||
Ussyk Kul, | |||
T'ai-yuan | |||
© Cheng | |||
Hsien-yang | |||
420km | |||
ELAM | |||
States and historical regions | |||
SCYTHIANS | |||
Peoples | |||
® | |||
Significant ancient cities | |||
□ | |||
Areas devastated by the Cimmerians in | |||
the 7th century B.C. | |||
A | |||
Barrows of 7th-6th centuries B.C. | |||
Barrows of 5th-3rd centuries B.C. | |||
— | |||
Trade routes | |||
(Volga) | |||
Modem names | |||
100 | |||
110 | |||
I | |||
_ | |||
_ | |||
-;-V | |||
Elamite’s head. Clay. 2nd millennium B.C. | |||
Louvre, Paris | |||
Facade of the apadana. Persepolis. 5th cen¬ | |||
tury B.C. | |||
Head of a Bactrian. Eastern staircase of the | |||
apadana. Persepolis. 5th century B.C. | |||
Mede with a dagger. Eastern staircase of | |||
the apadana. Persepolis. 5th century B.C. | |||
Figurine of a doe. Gold. 6th century B.C. | |||
The Hermitage, Leningrad | |||
“Gate of All Peoples”. Built under Darius I | |||
and his son Xerxes. 5th century B.C. | |||
Gold sword hilt. Ecbatana (Hamadan). | |||
Achaemenid epoch, 5th century B.C. Teh¬ | |||
ran Museum | |||
i vLei, | |||
Darius I’s tomb (522-484 B.C.) Bottom left'. | |||
Shapur I’s victory relief (241-272 B.C.) | |||
and the later Naksh-i-Rustam double relief | |||
Frieze with Darius’s archers from Susa. | |||
Glazed brick. 5th century B.C. Louvre, | |||
Paris | |||
Warrior’s head. Persepolis. 4th century | |||
B.C. | |||
Necklace with a lioness’s heads detail). | |||
Gold, bronze. 6th century B.C. The Her¬ | |||
mitage, Leningrad | |||
Medallion portrait of the Parthian King of | |||
Kings. Silver. The Hermitage, Leningrad | |||
Dish portraying a sacred bird taking a god¬ | |||
dess to heaven. Silver. 8th century B.C. | |||
The Hermitage, Leningrad | |||
Figurine of a galloping horseman. Gold. | |||
The Hermitage, Leningrad | |||
Figurine of an eagle tearing a swan to | |||
pieces. Gold, enamel. The Hermitage, | |||
Leningrad | |||
Akina, | |||
From | |||
5th c | |||
Gold | |||
meni | |||
Heac | |||
baste | |||
Insti | |||
of S | |||
Akinakes scabbard. Ivory, relief, engraving. | |||
From Takhti-Sangin (South Tajikistan). | |||
5th century B.C. | |||
Gold head of a bull from Altin-depe (Turk¬ | |||
menian SSR). The bronze epoch | |||
Head of a Hellenistic ruler. Painted Ala¬ | |||
baster, polychrome. From Takhti-Sangin. | |||
Institute of History of the Tajik Academy | |||
of Sciences, Dushanbe | |||
Votive altar with sculpture of Silenus. | |||
From Takhti-Sangin. The altar is made of | |||
limestone, the figurine is bronze;. 2nd cen¬ | |||
tury B.C. Institute of History of the Tajik | |||
Academy of Sciences, Dushanbe | |||
Machaira hilt portraying the struggle | |||
between Heracles and Silenus from Takhti- | |||
Sangin. 4th-3rd centuries B.C. Ivory, | |||
relief, engraving. Institute of History of the | |||
Tajik Academy of Sciences, Dushanbe | |||
K run | |||
Rhyton from Nisa. Carved ivory. 2nd cen¬ | |||
tury B.C. The Hermitage, Leningrad | |||
Golden belt from a warrior’s tomb at Tillya- | |||
tepe (modern Afghanistan;. The plaques | |||
portray the goddess Cybele riding a lion. | |||
Late 1st century B.C.-early 1st century | |||
A.D. National Museum, Kabul | |||
Two gold figurines of winged goddesses | |||
from Tillya-tepe. Late 1st century B. C.- | |||
early 1st A.D. National Museum, Kabul | |||
Head of an old man (fragment of a vessel). | |||
From Zar-tepe. Ceramics. lst-4th centuries | |||
A.D. | |||
Head of a prince from Dalverzin-tepe. | |||
lst-2nd centuries A.D. | |||
Buddha’s heac | |||
centuries A.D | |||
“Game of Nard” frescoe from Panjikent. | |||
7th century A.D. | |||
Figurine of a female deity from Khorezm. | |||
Terracotta. lst-4th centuries A.D. | |||
Carved capital of decorative pilaster. | |||
Buddhist religious centre at Kara-tepe hill | |||
in Termez. White limestone. 2nd-3rd cen¬ | |||
turies A.D. The Hermitage, Leningrad | |||
“The Musicians” scene. Airtam frieze. | |||
lst-2nd centuries A.D. | |||
“The Musicians” scene. Detail. “The | |||
Drummer”. Airtam frieze | |||
“The Musicians” scene. Detail. “The Lute | |||
Player”. Airtam frieze | |||
tkv?u "T'*zi zttZ .:: | |||
j^L, | |||
MW | |||
_ | |||
■ I | |||
f /\J 'J I ' \j | |||
’ | |||
■■ < v : i | |||
M ! | |||
• • y , | |||
i it 1 ( | |||
j 1 V ) i | |||
. • A r’\ | |||
Figurine of a priest from Mohenjo-Daro. | |||
Steatite. 3rd-2nd millennia B.C. | |||
Seals from Mohenjo-Daro. Steatite. | |||
3rd-2nd millennia B.C. | |||
Queen in a garden. Fresco. Ajanta. 5th-6th | |||
centuries A.D. | |||
“Leonine Capital” at Sarnath. 3rd century | |||
B.C. | |||
•Aiv.nc.'/.'.'.".?’ si | |||
it ilrtt.M T/o ■nli'iMk* y tat'llferA.'; ••ii. | |||
Yakshinis. Bhutesar. Sandstone. 2nd cen¬ | |||
tury A.D. Indian Museum, Calcutta | |||
Scene from Jataka of Mahakaji. Relief on | |||
the Bharhut stupa. 2nd century B.C. In¬ | |||
dian Museum, Calcutta | |||
Bas-relief. Nagarjunakonda. 2nd-3rd cen¬ | |||
turies A. D. National Museum, Delhi | |||
Statue of Buddha. Sandstone. Archaeologi¬ | |||
cal Museum, Sarnath | |||
North gate of the stupa at Sanchi. 2nd cen¬ | |||
tury B.C. | |||
(Harappa) | |||
Ahicchi | |||
^Shravasti > Vi | |||
K OS H ALA\ | |||
/4 •• I | |||
f £ (Mohenjo-daro) | |||
Kanauj^^ | |||
Mathurlr | |||
.Vaishali | |||
(Chanhu-daro) | |||
Pattala | |||
Kaushambi | |||
MAG 4^ | |||
Campa | |||
Va,anasi A | |||
" / Gaya | |||
AVANTI | |||
monsoons) | |||
Palura | |||
‘Jy QCrangarone | |||
Kaverip, | |||
Lanka | |||
360km | |||
ANCIENT INDIA | |||
PUNJAB | |||
States and historical regions | |||
® | |||
Major ancient cities | |||
Harappa culture area (3rd-lst half of | |||
the 2nd millennia B.C.) | |||
• | |||
Excavated settlements of the Harappa culture | |||
Route of Alexander the Great’s army | |||
□ Ashoka’s possessions (273-236 B.C.) | |||
VMMPPW* Gupta Empire in the 5th century A.D. | |||
/ / / / Temporary dependencies of | |||
/ // / the Gupta Empire | |||
Centres of commerce with the | |||
Mediterranean world (after the “Periplu | |||
de Mare Erythraeum”) | |||
Finds of Roman coins | |||
Kumari | |||
Chnstian communities in | |||
the 4th-5th centuries A.D | |||
Kushan Empire at its peak | |||
Trade routes | |||
(Mohenjo- | |||
-daro) | |||
Modern names | |||
“Stone man” in the sitting posture. Stone. | |||
From the excavations of the Ju Hao tomb. | |||
Shang-Yin epoch. 2nd millennium B. C. | |||
Cart drawn by an ox. Wood. From excava¬ | |||
tions in the province of Kansu Han epoch. | |||
2nd century B.C.-2nd century A.D. | |||
Bronze image of mythological winged | |||
monster. From the excavations of the tomb | |||
of the ruler of the state of Chungshan. | |||
Chankuo epoch. 5th-3rd centuries B.C. | |||
Man with broad-hilted weapon in his belt. | |||
Nephrite. From excavations of the Ju Hao | |||
tomb. Shang-Yin epoch. 2nd millennium | |||
B.C. | |||
ed | |||
nb | |||
in. | |||
C. | |||
k W«fc* V.-.•;*• iN&V,V*.*tfr<*■'/'»i ( ' <*<’' ^ «\aW A I* ‘.', * l-'' $> i* <T< | |||
Figurine of a warrior from the tomb of | |||
emperor Ch’in Shihhuangti. Terracotta. | |||
From excavations near Sian. Ch’in epoch. | |||
3rd century B.C. | |||
Head of a warrior’s figurine from the tomb | |||
of emperor Ch’in Shihhuangti. Terra¬ | |||
cotta. From excavations near Sian. Ch’in | |||
epoch. 3rd century B.C. | |||
Gown. From excavations near Changsha. | |||
Han epoch. 2nd centurv B.C.-2nd century | |||
A.D. | |||
Painted wooden figurines. From excava¬ | |||
tions in the province of Kansu. Han epoch. | |||
2nd century B.C.-2nd century A.D. | |||
Ceramic moulds for casting coins. Wang | |||
Mang epoch. 1st century A.D. The Hermi¬ | |||
tage, Leningrad | |||
Cover. Lacquer. From excavations near | |||
Changsha. Han epoch. 2nd century | |||
B.C.-2nd century A. D. | |||
Bronze galloping horses. From excavations | |||
in the Kansu province. Han epoch. 2nd | |||
century A.D. | |||
Gold mines | |||
Copper mines | |||
Iron mines | |||
Lead mines | |||
Tin mines | |||
Salt-mines | |||
“Silk route” | |||
Trade routes | |||
Great Wall | |||
(Tibet) Modem names | |||
Monuments of the Shang Age | |||
Excavations of the “Great city of Shang” 2nd half of the 2nd mil. B.C. | |||
_ u ,_ t Major kingdoms before the emergence of the first | |||
'-'HU centralised state (5th-3rd centuries B.C.) | |||
CHI Capitals of major ancient kingdoms | |||
HSIEN-YANG Capital of Ch’in Empire | |||
CH'ANG-AN Capitals of Han Empire (2nd century B.C.-2nd century A.D.) | |||
• Important trade and handicraft centres | |||
Fortresses built in the 2nd-early 1st centuries B.C. | |||
“Barbariari’invasions (2nd-lst centuries B.C.) | |||
Areas of greatest population density in | |||
the 2nd century A.D. (after census data) | |||
180 | |||
b= | |||
0 | |||
ZEEfc | |||
360km | |||
*'>1 .'».*< | |||
>*** | |||
Palace at Phaestos. Between 2000 and 1500 | |||
B.C. | |||
So-called “La Parisienne”, fragment of a | |||
frescoe from the palace of Knossos. | |||
C. 1500 B.C. Heraclion. Archaeological | |||
Museum | |||
The Lion gate at Mycenae. End of the | |||
14th-15th century B.C. | |||
Funeral mask, so-called mask of Agamem¬ | |||
non, from the tomb V of the circle A. Gold. | |||
Second half of the 16th century B.C. | |||
National Museum, Athens | |||
Mv | |||
Uppe | |||
tadel | |||
and | |||
palace | |||
cenac | |||
6 th | |||
3th | |||
centuries | |||
OK | |||
pie | |||
1 Irra | |||
H | |||
mpi | |||
cm | |||
eraion | |||
600 | |||
Selinus, Temple | |||
550 | |||
340 | |||
imestone | |||
Statues of Cleobis and Biton. Marble | |||
590-580 B.C. | |||
Kore 671. Marble. C. 520 B.C. Acropolis | |||
Museum, Athens | |||
Temple of Poseidon at Cape Sunion. Mar¬ | |||
ble. 450-440 B.C. | |||
Parthenon on Athenian Acropolis. Marble. | |||
447-432 B.C | |||
Parthenon. Fragment of the | |||
Equestrians. Western frieze | |||
procession. | |||
Erechtheion temple on Athenian Acro¬ | |||
polis. Marble. 421-406 B.C. | |||
Myron. Discobolus. C. 450 B.C. Roman | |||
marble copy. Rome National Museum. | |||
Syracusan decadrachma, so-called demara- | |||
teion. Silver. C. 479 B. C. British Museum, | |||
London | |||
Statue of Poseidon. Bronze. 460-450 B.C. | |||
National Museum, Athens | |||
Head of the statue of a youth, the so-called | |||
“fair-haired ephebus”. Marble. C. 480 | |||
B.C. Acropolis Museum, Athens | |||
Praxiteles. Aphrodite of Cnidos. C. 350 | |||
B.C. A reconstruction in gypsum from | |||
Roman copies. Museum of Moulds, | |||
Munich | |||
•' mm Wit\Wl^.dk j & V>| itY ' ‘ i^Vr 1 " ~^lti --’ Vvi^A^V/'Jl 1 -' 1 » >< ‘ ■ ? vf^ | |||
. T it A»~ r'f" i'h' ,v «■ -mi*- iil Vi ^r- Qj-.fct.i- «■<«»* . | |||
.' *■ iN*»V.Vi«•'<»:C . >1 . "i>i. ’.-Svi*V>ivi/ iii v'lf' | |||
V? | |||
Vase from Dipylon (copy). Clay. Mid-8th | |||
century B.C. | |||
Red-figure crater. “Gigantomachy”. | |||
Painted earthenware. 4th century B.C. | |||
Apulia. The Lycurgus Painter | |||
Black-figure amphora with dancing | |||
maenads. Clay. 540s B.C. | |||
Black-figure amphora. Clay. C. 530 B.C. | |||
Attica. | |||
Amphora. A Stag. Earthenware. Third | |||
quarter of the 6th century B.C. Clazo- | |||
menae. Enmann Class | |||
Red-figure crater by the “master of Villa | |||
Giulia”. Clay. Mid-5th century B.C. | |||
V | |||
■ | |||
■i | |||
i | |||
NAPLES | |||
OPompeii | |||
OPosidonia | |||
\Metapontum | |||
O Thurii (Sybaris) | |||
Croton | |||
Messana | |||
Zephyrium | |||
f Catana / | |||
l Megan Hyblaea | |||
SYRACUSE | |||
Historical regions | |||
Major cities and political centres | |||
Important cult centres | |||
Other ancient settlements | |||
Persian dependencies in the early | |||
5th century B.C. | |||
LYDIA | |||
® | |||
Delphi | |||
Acroterion from Phanagoria. Marble. Mirror stand. Aphrodite with Erotes, | |||
Third quarter of the 4th century B.C. Bronze. C. 480 B.C. Aegina | |||
Sparta’s allies in the 5th century B.C. | |||
A | |||
Epidamnus | |||
7 hasos | |||
Samothrace | |||
Thasos | |||
THRACIAN SEA | |||
Athos | |||
m w’ | |||
Lemnos | |||
lapygium | |||
Kerkyrt | |||
Dodona | |||
Lesbos | |||
Artemisium | |||
PL Euboia | |||
Skyroe / | |||
Leukas | |||
A E T 0 LI | |||
Ithaka | |||
r upactus | |||
Kephallenia | |||
Andros | |||
Samos | |||
Tenedos | |||
Zakynthos | |||
MEGALOPOLIS | |||
Mykonos | |||
^ Naxos | |||
Paros | |||
MYRTIUAN | |||
Sphracteria " | |||
Melos | |||
■" Male a | |||
Kythera | |||
Thera | |||
Taenarum | |||
Cydonia | |||
KNOSSOS | |||
_ u u n | |||
Phaistos p® | |||
100km | |||
— | |||
Iron mines | |||
Kerkvra | |||
' ' <P f \ . | |||
•6 HALICARNASSUS | |||
- ° , '?/// | |||
- a, %Cnid u»% | |||
,%r Ik | |||
of Athens in 5th century B.C. | |||
routes | |||
A iW.f ar —» | |||
Man’s head, the so-called “Eubuleus”. | |||
Marble. Second half of the 4th century B.C. | |||
National Museum, Athens | |||
Head of Dionysus. Marble. Early 3rd cen¬ | |||
tury B.C. Thasos Museum | |||
Head of Epicurus. First quarter of the 3rd | |||
century B.C. Antique replica in marble. | |||
Metropolitan Museum, New York | |||
Temple of Apollo at Didyma. Main facade. | |||
Marble. 3rd-2nd centuries B.C | |||
Theatre at Pergamum. Basalt. 3rd century | |||
B.C. | |||
Seated Woman. Marble. Second half of the | |||
4th century B.C. Staatliche Museen, Ber¬ | |||
lin | |||
I he Pergamum great altar. North-western | |||
corner. Marble and limestone. First half of | |||
the 2nd century B.C. Staatliche Museen, | |||
Berlin | |||
Zeus and Porphyrian. Detail of the eastern | |||
frieze of the Pergamum altar. Marble. | |||
180-160 B.C. Staatliche Museen, Berlin | |||
Terracotta figurines from Tanagra and | |||
Myrina. Clay. 4th-3rd centuries B.C. | |||
Mi- | |||
•VO: JLv | |||
n | |||
Facade of a rock tomb at Cyrene. 3rd-2nd | |||
centuries B.C. | |||
Intaglio. “Heron in Flight”. Carved chal¬ | |||
cedony and gold. Second half of the 5th | |||
century B.C. | |||
Mosaic floors at Pella. 4th-3rd centuries | |||
B.C. | |||
Statue of Demetrius I of Syria. Bronze. | |||
C. 150 B.C. Capitol Museum, Rome | |||
Black-figure kylix with horsemen. Clay. | |||
4th century B.C. Corinth | |||
■■ — ■ | |||
Dying Gaul. 220-210 B.C. Antique replica | |||
in marble. Capitol Museum, Rome | |||
Head of a goddess from Alexandria. Mar¬ | |||
ble. 3rd century B.C. | |||
Portrait of Antiochus III. C. 200 B.C. | |||
Antique replica in marble. Louvre, Paris | |||
Statue of Aphrodite. C. 250 B.C. Antique | |||
replica in marble. National Museum, | |||
Rome | |||
The Victory of Samothrace. Marble. | |||
C. 190 B.C. Louvre, Paris | |||
*X H Jfc a’aUU | |||
Lekuthos. Sphinx. Painted earthenware. | |||
Late 5th century B.C. Attica | |||
Statue of Aphrodite (from the collection of | |||
Khvoshchinsky). Marble. Roman copy | |||
from a Greek original from the 3rd century | |||
B.C. | |||
Statue of Aphrodite, the so-called Venus de | |||
Milo. Marble. End of the 2nd century B.C. | |||
Louvre, Paris | |||
Panticapaeui | |||
MACE | |||
[Sinope | |||
' OHeraclea, | |||
BITHYNIA I | |||
Corinth 1 | |||
Ttapezus | |||
Rhodes | |||
igranocerta' | |||
Arbela | |||
Cyprus | |||
7 Palmyra , | |||
\Damascus / | |||
Ecbatana' | |||
Seleucia. | |||
BabylonC | |||
01 Jerusalem r | |||
'"♦O' J^Arsinoe ^ Petra t* | |||
Memphis 1 Berenice-^L^ J | |||
C ‘ » V ( \ | |||
S\ ~Q«V“*<?W S | |||
Persepolis | |||
Gerrha | |||
Pattala | |||
Meroe | |||
Aromatifera Coast | |||
Sokotra | |||
500km | |||
FacTrOfi | |||
L A C* n | |||
.▲ i __ M it w l4r- »/'i * i | |||
%'A.o | |||
W.W^V'tS.L | |||
>i\$>..\*-<* %&*•* 'v* | |||
MACEDONIA Historical regions and states | |||
IBERIANS Peoples | |||
© Major cities | |||
• Cities founded in the Hellenistic period | |||
Cities of the Kushan period (lst-3rd centuries A.D.) | |||
t Route of Alexander the Great’s army | |||
- - Roads and trade routes | |||
3 Gold mines | |||
Ag Silver mines | |||
« Copper mines | |||
^ Iron mines | |||
(Tibet) Modem names | |||
Lanka | |||
Head of a satyr in pine wreath. Marble. | |||
Roman replica of 2nd century original | |||
' 4<UA * S* • st'K- W, | |||
L*V#;«rts | |||
l# r ‘f# | |||
'A. | |||
C*-: | |||
She-wolf of Capitol. Bronze. Second | |||
quarter of the 5th century B.C. Palazzo of | |||
Conservatives, Rome | |||
Wrestling scene. Fragment from painting | |||
on the Francois Etruscan tomb at Vulchi | |||
2nd century B.C. Villa Albani, Rome | |||
Appian way, near Rome: 312 B.C. | |||
Fortune’s shrine at Palestrina. View from | |||
north-west. After 80 B.C. | |||
f- | |||
i * | |||
— | |||
**i* V A.-fr ■ ■ ■ i +aL!i K. •^rWiii’iV'/il^ | |||
T | |||
;•*?' | |||
Statue of Augustus from Prima Porta. | |||
Marble. C. 20 B.C. Vatican Museums, | |||
Rome | |||
Aqueduct in Nimes. End of the 1st century | |||
A.D. | |||
As. Copper. C. A.D. 37-41. Ashmolean | |||
Museum, Oxford | |||
Coin with the portrait of Domitian. | |||
A.D. 80-90. British Museum, London | |||
Sesterce Aurihalk, C. A.D. 66. British | |||
Museum, London | |||
y | |||
U *■ \ i | |||
Si | |||
*' | |||
The Flavii Amphitheatre, the so-called | |||
Colosseum. A.D. 80 | |||
Tombstone of the Vibius family. Marble. | |||
Second half of the 1st century B.C. Vatican | |||
Museums, Rome | |||
Temple of Hadrian at Ephesos, 2nd cen¬ | |||
tury A.D. | |||
Statue of the ruler of Gorgippia (from Ana¬ | |||
pa). Marble. 2nd century A.D. | |||
Portrait of a Roman woman, the so-called | |||
Syrian. Marble, 160s-170s. The Hermi¬ | |||
tage, Leningrad | |||
Helmet with a visor from Ribchester. | |||
Great Britain, Bronze. End of the 1st cen¬ | |||
tury A.D. British Museum, London | |||
Portrait of Marcus Aurelius. Detail. Mar¬ | |||
ble. A.D. 170s-180s. National Museum, | |||
Rome | |||
Portrait of a Roman. Bronze. Last quarter | |||
of the 1st century B.C. The Hermitage, | |||
Leningrad | |||
Initiation in the mysteries of Dionysus. | |||
Fragment of wall-painting at the Villa of | |||
Mysteries, Pompeii. C. 50 B.C. | |||
Sarcophagus with Dionysian scenes. Mar¬ | |||
ble. Early 3rd century A.D. | |||
Sesterce. Aurihalk. Between | |||
A.D. 117-138 | |||
Sesterce. Aurihalk. C. A.D | |||
119. Capitol Museum, Ro | |||
Wall-painting from villa | |||
Farnesi. C. 19 B.C. National | |||
Museum. Rome | |||
Portrait of Emperor Trajan. | |||
Marble. Early 2nd century | |||
A.D. | |||
Head of a youth from Egypt. | |||
Marble. Mid-1st century | |||
A.D. | |||
Roman city in Timgad, Al¬ | |||
geria. 2nd century A.D. | |||
Ppnticapaeum | |||
Che non | |||
COLCHIS | |||
ALBANI | |||
[Phasis | |||
Sinope | |||
Artaxata | |||
PONTUS | |||
'Ancym | |||
CAPP | |||
T) O C I A | |||
Melitene-< | |||
Samosata + | |||
* + | |||
i'lycia ■ | |||
^Antioch | |||
S Y R11 A | |||
Cypms 4 . | |||
'Ctesiphon | |||
Dura Europos | |||
/ *e A | |||
Rhodes | |||
Babylon | |||
Palmyra | |||
(Beirut), | |||
Damascus | |||
)Scythopolis | |||
iru salem 1 | |||
Oxyrhyncl | |||
Ammonium | |||
Siwa Oasis | |||
'Hermopolis | |||
Myoshomu | |||
Leucos Limen | |||
• *a .4 IT»■ • ’v *W\ | |||
5 ^ | |||
Drepanum | |||
A Q O | |||
* e 8 r ates | |||
Lilybaeum | |||
\ J '■^y^Solus | |||
3 S 1 C A N S | |||
-v_ g .S' | |||
° A | |||
Selin us ... J | |||
jf "n | |||
/ ICarthagei \ | |||
Z' | |||
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Acragas q, | |||
Geia | |||
s | |||
o | |||
j | |||
•/ | |||
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ment, | |||
ter re | |||
works | |||
craze | |||
The | |||
ible a | |||
heroe: | |||
tions | |||
satraf | |||
tues c | |||
gettir | |||
times | |||
militi | |||
who | |||
phets | |||
there | |||
who | |||
noble | |||
the i | |||
virtu | |||
a hei | |||
escaj | |||
inev | |||
M | |||
held | |||
the ; | |||
adve | |||
paid | |||
theo | |||
and | |||
wor | |||
S’ | |||
The | |||
Ma | |||
asse | |||
cha | |||
woi | |||
ter) | |||
eve | |||
wh | |||
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•.'OjW | |||
mcnt, observation, and method, and that it had bet¬ | |||
ter refrain from unsubstantiated assertions. His | |||
works, however, could do little to stop the universal | |||
craze for the fantastic. | |||
The romances of that time described the incred¬ | |||
ible adventures of incredibly beautiful and noble | |||
heroes and heroines going through terrible priva¬ | |||
tions when captured by brigands, pirates, Persian | |||
satraps, overcoming all obstacles through their vir¬ | |||
tues and the assistance of the gods, and ultimately | |||
getting married. In the eyes of the people of those | |||
times, it was not outstanding political figures and | |||
military leaders striving for the glory of their country | |||
who were the greatest heroes but clairvoyant pro¬ | |||
phets always retaining their inner freedom and | |||
therefore towering head and shoulders above those | |||
who tried to subjugate them. The literary type of a | |||
noble outlaw also appeared at this time; he robbed | |||
the rich, and helped the poor, he was wise and | |||
virtuous despite his crimes, and met his death as befits | |||
a hero. All of this was a kind of “compensation”, an | |||
escape from the reality with its humiliations and | |||
inevitable compromises with one’s conscience. | |||
Magic, astrology, and daemonology increasingly | |||
held sway over the people’s minds. Lucius Apuleius, | |||
the author of the novel Metamorphoses describing the | |||
adventures of a young man transformed into an ass, | |||
paid a great deal of attention to magic, developing a | |||
theory of various categories and functions of genii | |||
and daemons mediating between the gods and the | |||
world. | |||
Stoicism no longer appeared satisfactory either. | |||
The works of the last of the Stoics, the emperor | |||
Marcus Aurelius, are full of hopeless pessimism. He | |||
asserted that nothing in the world could be either | |||
changed or improved, all things had been, were, and | |||
would be the same through eternity. Baseness, flat¬ | |||
tery and falsehood would always exist. The glory of | |||
even the greatest of men was forgotten, and then, | |||
what use would glory be to them after death? In that | |||
chaos, the only important thing was to preserve the | |||
inner “I” and follow the path of virtue. But that vir- § | |||
tue could no longer serve as a guideline in life, as it 5 | |||
was not directed towards any goal. | |||
The common people felt an increasing revulsion | |||
against the world of the rich and the powers that be. | |||
The propaganda of friendship between slave and | | |||
master, rich man and poor man, could not shake the J | |||
people’s conviction that the rich and the strong who f | |||
posed as benefactors and friends of the poor and the | |||
weak were merely cunningly trying to divide and | |||
subjugate the little men, that the rich man was | |||
either a scoundrel himself or a scoundrel’s heir, and | |||
that virtue did not live in stately mansions. The peo¬ | |||
ple opposed their own virtues charity, good nature, | |||
industry, and readiness to help one another and for¬ | |||
give the enemy-to the official virtues of the ances¬ | |||
tors included in imperial propaganda, and the vir¬ | |||
tues of philosophers based on knowledge. | |||
In this period, Christianity began to spread. The | |||
personality of its founder and of his closest disciples, | |||
the dating of various Christian works, and the | |||
nature of diverse early sects and their doctrines are | |||
still the subject of controversy that has given rise to a | |||
vast literature. Whatever the solutions of these | |||
numerous problems, early Christianity was undoub¬ | |||
tedly the best answer to the needs and aspirations of | |||
the cotnmon people. The destiny of Jesus Christ was | |||
a model of life and death that could be followed with | |||
greater conviction than the example of Hercules, | |||
Dionysus, Silvanus or Mithra, all of whom had lived | |||
in times long gone and probably never lived at all. | |||
The Christian author Lactantius wrote that Jesus | |||
appeared on this earth as a son of a carpenter and | |||
died the death of a slave in order that anyone, even | |||
the lowliest of the lowly and the poorest of the poor, | |||
might follow him. Christianity posed new goals, | |||
both general (the attainment of the Kingdom of God | |||
on earth) and individual (the attainment of eternal | |||
bliss in paradise). Christianity sanctioned breaking | |||
away from the official world, in which one had to | |||
live rendering to Caesar the things that were Cae¬ | |||
sar’s but inwardly keeping at a distance from it and | |||
retaining one’s spiritual freedom. Unlike many | |||
Oriental cults that became widespread in the | |||
empire, Christianity, far from endeavouring to | |||
become part of the imperial cult, resolutely rejected | |||
it. One Christian author wrote that Roman rulers, | |||
beginning with Romulus the fratricide, should have | |||
been forbidden to approach the temples for their evil | |||
deeds, let alone worship them. Early Christianity | |||
appealed to the poor and the simple; it proclaimed | |||
the slogan, “If any would not work, neither should | |||
he eat”; it rejected the rich and the noble with their | |||
“wisdom” and contempt for toil, and undermined | |||
the assumption of the inevitability of the existing | |||
order on which the whole of official Roman ideology | |||
was founded since the times of Augustus. At first, | |||
321 | |||
28-344 | |||
• _ | |||
Christianity spread among the lower urban classes, ing in the arena (reminiscent of Nero’s appearances | |||
but gradually these were joined by other social as an actor), the omnipotence of his favourites, and | |||
strata. They brought with them their own philoso- of the humiliating peace treaty with the Germans, to | |||
phy, which coloured the doctrines of various Chris- whom he was now obliged to pay tribute. In 192 he | |||
tian sects; they wrote treatises expounding the was assassinated. He was succeeded by Pertinax, | |||
Christian faith and refuting Greek and Roman favoured by the Senate but soon also assassinated | |||
religions. and replaced by Didius Julianus, who promised the | |||
Christianity was becoming popular. After Nero’s praetorian guards more money than the other clai- | |||
persecudon the government sometimes punished in- mants to the throne; after a two-months reign, he | |||
dividual Christians for refusal to participate in the was also killed. | |||
imperial cult, and then at other times paid no atten- A civil war began between the candidates for the | |||
tion to them, believing, as many contemporaries did imperial purple supported by different armies: Pis- | |||
(cf. e. g., the anti-Christian treatise written by Cel- cennius Niger, proclaimed emperor in the East; Clo- | |||
sus), that Christianity was an absurd superstition of dius Albinus, supported by the nobility of Gaul and | |||
ignoramuses, a branch of Judaism despised by the Spain; and African-born Septimius Severus, who | |||
Greeks and Romans. They failed to realise that the was proclaimed emperor by the army on the | |||
growing numbers of Christians were a dangerous Danube and defeated his rivals. His reign saw the | |||
sign of an impending crisis. beginning of a struggle, which lasted a whole cen¬ | |||
tury, between the so-called soldier emperors (who | |||
were favoured by the army and in their turn heaped | |||
The Crisis of the 3rd Century. The crisis began in the privileges on it) and the emperors favoured by the | |||
reign of Marcus Aurelius (161-180). In the 1st and Senate, who implemented its policies. | |||
2nd centuries, the peoples living beyond the Danube Although the senators believed that the situation | |||
and Rhine made, partly due to contacts with the was merely a reversal to the relations under the | |||
empire, considerable progress in agriculture, crafts, Julio-Claudian and Flavian lines, the basis of differ- | |||
and military art; forming tribal military confedera- ences between the Senate and the emperors was now | |||
cies, they began to attack the empire. After a war of quite different. The Senate, mostly consisting of | |||
attrition against Parthia, Marcus Aurelius had to major landowners of the eastern and western prov- | |||
fight, nearly during the whole of his reign, against inces, wanted the emperors to carry out the policies | |||
the tribes of the Quadi and the Marcomanni on the that suited it best. The eastern potentates demanded | |||
Danube a fight which on the whole ended in a a strong imperial power that would restrict both the | |||
draw. The plague epidemic, which carried away the freedom of the cities (only Rome must be a city, | |||
emperor himself, and the financial burden of war wrote Dio Cassius, senator and historian from the | |||
adversely affected the empire’s economy. In Egypt, city Nicaeain Asia Minor) and the unruliness of the | |||
where the peasants were especially harshly mob, relying on the optimates, i. e., the most wealthy | |||
exploited, they ran away to the Nile Delta in their and prominent citizens, the army and the state | |||
thousands and rose in rebellion that was known as apparatus that had to be maintained at the public | |||
the “herdsmen’s revolt”. In northern Italy and expense. Everyone was to receive obligatory educa- | |||
southern Gaul, the deserter Maternus raised a force tion at state schools, where they would be taught to | |||
of peasants and slaves that terrorised the obey the emperor and to forget all about free | |||
landowners. Avidius Cassius, governor of Syria, rose I thought. The western nobles wanted to have an | |||
against the emperor. All these were forerunners of 5 emperor, elected by the Senate, who would merely | |||
much more terrible events. y act as a commander-in-chief and whose duty it | |||
Despite the Antonine tradition, Marcus Aurelius 1 would be to conquer new lands, get the manpower | |||
made his son Commodus heir to the throne, which | to cultivate those lands, maintain the army without | |||
caused grave discontent in the Senate and darkened burdening the population, and keep the soldiers in | |||
the relations between the Senate and the new 1 check. The emperor must not interfere in the inter¬ | |||
emperor, who was accused of abuse of power, ^ nal affairs of the state, particularly those of the prov- | |||
cruelty, public appearances among gladiators fight- | inces, these nobles believed; these affairs would be | |||
322 | |||
dealt with by the Senate and the local aristocracy. the colons settled on imperial lands refused to pay | |||
Freedom of thought and of cults must not be cur- rent or obey the managers, the latter called in the | |||
tailed. The two factions had but one point in com- troops. The agents of the imperial treasury had to | |||
mon: they both insisted that, far from confiscating report those who tried to evade paying taxes by con- | |||
lands, the emperor must hand over or sell his own cealing their incomes. In their attempts to introduce | |||
lands to private individuals. greater order in the administration of the empire, | |||
Relying mostly on the army, the soldier emperors the Severi paid special attention to elaborating | |||
also had some support from the urban population, Roman law. The most prominent lawyers now | |||
often closely connected with the army, since veterans served as praetorian prefects, edited imperial edicts, | |||
frequently settled in the cities while decurions served and wrote replies to petitions and pleas, as well as | |||
for a while in the army. These sections of the popula- comments on the existing laws and rules for legal | |||
tion also had a programme of their own, expounded procedures. | |||
in the work of Apuleius about Plato’s theories and During the reign of the first Severi, the last traces | |||
Philostratus’s novel about the wise man and magi- of equality among citizens disappeared. According | |||
cian Apollonius of Tyana. That programme to an edict of Caracalla, the entire population of the | |||
demanded a certain freedom for the cities and empire, with the exception of deditkii (freedmen | |||
encouragement for the activities of the upper stra- guilty of grave misconduct during slavery or those | |||
turn of the urban population. The claims of the rich who had fought against Rome as foreigners) | |||
men had to be restrained, but the common people received Roman citizenship. But the citizens were | |||
and demagogues also had to be firmly controlled. divided in the eyes of the law into the nobles (sena- | |||
The emperor could name any of his sons successor to tors, equites, decurions) and the plebs, or the com- | |||
the throne (apparently to ensure their greater inde- mon people. No nobleman could be executed with- | |||
pendence from the Senate), but he must not be a out the emperor’s sanction, sentenced to corporal | |||
“tyrant”. He had to have an army, but he also had punishment or hard labour in the mines, but the | |||
to pursue a peaceful policy of conciliation and common people were liable to all these indignities, | |||
concessions. The nobles’ evidence had greater weight in court, | |||
Septimius Severus, and later his son and successor and an insult to a noble was punished more severely. | |||
Antonine, nicknamed Caracalla, endeavoured to In general, punishment for various crimes became | |||
support the cities. They lavished special attention on much harsher now, and reprisals were directed not | |||
the cities of Africa, partly because Africa was the only against the senatorial opposition but the | |||
native land of Septimius Severus, and partly empire’s whole population. Not only mutiny or lese- | |||
because, with the impoverishment of Egypt, it majeste were now punishable by death but also prac- | |||
became the principal supplier of grain for Rome. tising magic, divination involving the destiny of | |||
However, the policy of the Severi on this score was master or emperor, and spreading of new doctrines | |||
rather contradictory: while trying to maintain the tempting the simple people. Surveillance ofmalcon- | |||
cities as civic communities, they also increased the tents by secret agents, eavesdropping on conversa- | |||
obligations of magistrates and decurions to the cities. tions at taverns, bath-houses and other public facili- | |||
Needing a lot of money, they demanded regular ties, which was not unknown already under the | |||
payment of revenue by the cities. Citizens now tried Antonines, was stepped up. Slaves could inform on | |||
to avoid serving in the once honourary offices. their masters in cases of lese-majeste , tax evasion or | |||
Decurions were going to rack and ruin at an appal- ^ adultery. | |||
ing rate. ■§ The first Severi’s main support was the army, | |||
As a result of confiscations of the property of ’ which grew to 600,000 and was mostly recruited in | |||
nobles supporting Clodius Albinus and later oppos- N the Danube provinces, where numerous indepen- | |||
ing Septimius Severus, the emperor’s lands grew ? dent peasantry still existed. In the other provinces, | |||
manyfold, far outstripping in size the estates of the 3> mostly veterans’ sons joined the army. The soldiers’ | |||
wealthiest individuals. Accordingly, the men who | salary was increased, they were permitted to have | |||
managed these lands played an ever increasing role, |> families and own land, and they gradually turned | |||
being in some provinces virtually uncontrolled. If ; into military settlers. Limitations on the social back- | |||
323 | |||
28 * | |||
ground of candidates for command posts were lifted, resorted to debasement of the coinage, adding cop- | |||
and any soldier could now hope to rise to the highest per to silver, and that resulted in inflation and price | |||
rank. Centurions were included in the equestrian rises. Commanders and officials now received their | |||
order. Many posts in the bureaucratic apparatus salaries in kind, not in money. The amount of food- | |||
were given to the military. The old praetorian guard stuffs, clothing, jewelry, utensils, and the number of | |||
was disbanded, and the new guard was recruited servants and concubines allotted to them were deter- | |||
from the legionaries. In the provinces, small detach- mined by their rank. The offensive of the German | |||
ments of the so-called beneficiani were set up which tribes intensified again. During one of the German | |||
acted as a police force, tracking down runaway campaigns, Alexander, his mother and Ulpian were | |||
slaves and fighting brigands whose numbers con- murdered by mutinous soldiers (A. D. 235). | |||
stantly swelled as slaves and impoverished peasants The troops proclaimed Maximin, nicknamed | |||
joined them. All these measures were intended by “The Thracian”, as emperor. He is said to have | |||
Septimius Severus to maintain order in the state and been a simple Thracian shepherd before enlisting in | |||
raise the army’s effectiveness. The latter was all the Septimius Severus’s army, in which he rose to the | |||
more necessary as German tribes resumed their rank of tribune of a legion owing to his exceptional | |||
attacks against the empire, and relations with strength and bravery. Maximin carried out mass | |||
Parthia grew worse. Caracalla was killed during a reprisals against major landlords, confiscating their | |||
campaign against Parthia, and the kaleidoscopic lands, for which the Senate compared him to Spar- | |||
succession of “senatorial” and “soldier” emperors tacus and Athenion, but he had adherents not only | |||
resumed. Of these, none died a natural death or in the army, which he led to victory over the Ger- | |||
reigned for more than a few years and even months. mans, but also in the cities. Owners of latifundia in | |||
Two more emperors of the Severi dynasty ruled in southern Numidia rose against him, arming their | |||
Rome, both of them grand-nephews of Septimius slaves and colons and proclaiming Gordian, gover- | |||
Severus’s wife, Julia Domna, who came from a noble nor of Africa, as emperor. Gordian came from a | |||
Syrian priestly family. One of them, Elagabal, a her- noble family and had great wealth. He and his son | |||
editary high priest of the god Elah-Gabal wor- were attacked by the legion stationed in Africa and | |||
shipped in the city of Emesa in the shape of a black the citizens of Garthage, and fell in ensuing battle, | |||
stone, was deposed for his attempts to impose that Simultaneously (in 238), the troops killed Maximin, | |||
god’s cult on Rome. To the Romans, the cult seemed and a compromise between the army and the Senate | |||
absurd, and its ceremonies immoral. The other, brought to the throne Gordian’s grandson, who | |||
Alexander Severus, appeared to be an ideal emperor assumed the name Gordian III. He continued Alex¬ | |||
in the eyes of the Senate-mostly because he tried to ander’s policy, but in 242 he was also murdered by | |||
replace a standing army by irregular troops re- the troops. | |||
cruited locally, settled on estates on the empire’s The empire’s position on the international scene | |||
borders and provided with slaves and implements; also kept deteriorating. The Sassanid dynasty, which | |||
practised the granting of state lands to senators; and came to power in Iran, consolidated the army and | |||
restricted the independence of cities. The praetorian the state and immediately started a war with Rome, | |||
prefect under Alexander was Ulpian, the famous The empire’s frontiers were attacked by the Goths, | |||
lawyer, who actually conducted all the affairs of Carpiens, Franks, Sarmatians, and Moors, which | |||
state together with Julia Mamaea, the young also began to form tribal confederacies headed by | |||
emperor’s mother. The self-enslavement of free adult I kings. Many of the provinces were devastated, many | |||
Roman citizens was legally sanctioned in the inter- 5 villas destroyed and looted. Emperor Decius fell in a | |||
ests of major landlords who needed more manpower, jj war with the Goths on the Danube. Emperor Valeri- | |||
That was the end of the last immutable principle of an (253-260) was taken prisoner by the Persian king | |||
the Roman civic community the interdiction on | Shapur-a disgrace that Rome had never known, | |||
the enslavement of a Roman citizen. ;o The ruination reached its height under Gallienus | |||
By the end of Alexander Severus’s rule the eco- | (253-268), Valerian’s son and joint ruler. Unlike his | |||
nomic situation of the empire also deteriorated. In ^ father, favoured by the Senate, he was, despite his | |||
their need for money, the government regularly | noble origin, a “soldier” emperor. At the same time | |||
he was a highly educated man; he endeavoured to formed an alliance with the Moors. In Gaul, the | |||
restore the cities, and restrict the exactions imposed revolt began of peasants who called themselves | |||
on colons, extending his patronage to cultural figures “Bagaudae”, that is, “fighters”. They seized villas | |||
such as the philosopher Plotinus, founder of neo-Pla- and even captured the city of Augustodunum. | |||
tonism. His predecessors Decius and Valerian, both In 268, Gallienus was murdered by the cavalry | |||
supported by the Senate, had fought against the commander Aureolus, but his military reforms bore | |||
opposition among municipal circles, in which there fruit under his successors known as the “Illyrian | |||
were many Christians already, persecuting the emperors” (all of them came from the Danubian | |||
Christians who refused to make sacrifices in imperial provinces) - Claudius II, Aurelian and Probus. | |||
temples, banishing them and even executing some of Claudius II, nicknamed Gothicus, inflicted a severe | |||
them, especially the clerics, whereas Gallienus defeat on the Goths, many of whom were made | |||
stopped the persecution of Christians, for which they colons and military settlers. Tetricus, the last Gallic | |||
were duly grateful. To spite the Senate, he barred ruler and the richest landlord of Aquitania, fright- | |||
the entry of senators to the army; neither could they ened by the scope of the movement of the Bagaudae, | |||
be governors of provinces where troops were sta- and the disobedience of the troops stationed on the | |||
tioned. On the other hand, promotion from the Rhine, secretly wrote a letter to Aurelian pleading | |||
ranks to the highest command posts was facilitated. for help and promising to surrender the army. In | |||
The emperor reformed his cavalry, as mounted war- this way Gaul was restored to Rome. Aurelian also | |||
riors were the principal force of the Germans, Sar- put an end to Zenobia’s kingdom in the face of con- | |||
matians and Persians: he brought all the cavalry siderable opposition from anti-Roman and pro-Per- | |||
units under the command of one general, which in- sian parties. Only Dacia was irrevocably lost. Probus | |||
creased the effectiveness of the Roman army. Gal- won several victories over Franks, whereupon they | |||
lienus was naturally hated most profoundly by the were settled in the western provinces as soldiers and | |||
nobles, who inspired mutiny in many provinces. farmers. | |||
Usurpers appeared who tried either to seize the By the 280s the position of the empire appeared to | |||
throne in Rome or to secede from the empire. In be improving, but the crisis was so acute that a re- | |||
most provinces, the revolts did not last long, being covery was no longer possible. During the times of | |||
quickly suppressed by troops loyal to Gallienus, but general devastation, only the landed aristocracy | |||
Gaul, Britain and Spain formed a separate Gallic thrived, seizing the lands of ruined petty and | |||
empire headed by Postumus, a creature of the local medium farmers, and making impoverished | |||
landed aristocracy; he recruited Germans in his peasants, whole rural communities, and captives | |||
army. In the East, unable to resist the Persian on- settled on land their colons. In the cities, many of | |||
slaught, Gallienus was compelled to recognize which had been completely ruined, all power was | |||
Odaenathus, prince of Palmyra, as his joint ruler. concentrated in the hands of those who had | |||
Gathering Syrian and Arab troops, Odaenathus managed to survive the period of devastation and | |||
drove away Shapur who was laying Syria waste. But even profit by it. The role of the slave-owning social | |||
after Odaenathus’s mysterious assassination, the structure in the economic life of the empire fell, | |||
anti-Roman party headed by his wife, the ambitious while those structures in which the rudiments of | |||
and wilful Zenobia, gained the upper hand. Zenobia future feudal relations were given free play were in | |||
was regent of Palmyra for Odaenathus’s young sons; the ascendant. The economic links between different | |||
under her, Palmyra seceded from Rome and estab- ^ parts of the empire grew weaker as natural economy | |||
fished sway over Syria, Arabia, a considerable por- ? became predominant and village communities and | |||
tions of Asia Minor, and Egypt, where Zenobia was 5 saltus almost unconnected with markets and cities, | |||
supported by a strong anti-Roman party. True, Gal- N Separatist tendencies developed among provincial | |||
lienus won a number of victories over separate bar- J nobles, bringing about a revival of provincial cults, | |||
barian tribes, and concluded alliances with others, g> local languages, and local art. Under these condi- | |||
but the position of the empire still remained very dif- 1 tions, the unity of the empire could clearly be pre- | |||
ficult. In Africa, an uprising of peasants and colons j*i served only through strong state authority. The | |||
broke out under the leadership of Faraxenes who f emperors of the 3rd century made a decisive break | |||
325 | |||
with the Antonines’ policy. They assumed the titles with its unity and integrity. Plotinus recognized the | |||
of “lord and master”, patronised Oriental solar cults need for “civic” virtues opening up the path to the | |||
tracing back the emperors’ ancestry to the sun-god, higher virtues, and he also recognized the need for | |||
ordered their sculptures to be erected, with diadems conscientiously performing one’s role on the world | |||
of sunrays, and insisted on the emperor’s eternity scene. He believed that men did wrong to grumble | |||
and invincibility. A preamble to any speech now at God who permitted evil to pervade the world, for | |||
had to mention the “Golden Age” that set in with they themselves were to blame for allowing the bad | |||
the coming of the current emperor. and the strong to rule them, rather than fight evil, | |||
This kind of official propaganda naturally lost all for behaving like sheep allowing wolves to eat them, | |||
semblance of credibility. Previously popular doc- But these appeals of Plotinus to be active found no | |||
trines now collapsed, and men more and more response. His disciple Porphyry mostly called for an | |||
turned to religion rather than to philosophy, accept- escape from the world of vanity to a desert, to a life | |||
ing divine reveladons, as those of the Egyptian god among the few pure and like-minded people far from | |||
Thoth, identified with the Greek god Hermes Tris- the evil of life. The whole system of neo-Platonism | |||
megistos. It was believed that revelations, mysteries was too abstruse for the broad public and later be- | |||
and magic formulas could enable the initiated to came the ideology of fairly narrow intellectual circles | |||
escape the action of this world’s necessity and evil to in some cities of the Orient. | |||
the celestial spheres of genuine freedom. Many felt a Plotinus’s esthetics had a much greater effect on | |||
repugnance to the real, material world. Various phi- the minds. It is not the external body that should be | |||
losophico-religious schools emerged which, relying portrayed, he insisted, but the inner soul or idea, | |||
on Plato’s ideas and the authority of the wise men of The art of those times lost interest in the reality, the | |||
the Orient, taught that the earthly world had been beauty of the human body and man’s individual | |||
created by an evil god but that the elect and enlight- traits, concentradng on representing a certain image | |||
ened could and should know a higher and true god or symbol of the inner essence. Only the enormous | |||
by forsaking the world. eyes contemplating eternity were alive in the por- | |||
The numbers of Christians grew. Christian com- traits of the common people, while emperors’ statues | |||
munities were now strong organisations headed by were intended to symbolise above all their grandeur, | |||
bishops who had treasuries at their disposal which menacing, frozen, and oppressive, | |||
swelled through donations from rich Christians. The | |||
bishops distributed alms only to the “worthy”, that | |||
is, poor men obedient to them, and banished any The Dominate and the Fall of the Empire. Despite the | |||
dissenters, declaring them to be heretics. The works gravity of the overall situation, some progress was | |||
of Cyprian, a bishop of Carthage in the mid-3rd cen- made in the restoration of the empire on a new basis | |||
tury, beheaded at the time of Valerian’s persecu- by the emperor Diocletian and his successor Con¬ | |||
dons, point to the replacement of the democratic stantine. Diocletian (284-305) was the son of a Dal- | |||
spirit once prevalent in Christian communities by matian freedman, and he rose from a private soldier | |||
the bishop’s iron will. to the rank of commander of the imperial guard. | |||
In that epoch, Plotinus called for the preservation After the assassinadon of the sons of the emperor | |||
of the surviving values of classical culture. He Carus, Diocletian was proclaimed as emperor and | |||
expounded the doctrine of world unity and har- implemented a number of important reforms. He | |||
mony, and of the penetration of the supreme and in- a divided the empire into four parts, making his com- | |||
tegral Good (or the One) in all its parts. All the trou- 5 rade-in-arms Maximian his colleague, both of them | |||
bles of the world came from the fragmentation and y bearing the title of Augustus, while Galerius and | |||
disunion arising from unity becoming diversity I Constantius I Chlorus were nominated Caesars. The | |||
through a series of intermediate stages. Man could | provinces were divided into smaller units, to increase | |||
only achieve harmony and happiness by looking a, the efficiency of the administration. To avert the | |||
deep into his own soul and purifying it, as a piece of | danger of military pronunciamentoes, the military | |||
gold, from the dirt of passions and desires adhering s authority of commanders was separated from the | |||
to it. He could even rise above reason by merging J civilian authority of the governors. The army now | |||
326 | |||
consisted of legions stationed along the borders and | |||
of mobile units easily transferred from one region to | |||
another. Barbarians settled on the provincial lands - | |||
Laeti and the foederati recruited among the allied | |||
tribes and also given lands in the empire served in | |||
the Roman army, too. Landowners were obliged to | |||
enlist part of their colons as soldiers. Veterans’ sons | |||
also usually joined the army. | |||
Land taxes were standardised and collected in | |||
kind. The taxes on state lands were higher than those | |||
on private estates. In accordance with an assessment | |||
of property, taxes were computed on the basis of a cer¬ | |||
tain amount of land that could be cultivated by a | |||
single individual, the quality of land and the types of | |||
plants grown on it being taken into account. Res¬ | |||
ponsibility for collecting taxes from city areas was | |||
now vested in members of municipal councils now | |||
called curials; in rural communities, the taxes were | |||
collected by the magistrates of pagi and villages, and | |||
in exempted saltus, by their owners. City merchants | |||
and craftsmen paid the taxes in money, while col¬ | |||
leges delivered all kinds of produce in lieu of taxes. | |||
To fight inflation and high prices, Diocletian issued | |||
new coins and an edict on maximum prices-not | |||
only on grain, as had earlier been practised, but also | |||
on all agricultural produce and craftsmen’s pro¬ | |||
ducts, as well as various services. The edict proved | |||
unenforcible, and profiteering continued. The | |||
enormously swollen bureaucratic machine consisting | |||
of officials of numerous ranks was also streamlined, | |||
and new court ceremonies were introduced. | |||
Diocletian made the final step to becoming a | |||
dominus, not a pnnceps (hence the name of the late | |||
empire, the dominate, as distinct from the early | |||
empire or principate). Diocletian adopted the divine | |||
surname of Jovius, the representative on earth of | |||
Jupiter, whereas Maximian became Herculius, the | |||
earthly counterpart of Hercules. The Christians, | |||
who opposed the idea of the emperors’ divinity, were | |||
even more cruelly persecuted than before; many of | |||
them died in that period and were later included in | |||
the Christian martyrology. The subjects that had the 4 | |||
rare honour of seeing their emperor had to prostrate ' | |||
themselves before him. Senators continued to be the N | |||
highest order, but all state affairs were handled by ? | |||
the emperor’s council, not the Senate. But the vie- |> | |||
tories of Diocletian and his colleagues over the Ger- § | |||
mans, Persians, Moors and, which was the main | |||
thing, over movements of the Bagaudae and peas- f | |||
ants in Africa satisfied the nobles. The rebels were | |||
treated as common brigands and crucified on the | |||
spot without investigation or trial, or sold as slaves | |||
without the right of manumission. Ornate pane¬ | |||
gyrics praised Diocletian and Maximian as latterday | |||
Olympians triumphing over the giants-the rebel¬ | |||
lious “sons of the earth”. | |||
In 305, Diocletian abdicated and withdrew to his | |||
native Dalmatia, settling down in a magnificent | |||
mansion on the site of modern Split. After a short | |||
struggle between the pretenders to the throne, the | |||
son of Constantius Chlorus, Constantine (306-337) | |||
became emperor. He was the sole ruler of the empire | |||
but preserved its division into four prefectures subor¬ | |||
dinated to praetorian prefects and divided into prov¬ | |||
inces forming dioceses. | |||
Constantine won special fame by stopping the per¬ | |||
secution of Christians and convening the famous ecu¬ | |||
menical council at Nicaea, which worked out a uni¬ | |||
fied symbol of the creed thereby making Chris¬ | |||
tianity a state religion. Constantine himself was | |||
baptised before his death, hoping, according to his | |||
ill-wishers, that the baptism would cleanse him of his | |||
numerous grave sins, especially the numerous execu¬ | |||
tions (including those of nearly all his relations). | |||
The church now became a powerful ally of the state. | |||
As early as the end of the 2nd century, Tertullian, a | |||
prominent figure in the Christian church in Africa, | |||
wrote in his defence of Christianity against its adver¬ | |||
saries that happiness, peace, charity and universal | |||
brotherhood would prevail in the empire if the | |||
emperor himself were to be a Christian. This dream, | |||
which had earlier seemed quite Utopian, had now | |||
come true, but that did not improve the position of | |||
either the empire’s population or the Christian | |||
church itself. Having become a dominant religion | |||
and made numerous converts among self-seeking | |||
courtiers currying favour with the emperor, it imme¬ | |||
diately became the scene of fierce struggle among | |||
various trends (Nicaeans, Arians, Donatists, and | |||
others). Whenever one of these groups emerged vic¬ | |||
torious, it declared all the opponents to be heretics | |||
and used the power of the state machinery to repress | |||
them. The general councils that were convened to | |||
promote unity and concord actually only fanned the | |||
passions and arguments. Besides, the decisions of the | |||
councils were influenced by the emperor’s will. Hav¬ | |||
ing rejected the imperial cult, the church sanctioned | |||
the idea of emperor as God’s representative on earth. | |||
327 | |||
Everything in any way connected with the emper- Having broken with all the Roman traditions, | |||
or his edicts, palace, bed chamber-were declared Constantine no longer wanted to stay in Rome where | |||
to be sacred. Disobedience in the face of imperial the senatorial nobility, true to those traditions, was | |||
authority was regarded sacrilegious. Those who still influential, and moved the capital to Constanti- | |||
were disaffected by this degeneration of the church nople founded on the site of Byzantium. The new ca- | |||
set up their own “heretical” sects and retired to pital symbolised a union of East and West. The trans¬ | |||
deserts, starting various orders of monks, which ference of the capital to a more eastern location was | |||
gradually became more and more numerous. The a sign of the process often called the “Orientalisadon | |||
church grew richer through donations from of the empire” in scholarly literature. This is usually | |||
emperors and private individuals, and it now owned taken to mean the theocratisation of imperial au- | |||
lands and colons. Elections of bishops were accom- thority and the establishment of a court etiquette si- | |||
panied by intrigues and even massacres, as that post milar to that of the Persian kings, but these were | |||
carried with it power, influence, and riches. At the merely outward indications of deep internal pro¬ | |||
same time Christian theology and philosophy devel- cesses. Having gone through the stage of a civic com- I | |||
oped; borrowing a great deal from the ideas of clas- munity with its characteristic features, Rome arrived, ; | |||
sical philosophy, they offered their interpretations with the disintegration of that community, at a sys- t | |||
and modes of solution of the same problems with tern close to that of the Oriental states, with their vast ! | |||
which the former was concerned. crown lands, estates of rich magnates, a population ( | |||
The internal situation in the empire remained at different stages of dependence between slaves and i | |||
tense. Constantine’s policy made the condition of the freemen, and with undeveloped economic ties. The i | |||
population even harder than it had been. Curials similarity of the socioeconomic structure was bound i | |||
and their descendants were bound to reside in their to produce a similarity in the outward form of state | |||
cities, and if they left them, they were forcibly authority. But, as was often the case in Oriental t | |||
brought back. Later emperors regularly issued states, that authority was fairly weak, despite all the a | |||
orders to seek out the curials, who had in the mean- external attributes of power. This became particu- t | |||
time become officials, crown colons, or even slaves of larly clear under Constantine’s successors. s | |||
influential patrons, and send them back to their His reforms, which continued those of Diocletian, E | |||
native cities. When arrears in city taxes accumu- consolidated the position of the empire for a short tl | |||
lated, curials were thrown into prison and whipped. time only. Of the later emperors the best-known p | |||
Craftsmen were hereditarily tied down to their col- was Julian nicknamed “The Apostate” (reigned e | |||
leges, and even marriages between different colleges 361-363). He tried to restore classical culture and d | |||
were forbidden. The workers of crown workshops or religion, to lighten the burden of the people and im- p | |||
factories were branded to make it easier to find them prove the position of cities, but the crises did not b | |||
and return them to their workplaces if they ran abate and were even exacerbated. The army, which ol | |||
away. Colons were bound to their plots, and consisted of colons and ruined peasants, was losing ai | |||
runaway colons were sought out and returned to its fighting efficiency. More and more often the rec- tl | |||
their owners in fetters, while those who offered them ruits came from the barbarians settled on the lands fo | |||
refuge were fined. The laws that improved the con- of the empire or hired abroad. Their commanders’ fo | |||
dition of slaves were repealed. If a slave should die influence at the imperial court grew, while the to | |||
after being beaten by the master, said an edict of ^ troops often failed to put up an effective resistance to m | |||
Constantine, the latter was not responsible for the 8. their tribesmen that resumed their onslaught on the b« | |||
death as he had the right to reform a bad slave. A 3 empire’s frontiers. True, the barbarians had not yet as | |||
slave attempting to run away to barbarians had a j learnt to besiege fortified cities, but they devastated ar | |||
foot cut off. Dog collars were fastened round slaves’ ~ rural areas. They were often joined by peasants who tei | |||
necks giving the master’s address, where they had to § rose to fight their oppressors. The Bagaudae fought vvi | |||
be taken by those who captured them to claim re- j in Gaul and Spain, and Christians of the Agonistic th« | |||
ward. A free woman forming a connection with a | sect (which also meant “fighters”), in Africa. They of | |||
slave was burned alive, and a slave who informed on ^ seized villas, destroyed promissory notes, and raised ba | |||
the woman was freed. g slaves to the position of masters, making the latter set | |||
328 | |||
ir; | |||
i Kj®irj | |||
if. ju. ^.44 JtC. «•>*« A* | |||
J.x—tf.to-y | |||
„V_r-7;.” | |||
slaves. Their mood can be judged by the poems of | |||
Commodianus, a Christian poet born in Syria but | |||
resident in Africa who wrote in a language and style | |||
intended for the common people. He described in | |||
graphic verse the coming struggle of true Christians, | |||
the poor and the righteous, against Antichrist, and | |||
their triumph over the latter. He wrote that righ¬ | |||
teous men would march on Rome, destroying cities | |||
along the route and justly restoring to the people the | |||
riches stolen from them, that they would seize | |||
Rome, depose the emperor, and compel the Senate | |||
with the aid of the Goths to obey them. The nobles | |||
and the powers that be would become the slaves of | |||
their slaves, a thousand-year-long kingdom of peace | |||
and justice would come, and for a thousand years | |||
the enslaved oppressors would suffer for their sins. | |||
Sometimes the uprisings were headed by local des¬ | |||
cendants of tribal chiefs, like the Moor Firmus in | |||
Africa. It was never possible to stamp out these | |||
uprisings completely, and they flared up again and | |||
again. | |||
In 378, the Goths settled on the Danube rose and, | |||
together with colons and gold miners, routed the | |||
army of emperor Valens (364-378), ruler of the eas¬ | |||
tern provinces. The emperor fell in battle. He was | |||
succeeded by Theodosius (379-395), who united the | |||
Eastern and Western empires under a single rule for | |||
the last time; resorting both to reprisals and com¬ | |||
promises, he suppressed the uprisings, but the | |||
empire never got back on its feet. After Theodosius’s | |||
death the division into the eastern and western | |||
parts became permanent, and the rulers of the latter | |||
became a plaything in the hands of the commanders | |||
of the hired troops of Germans. The discontent | |||
among the nobles of the Western provinces grew. By | |||
this time they had grown stronger than ever, raising | |||
forces of their own capable of defending their great | |||
fortified villas (the burghs) and of barring entrance | |||
to imperial officials; they saw the central govern¬ | |||
ment, incapable of stopping the onslaught of the | |||
barbarians and of suppressing peasant revolts, only | |||
as a dangerous usurper of their vast incomes. Time | |||
and again the Western magnates supported pre¬ | |||
tenders to the throne who often formed alliances | |||
with barbarian chieftains. On the other hand, all | |||
those who suffered from the enthrallment and abuses | |||
of the bureaucrats also pinned their hopes on the | |||
barbarians and ran away to them in their masses in | |||
search of more bearable conditions of life. Principali¬ | |||
ties headed by local chieftains and actually indepen¬ | |||
dent from Rome emerged in the west. Armorica fell | |||
away from Rome, reverting to the primitive com¬ | |||
munal structure. The empire, grown exceedingly | |||
weak, easily fell a prey to the barbarians. In 410, | |||
Alaric, the chieftain of the Visigoths, seized and | |||
sacked Rome. True, the Goths later withdrew, but | |||
the fall of the “eternal city” left a shattering me¬ | |||
mory. | |||
In the decades that followed, one Western prov¬ | |||
ince after another passed into the hands of the | |||
Goths, Burgundians, Langobards, Vandals, and | |||
Franks, who founded their kingdoms there. The | |||
chiefs of German troops planted and deposed | |||
Roman emperors who had no real power at all. In | |||
476, Odoacer of the tribe of Scyrri deposed the last | |||
emperor Romulus, nicknamed Augustulus, and, | |||
without bothering even to appoint a new emperor, | |||
sent the insignia of imperial power to Constantino¬ | |||
ple, the capital of the Eastern empire, which lasted, | |||
under the name of Byzantium, for another thousand | |||
years. | |||
The history of the Graeco-Roman world was over. | |||
The Middle Ages, the period of the formation of the | |||
feudal socioeconomic structure, began. The problem | |||
of the nature of the transition from classical slave¬ | |||
owning society to feudal is a subject of lively contro¬ | |||
versy. Was it an evolutionary or revolutionary tran¬ | |||
sition? And if we have a revolution here, what were | |||
its specific features and its difference from bourgeois | |||
revolutions? What were the classes that carried out | |||
the revolution? What classes opposed them? And | |||
who were the carriers of the new relations ? Had this | |||
transition been prepared by feudal relations that | |||
had matured within the empire, or did these rela¬ | |||
tions emerge only after the fall of the empire out of a | |||
synthesis of the elements of the Roman and barbar¬ | |||
ian social structure? Why did the Western empire | |||
disintegrate while the Eastern one continued to | |||
exist? To what extent did the new societies that | |||
„ emerged on the ruins of the Roman empire retain | |||
-§ the traditions, technical skills, types of settlement, | |||
0 and forms of social links and social relations of anti- | |||
N quity? Or could it be that only a few cities, which | |||
? changed their nature, the Christian church, the | |||
? Latin language, and the Roman law adapted to the | |||
§ new conditions were retained? These are the princi- | |||
g 1 pal issues debated by modern historians, issues that | |||
| have not so far been given generally acceptable solu- | |||
329 | |||
29-344 | |||
tions. There can be no doubt, however, that Rome | |||
and the classical world as a whole exerted an enor¬ | |||
mous influence on the entire subsequent history and | |||
culture of mankind. | |||
That influence was manifested in most diverse | |||
spheres of material and nonmaterial culture of the | |||
subsequent epochs, extending not only to the peoples | |||
that at one time formed part of the Graeco-Roman | |||
empires but also to those peoples that replaced them | |||
or inhabited the neighbouring countries-Germans, | |||
Slavs, Arabs, and others. The study of the influence, | |||
assimilation and transformation of the classical heri¬ | |||
tage in societies with different socioeconomic and | |||
political structures is of prime scientific significance | |||
for the study of the general problem of transition | |||
from one socioeconomic formation to another, of in¬ | |||
teraction between different cultures, of the possibil¬ | |||
ity of cultural borrowings-a problem range that | |||
has a direct bearing on general historico-philosophi- | |||
cal theories. Nearly all the founders of modern cul¬ | |||
turological theories, such as Spengler, Toynbee, | |||
Kroeber, and others, regarded Graeco-Roman cul¬ | |||
ture or civilisation as a kind of standard for the | |||
emergence, development and decline of any culture | |||
or civilisation. But the main thing is that historians | |||
rejecting the concept of closed cultural cycles and | |||
accepting the basically different assumption of | |||
natural succession of social formations also see the | |||
great scientific significance of the classical world - | |||
not only as a social formation without the study of | |||
which the world-historical process as a whole cannot | |||
be understood but also because, owing to the dis¬ | |||
tinctness of the stages passed by the antique world, it | |||
opens up great possibilities for comprehending the | |||
interaction of various socioeconomic, political and | |||
cultural processes. Although this interaction assumes | |||
specific forms under concrete historical conditions, it | |||
is also governed by general historico-cultural and | |||
sociological laws of development. | |||
All down the centuries, the Graeco-Roman world | |||
and its culture constantly attracted the attention of | |||
philosophers, writers, and artists. For the broadest | |||
public, the antique images, figures and heroes often | |||
served as models to be imitated or, on the other | |||
hand, to be criticised. Suffice it to remember the | |||
treatment of Caesar, Brutus and Cassius in world | |||
literature and historiography: they aopeared now as | |||
tyrant and his assassins, the liberators fas, e. g , dur¬ | |||
ing the French Revolution), now as an almos idea! | |||
ruler and his criminal murderers placed by Dante in | |||
the last circle of hell. The replacement of the Roman | |||
republic by empire has been variously described as a | |||
beneficent transition from the rule of hidebound | |||
aristocracy to a “democratic monarchy” (thus | |||
Mommsen) and as a sad demise of freedom trodden | |||
down by tyranny. | |||
In the modern times, the ideas of freedom and | |||
democracy have been often associated with classical | |||
models. As the Soviet student of antiquity S. L. Ut- | |||
chenko aptly put it, therein lies a certain “phe¬ | |||
nomenon of the antique polis”. The classical civic | |||
community was not a democracy in the modern | |||
sense either in Greece or in Rome. Only a limited | |||
number of full-fledged citizens had access to the | |||
popular assembly and the magistracies. The possibi¬ | |||
lities for the free expression of citizens’ will were | |||
extremely limited, particularly in Rome. The princi¬ | |||
ple of “geometric” equality based on property quali¬ | |||
fication does not correspond to the modern ideas of | |||
civic equality, and neither does the concept of free¬ | |||
dom as primarily economic independence, limited in | |||
actual fact by working for other men. Still, despite | |||
these and other essential differences, fighters for free¬ | |||
dom and democracy in the modern times drew upon | |||
the idealised concepts of Athenian democracy and | |||
the Roman republic. The same is largely true of the | |||
idea of the harmoniously developed man, the idea of | |||
humanitas -respect for man’s bodily and spiritual | |||
qualities. This idea, so dear to the thinkers of the | |||
modern times, was also traced back to antiquity, | |||
although in actual fact the Graeco-Roman world in¬ | |||
terpreted “man” as “citizen”, and a sufficiently | |||
well-to-do and educated citizen at that, a citizen of a | |||
leading community, for citizens of allied and subju¬ | |||
gated communities (not to mention the barbarians) | |||
were not seen as full-fledged citizens and were often | |||
enslaved. Still, it was precisely in antiquity that the | |||
ideal of man and of human relations was sought | |||
for. | |||
The ideas of democracy, freedom and humanity, | |||
5 albeit modified in accordance with new notions and | |||
-s conditions, constituted an important part of the | |||
n common cultural heritage of the whole mankind. | |||
The ideas of early Christianity, which took shape | |||
g, in the framework of the Roman empire, continued | |||
I to inspire the exploited people in their fight for social | |||
^ justice during the Middle Ages and in the modern | |||
e~ times. Roman law, which worked out in greatest | |||
30 | |||
detail all types of contractual relations and legal | |||
suits, formed the basis of the law of many European | |||
countries, and later affected the legal systems of | |||
other continents. Classical science, though different | |||
in its methods and potential from modern science, in | |||
many respects formed the basis of the latter. Alexan¬ | |||
drian mathematicians came very close to creating | |||
algebra, which was later worked out by the Arabs. | |||
The heliocentric systems, which preceded Ptolemy’s | |||
geocentric system, gave an impetus to the studies of | |||
Copernicus. Archimedes’s law and Euclidean geo¬ | |||
metry are still alive today. Classical philosophy, | |||
closely linked with science, often posed the same | |||
questions as the philosophy of the modern times; it | |||
was not only a monument of antique thought but | |||
also a basis for the development of many branches of | |||
modern philosophy. The atomistic theory of Lucre¬ | |||
tius and his brilliant hypotheses concerning the his¬ | |||
tory of the world and of mankind nourished the | |||
thinking of the materialists of the modern times; the | |||
logic of Aristotle, the science of formal logic; and the | |||
dialectics of classical philosophers, the modern dia¬ | |||
lectical method. Significant in this respect is the pro¬ | |||
found interest for the attainments of classical philos¬ | |||
ophy displayed by many outstanding philosophers | |||
and thinkers including Marx, Engels, and Lenin. | |||
The interest for human psychology and realistic | |||
portrayal of the world made a great impact on the | |||
art of the modern times-both the visual arts and | |||
drama. Modern playwrights appreciate the compo¬ | |||
sition and the subjects of antique tragedies and com¬ | |||
edies, and antique characters gain a new lease of life | |||
in these times, as writers turn to the images of Anti¬ | |||
gone, Phaedra, Medea, or Orestes, linking them up | |||
with present-day ideas and quests and giving them a | |||
contemporary colouring. The character of a cunning | |||
and clever slave became the prototype of the ser¬ | |||
vants in the plays by Lope de Vega, Goldoni, and | |||
Moliere. | |||
Western Europe mostly became acquainted with | |||
classical culture through its Roman interpretation, | |||
whereas Russia and Eastern Europe perceived it | |||
through the mediation of the Byzantine empire, | |||
where Greek traditions were always retained. | |||
Whatever the differences between the structure | |||
and worldview of the modern world and those of | |||
antiquity, the history of modern culture cannot be | |||
understood without the study of our Graeco-Roman | |||
heritage and the ways in which it was assimilated | |||
under various historical conditions. | |||
I | |||
Afterword | |||
The ancient civilisations of East ana West are a | |||
most important chapter in the history of human | |||
society. It was in that remote epoch, preceded by a | |||
long period of the formation of Man as a biological | |||
species and the development of the first human col¬ | |||
lectives, of culture and social relations, chat the foun¬ | |||
dations of subsequent evolution were laid which | |||
largely determined the nature and course of the | |||
historical process. It was a time of great achieve¬ | |||
ments in material culture (agriculture, livestock¬ | |||
breeding, metallurgy, the crafts), which were the | |||
source of a further growth of productive forces, and | |||
made a decisive impact on the subsequent evolution | |||
of society’s socioeconomic structure and progress in | |||
spiritual culture. It was then that classes and the | |||
state emerged, as well as cities, writing, science, phi¬ | |||
losophy, and it was then that art received a funda¬ | |||
mentally new impetus. | |||
It is not coincidental that the ancient civilisations | |||
of East and West are presented in this work in a | |||
general context of historico-cultural development | |||
and made a subject-matter of scientific study. This | |||
reflects both the historical reality itself and the | |||
authors’ view of the history of mankind and of the | |||
unity of the historical process. | |||
Characteristic of the epoch of antiquity both in | |||
the West and in the East was the transition from the | |||
first, preclass socioeconomic formation the primi¬ | |||
tive communal, to the first class one, the slave-own¬ | |||
ing formation, although the forms and character of | |||
social development in the East and in the West dif¬ | |||
fered. The degree of the development of slave-own¬ | |||
ing and its specific features in the ancient Orient | |||
were also different from those of the Graeco-Roman | |||
world (in the latter, slave-owning assumed its classi¬ | |||
cal form). In both regions, the feudal structure | |||
began to take shape at the concluding stages of the | |||
period of antiquity, later developing into a new | |||
socioeconomic formation. | |||
East and West have for a long time been regarded | |||
as opposing entities by historians and the general | |||
public alike. In the modern time the opposition | |||
between East and West was used by historians to | |||
substantiate the proposition that the two followed dif¬ | |||
ferent paths of historical development. This view was | |||
rooted in an inadequate and often superficial know¬ | |||
ledge European scholars had of the history and | |||
culture of the Orient the available stock of Eastern | |||
sources was rather limited at the time. All too often | |||
Western scholars proceeded from the assumption | |||
of Europocentrism, regarding the “European ma¬ | |||
terials”, the ancient history of the countries of the | |||
West, as the standard and frame of reference for | |||
assessing social and cultural phenomena ofnon-Euro- | |||
pean communities. These unscientific theories were | |||
actively propagated by adherents of colonial policies. | |||
In opposing the West to the East, Western politi¬ | |||
cians and public and cultural figures variously | |||
appraised Oriental civilisations, but these apprai¬ | |||
sals, by and large, followed two principal trends | |||
belittling the cultural achievements of the East, | |||
emphasis on its backwardness and inability to “rise” | |||
to the level of the West, and exaggerated praise for | |||
the “Oriental models” and for the “spirituality” of | |||
the East. Even major European philosophers | |||
^ accepted the interconnected propositions concerning | |||
| the “spirituality” of the East and the “materialism” | |||
s of the West, the “rational and active” in the West | |||
332 | |||
and the “sensual and passive” in the East, the “pro¬ | |||
gress” of the West and the “stagnation” of the East. | |||
Hegel’s division of all peoples into historical (Greeks, | |||
Romans, the Christian peoples of Europe) and non- | |||
historical ones (the peoples of the East) also found a | |||
great many supporters. Kipling’s line, “East is East, | |||
and West is West, and never the twain shall meet”, | |||
has been a familiar catchword for decades in Eur¬ | |||
ope. This was also the established attitude of Wes¬ | |||
tern science to ancient civilisations. | |||
While accepting the specificity of the paths of | |||
development and the diversity of societies and cul¬ | |||
tures of that epoch, modern science must, in our | |||
opinion, proceed from the assumption of the unity of | |||
the historical process, and thus reject the opposition | |||
of the ancient East and the ancient West. The | |||
Oriental bias, characteristic of some works of Asian | |||
scholars, is based on a diametrically opposed but | |||
essentially just as unhistorical conception. Fresh his¬ | |||
torical data show quite clearly the unscientific | |||
nature of such positions. | |||
The studies of the recent decades prove conclu¬ | |||
sively that the “ancient Orient” must be taken to | |||
mean not only a certain chronological and geo¬ | |||
graphical framework but also a definite stage in the | |||
historical development of ancient societies. Typolo- | |||
gically, the early societies of the Aegean world and of | |||
the northern Mediterranean have a greater affinity | |||
to the early Oriental than to the Graeco-Roman | |||
ones. The Scythian states of the northern Black Sea | |||
coast must also be included in the early Oriental | |||
type. In other words, the ancient East becomes less | |||
and less the East pure and simple. | |||
A similar statement may be made about the West. | |||
Consider, for instance, Roman Egypt, or a whole | |||
series of other synthetic cultures, in which the line | |||
between the East and the West is hard to draw. The | |||
view that the ancient countries of East and West | |||
were isolated from each other —an opinion rather | |||
similar to the approach outlined above —must cer¬ | |||
tainly be revised. The data now available to scholars | |||
demonstrate that the peoples and tribes of East and | |||
West had close contacts already in very ancient | |||
times, and these contacts were beneficent for their | |||
respective material and nonmaterial cultures. These | |||
varied mutual links continued throughout the pe¬ | |||
riod of antiquity, and, since civilisation took shape x | |||
much earlier in the East than in the West, the latter 3 | |||
benefited from these contacts much more than the 3 | |||
former. Moreover, it may even be said that Greek | |||
culture could not have achieved such a high level of | |||
development without the contribution of the ancient | |||
Orient. We know, for instance, that the Greek sys¬ | |||
tem of writing was derived from the Phoenician | |||
script, that some kinds of cultivated plants and | |||
domestic animals were borrowed from the East or | |||
became widespread under the influence of the | |||
Orient, that science of the ancient East made a great | |||
impact on Greek science, and so on and so forth. | |||
Oriental material culture greatly influenced not | |||
only the peoples of Greece and Italy but also of other | |||
regions of Europe, which borrowed millet and rye, | |||
for example, from the Near East and the Caucasus. | |||
Citric plants and melons also came to Europe from | |||
Asia. The ancient Orient also made a sizable contri¬ | |||
bution to the development of metallurgy and metal¬ | |||
work in Europe. | |||
For a long time, the concept of ancient East in¬ | |||
cluded only the so-called countries of the classical | |||
Orient - Egypt, Mesopotamia, Iran, Palestine, and | |||
Phoenicia. The archaeological discoveries of the late | |||
19th and early 20th centuries and finds of new | |||
written monuments made scientists extend this con¬ | |||
ventional geographical framework to include the | |||
ancient cultures of Anatolia and the Caucasus as | |||
typically Oriental ones. In the recent decades, the | |||
ancient Oriental areal became even more extensive | |||
covering India, China, as well as Arabia and certaii | |||
areas of South-East Asia. | |||
In recent years, the chronological boundary of the | |||
concept of ancient Orient was pushed back, owing to | |||
fresh archaeological discoveries, to the 9th or 8 th | |||
millennium B. C., not the 5th or the 4th, as had ear¬ | |||
lier been believed. | |||
Links between distant areas were established not | |||
only directly but also in relay fashion, as was the case | |||
of connections between the ancient cultures of Eu¬ | |||
rope and the Far East. Archaeological data point to | |||
permanent rather than sporadic contacts covering in | |||
the 8 th through 3rd centuries B. C. the huge distance | |||
of up to 7,000 kilometres - we refer here to the Old | |||
Silk Route described above. It led from the Balkan | |||
peninsula and the Northern Black Sea coast to | |||
Ordos, crossing the Urals, the Altai Mts and Tuva. | |||
Goods and objects of art travelled along the Silk | |||
Route from China to the Mediterranean. This unity | |||
of the ancient civilisations of different peoples was | |||
preserved and even consolidated after the appear- | |||
333 | |||
ance of the Western Graeco-Roman civilisations on velopment that repeats, as it were, stages that have | |||
the historical scene. Greeks and Romans got as far as already been passed, but repeats them in a different | |||
India and China, there were Indian trading colonies way, on a higher basis ('the negation of negation’), a | |||
in Iran and Egypt, and Roman factories in southern development, so to speak, that proceeds in spirals, | |||
India. not in a straight line”. 1 | |||
The periods of Hellenism and the Roman empire Owing to the continuity of experiences and | |||
were extremely important for the establishment of mutual links, the ancient civilisations of East and | |||
links between East and West. A kind of synthesis of West entered the Middle Ages carrying a rich cul- | |||
cultures was taking shape-not as a sum of hetero- tural heritage. As historical fate would have it, a | |||
geneous elements (Eastern and Western ones) but as great deal of that cultural heritage was not perceived | |||
an organic whole, as a novel and original phe- by the subsequent generations-much was destroyed | |||
nomenon (cf. Graeco-Bactrian and Gandhara art, and dissipated. Only in some Oriental countries | |||
the Kushan pantheon, Alexandrian science, Fayum (such as India and China) was a certain continuity | |||
painting, etc.). of culture and tradition preserved in the transition | |||
Throughout the period of antiquity, the links from antiquity to the Middle Ages; Byzantium and | |||
between Eastern and Western civilisations covered the Arab world directly absorbed a great deal from | |||
extremely diverse spheres —commercial, cultural, the classical and Oriental cultures. Contemporary | |||
scientific, etc. The attitude towards the East in the archaeological, historical and linguistic studies res- | |||
classical world varied from epoch to epoch and was tore to life, as it were, many monuments of the | |||
often hostile, especially during the Graeco-Persian ancient civilisations of East and West, filling in the | |||
wars, when the East was seen as alien and barbarian. gaps in their overall historico-cultural development. | |||
But real life, the historico-cultural process itself, Each discovery on this path strengthens the excep- | |||
pushed the ancient civilisations towards each other, tional importance of these ancient epochs in the his- | |||
as they followed an objective and natural path of tory of humankind and the formation of world | |||
development. culture. | |||
The period of the crisis of Roman society and its Here we would like to mention the great contribu- | |||
culture was an extraordinary chapter in the history tion made by Soviet specialists in the ancient civili- | |||
of the relations between the Graeco-Roman world sations of the East and the West to the study of their | |||
and the East. At that time, the East, and in the first history and culture. We can list here only some of | |||
place Iran with its learning of the Magi and India the recent works, such as S. L. Utchenko, Julius | |||
with its religion and philosophy of Brahmanism, Caesar (Moscow, 1976); V. M. Masson, The | |||
were perceived as a source of wisdom and high ideals Economy and Social Structure of Ancient Societies (Mos- | |||
that might help to find a way out of a spiritual crisis, cow, 1976); Ye. M. Shtayerman, Ancient Rome. | |||
rather than as something backward or alien. Problems of Economic Development (Moscow, 1978); | |||
In considering the ancient civilisations of the G. A. Koshelenko, The Greek Polis in the Hellenistic | |||
West, it would be wrong to exaggerate the integral East (Moscow, 1979); Yu. Ya. Perepelkin, The | |||
quality of the whole of the Graeco-Roman world, Revolution of Amen-Hotla IV, Vols. 1-2 (Moscow, | |||
seeing it as a phenomenon given once and for all. In- 1979-1984); B. G. Gafurov and D. I. Tsibukidis, | |||
deed, Mycenaean Greece, Athens of the times of Alexander of Macedon and the East ( Moscow, 1980); | |||
Pericles, the epochs of Alexander and of the Roman M. A. Dandamayev and V. G. Lukonin, The Cul- | |||
empire represent different social institutions, cul- ture and Economy of Ancient Iran (Moscow, 1980); | |||
tural levels and ideological forms. Evolution was not I. D. Rozhansky, Classical Science (Moscow, 1980); | |||
always progress, there were periods of stagnation E. D. Frolov, The Torch of Prometheus. Essays on An- | |||
and even temporary regress, but the “spirals of his- tique Social Thought (Leningrad, 1981); V. G. Ard- | |||
tory” ineluctably drew classical society to a new zinba, The Rituals and Myths of Ancient Anatolia (Mos- | |||
level and to types of social development that were cow, 1982); A History of the Ancient World, Vols. 1-3 | |||
progressive from the historical standpoint. The his- _ _ | |||
tory of ancient civilisations offers an instance of | > v. I. Lenin, “Karl Marx”, Collected Works, Vol. 21, Pro¬ | |||
development that was described by Lenin as “a de- gress Publishers, Moscow, 1978, p. 54. | |||
334 | |||
(Moscow, 1982); I. Sh. Shifman, Ugarite Society of the | |||
14th and 13th Centuries B.C. (Moscow, 1982); | |||
B. B. Piotrovsky, Wadi Allaki, the Path to the Gold | |||
Mines of Nubia (Moscow, 1983); I. D. Amusin, The | |||
Qumran Community (Moscow, 1983); I. L. Mayak, | |||
Rome under the First Kings. The Genesis of the Roman | |||
Polis (Moscow, 1983); Classical Greece. Ed. by | |||
Ye. S. Golubtsova, L. P. Marinovich, A. I. Pav¬ | |||
lovskaya and E. D. Frolov, Vols. 1, 2 (Moscow, | |||
1983) ; A History of the Ancient Orient. The Birth of An¬ | |||
cient Class Societies and the First Fountainheads of the | |||
Slaveowning Civilisation , P. 1. Mesopotamia. Ed. by | |||
I. M. Dyakonov (Moscow, 1983); I. S. Klochkov, | |||
Babylon's Nonmaterial Culture. Man, Destiny, Time | |||
(Moscow, 1983); E. M. Yanshina, The Formation | |||
and Development of Old Chinese Mythology (Moscow, | |||
1984) ; T. V. Gamkrelidze and V. V. Ivanov, The | |||
Indo-European Language and the Indo-Europeans , Vols. 1, | |||
2 (Tbilisi, 1984); The Earliest States of the Caucasus and | |||
Central Asia (Moscow, 1985); The Culture of Ancient | |||
Rome. Ed. by Ye. S. Golubtsova. Vol. 1 (Moscow, | |||
1985) , Vol. 2 (Moscow, 1986); G. M. Bongard-Le- | |||
vin and G. F. Ilyin, India in Ancient Times (Moscow, | |||
1985); M. A. Dandamayev, The Political History of | |||
the Achaemenid Empire (Moscow, 1985). | |||
Well-known throughout the world are the works | |||
of Soviet historians and philologists specialising in | |||
the history and culture of the Orient-B. A. Tu- | |||
rayev, S. F. Oldenburg, V. V. Struve, M. A. Ko- | |||
rostovtsev, F. I. Shcherbatskoy, T. V. Gamkrelidze | |||
(all members of the USSR Academy of Sciences); | |||
G. A. Melikishvili, member of the Georgian Aca¬ | |||
demy of Sciences; M. Ye. Masson, member of the | |||
Turkmenian Academy of Sciences; Professors | |||
V. K. Shileiko, I. M. Dyakonov, V. A. Livshits; | |||
major specialists on Greece and Rome such as | |||
Academicians S. A. Zhebelev and A. I. Tyume- | |||
nev; Professors I. I. Tolstoy, N. A. Mashkin, | |||
V. S. Sergeyev, S. I. Kovalev, P. F. Preobrazhen¬ | |||
sky, A. B. Ranovich, S. L. Utchenko, V. F. Gai¬ | |||
dukevich, and others. It was owing to intense stu¬ | |||
dies by Soviet archaeologists and historians that the | |||
original civilisations of the Caucasus and Central | |||
Asia, as well as most interesting monuments of | |||
Graeco-Roman culture in the Black Sea region, were | |||
discovered and studied and certain chapters in the | |||
chronicled history of the peoples of these regions | |||
were read for the first time. Of considerable scientific | |||
significance is the research that Soviet archaeologists | |||
did abroad (in Yemen, Afghanistan, Iraq, Mongo¬ | |||
lia, and other countries). | |||
There is a long-established view in historiography | |||
that practically all progress in ancient cultures was | |||
achieved in the world of sedentary farmers and | |||
craftsmen, while their neighbours, the livestock-rais¬ | |||
ing nomads, were seen as a destructive force whose | |||
raids devastated everything that had been created | |||
by the agricultural population. Modern research | |||
shows, however, that these nomadic peoples made a | |||
considerable contribution to human culture, with | |||
their conquest of the vast open spaces of the steppe | |||
and deserts and their culture adapted to the condi¬ | |||
tions, often of extreme hardship, under which they | |||
lived. Modern research has also shown that farmers | |||
and their nomadic neighbours could not, in fact, | |||
exist without each other, since exchange of their res¬ | |||
pective produce was a most important element of the | |||
economic system of antiquity. | |||
The earliest class societies have yet another specif¬ | |||
ic feature of great significance. Slave-owning states, | |||
whether Western or Eastern, never occupied the | |||
whole of mankind’s oikoumene. Slave-owning so¬ | |||
cieties were always surrounded by numerous bar¬ | |||
barian peoples still at the primitive-communal stage | |||
of development. Some researchers believe even that | |||
the existence and evolution of slave-owning society is | |||
in principle impossible without this primitive envir¬ | |||
onment, since the barbarian outlying regions were | |||
the main source of slave labour. | |||
The dynamics of relations between the zone occu¬ | |||
pied by slave-owning peoples and that of primitive | |||
peoples is contradictory. The former largely de¬ | |||
velops at the expense of the latter. Inequitable trade, | |||
alienation of natural resources demanded by the | |||
growing slave-owning economic system, and en¬ | |||
slavement of the population were only some of the | |||
modes of exploitation of primitive societies by slave¬ | |||
owning states. In objective terms, however, direct or | |||
indirect invasion by class societies of the zone in | |||
which primitive-communal relations still prevailed | |||
promoted historical development of these peoples. | |||
Traditional links were destroyed, social differentia¬ | |||
tion accelerated, and the upper stratum of the popu¬ | |||
lation often consolidated its dominant position by | |||
acting as an organiser of the fight against the rapa¬ | |||
cious neighbour. It frequently happened that bar¬ | |||
barian peoples tipped the balance of force in their | |||
favour. | |||
However that may be, we must always bear in | |||
mind that the foundation of the remarkable ancient | |||
cultures was built not only by the peoples with | |||
which their efflorescence is primarily connected but | |||
also by thousands and even millions of nameless | |||
workers torn by the force of historical necessity from | |||
their native hearths and thrown into quarries, work¬ | |||
shops, and on slave-owning farms (villas). Modern | |||
research has shown that many of the famous Ath¬ | |||
enian vase-painters were slaves and aliens in Athens; | |||
Aesop, the renowned fabulist, was a Phrygian slave, | |||
as was the outstanding philosopher Epictetus. Spar- | |||
tacus, the unforgettable leader of rebellious slaves, | |||
was a Thracian. | |||
Some technological discoveries made in the | |||
ancient world, such as wheeled vehicles, calendar, | |||
compass, paper, glass, glaze, coins, etc., still benefit | |||
mankind. Along with these achievements in material | |||
culture, one must just mention monuments of Orien¬ | |||
tal culture such as the Gilgamesh epic, Mahabha- | |||
rata and Ramayana, The Book of Odes, or Shihching, Ka¬ | |||
lidasa’s dramas, Historical Memoirs by Ssuma | |||
Ch’ien the architectural complexes of Persepolis, | |||
Egyptian and Kushan sculpture, the philosophical | |||
doctrines of Buddhism, Confucianism and Taoism, | |||
and so on. | |||
The Graeco-Roman world gave us the remark¬ | |||
able gifts of monuments of literature, poetry, sculp¬ | |||
ture and painting, of philosophical and scientific | |||
thought Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey, the comedies of | |||
Aristophanes, the tragedies of Aeschylus, Sophocles, | |||
and Euripides, the poetry of Horace and Ovid, the | |||
logic and philosophy of Aristotle, the atomistics of | |||
Democritus and dialectics of Lucretius, the medical | |||
methods of Hippocrates, the sculptures of Praxiteles, | |||
the wisdom of Socrates and Plato, Cicero’s oratory, | |||
and a great deal else. The men of the Renaissance | |||
and of the modern times often turned to the char¬ | |||
acters and plots of antiquity; the classical ideas of | |||
democracy and freedom inspired the men of the | |||
French Revolution, just as the scientific achieve¬ | |||
ments of the Greeks inspired the founders of present- | |||
day science. | |||
Unfortunately, we know very little (let us stress it | |||
again) about the true creators of material wealth- | |||
about the ordinary working people; just as fragmen¬ | |||
tary, however, is our knowledge of the creators of | |||
nonmaterial culture, those who wrote ancient | |||
poetry, solved the first and most difficult mathemati¬ | |||
cal problems, and created masterpieces of painting | |||
and sculpture. Their names may never be known, | |||
but humankind must, and will, always gratefully | |||
remember these nameless creators, those who built | |||
cities and dams, made pottery, melted metals, pro¬ | |||
ducing the works of material and nonmaterial cul¬ | |||
ture of which we are justly proud even in these | |||
days. | |||
Problems of the cultural heritage of the peoples of | |||
East and West are not only of academic interest at | |||
present-they often become burning political issues | |||
debated by the broad public holding varying and | |||
often opposed views. The interest for the remote past | |||
of one’s country is quite natural, but the approach to | |||
these chapters of history must be objective, without | |||
any bias, modernistic revision, or any ideas of | |||
national exclusiveness. | |||
Cicero wrote that history is the teacher of life. The | |||
history of the past historical epochs, even as far | |||
removed from the present as those considered in this | |||
book, may be quite instructive. Consider, for in¬ | |||
stance, the problem of ecology, so vitally important | |||
today. Man had to face his first ecological problem | |||
already in the Palaeolithic, when he hunted down to | |||
extinction animals that provided his means of subsis¬ | |||
tence. Or take Italy of the period of the Roman | |||
empire, when several centuries of uncontrolled, | |||
predatory exploitation of soil fertility (which was | |||
treated much like slave labour) caused a disaster on | |||
quite a large scale. And what about the forests of | |||
Greece, the disappearance of which was bemoaned | |||
already by Plato? | |||
The ancient civilisations of East and West are not | |||
just the history of remote epochs but also part of our | |||
modern material and nonmaterial culture. We turn | |||
to these chapters of the historical past not only to | |||
enjoy the masterpieces of world art and literature | |||
and study their profound humanist message. The | |||
lessons of the past must also serve peace and pro¬ | |||
gress-the most noble goals of the modern times, | |||
they must serve the cause of the moral upbringing of | |||
those who are only beginning to study the heritage of | |||
the ancient civilisations of East and West. | |||
Name Index | |||
A | |||
Abayev, V. I. 103 | |||
Achthoes - 44, 50 | |||
Aeneas 267, 269, 271, 288, 289, 309, 310 | |||
Aeschylus-215, 223, 224, 336 | |||
Ain 186 | |||
Ajatashatru 152 | |||
Alcibiades 220, 221 | |||
Alexander the Great 96, 100, 125, 127, | |||
128, 140, 145, 152, 153, 233-238, 241, | |||
245, 252, 258, 259, 261, 283, 334 | |||
Alkaios 212 | |||
Alyattes - 83, 117 | |||
Amenhotep IV (Akhenaton or Ikhnaton) — | |||
41, 45, 49, 51, 80 | |||
Anaxagoras 225 | |||
Anaximander 211 | |||
Anaximenes 211 | |||
Andragoras 132, 141 | |||
Antigonus - 237-241 | |||
Antiochus 1-140, 242, 243 | |||
Antiochus III (“The Great”)-95, 141, | |||
155, 244, 250-252, 254, 255, 283, 286 | |||
Antipater-234, 237, 238, 260 | |||
Antoninus, Pius-317 | |||
Antony, Mark-95, 100, 133, 256, 302, | |||
Apelles - 232 | |||
Apollodorus-223, 261, 304-306 | |||
Apries-47, 48, 69 | |||
Apuleius, Lucius 318, 321, 323 | |||
Archilochus-212 | |||
Archimedes of Syracuse-245, 258, 331 | |||
Ardys - 83 | |||
Aristides 216 | |||
Aristophanes-220, 224, 225, 336 | |||
Aristotle-205, 230, 231, 234, 259, 262, | |||
'274, 331, 336 | |||
Arrian 152 | |||
Arshak (Arsaces) - 132, 141, 244 | |||
Artaxerxes I 125, 126 | |||
Artaxerxes II 95, 126, 127 | |||
Artaxerxes III-127 | |||
Aryabhata 169 | |||
Ashoka- 141, 153, 154 | |||
Ashvaghosha- 167 | |||
Assurbanipal-47, 54, 65, 67, 74, 83, 93 | |||
Asty ages - 69,117-119 | |||
Atheas- 108, 110 | |||
Augustus, Gaius Julius Octavianus (Octa- | |||
vian) - 170, 256, 304-311, 313, 314, 318, | |||
321, 326 | |||
Aurelian-325 | |||
Aurelius, Marcus- 170, 317, 321, 322 | |||
8 | |||
Berossos-55, 56, 78, 261 | |||
Bhamaha -167 | |||
Bimbisara- 152 | |||
Bindusara- 153 | |||
Blavatsky, V. D.-16 | |||
Botta, Paul Emile-54 | |||
Brasidas - 220 | |||
Brutus, Junius-274, 275, 303-305, 310, | |||
Bryaxis-232, 316, 330 | |||
316, 330 | |||
Buddha (Siddhartha Gautama) - 163-165, | |||
167, 168 | |||
C | |||
Caesar, Gaius Julius 256, 274, 292, 298- | |||
305, 307, 308, 310, 312, 313, 321, 330 | |||
Caligula (Gaius Caesar)-312 | |||
Callippus - 232 | |||
Callisthenes-234, 261 | |||
Cambyses 1-47, 48, 114, 117, 118 | |||
Cambyses 11-47, 48, 120-122, 129 | |||
Caracalla, Marcus Aurelius Antonius- | |||
323, 324 | |||
Carter, Howard-41 | |||
Cassander - 238-240 | |||
Catiline (Lucius Sergius Catilina) - 298, | |||
299, 301 | |||
Cato-284, 285, 289, 290, 294, 297, 299, | |||
302, 316 | |||
Catullus, Gaius Valerius 301 | |||
Chadwick, James 197 | |||
Champollion, Jean Francois 40 | |||
Chandragupta-153, 156, 167 | |||
Chang Chiao 190 | |||
Chang Heng 191 | |||
Charondas 206 | |||
Cheops 43, 50 | |||
Ch’in Shihhuangti - 182, 183 | |||
Chuangtzu -179 | |||
Ch’ii Yuan-181, 192 | |||
Cicero, Marcus Tullius 237, 290, 292, | |||
293, 296-305, 307, 316, 336 | |||
Cidenas (Kidinnu)-78 | |||
Cinr.a, Lusius Cornelius 295, 298 | |||
Cleisthenes 208, 219 | |||
Cleitus- 232 | |||
Cleomenes III 249, 261, 262 | |||
Cleon - 220 | |||
Confucius (Kung tzu) 178, 179, 193 | |||
Constantine - 326-328 | |||
Crassus, Marcus Licinius-95, 132, 133, | |||
297-299, 302, 313 | |||
Croesus-83, 119, 120 | |||
Ctesias- 121 | |||
Cyaxares-68, 117 | |||
Cyrus I 118 | |||
Cyrus II -48, 69, 118-122, 126, 129-131, | |||
139 | |||
Cyrus the Younger 114, 126, 228 | |||
D | |||
Darius 1-95, 108, 114, 121-124, 128-131, | |||
139, 215 | |||
Darius III 127, 128, 233, 234 | |||
Darwin, Charles Robert 20 | |||
337 | |||
David 86 | |||
Demetrius Poliorcetes 141, 155, 239, 240, | |||
245, 246 | |||
Democritus 165, 225, 262, 336 | |||
Demosthenes 220, 226, 230, 232 | |||
Dinostratus-232 | |||
Diocletian - 326-328 | |||
Diodorus Siculus-104, 110, 237, 261, 263, | |||
310 | |||
Drako - 206 | |||
Droysen, Johann Gustav-236 | |||
Dyakonov, I. M.-12, 114, 335 | |||
E | |||
Empedocles-225 | |||
Engels, Frederick-9, 11, 17, 196, 232, 331 | |||
Epaminondas - 229 | |||
Epicurus - 262 | |||
Eudoxus-232 | |||
Eumenes - 237-239 | |||
Euripides-133, 223, 224, 229, 336 | |||
Evans, Sir Arthur John 197, 198 | |||
F | |||
F’an Shenchih 191 | |||
Finley, M. D. 279 | |||
Firdaousi Shahnama 131 | |||
G | |||
Galen-170, 318 | |||
Gallienus (Publius Licinius Egnatius)- | |||
324, 325 | |||
Gandhi, Mahatma-164 | |||
Golenishchev, V. S.- 12 | |||
Gorgias | |||
Gracchus, Gaius Sempronius 291, 292, | |||
301, 315 | |||
Gracchus, Tiberius Sempronius 291, 301, | |||
315 | |||
Grotefend, Georg Friedrich 54 | |||
H | |||
Hadrian 170, 257, 317, 320 | |||
Hammurapi — 55, 59-62, 71, 115 | |||
Han Feitzu-180 | |||
Hannibal-250, 251, 283, 284 | |||
Hatshepsut-45 | |||
Hattusili 1-80 | |||
Hattusili 11-46 | |||
Heraclitus-179, 225 | |||
Herodotus 42, 78, 86, 97, 102-104, 105, | |||
106, 107, 108, 114, 118, 120, 121, | |||
225, 226 | |||
Hesiod-81, 204 | |||
Hippocrates 170, 226, 336 | |||
Hippodamus - 245 | |||
Homer-96, 166, 201, 212, 259, 336 | |||
Horace- 187, 300, 309, 310, 336 | |||
Hsiaokung -181, 182 | |||
Hsiintzu 178, 180 | |||
Hyperides-226 | |||
I | |||
Isocrates-231, 232 | |||
J | |||
Jones, William-147 | |||
Julian (“The Apostate”)-328 | |||
Justin 114, 237 | |||
Juvenal-312 | |||
K | |||
Kalidasa 166, 167, 336 | |||
Kanishka 143, 156 | |||
Knorozov, V. 150 | |||
Korostovtsev, M. A. 12, 335 | |||
Kuang Wuti-186, 187 | |||
Kuzishchin, V. I. 314 | |||
L | |||
Layard, Sir Austen Henry - 54 | |||
Lenin, V. I. 17, 331, 334 | |||
Leochares-232 | |||
Leonidas -124, 215 | |||
Lepidus, Aemilius 296, 305, 307 | |||
Leucippus- 225 | |||
Liehtzu- 179 | |||
Liu Pang 183, 184, 190 | |||
Livshits, V. A. -114, 132, 335 | |||
Livy (Titus Livius) 310 | |||
Lucilius 289 | |||
Lucretius Carus, Titus 191, 300, 331, 336 | |||
Licullus, Lucius Licinius 296, 297-299 | |||
Lugalzaggesi-56-58, 75 | |||
Lycurgus-231, 249 | |||
Lysander-221, 228 | |||
Lysias-231 | |||
Lyssippus-232, 261 | |||
M | |||
Mani- 135 | |||
Marius, Gaius 292-296, 298, 301 | |||
Marx, Karl Heinrich-17, 213, 331 | |||
Mashkin, N. A.-16, 335 | |||
Masson, V. M.-17, 149, 334, 335 | |||
Mazdak 135 | |||
Memnon- 233 | |||
Menaechmus - 232 | |||
Menander 260, 265 | |||
Menes 41, 42 | |||
Mengtzu- 178 | |||
Midas-82 | |||
Minayev, I P. 147 | |||
Mithridates VI 95, 99, 255, 295-298 | |||
Mo Ti (Motzu) -179, 180 | |||
Myron-222, 223 | |||
N | |||
Nabonidus 69, 70, 121 | |||
Nabopolassar-67, 68 | |||
Nagarjuna-158, 165, 169 | |||
Naram-Sin-58 | |||
Nebuchadnezzar 1-63 , 68 , 69, 77, 121 | |||
Nebuchadnezzar 11 54, 86, 117 | |||
Necho-47, 68, 85, 128 | |||
Nefertiti-51 | |||
Nehru, Jawaharlal-164 | |||
Nero, Tiberius Claudius-96, 305, 312, | |||
313, 322 | |||
Nicolet, Claude-274 | |||
O | |||
Odoacer 329 | |||
Okladnikov, A. P.-25 | |||
Oldenburg, S. F. 147, 335 | |||
Ovid (Publius Ovidius Naso) 309, 310, | |||
33b | |||
P | |||
Pan Ku- 187, 192 | |||
Pan Piao 192 | |||
Parrot Andre-55 | |||
Pausanias-232, 237 | |||
Peisistratus- 208, 212 | |||
Pelopidas 229 | |||
Pericles-218-22, 222, 334 | |||
Pheidias 222, 223 | |||
Philip II 98, 110, 127, 229, 230, 232-234, | |||
237-239 | |||
Pindar 223 | |||
Piotrovsky, B. B.-12, 17, 89, 93 | |||
Plato 178, 227, 230, 262, 323, 326, 336 | |||
Plautus, Titus Maccius- 265, 288, 289 | |||
Pliny the Elder-78, 187, 264, 268, 275, | |||
297, 315 | |||
Plotinus-325, 326 | |||
Plutarch 153, 216, 237, 269, 316, 318 | |||
Polemarchos - 232 | |||
Polybius-118, 155, 237, 250, 261, 262, | |||
265, 284, 288 | |||
Polyclitus-222, 223 | |||
Polygnotus 223 | |||
Pompey (Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus) - | |||
256, 296, 297-303 | |||
Porus 234 | |||
Praxiteles-232, 261, 336 | |||
Prinsep, James-154 | |||
Protagoras-225 | |||
338 | |||
Psammetichus I 47, 67, 83, 120 | |||
Ptolemy I 187, 192, 237-241, 245, 261, | |||
263 | |||
Pyrrhus 240, 242, 278, 280 | |||
Pvthagoras 211, 290 | |||
R | |||
Ramses I 45 | |||
Ramses II 41, 45, 46, 80 | |||
Rassam, Hormuzd 54, 74 | |||
Rostovtzeff, Michael 16, 236 | |||
Roxana-140, 234, 237, 239 | |||
Rusa I 67, 92, 93, 116 | |||
S | |||
Sammu-ramat 66 | |||
Samudragupta 156, 157 | |||
Sappho 212 | |||
Sargon I 57, 58, 61 | |||
Sargon II 54, 64, 67, 82, 92, 93, 115, | |||
116 | |||
Saul 86 | |||
Schliemann, Heinrich 199 | |||
Scopas 232, 261 | |||
Seleucus I 140, 153, 238-242 | |||
Seneca, Lucius Annaeus-306, 312, 313, | |||
315, 316, 320 | |||
Sennacherib-64, 65, 67 | |||
Servius Tullius-273, 274, 294, 304 | |||
Severus, Lucius Septimius- 322-324 | |||
Shalmaneser III-66, 90 | |||
Shang Yang-180-182 | |||
Shapur 1-134, 135, 156, 324, 325 | |||
Suppiluliumas I 62, 79, 80 | |||
Sneferu 43, 48 | |||
Socrates-225, 230, 336 | |||
Solomon-86 | |||
Solon-207, 208, 214 | |||
Sophocles-223, 224, 336 | |||
Spitamenes-234 | |||
Spartacus-297, 324, 336 | |||
Ssuma Ch’ien- 185, 192, 336 | |||
Strabo 78, 99, 100, 155, 237, 259, 297, | |||
310 | |||
Struve, V. V.-12, 48, 335 | |||
Sulla, Lucius Cornelius 132, 292, 293- | |||
298, 301, 302 | |||
Sung Yii- 181 | |||
T | |||
Tabarna 79 | |||
Tacitus-311, 316, 320 | |||
Tagor, Rabindranath-164 | |||
Takhos- 127 | |||
Tarquinius Superbus - 273-275 | |||
Telepinush 1-80 | |||
Terence 265, 288, 289 | |||
Thales-211 | |||
Themistocles-125, 215 | |||
Theognis - 206, 212 | |||
Thucydides - 114, 225 | |||
Tiberius-311-313, 316 | |||
Tiglath-pileser I 63, 90 | |||
Tiglath-pileser III 64, 66, 92, 93, 116 | |||
Timotheus- 232 | |||
Tolstov S. P. - 137 | |||
Trajan-96, 100, 156, 170, 314, 317, 318, | |||
320 | |||
Trogus, Pompeius- 114, 237 | |||
Turayev, B. A. 12, 335 | |||
Tutankhamen 41, 45, 80 | |||
Tuthmosis I 45, 51 | |||
Tuthmosis III 41, 45, 46 | |||
Tyrtaeus-212 | |||
U | |||
Udayin 152 | |||
Ur-Nammu 58, 59 | |||
Uruinimgina - 56 | |||
Utchenko, S. L. 16, 306, 330, 334, 335 | |||
V | |||
Vasco da Gama 85 | |||
Ventris, Michael 197 | |||
Virgil 187, 309, 310 | |||
Vipper, R. Yu. 16 | |||
W | |||
Wang Mang 186, 187, 193 | |||
Wheeler, Mortimer 150 | |||
Winckler, Hugo 79 | |||
Woolley, Leonard -55 | |||
Wuti- 183-186, 192, 193 | |||
Wuwang - 1 74 | |||
X | |||
Xenophon- 114, 121, 126, 178 | |||
Xerxes-124, 125, 131, 215 | |||
Y | |||
Yang Chu - 180, 181 | |||
Z | |||
Zaleukos-206 | |||
Zedekiah-68, 69 | |||
Zoroaster (Zarathustra) - 130, 139 | |||
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Feudal Society and Its Culture. Ed. by | |||
V. I. Rutenburg, Associate Member of | |||
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This is an exhaustive study by a pro¬ | |||
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of feudal society and its culture in Wes¬ | |||
tern Europe, the East and America from | |||
the 5th to the 18th century. The authors | |||
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of the great geographical discoveries and | |||
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overseas. The section on Africa also con¬ | |||
centrates on the formation and develop¬ | |||
ment of feudal states peculiar to north¬ | |||
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A major part of the book is devoted | |||
to the feudal societies of the East and | |||
their unique culture | |||
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and present of the Russian Orthodox | |||
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SOGRIN V., Founding Fathers of the Un¬ | |||
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The ancient civilisations of East and West, falling in one of | |||
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outstanding advances in the material and nonmaterial | |||
culture of humankind: cereals were cultivated, animals were | |||
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and scientific knowledge evolved. The first world religions, | |||
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between Greece and Rome on the one hand and the Orient | |||
on the other. | |||
Recent archaeological, historical and linguistic discoveries | |||
have thrown new light on many aspects of the ancient | |||
civilisations of East and West. The purpose of the pres¬ | |||
ent volume is to assess the main achievements of these | |||
cultures and to show both the unity of the historical process | |||
and each people's contribution to world civilisation. | |||
The authors have drawn upon original materials from | |||
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so is its geographic scope- from Spain in the west to China | |||
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[[Category:Library works about history]] |
Latest revision as of 21:39, 5 November 2024
Ancient Civilisations of East and West | |
---|---|
Author | Grigory Bongard-Levin, Boris Piotrovsky |
Translated by | Sergei Syrovatkin from Russian |
Publisher | Progress Publishers |
First published | 1988 Moscow |
Type | Book |
Source | https://archive.org/details/ancientciveastwest/mode/1up |
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Advanced Search ABOUT BLOG PROJECTS HELP DONATE CONTACT JOBS VOLUNTEER PEOPLE Full text of "Ancient Civilisations of East and West" See other formats
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CONTRIBUTORS:
Boris Piotrovsky
Grigory Bongard-Levin
Mohammed Dandamayev
Gennady Koshelenko
Ludmila Marinovich
Vadim Masson
Alexandra Pavlovskaya
Dmitry Rayevsky
Tatiana Stepugina
Yelena Shtaerman
Contributors
G. Bongard-Levin M. Dandamayev G. Koshelenko L. Marinovich V. Masson A. Pavlovskaya B. Piotrovsky D. Rayevsky Ye. Shtaerman T. Stepugina
Ancient
Civilisations
of East and West
Edited by Academician Boris Piotrovsky
and Grigory Bongard-Levin,
Corresponding Member,
USSR Academy of Sciences
Progress Publishers Moscow
Translated from the Russian by Sergei Syrovatkin
Designed by Alexander Smirnov
4PEBHJ1E UHBHAH3AUMH BOCTOKA II 3AIIA4A
Ha awnuiicKOM HP.me
© Progress Publishers 1988
Printed in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
A 050301 0000 522 22 014(01)—88
ISBN 5-01-001823-3
Contents
Preface
~ 1 ~
Introduction
~9
_ Part I _
The Primitive Epoch
19
Part II
Ancient Civilisations of the East
Chapter 1. Ancient Egypt: History and Culture
Chapter 2. The Ancient States of Mesopotamia
Chapter 3. Asia Minor in Ancient Times
Chapter 4. The Ancient States of Syria, Phoenicia,
Palestine, and the Arabian Peninsula
40
Chapter 5. Transcaucasia in Antiquity Chapter 6. Scythians and Their Culture Chapter 7. The Civilisation of Ancient Iran Chapter 8. Western Central Asia in Antiquity Chapter 9. The Old Indian Civilisation Chapter 10. Ancient China: History and Culture
40
52
79
89
102
113
137
147
172
Part III
The Graeco-Roman World
196
Chapter 11. Early Greece 196
Chapter 12. Archaic Greece 203
Chapter 13. Classical Greece 213
Chapter 14. The Epoch of Hellenism 236
Chapter 15. From the Origin of Rome to the Unification
of Italy 267
Chapter 16. The Rise of the Roman Empire. The Crisis
of the Republic 281
Chapter 17. The Roman Empire 307
Afterword
332
Name Index
337
Preface
In these days, when the problem of maintaining
peace and preserving the cultural values accumu¬
lated by humankind is particularly acute, and a
frank and fruitful dialogue between East and West is
particularly necessary, the question of the people’s
cultural heritage and the assessment of the contribu¬
tion of the ancient civilisations of East and West to
world culture assume a great scientific and socio¬
political significance.
The present work, written by leading Soviet spe¬ cialists in Occidental and Oriental antiquity, is in¬ tended to outline the principal stages in the histori- co-cultural development of the ancient societies of East and West.
Consideration of the ancient cultures of East and West, within a single framework reflects the objective unity of the historical process, revealing a lack of true historicity in theories with a European or Oriental bias.
In recent years, fresh and extremely valuable materials have become available which enable us to read those chapters of mankind’s historical chronicle which have so far appeared mysterious. Old con¬ cepts and well-established views are revised, new methods of historical analysis are worked out, and J studies of interdisciplinary nature gain ground. 1
7
Soviet scholars have achieved, especially in the
last two decades, considerable successes in the study
of ancient civilisations.
One should first of all mention the discovery of previously unknown, strikingly original cultures in Central Asia and the Caucasus. Important scientific results have also been obtained by joint expeditions of Soviet archaeologists and those of Mongolia, Afg¬ hanistan, Iraq, and Yemen. Joint research projects of Soviet and Indian scholars have also been ex¬ tremely fruitful.
The foundations of many achievements in mater¬ ial and nonmaterial culture, which made an impact on the subsequent development of world civilisation, were laid in antiquity. Cereals were cultivated, ani¬ mals domesticated, and metals smelted; writing, and verbal and other arts emerged; cities were built; and classes and the state came into being. The achieve¬ ments of Graeco-Roman and Oriental culture became part of the treasure-house of human civilisation.
In recent years, the great role of the ancient cul¬ tures of Africa and South America in the overall development of human civilisation has become in¬ creasingly apparent. Unfortunately, there are very few monuments, especially written monuments, of
these remote epochs, which explains the absence of special chapters on the cultures of these regions in the present work.
It is to be hoped that the publication of this book in English, with its sumptuous illustrations (mostly of monuments from the museums of the USSR), will be of interest to readers of many countries of the world and will help Soviet historians to consolidate
their international links. Imbued with the ideas of
humanism and the spirit of profound respect for all
the peoples of the world, presenting the development
of world history in an objective manner and reject¬
ing unscientific, biased and chauvinistic tendencies,
it will undoubtedly serve the noble goals of streng¬
thening peace and social progress and bringing the
peoples of the world closer together.
Academician Sergei Tikhvinsky, Chairman of the USSR National Committee of Historians
Introduction
Modern historical science, just as many other areas
of knowledge, is developing at a very fast rate. Cer¬
tain problems have to be reinterpreted in a new
light, and numerous facts which have seemed to be
firmly established now need to be verified. The his¬
tory of antiquity is a case in point. New archaeologi¬
cal discoveries and the finding of hitherto unknown
written monuments are changing existing notions of
the history of ancient societies of East and West, pro¬
moting a better understanding of the political, social
and cultural development of these ancient fountain¬
heads of human civilisation.
Premises have thus emerged for alternative approaches to the history of ancient civilisations of East and West. The present book, written by leading Soviet specialists in history, archaeology and cultur¬ ology working at the USSR Academy of Sciences, takes precisely such an approach.
In doing so, the authors endeavoured to cover an immense historical period from the origin of man¬ kind to the epoch of feudalism.
The first part of the book deals with the history of primitive society. That is the longest of all historical periods, stretching from the origin of man to the dec¬ line of primitive communal relations and the emer¬ gence of class society and the state. The discoveries of the last few decades in East Africa have pushed the sources of human civilisation far into antiqui¬ ty^ by several millions of years, according to the modern view. The rise of man from the animal world and the emergence of human society is a most complex process, in which labour played the decisive J role. Engels’s remarkable proposition, “Labour f- made man”, is much better substantiated now, after 1
many decades of studies by scholars in the most
diverse fields, than it was at the time of its
formulation.
In the early stages of the development of the pri¬ mitive communal system, defined as the Old Stone Age, or the Palaeolithic, man used the most primi¬ tive tools, which were gradually improved in the struggle against the harsh environment. The New Stone Age, referred to as the Neolithic Revolution by some researchers, was a most significant stage in the evolution of primitive society. It involved the transition from the foraging, hunung and fishing economies, to the productive economy, marked by land cultivation, stock-breeding, and the crafts. For the first time in history, human communities were able to produce and store foodstuffs necessary for subsistence over long periods and could thus settle down for long stretches of time in one place, ultima¬ tely building permanent settlements. Considerable surplus product enabled some individuals in a group to concentrate on activities other than food produc¬ tion. As production developed, the social structure and the system of society control grew in complexity. These processes led to a most important landmark in the history of mankind, the emergence of private property and the state.
The first antagonistic social formation and the state were brought about, above all, by socioeco¬ nomic factors, namely, a regularly obtained surplus product and the possibility of its redistribution. The former was ensured by the mode of econo¬ mic activity existing at the time, with irrigation in arid areas proving particularly effective.
Simultaneously, society evolved a complex of
remarkable cultural phenomena known in their
totality as civilisation. Intrinsically, the first civilisa¬
tions were marked by the emergence of early class
society and the state, while their most striking exter¬
nal features were writing, city centres and monu¬
mental architecture.
The process of class formation was deeply rooted in the primitive communal structure; in its earliest stages, that process assumed a latent form, as it were. In the context of changing social relations, aliena¬ tion of the surplus product often retained the tradi¬ tional external forms of the primitive communal mode of life. Thus, relying on ancient custom, chiefs made the brothers of their numerous wives give up part of their crops and till their land. This rule was gradually extended to all the the tribesmen of the chiefs wives. Later, communal lands were seized directly. The social structure of primitive communal society in the latter stages of its development already presented a rather complex picture. There was a whole series of social groups here essentially differing in their economic and social status. The supreme chiefs clan (the “royal clan”) formed the apex of the social pyramid, with the next rung of the ladder occupied by a number of “noble clans”.
This was, in fact, a forerunner of the class struc¬ ture of society, new in content though traditional in form. Gradual adaptation of traditional customs to the new situation developed into direct exploitation, of which the initial forms were the exploitation of tri¬ butaries and slaves. The paying of tribute, which was a form of subordination of one ethnic group to another, developed with the growth of inter-tribal conflicts. The archaic legal forms within which ini¬ tial exploitation took place underwent a gradual transformation as a result of which the slave became the main object of exploitation.
The starting point of slave-owning proper was the exploitation of prisoners of war treated as junior household members. As production and socioecono¬ mic relations grew in complexity, enslavement of in¬ solvent debtors gradually became normal. A charac¬ teristic feature of early historical development leading to the formation of civilisation, mankind’s outstanding achievement, was the rise of class anta¬ gonisms and concentration of enormous wealth in the hands of certain social strata and even indivi¬ duals.
As classes evolved, power was increasingly institu¬
tionalised and segregated. Gradually, the chief
monopolised the right of product distribution, his
power thus being extended to cover economic func¬
tions. The segregation of power was accompanied by
and culminated in the formation of the state.
Traditional ideological forms were also adapted to the new social structure. Of the greatest significance was the assertion of the cult of chieftain or king, which was made the basis of the new power that had established itself in society the state. This process began at the later stages of primitive society; the position and functions of the chieftain became sacred, specific attributes of his power appeared, and his cult in this and the afterlife developed.
At the same time, these processes (and this should be constantly borne in mind) were merely a general tendency, the main line in the development of ancient societies. The evolution of each individual society could be complicated and contradictory, since uneven development is a most characteristic feature of the historical process, marked by interrup¬ tions and even regressions in the overall progressive movement. The present volume mainly deals with the history of the ancient civilisations of the Old World from the emergence of the first states to the downfall of the Roman Empire in the 5th century A.D., generally recognised as the boundary between antiquity and the Middle Ages. This period, the longest in mankind’s history, is traditionally divided into the history of the ancient East, and the history of ancient Greece and Rome.
The history of ancient civilisations is one of com¬ plex interaction between the first state structures. Emerging through spontaneous internal develop¬ ment, the first states later made an increasing impact on the surrounding peoples living under the primi¬ tive communal structure. The combined effect of the two factors-of inner development and the influence of the more developed societies-accelerated the transition of many peoples to class society. The ancient civilisations traversed the path from the first fountainheads in the valleys of the Nile, the Tigris, the Euphrates, the Hindus, and the Hwang Ho to an enormous belt stretching from the Atlantic to the Pacific.
In the early stages, the East outstripped the West | in its economic and cultural development. It was §• precisely in the East that the earliest civilisations and 1 the first states known to history emerged some five
10
thousand years ago. Between the 6th and 3rd millen¬ nia B.C., the incessant toil of many generations of the fruitful valleys of the Nile, the Tigris, and the Euphrates brought into being the irrigation systems of Egypt and southern Mesopotamia. Somewhat later, such systems were built in India and China. This great victory of man over the forces of nature permitted rapid development of the economy. Man proceeded from food-gathering and hunting to in¬ tensive land cultivation, achieving more or less stable crops of cereals. Stone tools were replaced by the more effective labour implements made of cop¬ per and later of bronze and iron. As a result, large- scale land cultivation and forest clearing became possible. Simultaneously, stock-breeding on the basis of a settled way of life developed. A surplus of agri¬ cultural products enabled a certain portion of the population to engage in the crafts. Another great division of labour thus took place, namely, the sepa¬ ration of the crafts from agriculture.
As a result of intense development of productive forces, labour began to yield a surplus product in excess of what was necessary for the producers’ sub¬ sistence. Instead of physical labour, some individuals could now concentrate on organising production and on managerial functions in large-scale economic units then arising. For the first time in the long his¬ tory of human society, the employment of other peo¬ ple’s labour in production became possible and pro¬ fitable, which led to the emergence of slave-owning. Originally, slaves were former prisoners of war, but as relations within the clan decayed, the degradation of formerly full-fledged members of society, impov¬ erished due to crop failure, natural disaster or other causes, ended in their enslavement for their debts. Thus, side by side with slaves, still more numerous groups of formally free individuals appeared who, having lost their land, had to work for the king or the temple in return for subsistence rations.
Slaves and similar socioeconomic groups were confronted by the ruling class which consisted of the king’s retinue, the higher military ranks, the higher priests, and the elders of agricultural communes. To keep slaves and other exploited groups of the popu¬ lation in subordination, the state apparatus of coer¬ cion was created.
As Frederick Engels wrote, a situation arose when S' “only one thing was missing: ... an institution that I- would perpetuate, not only the newly-rising class |
division of society, but also the right of the possessing
class to exploit the non-possessing classes and the
rule of the former over the latter. And this institution
arrived. The state was invented.” 1
A characteristic feature of the ancient East was the great diversity of socioeconomic structures. Still, certain regular features can be discerned in this diversity. Thus in the 3rd and early 2nd millennia B. C. the king’s domain, or the state economy, figured prominently in the overall economic struc¬ ture in the Middle East. The state, personified by the king, was the owner of immense land property and artisans’ workshops. The labour force on royal estates primarily consisted of persons dependent on the state, whose status was intermediate between that of freemen and slaves. Unlike private estates, the royal domain almost never used slave labour in those times. In the 2nd and 1st millennia B. C., the leading role in the economy was played by private and temple estates, employing slave labour on a fairly wide scale. However, a most significant feature of the East was the important role played by the labour of free commoners and tenants throughout the ancient period.
The numerous class of freemen which existed in the Orient endeavoured to defend its rights and pri¬ vileges in an organised way. Throughout the ancient history of Mesopotamia, the popular assembly of free citizens functioned as an organ of local self-gov¬ ernment, often competing with the king’s authority and attempting to restrict it.
The situation was different in Egypt, where the state sector retained its positions for nearly two thou¬ sand years, the popular assembly was as good as nonexistent, and most of the population had no civil rights. Thus different types of social structure existed in different countries, ranging from democratic insti¬ tutions to despotic royal power. In one and the same country, too, the character of power and of the social structure often changed with time.
Despite this diversity of types of state power and of socioeconomic order, certain unifying features are apparent in the historical development of ancient societies. The main such feature was the existence of the class of slave-owners in each ancient society vis-
1 Frederick Engels, “The Origin of the Family, Private Pro¬ perty and the State’,’ in Selected Works in three volumes, Vol. 3, Progress Publishers, Moscow 1970, p. 275.
a-vis the class of slaves possessing no means or imple¬
ments of production and owned by members of the
former class, as well as of various semi-dependent
strata whose socioeconomic position was not unlike
that of slaves.
Ancient societies also had broadly similar ideolo¬ gies, with certain prominent common traits.
Religion dominated ancient ideology, inculcating in the minds of the people the need for worshipping the gods, observing certain moral norms and per¬ forming certain duties associated with the social status of the individuals. An important feature of ancient cults (before the emergence of the world reli¬ gions) was their tolerance towards the beliefs of other peoples.
The development of socioeconomic relations in the ancient East was naturally accompanied by pro¬ gress in material and nonmaterial cultures. The principal cereals were cultivated for the first time in the ancient Orient; animals were also domesticated and metals brought into use here. All of this created a basis for further advances of human civilisation. Many achievements of the ancient Oriental peoples are still alive; numerous traditions of culture (litera¬ ture, the theatre, art, etc.) have survived from the epoch of antiquity to the present times, forming part of the world culture. Ancient systems of writing emerged in Egypt and Mesopotamia independently of each other as early as the 3rd millennium B. C. Owing to the continuity of the historical tradition, the great achievements of Babylonian mathematical astronomy, Egyptian medicine, and many other out¬ standing results of ancient Oriental science and art have been preserved. The study of the languages, writing systems, material culture, science, literature and art of the ancient Oriental peoples has consider¬ ably extended the cultural horizons of modern man.
It should be noted that studies of the ancient Orient date from comparatively recent times, when Egyp¬ tian hieroglyphics and Sumero-Akkadian cuneiform writing were deciphered in the 19th century. This branch of science has been rapidly developing ever since. At present, it is firmly founded on an enor¬ mous number of written and material monuments. However, in these days, too, archaeological excava¬ tions yield thousands of new texts literally every year, extending our knowledge of ancient Oriental § civilisations. I
There is a long solid tradition of the study of the I
ancient East, its history and culture in the USSR.
Investigation of the socioeconomic relations in the
overall process of historical development has figured
especially prominently in this tradition, but the cul¬
ture, literature, religion and art of the ancient
Oriental peoples have also been studied quite thor¬
oughly. Such outstanding Russian and Soviet
scholars as B. A. Turayev, V. S. Golenishchev,
V. V. Struve, M. A. Korostovtsev, T. V. Gamkre-
lidze and I. M. Dyakonov have made a great
contribution to the study of the ancient Orient. The
discoveries of Soviet archaeologists in the recent
decades have inspired new interpretations for many
aspects of the history of the ancient civilisations of
Transcaucasia and Transcaspian Central Asia; the
great role of the peoples of these regions in antiquity
and the extent of their contribution to mankind’s
total culture have been firmly established.
Relying on Marxist-Leninist methodology, Soviet specialists in the ancient Orient inquire into the basic problems of the historical-cultural develop¬ ment of the Oriental peoples, analysing the forma¬ tion of the state, social structure, economic relations, ideology and culture.
In our view, the study of the ancient East is not only of great scholarly significance: knowledge of the ancient Oriental culture is part and parcel of modern man’s general treasury of knowledge.
Objective investigation of the ancient Oriental civilisations shows the unity of the world historical process, revealing the fallacy of the views, disse¬ minated by conservative and nationalistic scholars, concerning the absolute opposition of East and West, the specifically spiritual character of the ancient Oriental culture, the division of peoples into civilised and backward ones, etc. Attempts to modernise the ancient history of the East and the cultural heritage of its peoples appear just as un¬ scientific in the light of such objective inquiry.
The countries of the Western ancient world emerged and developed under conditions somewhat different from those of the ancient Oriental states.
First, unlike the early Oriental countries, they were not islands in the midst of an immense mass of primitive peoples. The world of antiquity emerged on the historical scene at a time when a massive enclave of highly civilised societies, capable of effec¬ tively opposing the primitive neighbours, had become consolidated.
Second, while the first Oriental civilisations evolved almost independently, without any external influences, the peoples of the Western world, as latest research shows more and more clearly, were greatly indebted to the more ancient civilisations. The first class societies on the territory of Greece appeared at the end of the 3rd millennium B. C. In the 2nd millennium B. C., states emerged on Crete and in continental Greece which kept up close con¬ tacts with the more ancient civilisations of the East; the social structure of these societies was similar to that of the Near Eastern states. Owing to their extensive links with the entire Mediterranean area, the states of Crete and Mycenae made a great con¬ tribution to the development not only of Greece but also of Italy. Phoenicians, and after their decline, their successors, the Carthaginians, played an enor¬ mous role in those times.
Third, the peoples of the Graeco-Roman world were already familiar with the production of iron, which they used to manufacture both weapons and labour tools. This facilitated a rapid development of productive forces and permitted the combination of surviving consanguineal and rural communities with the private economy of extended and, later, basic families. No strong centralised authority or ramified bureaucratic network, which in the East coor¬ dinated the joint efforts of rural communities in car¬ rying out labour-consuming projects in the absence of well-developed productive forces, were needed in the West. Here, royal power was replaced by aristoc¬ ratic republics at the very dawn of the Graeco-Ro¬ man world.
Improvements in the implements of production and the development of navigation boosted the handicrafts, increasing the importance of internal and external exchange and finally resulting in the appearance of money as a universal equivalent. A considerable portion of the population was now engaged not only in agriculture and the crafts but also in commerce and later in financial operations. Rural settlements were united in cities, which became unifying centres for the neighbourhood landowners as well as for the crafts, commerce, and cults. During wars, they served as a refuge for the population of the environs. The emergence of such urban communities was one of the mainsprings for the further development of the antique world.
As preclass society decayed, that development ini¬
tially went on along approximately the same lines as
in the neighbouring tribes and peoples. Clan and tri¬
bal nobility evolved as a group producing most of
the military leaders, priests, elders in the councils,
and judges. This group possessed considerable mov¬
able properties and the common lands which its
members had seized. On the other hand, an increas¬
ing number of rank-and-file tribesmen became im¬
poverished and dependent on the nobility, enslaved
for their debts or obliged to give up most of their
crops to the landowners from whom they leased their
plots. On this basis, states of the ancient Oriental
type might have later arisen, but that line of devel¬
opment was cut short by the struggle and victory of
the people-the Greek demos and Roman plebs-
over the tribal nobility. The fight was long and hard
but it ended in the establishment, for the first time in
the history of mankind, of democracy, which found
its most consummate expression in Athens and, to a
lesser extent, in Rome. This development is a most
striking and graphic illustration of the role of the
people’s masses in the historical process which in this
case was directed along a path that was unique in
the ancient world.
Despite the class limitations of this type of democ¬ racy, it conditioned the formation of the civic com¬ munity which determined the antique world’s his¬ tory and culture. It was, first and foremost, a community of landowners whose land allotments might be large or small but whose rights to these allotments were equal. Apart from the private hold¬ ings, there were public lands belonging to the entire city community to be used at the latter’s discretion- cultivated on behalf of the whole community, set aside for raising public buildings on, leased, or divided into lots handed over to individual citizens. The community as a whole exercised supreme con¬ trol over its entire territory.
The civic community provided the means of sub¬ sistence, at least in principle, to all its members in the first place by giving them land allotments, by setting the upper limit on holdings and distributing the excess among the have-nots or by conquering new lands and establishing colonies. Other, methods were also employed. The enslavement of a free citizen was forbidden and limitations were intro¬ duced on enslavement for debts, supported by legis¬ lative restrictions on usurious interest rates. Cor¬ poral punishment could not be inflicted on a citizen,
and he could not be executed without the popular assembly’s sanction. His links with the civic com¬ munity and its organs of authority were direct and not mediated, as in other societies, by his member¬ ship in a rural community or personal links with an individual of a superior status in the social hier¬ archy. The popular assembly was the supreme organ. It approved laws, it was the highest court of appeal, and it decided the issues of war and peace. The need to provide the means of subsistence for each citizen (the propertied citizens in the first place) determined Greece’s colonial expansion and the exploitation of the less significant allies by the stronger polises, and in Rome, the endless wars for booty and lands on which colonies were also set up. Colonisation, both Greek and Roman, brought about the proliferation of civic communities which were, to some extent, replicas of the home cities; conditions were thus created for the spreading of the antique slave-owning mode of production and Grae¬ co-Roman culture over considerable territories adjoining the Black and the Mediterranean seas.
The specific features of the social organisation mentioned above restricted the possibilities for exploiting fellow-citizens. The only practical source of labour for the gradually multiplying large estates and artisans’ workshops was exploitation of slaves who were completely and absolutely owned by their masters and had no legal rights at all, being outside all institutions of civic society. Greece, Rome, and other antique civic communides created after their model, were slave-owning communities par excellence'. although there were slaves in other societies of the ancient world as well, production in these societies could also proceed through exploitation of other categories of the population at various stages of de¬ pendence. As for the antique world in its classical period, no large estate or workshop could do without slave labour.
The political and legal equality of citizens and complete lack of rights for the slaves determined a sharp differentiation and crystallisation of the con¬ cepts of slavery and freedom in the social ethics, un¬ known in other ancient societies with their extensive spectrum of states intermediate between slaves and freemen. Freedom became one of the fundamental concepts in the system of values of the antique civic community be it the freedom of the native city or of I an individual citizen. Freedom was perceived as the
highest value. For the free man of the antique world,
enslavement was a misfortune more terrible than
death itself. The idea of freedom was closely linked
with that of economic independence. A city was free
when it paid no taxes to anyone and had no obliga¬
tions before anyone. A man was completely free
when he worked on his own holding. A free citizen
possessed a number of obligatory virtues which dis¬
tinguished him, in his view, from the slave. A citizen
had to express his opinions freely, he had to be cour¬
ageous, hardy, reserved, true to his word, and con¬
scious of his duties to the gods, the ancestors, the
family, and the native land. This opposition between
“civic virtues” and “slavish vices” determined the
ethics of the antique world, reflecting the profound
class contradictions between slaves and their owners.
Another important foundation of antique ethics was the concept of “the common good” inseparable from the good for each member of the civic collec¬ tive. A citizen of a free, strong and rich city was him¬ self free, rich, and respected everywhere. Con¬ versely, the richer and more dutiful the citizens, the more powerful and glorious their city. The ideology and culture of the antique world largely grew on this ethics.
Although religion, observance of established rites, and various methods for divining the gods’ will and bringing one’s actions in accord with them played an immense role in the life of the civic community as a whole and that of the individual entities, clans, families, and persons, they were a binding principle rather than the source of morality.
Before the crisis of all the institutions of antiquity set in, men did not expect either reward or punish¬ ment for their good or bad deeds either in this world or the next. The source of reward and punishment, respect and disgrace, was the judgement of fellow- citizens. Slavery and subjugation of other peoples were justified by religion on the grounds that men incapable of governing themselves and of making use of their freedom must obey others.
Society was perceived as created by the people led by wise and farsighted leaders, not by gods; and as an organism where each free member was believed to perform his intended function for the good of the whole. That whole, in its turn, was part of a still greater unity, the cosmos, where gods, men, beasts, plants, lands, heavenly bodies, in short, everything that is, were interconnected and governed by a sin-
gle law established by the gods for nature, and by men for the human communities.
The desire to cognise the laws of both cosmos and society in order to teach men to obey them and to find unity and happiness in this obedience stimu¬ lated the development of the sciences of the natural world and of the social order. The sciences were in¬ terwoven with philosophy, the various philosophical schools assimilating the experiences accumulated by mathematics, astronomy, natural science, history, and ethnography.
Non-religious ethics accorded with the absence of an obligatory religious dogma, which was in part explained by the secular nature of the state power represented by elected councillors and not by a king, and in part by the general incompatibility of an obli¬ gatory dogma with the right to free thought, which distinguished the citizen from the slave. Freedom from obligatory dogmas combined with lively politi¬ cal struggles between different political groupings whose representatives had to be skilful enough to persuade and win over the popular assembly, the council, the judges, developed the ability for logi¬ cally proving one’s views. Logic became the princi¬ pal method not only in rhetoric but also in philoso¬ phy and the sciences, to the detriment of the methods of observations and experiment.
Apart from logic, the orator, the philosopher, and the politician had to master a certain amount of knowledge in various fields which guided him in his actions and speeches, providing convincing exam¬ ples for the latter. This was one of the factors in the general rise of education. Since, in antiquity, each citizen was at the same time a warrior, he built up his body from adolescence, practising various physi¬ cal exercises. To be able to participate in mass reli¬ gious rites, he had to study the art of music and sing¬ ing. All this shaped the famous ideal of a har¬ moniously developed individual who had equal mastery over his body and mind. The belief that it was men and not gods who created the society they lived in engendered a special interest in the human personality and human psychology.
The antique world went through nearly fifteen hundred years of historical development in which many features of the classical period of efflorescence of the antique civic community were modified, grad¬ ually turning into their own opposites. Little by lit¬ tle, the Hellenistic kingdoms and the Roman
Empire changed the psychology of the citizen to that
of a subject. The more theocratic the power of Hel¬
lenistic kings, and later of Roman emperors,
became, the greater was the role of religion, which
rose in the hierarchy of values as a source of moral¬
ity, and the greater was the ideological pressure from
above.
Despite the class limitations of antique democ¬ racy, despite slavery and predatory wars, the an¬ tique civilisation bequeathed to the later gene¬ rations, along with other historical experiences, the ideas of the people’s sovereignty, of citizens’ freedom and equality, of each citizen’s right to guaranteed existence and his duty to serve the country, respect for justice, desire for free cognition of nature and society, and respect for the human individual and for art presenting man as he is, and as he can and must be.
Hence the intransient interest for the antique world and its heritage.
The antique civilisation developed in close con¬ tact with the surrounding world. In the 1st millen¬ nium B. C., after the gap of the so-called Dark Ages, links were resumed with the Orient, and antique col¬ onisation greatly increased the area of contacts with a great number of peoples inhabiting the Mediter¬ ranean and Black Sea coast. The originality of the antique civilisation is beyond doubt, but the in¬ fluences of the Oriental peoples on the formation of Western culture must not be underestimated. Thus, throughout the 1st millennium B. C., a remarkable situation prevailed on the Italian peninsula where intense interaction between the cultures of Latins, Etruscans and Greeks moulded the Roman civilisa¬ tion.
Of fundamental significance was the Hellenistic epoch which brought into being extensive areas of interaction between the ancient local cultures and the culture of the invading Hellenes. The interaction and mutual influence of these civilisations were extremely fruitful, enriching the cultures of all the peoples of the Hellenistic world.
Under the Roman Empire, the Mediterranean area went through a process of cultural unification combined with increasing Oriental influences, parti¬ cularly in ideology. In that period, cultural links ^ with India and China were established.
The downfall of the Graeco-Roman world led to a | considerable weakening of cultural links between
15
the peoples of different regions.
The decline of antique society was predetermined by class contradictions. The Roman Empire grew out of a system of civic communities united under Rome’s aegis. Gradually, the empire created its own ruling elite, its own system of coercive state control existing at the expense of the civic communities, and this sharply increased the rate of exploitation, first of slave labour and later of the labour of free citizens. The working people had to support the privileged strata and the entire enormous superstructure of the imperial state machine. As a result, free producers were reduced to a state of near slavery, while the position of slaves deteriorated in the extreme. This increased the resistance of the oppressed classes; to suppress it, the coercive apparatus had to be built up, and this in its turn demanded harsher exploi¬ tation to obtain the wherewithall. This vicious circle could not be broken under the existing social relations.
This situation naturally led to a decrease in the share of surplus product and a regress in economic development. Attempts to overcome the crisis resulted in the emergence of feudal-type relations in the framework of the Roman empire, which further aggravated the economic and political decline of this last of the ancient civilisations, which finally col¬ lapsed, overrun by the “barbarians”.
The Middle Ages rejected the cultural heritage of antiquity, and only in the epoch of the Renaissance did the interest for the history and culture of Greece and Rome emerge. Believing themselves to be the spiritual heirs of the antique world, the humanists of the Renaissance spent a great deal of time and effort collecting, studying and publishing the works of antique authors. The next stage in the study of the history of antiquity was linked with the work of the scholars of the Enlightenment, who characteristi¬ cally endeavoured to interpret antiquity as an ele¬ ment in the overall picture of the history of mankind rather than an accidental phenomenon of history. That line was continued by the progressive scholars of the first half of the 19th century. The greatest im¬ pact on the historical thinking of those times was made by the ideas of Hegel who saw history as a law- governed process going through a series of stages. In Hegel’s view, antiquity was the period of mankind’s beautiful youth (ancient Greece) and maturity | (Rome).
The end of the 19th century and the beginning of
the 20th were marked by a sharp increase in the in¬
terest for the economic and social history of anti¬
quity. It was at that time that two trends in the in¬
terpretation of antique society, the “primitivists”
and the “modernists”, engaged in their largely fruit¬
ful controversy.
Modern historiography of antiquity is character¬ ised, above all, by a profound interest for source studies. Sophisticated methods of source analysis, extensive use of the data of epigraphies and papy- rology, complementing available sources with numismatic and archaeological materials, with due consideration for their specificity, are the most char¬ acteristic features of the modern approach to the study of antiquity. Most modern researchers reject a priori schemes, subscribing to the theory of specifi¬ city of antique society interpreted as a unique and original phenomenon.
Agrarian relations in Greece and Rome, critical periods and revolutionary movements in their his¬ tory, were subjects of the greatest interest to Russian scholars of the 19th and early 20th centuries. The in¬ terest for these themes was motivated by problems that were of the greatest concern for the public at the time. They were dealt with in the works of T. N. Granovsky, S. V. Yeshevsky, I. V. Netushil,
R. Yu. Vipper, M. I. Rostovtzeff. The epigraphists F. F. Sokolov and V. V. Latyshev and the archaeologist B. V. Farmakovsky also made out¬ standing contributions to historical science.
After the 1917 October Revolution, Soviet histori¬ ans continued the progressive traditions of Russian historiography. They also tackled new problems, un¬ dertaking in-depth studies of socioeconomic rela¬ tions, forms of exploitation, class struggle, the crisis of the polis, the nature of the transition from the republic to the empire in Rome, from the principate to the dominate, and from antique to feudal society, as well as the ideology, literature, art and material culture of various epochs, classes and social strata. A great contribution to the study of these problems was made by such Soviet scholars as S. A. Zhebelev, V. S. Sergeyev, A. V. Mishulin, N. A. Mashkin,
S. L. Utchenko, A. I. Tyumenev, K. M. Kolo¬ bova, V. D. Blavatsky. Similar problems, with a special stress on the Roman provinces, are studied by specialists in antiquity from the other socialist countries.
16
The works of Marx, Engels and Lenin provide the guidelines for the development of Soviet historiogra¬ phy. Marx and Engels were outstanding researchers and experts in antique, and in particular, Roman, history. In his Economic Manuscripts, and especially in the chapter on “The Forms Preceding Capitalist Production”, Marx described the nature of the an¬ tique urban community as a special type of com¬ munity that determined the main characteristic fea¬ tures of the antique world and its later evolution. In his other works Marx often turned to the economy of antique societies, showing their differences from the capitalist economy. Engels wrote such fundamental works, directly bearing on ancient history, as The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State, Bruno Bauer und das Urchristentum, and fur Geschichte des Urchristentums. Marx and Engels’s general theoretical views concerning the unity of the historical process and the succession of socioeconomic formations, and their approach developed by Lenin, to the correla¬ tion and mutual influence of the socioeconomic basis and the political and ideological superstructure, pro¬ vide a basis for the research by scholars of the USSR and other socialist countries in the history of the ancient Orient and of Graeco-Roman antiquity.
- * *
The history of the ancient civilisations of East and West is part and parcel of world history, it is an im¬ portant and extremely interesting chapter in the chronicle of human civilisation. The study of this epoch is of great scientific value, as it helps to under¬ stand the basic laws of the historical process and to evaluate the contribution of the Oriental and Occi¬ dental peoples to world civilisation.
But the study of the history of the ancient Orient and of antiquity is not of academic interest only. The knowledge of the cultural heritage of the peoples of that epoch is of intransient cognitive significance; their highest achievements in literature, art and phi¬ losophy are still part of the humanist moral and esthetic education and of the spiritual values of the present epoch. They serve as a source of inspiration for contemporary artists, who study their craftsman¬ ship and delight in the true masterpieces of the human genius.
The present cannot be understood without a deep | knowledge of the past, and that is especially true of
those aspects of human civilisation where ancient
traditions, modified and modernised, become
organic elements of modern life. For example, we
find a direct continuity of cultural development in
certain Oriental countries; here, a world outlook
that goes back to ancient civilisations still retains im¬
mense influence. Many monuments of literature, of
epic and other types of folklore created hundreds
and even thousands of years ago are not only part of
the cultural heritage but also a living reality, per¬
ceived as inalienably connected with the develop¬
ment of modern culture. Ancient civilisations were
also the source of many social institutions which still
function in our times, though in a thoroughly modi¬
fied form.
The historical and cultural experiences of the past still retain their significance, although each epoch and even each scientific trend evaluates and inter¬ prets past events in its own way.
The study of ancient civilisations of East and West is distinctly topical, as problems of cultural heritage are now the theme of lively public debate.
Taking this into account, the authors of the pre¬ sent work historians and archaeologists specialising in various regions of the ancient Orient and of classi¬ cal antiquity-endeavoured to use the latest scientif¬ ic findings in introducing the broad readership to the cultural attainments of the ancient peoples of the East and of Greece and Italy, and to the most impor¬ tant facts of their political and cultural history in the context of the general historical process of mankind’s progressive development.
The authors: Acad. B. Piotrovsky, Director of the
Leningrad Hermitage, and G. Bongard-Levin,
Corr. Mem., USSR Academy of Sciences, (Intro¬
duction and Afterword); Prof. M. Dandamayev of
the Institute of Oriental Studies, USSR Academy of
Sciences, Leningrad (Chapters 1, 2, 3, 4 and 7);
Corresponding Member of the Turkmenian Acade¬
my of Sciences V. Masson, Institute of Archaeology,
USSR Academy of Sciences, Leningrad (Part I and
Chapters.5 and 8); Dr. D. Rayevsky of the Institute
of Oriental Studies, USSR Academy of Sciences,
Moscow (Chapter 6); G. Bongard-Levin, (Chapter
9); Dr. T. Stepugina of the Institute of Oriental
Studies, USSR Academy of Sciences, Moscow
2—344
(Chapter 10); Prof. G. Koshelenko of the Institute
of Archaeology, USSR Academy of Sciences, Mos¬
cow, and Prof. L. Marinovich of the Institute of
General History, USSR Academy of Sciences, Mos¬
cow (Chapters 11, 12, and 13); Prof. A. Pavlovskaya
of the Institute of General History, USSR Academy
of Sciences, Moscow (Chapter 14); and Prof.
Ye. Shtaerman of the Institute of General History,
USSR Academy of Sciences, Moscow (Chapters 15,
16 and 17).
The authors express their gratitude to Prof. O. Lordkipanidze, Prof. V. Sarianidi, Dr. S. Khod- zhash, Dr. V. Fedotov, and D. Molok for their help in preparing this book.
_ Part I _
The Primitive Epoch
The earliest epoch in the history of man produced
very elementary forms of culture and social organi¬
sation, which were gradually improved in the course
of history. The primitive community, the principal
cell of human society, was a comparatively small but
well-knit organism. The types of links between indi¬
viduals within that organism changed, and the
society formed by these basic “molecules” grew, but
the significance of the community remained im¬
mense. For this reason, this epoch is called the primi¬
tive communal socioeconomic formation.
The beginning of the primitive epoch marked the dawn of mankind’s history. At that time, two inter¬ connected and mutually conditioned processes took place: man evolved from the animal world, and human society emerged as a qualitatively new form of the existence of matter with its specific laws. These processes were long and complicated, and each new discovery kindles anew the controversy connected with them.
Recent studies point to Africa, and specifically East Africa, as the locus where man first evolved. Some five or three million years ago, the australo- pithecines became numerous here; certain of their morphological features anticipated human morphol¬ ogy. They weighed relatively little (36 to 55 kilo¬ grams) and moved on two feet, which left their j upper extremities free from the function of support- ~ ing the body. Their brain capacity varied from 435 s to 600 cubic centimetres-a fairly large brain, parti- ? cularly in relation to the total body mass. Split bones | of large animals are found next to the remains of the | australopithecines, which indicates a meat diet, while crudely fashioned stones seem to point to the 5 -
beginnings of “instrumental activity”. It is difficult
to say, however, to what extent production of tools
was goal-directed and regular.
Interpretation of these materials has a direct bear¬ ing on the long debated problem of the boundary line between man and ape and the criteria for such a delimitation. For a long time, the view was popular that 700 to 800 cubic centimetres was the “brain Rubicon” separating man as such from anthropoid apes. More reliable is the triple feature of large size of the brain, erect posture and the development of the hand adapted for specific operations, including fine manipulation in which the thumb is opposed to the rest of the hand. There are indications, however, that erect hominids of the Australopithecus type were going through an intense and variable evolu¬ tion producing a number of morphologically differ¬ ent populations. Moreover, the specific features of the purely human activity and behaviour brought about morphological changes only after a long pe¬ riod of development. In recent years, most researchers have therefore paid increasing attention to traces of specifically human activity, thus recog¬ nising, in fact, the enormous cognitive significance of the labour theory of anthropogenesis.
Indeed, on such East African sites as Olduvai and Koobi Fora, 2.6 to 1.9 million years old, we find a set of primitive but sufficiently varied stone tools, a per¬ manent settlement with oval dwellings, and evi¬ dence of regular slaughter of large animals. These are undoubtedly features of the qualitatively novel phenomenon-of human culture. Here, too, were found the remains of the subject himself of these first human achievements; he was named Homo habilis,
19
2 *
“able man”. He was relatively short in stature, 122
to 140 centimetres high, and the bone structure of
his feet fell within the limits of variations occurring
in modern man, which points to a morphology cor¬
responding to a permanently erect posture. His
brain capacity was 675 to 680 cubic centimetres.
The Olduvai culture was, in fact, the first chapter in
the history of mankind and of human society.
The motive forces of the humanisation of apes were varied. First, the structure and behaviour of anthropoid apes held the premises of many later qualitative changes. These premises included an excess of energy expended in investigation and manipulation, irregular hunting, which implanted the habit of eating meat, and irregular use of stones and sticks in certain operations. Regular instrumen¬ tal and labour activity triggered off a number of in¬ terdependent factors. Regular employment of tools significantly expanded the food resources and the possibilities of defence against predators. Meat-eat¬ ing produced certain changes in the digestive canal and a redistribution of the body mass, which in its turn reinforced the upright posture.
Gradually, animal egoism gave way to primitive collectivism. Particularly important, however, was the production of tools for use in subsequent oper¬ ations. This activity assumes goal-directed con¬ sciousness and an ability to foresee the results of a series of future actions. Whole sets of tools, including highly advanced ones, rather than isolated items are found in ancient settlements of the Olduvai type. The conscious fabrication of elementary tools was connected with the formation of elementary con¬ cepts, i. e., with the development of thinking. This had an undoubted impact on the inner structure of the brain, although at present we can only assess its progress by the external criterion of overall size. These developments ultimately took man to a stage qualitatively different from the rest of living matter.
Numerous sites where australopithecines were found as well as remains of primitive men and their settlements, compel scholars to accept the view, pro¬ pounded already by Charles Darwin, that Africa was the birthplace of man. Morphologically, Javan Pithecanthropi show signs of higher development and are included in the group of Archanthropus; the links between most of the Javan finds with the so- called Trinil fauna also point to a date later than the African finds-between 500,000 and 1 million years.
True, the oldest Pithecanthropus, referred to as the
primitive Pithecanthropus, lived between 1.5 and
1.9 million years ago. So far, however, no ancient
tools have been found on the sites where remains of
Homo pithecanthropus were discovered.
The African finds give a vivid picture of the life and activity of primitive man. In the first place, excavations at Olduvai, where the remnants of a number of camp sites dating from different periods have been studied, have yielded an extensive collec¬ tion of stone tools. In some cases the raw materials for the tools were brought from a distance of several dozen kilometres. Pebble tools, with the working edge shaped by chipping off pieces on one or both sides, predominate here. These implements are called choppers and chopping tools; they were used without a handle and were gripped directly by the hand. These simple artifacts were universal chop¬ ping and cutting tools and, as special experiments have shown, could be used to cut down a tree out of which a club or a primitive spear might be made. Tools were also fabricated through more complex operations, a raw stone was first hewn in such a way as to produce what is known as the nucleus, which was later split and the resultant flakes were used as tools. Scrapers, points and drills resembling stone tools of much later periods are also found at Oldu¬ vai. Apparently extremely varied tools were pro¬ duced by trial and error in the spontaneously devel¬ oping stone tool industry, but these, with the possible exception of choppers and chopping tools, do not yet occur in stable series. Bone was also some¬ times broken off and sharpened, and the tools thus produced were used in various labour operations.
Numerous remnants of bone show clearly that hunting was the main source of food. Many thou¬ sands of bones of various animals (mostly of bulls, but also of antelopes and hippopotami) were discov¬ ered at Oldowan camp sites. Turtles and possibly fish were also used for food. The natural environ¬ ment in which Homo habilis lived was open savan- nas - large steppe plateaus with clumps of trees. This ~ type of landscape produces the highest amount of biomass between four and five tons per square kilo-
- metre. The exceptional profusion of animals was
? naturally a great help to the hunters armed with | throwing stones, that most ancient of missiles, and rr also, apparently, with prototypes of later clubs and s- spears.
The results of studying the camp sites themselves
also point to considerable successes in labour and
organisation. Thus a ring-shaped paved structure, 4
by 4.6 metres large, made of bits of lava, was discov¬
ered at one of the Oldowan camp sites. These were,
apparently, supports for poles or branches on which
animal skins were stretched to form an enclosure
against the wind. At another camp site a concen¬
tration of finds was discovered in an area seven by
five metres large, which broke off so abruptly that
there is every reason to assume the existence of a
fence at this point which was made of organic mater¬
ials that have since rotted away. At Melka Kon-
toure, another camp site of that period, lying within
50 kilometres from Addis Ababa, stone rings have
been unearthed apparently intended to fix the poles
of a shelter. Thus we have here camp sites with a
definite internal spatial organisation where man set¬
tled for fairly long periods of time.
In view of all this it may be assumed that such monuments were left behind by prototypes of later human communities for which some researchers sug¬ gest the term “the primitive horde”. Judging from the areas of maximal concentration of products of life activity, ten to twelve people lived at a single Oldowan camp site. Ethnographic evidence shows that primitive wandering hunters form groups of ten to twenty people which can join in larger groups of 40 to 70 individuals during the dry season, when the so-called battue hunting is practised. These groups of wandering hunters are unstable structures, now falling apart, now united again. Monuments like the Oldowan camp sites were apparently the base camps of such groups, to which they regularly returned. Social links undoubtedly emerged within such groups; regular big game hunting and protection of the young were only made possible by primitive col¬ lectivism. Hunting and meat-eating made it neces¬ sary to regulate the distribution of products amongst group members.
The development rate of these earliest human communities was, we must say, extremely slow. Dur- ^ ing two million years, both the range of tools used or ~ the technique of their production remained virtually s unchanged. This was the extensive period of devel- ^ opment, so to speak: groups of humans were kept on - the move by their prime occupation of hunting, | spreading far to the north and continually opening up new territories. Tools of the Oldowan type were 3-
discovered at several sites in the south of Europe, At
A1 ’Ubaid, a site south of Lake Tiberias in Palestine,
similar tools have been found that are deemed to be
900,000 to 800,000 years old. Such tools also occur in
some places in Syria. Along with the expansion to
new territories, a certain technical progress, re¬
flected in the changing forms of stone tools and
methods of their production, was gradually
achieved. These innovations marked a new period in
the history of human society, one that is called the
old Acheulian (700,000 to 300,000 years ago).
Moving north, primitive man encountered a harsher natural environment than the one that pro¬ duced the Oldowan culture. The period in which man first evolved, called the Quaternary geological period, was marked by regular onsets of glacia¬ tion - a series of Ice Ages. The centres of glaciers lay in the mountainous regions of northern America and Europe, but they spread far to the south, covering nearly a third of all dry land. On the edge of the gla¬ ciers a tundra landscape developed, which farther to the south was replaced by cold steppe and forest- steppe. Mammoth, wooly rhinoceros, cave lion and reindeer supplanted at such periods the warm-loving fauna. Africa, South Asia, Australia, and South America were not covered by continental glaciers, but there were great changes there as w'ell as pe¬ riods of abundant precipitation, high humidity, and decline in temperature set in. Four major gla¬ ciations are distinguished in the scheme established for the Alps: Gunz (1,000,000 700,000), Mindel (500,000-350,000), Riss (200,000-4 20,000) and Wurm (80,000-10,000 years ago). Within these major periods there were several stages of temporary rises and falls in temperature.
These harsh conditions were a kind of test of the strength of the new biological species that had come into being on the Earth. During glaciation, all types of warm-loving fauna, from elephants to ostriches, either died out or moved south, while the scattered and badly armed human communities showed an immense ability for adaptation and survival under extreme conditions. This was due to greater flexi¬ bility of behaviour regulated by highly developed mental activity and to the reliability of the new links between individuals in human society. The tech¬ niques of stone tool production gradually advanced. Already at the concluding stages of Olduvai, pear- shaped bifacially worked tools with a butt for con-
venience of holding appeared. These tools came to
be known as handaxes in archaeology.
During the Middle and Late Acheulian (300,000 to 100,000 years ago), several types of carefully worked handaxes existed. Some of them may have been used as spearheads. A new method of preparing the nucleus for making tools, which was called the Levallois technique, developed. A stone intended as a nucleus was carefully trimmed to shape on all sides. Flakes and blades could be chipped off such a nucleus that were both thinner and of a more regu¬ lar form than before. Thanks to the Levallois techni¬ que, a kind of mass production of stereotype blanks for tool-making became possible. The range of ancient implements of labour became more varied, and the tools themselves were of better quality.
Man himself also developed. Homo habilis was re¬ placed by Homo archanthropus , which included Javan Pithecanthropus and Chinese or Pekin Pithecan¬ thropus usually called Sinanthropus in the litera¬ ture. Man became 30 cm taller, his skull grew in size, but the prominent eyebrow ridges and absence of the chin markedly distinguished Homo archanth¬ ropus from modern man. The cortex also underwent certain qualitative changes. Areas of the cortex asso¬ ciated with the specific functions of labour and speech communication became especially well deve¬ loped. The character of the frontal convolutions in the right and the left hemispheres confirms that man became right-handed, that is to say, he mostly used the right hand in working. The gap between man and his apelike ancestors grew.
The centre of technical development was now clearly shifted from tropical Africa, where man opposed himself to the animal world for the first time, to the zone between latitudes 30° and 50° North. The Middle East, North Africa and Southern Europe became the foci of man’s pulselike develop¬ ment; here the progress of human culture was im¬ peded and at the same time stimulated by the icy breath of regular onsets of glaciation. Uneven devel¬ opment, a characteristic feature of the historical pro¬ cess, came into play. Certain groups worked out and maintained better techniques of making stone tools becoming the carriers of technical progress in their migrations.
Clear evidence for this is found in the Near East, where dozens of Palaeolithic sites have been discov¬ ered and carefully studied on the territory of Syria
__-_-
and Palestine. It appears that two groups of the
population existed here in the Early Acheulian; one
of them was local, Late Oldowan in culture, and the
other was close in origin to the Oldowans but devel¬
oped faster, mastering the production of bifacially
worked tools earlier than the former. In the Eastern
Mediterranean area, at least six versions of Palaeo¬
lithic culture are identified in the Late Acheulian
period. Often groups of humans that used different
techniques of stone working visited the same caves,
so that levels with artifacts of different technical tra¬
ditions could overlap, as happened, for instance, in
the Jabrud rockshelters in Syria.
A whole series of remnants of ancient camp sites and of accidental finds indicates a broad expansion of Homo archanthropus throughout Southern Europe. An Early Acheulian camp site was excavated at Ver- tesszollos, 50 kilometres north-west of Budapest. Here, man hunted the bear, the horse, the deer and the aurochs. Oldowan traditions were still strong in their technique of making stone tools, many of which were crude pebble implements. Of exceptional im¬ portance was the use of fire, evidence of which is pro¬ vided by numerous traces of camp-fires in which ani¬ mal bones as well as other material were burned. The use of fire enabled man to survive the fluctua¬ tions of temperature on the fringes of glacier zones. Terra Amata and Grotte du Lazaret at Nice, care¬ fully studied by French archaeologists, are seasonal camp sites of ancient hunters. Apart from hunting various animals and birds, Homo archanthropus inhab¬ iting this area also caught fish and shellfish for food. No remains of ancient man have been discovered, but a clear imprint of the right foot was found from which the height of the man that once walked here was worked out (1.56 m). Temporary oval shelters, 8 to 15 m by 4 to 6 m in size, were built at the camp site. Stones were set along the walls; in the floor, holes left by the support posts were found. In the centre of the dwelling, a hearth was built on a plat¬ form paved with pebbles; a stone wall was erected to ^ protect the fire from the wind. The frame dwelling i at Grotte du Lazaret also points to primitive man’s attention to the comforts of home. Only non- « resinous species of trees were used for fires, built for 3* warmth, and primitive beds were made of seaweeds | covered with pelts close to the hearth.
^ During the Acheulian, hunting developed and im- X proved. Groups of hunters appeared that specialised
22
___
.
- v._A**,
in killing mostly one species of animal. Thus, many of the human communities inhabiting them. Judg- Acheulian hunters of Europe went after the forest ing by the size of Terra Amata dwellings, a local elephant, as the killing of one fully grown animal group of vagrant hunters and gatherers of 10 to 15
provided them with about a ton of meat. At Lehr- individuals, now swelling, now shrinking, was, as
ingen in Germany a temporary hunting camp site before, the principal cell of human society in the
has been discovered where hunters cut up the car- Acheulian epoch. The number of individuals dwell-
cass of a slain elephant and moved on, apparently ing in the frame shelter of 55 square metres at Grotte
loaded with meat. A wooden spear, stuck between du Lazaret is set at nine to twelve by the researchers, the ribs, was found among the remaining bones of The area of the dwelling complex at the temporary the skeleton. The 215-centimetre-long spear was hunting camp site in Syrian Latamne is estimated to
made of yew, and its point was hardened by fire. have covered 200 square metres; it may have been a
The hunting camp sites of Torralba and Ambrona simple enclosure without a roof, reinforced by stones
in Spain provide excellent material for reconstruct- along its base. Sites that were most convenient for
ing the hunting activities of that period. The princi- settlement became permanent base camps which
pal animal hunted was the forest elephant, which could be used during seasons linked with a definite
accounted for four-fifths of all the animals killed. type of activity. Thus men returned eleven times to
The type of bone find shows clearly that the car- Terra Amata, and each time it was during the same
casses were mostly cut up where the animals were season. Differences in the techniques of making stone
hunted down: there were relatively few skulls of ele- tools in different groups inhabiting a certain area in-
phants and leg bones at camp sites. The materials of dicate certain links between several local groups of
Torralba and Ambrona show that the cultural- hunters and gatherers of this region. This is hardly
economic type of vagrant hunters and gatherers of evidence of a formal grouping based on some social
the woods and savannas was then evolving. At the or organisational criterion but rather of the existence
same time Homo archanthropus continued his expan- ofhuman communities bound by stable cultural tra-
sion throughout the Old World. In the Acheulian, ditions, with genetic kinship as the more remote
man appears in western Central Asia and the Cau- basis. At the same time it was a kind of prototype of
casus. In the latter area, camps were sited in the the larger social organisms characteristic of the
caves of the higher mountain ridges which offered epoch of efflorescence of the primitive communal
shelter for the hunters pursuing the cave bear and system.
large herbivorous animals-the deer and the mouf- Clear evidence for the steady development and
flon. growing complexity of all types of human activity
The stone tools of Sinanthropus known from the and forms of organisation ofhuman society is found
excavations of the immense open cave of Choukou- in the materials of the Mousterian epoch
tien, 50 kilometres south-west of Pekin, show consid- (100,000-35,000 years ago). Its beginning coincided
erable originality. The ashes of fires show that the with the Riss-Wiirm interglacial period, when Eu-
Pekin man knew the use of fire. At one spot, the rope still enjoyed a dry warm climate and its fauna
accumulation of ashes is six metres thick, which indi- wa s still subtropical-forest elephant, hippopo-
cates the existence of a kind of eternal flame there. tarn us, and rhinoceros. But later the Wurm glacia-
Sinanthropus used wild berries and fruit for food, in- tion set in, when the climate in Europe was at its
eluding the wild cherry, but hunting the deer pro- coldest. The tundra and the cold steppe with islands
vided the bulk of his nourishment. Bones of antelope, of forest thickets were filled with the mammoth
horse, boar, bizon, buffalo and even rhinoceros and ^ fauna-reindeer, wild horse, bizon, and mammoth
elephant also occur. Judging by split human bones, ~ itself, which reached the territory of central Italy in
ancient hunters were not averse to cannibalism. ' the south.
-s
Sinanthropus made crude choppers of the pebble During the Mousterian epoch, man went through
type out of quartz, and also utilised the flakes formed J a further development - Homo archanthropus was in the process. Most tools are extremely primitive, | transformed into Homo palaeoanthropus, better known while handaxes are not found at all. ^ as Neanderthal man. Neanderthal man’s brain var-
Excavations of Acheulian camp sites give an idea E. ied in capacity between 900 and 1,800 cubic centi-
23
metres, with an average of 1,350 cubic centimetres.
Compared to Homo archanthropus , Neanderthal man
had much better developed areas of the brain re¬
sponsible for the complex forms of spatial coordina-
tive functions, labour acts, speech, and control of
these processes. Accordingly, the dome of the
cranium became higher and more rounded. Despite
the somewhat archaic appearance, Neanderthal
man was on the whole a fairly highly developed
creature, as confirmed by the latest archaeological
discoveries shedding light on various aspects of his
instrumental activity.
The technique of tool making by flaking and sub¬ sequent working of the face of the stone rose to a new level in the Mousterian epoch. Mousterian disc¬ shaped nuclei yielded triangular and oval flakes that were used to produce extremely varied tools. There are some 60 varieties of these, including the typically Mousterian points which were in some cases appar¬ ently used as spearheads and dart tips. Wood was employed rather extensively; we know from the sur¬ viving prints that in building his dwellings Nean¬ derthal man used 20- to 30-centimetre-thick posts made of trees he had cut down.
Uneven development became increasingly appar¬ ent in the Mousterian epoch. East and South Africa lagged more and more behind. Sites of the Acheu- lian types found here date from the times when man in Europe and the Near East entered the Moustier epoch. Europe, North Africa and the Near East formed an area of intense development in which modern man of the Homo sapiens type evolved among various populations of Neanderthal man.
A characteristic feature of the development of the Near East in the Mousterian epoch was the accen¬ tuation of local differences, which became more dis¬ tinct and stable. Thus, researchers have identified nine local variants of the Levallois-Mousterian cul¬ ture in Syria and Palestine. Not all of them were contemporaneous, but cultural diversity was on the whole indubitable: groups of humans invariably using identical traditional techniques of working j stone and habitual, stable assemblages of tools ~ existed here side by side. A cemetery for the burial of ^ clansmen was situated next to the camp site. Ten S' Neanderthal burial places were discovered in the es- J Skhiil cave situated on Mount Carmel. A real necro- f: polis was found at Cafzeh, where the dead were laid m in one and the same posture -on the right side, knees i
bent, facing the cave entrance. Double burials occur
at Cafzeh and es-Skhiil; here, a woman and a child
were buried together. In one grave at Cafzeh con¬
taining the skeleton of a tall man of massive build,
two flint tools, pieces of ochre and a limestone block
bearing traces of handling were found. Another skel¬
eton, that of a ten-year-old boy, was found in a pit of
which the walls were reinforced by upended slabs of
limestone. The skull of a large gazelle and an ostrich
egg were placed over the crossed arms, the charred
egg possibly baked. Here we undoubtedly observe a
whole burial ritual.
Mousterian sites of the Near Eastern hinterland are not so well studied, but, judging from the mater¬ ials available, similar developments took place there as well.
Thus Neanderthal burials were found in the Shanidar cave in one of which the burial pit was framed with a stone ring and armfuls of flowers were laid on the bottom, as pollen analysis shows.
On the European continent, a stable development of local variants of the Mousterian culture, identified by detailed analysis of stone tool sets and the tech¬ niques of their production, is also observed. On the territory of France alone, four varieties of the local Mousterian are distinguished by specialists. Here, too, camp sites situated both in open spaces and caves and shelters are found. At Peyrards, a dwelling was built before an overhanging cliff the foundation for which consisted of a fence of stone blocks enclos¬ ing an area 11.5 by 7 metres large. Interestingly, the pollen of water plants was found in a cave lying 200 metres above a water course, the pollen most likely brought to the cave with water. It appears that Neanderthal man brought water to the cave in some sort of vessels, possibly crudely made of skins, fami¬ liar from ethnographic materials among many tribes of hunters and gatherers. Specialised types of hunt¬ ing played the principal role in the hunting activities of West European Neanderthal man; the specialisa¬ tion was apparently seasonal in character. Mam¬ moth, reindeer and bison were hunted in the open spaces. Bisons, which weighed up to a ton, were a tempting game though difficult to get; they were most likely driven into pits or bog and then killed. As in the Middle East, a fairly large number of Nean¬ derthal burials, usually situated near the cave dwell¬ ings, were found in Western Europe.
The tendency towards isolation of local variants of
the Mousterian culture is also observed in Eastern Thus at Drachenloch bear skulls and bones were
Europe. A whole series of such variants have been found in boxes of limestone slabs, in the Peterschele
identified by Soviet archaeologists on the Dniester cave they lie in special niches, while next to a Nean-
and in the adjoining areas. Some data on the con- derthal man’s burial at Regurdu the head and
struction of dwellings in open spaces have also been broken bones of a bear are buried in a pit closed by a
obtained here. Thus remnants of a dwelling measur- stone slab measuring two by two metres and weigh¬ ing eight by five metres have been excavated at the ing nearly 400 kilograms. Certain intellectual devel-
Molodova I camp site in the upper reaches of the opments are also indicated by finds of separate
Dniester. The foundation of the dwelling was formed objects with various signs painted or incised on
by bones of large animals, including twelve mam- them, as well as of stone and clay balls arranged in a
moth skulls, which apparently held firm the posts of definite order. The significance of these isolated facts
the shelterlike structure. Inside the dwelling there must not, of course, be exaggerated: we have here,
was an additional partition of large bones, a hearth, in fact, only rudiments of ideological concepts which
and a row of mammoth’s massive teeth along the later grew in complexity constituting systems which
walls, weighing up to eight kilograms each and pos- determined the social consciousness of the primitive
sibly used as stools. A technique of housing construe- epoch.
tion thus evolved which later became very popular The improvement and specialisation of tools, a
among the hunters in subglacial areas. In the Cri- complex cycle of economic activity, and the rudi-
mea, burials before cave entrances followed the same ments of ideological concepts were paralleled by an
pattern as in the Near East: the body was laid in a increasingly complex social relations. Indicative in
burial pit in the embryonic posture on the right side. this respect is the very structure of places of habi-
Of particular interest is the burial, discovered by the tation, which included both the dwellings of the liv-
Soviet archaeologist A. P. Okladnikov, of a Nean- ing members of the community and their last refuge,
derthal boy in the Teshik-Tash cave in the south of The cohesion of the hunting groups, which appar-
Uzbekistan, with horns of a mountain goat sur- ently warrant the name of communities, was very
rounding the body. great. Thus, one of the Shanidar Neanderthal men
Neanderthal burials indicate the existence of was 50 years old, and he lost his right hand in his
fairly well-developed ideological notions. Undoubt- youth an indication of the high efficiency of the
edly various factors played a role in the appearance hunting economy, which enabled the group to feed
of burials, including the insdnetive drive, known in an incapacitated member, and also of the sense of
various animals, to get rid of the dead body, as well comradeship and cohesion within this group. The
as an attachment to members of a given group. The system of social links within such a community is
latter factor is attested by the placement of burials hard to ascertain. Repeated finds of double burials
and whole cemeteries in close proximity to the of women and children invite the conclusion that
dwellings. The emergence of a definite ritual obli- certain rules arising from the relatively long and
gatory burial of the body in a pit on the right side stable ties between the mother and her offspring
and with bent knees-is also noteworthy. The plac- were coming into effect. Historical interpretation of
ing of tools in the grave may be seen as evidence for local variants ol the Mousterian culture occupying
the burgeoning ideas about some sort of activities stretches of land of 50 to 200 kilometres is an ex-
continuing after death, while stone fences round the tremely difficult task. A stable cultural tradition
burial pits might be imitations of the stone plinth of could be reinforced here by certain social and
Neanderthal man’s real dwellings. The growing organisational links between several hunting corn-
complexity of ideological concepts is also indicated ~ munities. The term “prototribes” has been sug- by the nascent animal cult which, judging by its con- gested for such unions; their hun ting grounds would
nection with the principal type of hunted animal, ? thus be the domain of such a local culture variant, may be the prototype of totemism. In Western Eu- ? Conflicts could apparently occur between groups rope archaeologists have long established Nean- | belonging to different cultures. Thus, the thigh bone derthal man’s special attitude to the cave bear, the ^ of a skeleton found in the es-Skhul cave burial main object of hunting for many hunting groups. 1 ground has traces of a wound inflicted by a wooden
25
spear. Neanderthal men from Java and from a
monument on the territory of the German
Democratic Republic have skull wounds inflicted by
stones and clubs. The short life span of Neanderthal
man is also suggestive: a generation lasted only
slightly more than twenty years, on average. In fact,
Neanderthal man died so early that he was barely
able to produce offspring. The development of
human society followed an arduous path. Only in
comparing the initial and final links of the chain do
we observe the working of the law of progress.
The next stage in the history of human society is the Upper or Late Palaeolithic (35,000-10,000 years ago). During this period, the principal forms of cul¬ ture and social organisation achieved high develop¬ ment and complexity, and man of the modern type finally took shape. The Upper Palaeolithic largely fell within the last glaciation, called the Wurm (in Europe) or Wisconsin (in North America) glaciation when temperature dropped especially low. At the same time preriglacial Europe, owing to its southern location, had more daylight and sun radiation than the modern tundra. This made the Upper Pleisto¬ cene tundra rich in forage, in fact, an optimal source of food for mammals. The rich hunting grounds and high yield of the biomass apparently explain, to a large extent, the cultural rise in the Upper Palaeo¬ lithic society on the European continent.
As far as one can see, man of the new type, Neoanthropus or Homo sapiens , emerged on the terri¬ tory of Europe, the Near East and North Africa. This type of man is often called Cro-Magnon man, from the name of the site in France where the first remains were found. Compared to Neanderthal man, the greatest changes in Homo sapiens occur in the facial skeleton - the massive eyebrow ridge disap¬ pears, the chin develops, and the brain further grows in height, the frontal lobes developing especially noticeably. Fairly rapidly the new anthropological type everywhere replaces Neanderthal man. The development of Homo sapiens’s brain permits the assumption that the new type of man was highly social. Soviet anthropologists believe that this fea- ~ ture facilitated his rapid expansion, as selection eli- minated individuals and especially populations with ? aggressive behaviour and antisocial instincts des- ^ tructive to the early human communities. This con- | elusion appears particularly convincing since all r*, available data on the production and culture of 3 .
Upper Palaeolithic Neoanthropus point to a qualita¬
tively new level of social relations.
Considerable progress is achieved in tool fabrica¬ tion due to three most important innovations. First, the prismatic nucleus became the source material for blanks of flint tools; narrow plates with sharp straight edges could be flaked off such cores. These flakes could be used as tools even without any addi¬ tional working. Second, pressure flaking was used for shaping stone tools-a technique in which thin flakes were removed by pressure applied by means of some implement of wood or bone. Finally, mounted tools became widespread, in which whole sets of flint flakes forming the working edge were set in a wooden or bone base. These innovations served as the technical basis for the development of tool pro¬ duction during the many millennia leading up to the New Stone Age. Various tools were also regularly made of bone and horn. Of special significance for hunting were bone harpoons and the so-called spear- thrower a stick with a rest that sent the javelin almost twice as far as the bare hand.
Intense development of the Upper Palaeolithic culture was especially marked in Europe, which had long been opened up and relatively densely popu¬ lated by Palaeolithic hunters. Mass battue hunts were the basis of the economy. Thus a thick layer of bones of at least 10,000 wild horses was found near the Solutre camp site in France under a steep cliff off which whole herds must have been driven. The organisation of such hunts steadily improved; dur¬ ing excavations in the La Vache grotto in the south of France a hunting horn was found that could be used to transmit signals over long distances. The hunters’ base camp sites consisted of permanent dwellings with hearths. There were 13 such dwell¬ ings partly sunk in the ground at the Pavlov camp site excavated in Czechoslovakia. The growing well¬ being was reflected in the spreading of ornaments. In the Upper Palaeolithic burials in the vicinity of Mentonne in Italy, necklaces and bracelets made of shells, teeth of animals and fish vertebrae were found next to the skeletons. Seashells were apparently sewn on clothes, too. Particularly impressive, however, are the numerous monuments of primitive art created by the Upper Palaeolithic hunters of Eu¬ rope. More than 100 caves and grottoes with Upper Palaeolithic paintings, some of them real primitive shrines, have been discovered. A kind of primitive
applied art also developed: many bone artifacts
were embellished by artistically painted or incised
scenes or by simpler ornamentation. Art monuments
are found in particular profusion in the south of
France and in northern Spain; researchers therefore
regard these areas as a special province of primitive
art called Franco-Cantabrian.
Monuments studied by Soviet archaeologists on the territory of the USSR offer a striking picture of the development of the Upper Palaeolithic culture. Here, just as in Western Europe, battue hunting flourished in which masses of large animals were slaughtered and much of the meat was wasted. The traces of an immense battue have been found near Amvrosievka, where nearly a thousand aurochs were killed. Almost a fourth of the skeletons are lying in the proper anatomical order, the hunters obviously having slaughtered more animals than they could consume. Mammoth hunters were also guilty of numerous ravages: the remains of 70 to 110 mam¬ moths have been found near some camp sites in the Ukraine. Domesticated wolves already accompanied the hunters of Eastern Europe and subglacial Asia.
The dog was especially valuable to the taiga hunters.
It is no accident that cult burials of dogs have been found in Siberia; a burial ground of this kind, with an abundance of raddle, has been discovered in a Palaeolithic dwelling in Kamchatka.
Upper Palaeolithic hunters’ base camps were real settlements consisting of several dwellings whose lower parts were excavated into the ground (pit dwellings), measuring 20 to 25 square metres; for warmth, fires were built in the hearths. The settle¬ ment at Mezin had five such dwellings, and the one at Dobranichevka four. The camp site at Buret in Siberia also consisted of four dwellings. The over¬ head cover was stretched on a frame of mammoth bone. The bones of that wooly elephant were also widely used for fuel.
Art monuments-figurines of women and various animals made of bone and stone - are also fairly numerous at Kostenki. There are also fine engrav- -~ ings of articles, particularly of mammoth, made on ~ stone. East European monuments of the Upper Palaeolithic are in general marked by a wealth and « diversity of mobiliary art objects. The growing well- g. being of man is reflected in the two burial grounds | found in the neighbourhood of the Sungir site, where dozens of bone beads were apparently originally &.
sewn on clothes and headgear. It has been estimated
that more than two and a half thousand hours were
spent on manufacturing, with the aid of stone tools,
the beads found here. A kind of tomtoms have also
been found at the Mezin camp site - the huge shoul-
derblades and other bones of mammoth with intri¬
cate ornamentation in ochre, used as percussion
musical instruments. Paintings of animals in a cave
in the Southern Urals, closely resemble similar
monuments in Spain and France.
During the Upper Palaeolithic, man expanded to new territories, especially in the short periods of warmer climate. Separate groups of hunters pene¬ trated to Yakutia and Kamchatka, and in the south man moved to Australia and later Tasmania. Primi¬ tive rafts and boats must have been used to cross the open seas and oceans. Finally, man first discovered the New World. Nine species of animals, including reindeer, musk-ox, elk, bison and saiga moved across the Bering Strait to North America by a bridge formed during the Wisconsin glaciation. Man may have first moved in here in pursuit of herds of wild animals. Groups of hunters rapidly penetrated into the south and south-west of what is now the USA. Here in the belt of rich prairies and meadows, local Upper Palaeolithic cultures were formed which steadily improved their missiles equipped with flint heads. Just as periglacial Europe, this was a zone of abundant biomass, with numerous herds of large herbivorous animals. The prime targets for hunting were at first mammoth and later bison; here, just as in the Old World, mass drives were practised, in which more animals were killed than could be used. Gradually groups of hunters spread far to the south, reaching Terra del Fuego, and by the end of the Upper Palaeolithic Homo sapiens had spread through all the continents of the globe.
All these successes of human society were directly linked with improvements in its inner structure and consolidation of the social links in human communi¬ ties. This is one of the most difficult areas of study in remote epochs for modern scholars, as only dumb monuments of material culture of that epoch have survived, but these can also be valuable sources if properly approached. Judging by their size, the small pit dwellings equipped with hearths of which Upper Palaeolithic camp sites consisted were homes of small families which now formed the basic “mole¬ cules” of early society. This microcollective, how-
27
ever, never functioned independently, being part of
larger groups marked by great economic and social
cohesion. It is these groups that inhabited the camp
sites, organised drives, and conducted ceremonies in
the cave cult centres. The spontaneous ties of natural
blood relationship were the actual basis for the con¬
solidation of the social links.
The woman, who kept the home fire burning, kept house and brought up the children, was the most stable element of the primitive collective. Most Soviet researchers therefore believe that Upper Palaeolithic communities were groups linked by common descent on the maternal side. Such com¬ munities were, most likely, primitive clans of the early type. They were already an ordered form of societal organisation, a form that facilitated the development of primitive collectivism, cooperation and firm ties between kinsmen. As ethnographic materials show, the clan organisation is closely asso¬ ciated with exogamy - a rigorously observed custom of taking wives from neighbouring communities, mostly strictly limited ones. This custom apparently gave rise to the dual organisation of society a sys¬ tem of two neighbouring communities linked by mutual marriages, survivals of which can be traced in many peoples.
The fairly complex economic, social and spiritual activity undoubtedly demanded an institution for its regulation-the institution of elders or chiefs, custo¬ dians of the accumulated information necessary for the group’s reproduction. At this stage, the archaic or formative period of the primitive communal sys¬ tem came to an end and its efflorescence began. An indication of this may be found in art monuments that were no longer separate objects but whole com¬ plexes. The discovery of cave paintings is one of the most romantic episodes in archaeological science, full of turbulent controversy, excessive raptures and just as excessive scepticism. It is no longer doubted now that these monuments are of great antiquity, and that they performed complex functions pointing to well-developed ideological concepts of Upper Palaeolithic society. The subjects of paintings and engravings were taken from real life, mostly from the animal world. The drawings often overlapped. Most of the paintings and engravings are found in nearly inaccessible parts deep in the caves. Even sculptures of bison and bear were sometimes modelled in these remote corners. In one such secluded spot, human
footprints were found on the cave floor under a lime
deposit, showing that some men moved on their toes
while others, on their heels obviously a sign of
cultic ceremonies.
The purpose of such ceremonies can also be surmised. Here in the dark corners of cave shrines magic rituals were performed, the pictures on the walls presenting scenes mostly connected with hunt¬ ing, that prime source of Upper Palaeolithic man’s subsistence. We find here wounded animals, dying animals with blood flowing in streams from their wounds, and man’s weapons. These are obviously scenes of hunting magic, part of the rites intended to ensure the success of hunting expeditions. Some scenes are clearly associated with fertility cults and the female principle symbolising it. Apparently magicians already existed who were the custodians of the legends and traditions that became the proto¬ types of mythologies; they also officiated at the rites.
Human representations are relatively rare, and these are almost exclusively of women. Particularly expressive are figurines of women, mostly cut out of bone, which portray a strong and fertile mother-an object of special respect among all primitive peoples. On the one hand, this is yet another indication of the development of the fertility cult, and on the other, evidence of the woman’s special role. We seem to be faced here with the initial stages of the maternal con¬ sanguine cult. Human burials of that time are as a rule abundantly sprinkled with raddle, which also reflects rather complex ideas and symbolism: the red colour of raddle must have been associated with the colour of blood and fire -sources of life and warmth.
Simultaneously, positive knowledge of the sur¬ rounding world was accumulated. For example, cave paintings and engravings reflect fine differences within one species of animals, say, between the Alpine and the Pyrenean goat. Careful analysis of numerous incisions and markings on bone found in the USSR has shown the existence of the most popu¬ lar groupings quintuples and septuples, and double j multiplications of these. The quintuples must be linked with the development of counting on the ^ fingers, a proof of which is found in outlines of the
- hand with the fingers crooked in some caves. The
- frequency of septuples is most likely connected with
| : the phases of the moon. Some researchers believe g, that a calendar system based on the phases of the moon already existed in those times.
28
As the picture of concrete historical development Crude sculptures were made of stone. Although pot-
grows in complexity and uneven development tery was unknown, the settlement, which has several
becomes more pronounced, the specific features of levels, is of a rather recent date-5500 to 4600 B. C.
the cultures of separate regions and large areas stand This is an indication of the slower development of
out more clearly. This is especially manifest in the the greater part of Europe during the Mesolithic. At
Mesolithic epoch or the Middle Stone Age. This pe- that time, cultures with fundamentally different
riod, first identified from European materials, is modes of obtaining food-agriculture and livestock-
characterised by the wide use of thin flakes for tool breeding-already flourished in the Near East and in
making, including flakes of geometric forms-trape- the south of the European continent,
ziums, segments and triangles, and by the appear- The Near East was the principal area where these
ance of the bow and arrows. The end of the Meso- kinds of economic activity, which played a cardinal
lithic is marked by the appearance of clay pottery. role in the history of mankind, first emerged. There
Basically the same features are inherent in the Meso- were signs of changes to come already in the Meso¬ lithic of the Near East, but the direction and rate of lithic cultures of that region. Thus, in Syria and
development of the economic activites of the tribes of Palestine, the same caves and grottoes which had
these two areas in the Mesolithic differed. given refuge to Mousterian hunters, became the
Cardinal climatic and landscape changes were camp sites of the Natufian culture in the 10th and
taking place in Mesolithic Europe (10th to 6th mil- 9th millennia B. C. These tribes were gazelle hunters
lennia B. C.). The climate became warmer, the gla- and fishermen. Here, there are many fish bones and
cier moved back to the north, and the Baltic Sea in bone hooks and harpoons in the cultural levels, but a
its modern boundaries became free of ice. Simul- new tool, a sickle for cutting down overgrowths of
taneously the mammoth fauna disappeared entirely, plants, also appears in the Natufian assemblage of
and the animals that now grazed in oak forests and instruments. Finds of these tools are very numerous,
forest-steppe - various kinds of deer, elk, aurochs, Seasonal gathering of wild cereals was obviously
and boar-were quite different from the Upper practised here, and first steps may have been made
Palaeolithic. A kind of “resource crisis” set in; the towards their cultivation. Man became more firmly
time of mass drives that yielded many tons of meat at tied to growths of edible plants and to fishing
a stroke was past, and man was turning more and grounds, and the settled mode of life took root. Of
more to the food resources of rivers and seas. A com- special interest in this respect are the excavations of
plex fishing-and-hunting economy evolved in many the Mureybit site on the banks of Euphrates, 80 kilo-
areas. Striking monuments of this economy are huge metres from Aleppo. Here, oval houses were disco-
mounds of refuse, the so-called shell middens, in vered in levels belonging to the late 9th and early
which the shells of sea and river molluscs used for 8th millennia B. C.; the floor and walls of these
food were especially numerous. The means of cross- dwellings were faced with stone and coated with
ing water barriers were improved: at one Mesolithic clay. The inhabitants of these dwellings hunted
site a boat was discovered burnt out of a fir trunk; gazelle, aurochs, and wild horse, but they also regu-
ftnds of wooden paddles are also known. Europe’s iarly ate fish, waterfowl and shellfish. At the same
population became sparser, apparently because of time grains of wild wheat and barley were found in
migration to the northern territories earlier covered abundance, and these could only grow at the foot of
by the glacier. mountains, that is, not less than 100 to 150 kilo-
In some cases, the fishing-and-hunting economy metres from Mureybit. There are two explanations
led to. a settled mode of life. Evidence for this is for this remarkable find. What we have here may
found in the excavadon of the Lepenski Vig settle- - well be the first case of growing cereals outside their
ment on the Danube above the Iron Gates. Here, 12 __ natural habitat, which did not yet produce any mor-
dwellings were situated along the river terrace, of ? phological changes in the plants themselves. Alter- which the floors were crudely plastered in lime J natively, Mureybit may have been a permanent sett- painted red or white. In some houses, graves were t lement of hunters and fishermen who, at the time of also dug near the hearths. Fishing for large carp the ripening of crops, went to areas dozens of kilo-
flourished, and was combined with deer hunting, a. metres from their dwellings and brought thrashed
grain home. In both cases we have a very important
stage of “pre-agricultural” activity.
Similar signs of the coming economic and cultural changes occur in the mountainous regions of Iraqi Kurdistan. Here, Mesolithic levels belonging to the 10th and 9th millennia B.C. were found at the Shanidar cave which was, just as in the Palaeolithic, a winter camp site. In summer the community moved a short way down into the valley, where a settlement lay whose remnants are now called Zawi Chemi Shanidar. This community continued to hunt the large hoofed animals goat, deer, and moufflon, but zoologists believe that it also began to domesticate sheep. Analysis of the pollen of cereals shows that they were already cultivated.
The transition to agriculture and stock-breeding, as indicated by the materials of Mesolithic monu¬ ments of the Near East, signified a radical upheaval in primitive economy. Its consequences were so great that we have every reason to speak of a revolu¬ tion in the production of food, the Neolithic revolu¬ tion, to use the name of the epoch that followed the Mesolithic. Considering that for two million years mankind had been content with collecting food as it was found in nature, that was indeed a gigantic leap forward. Agriculture and livestock-breeding as the principal sources of food made man relatively well- to-do and resulted in a rapid growth of the population.
With the spreading of the settled mode of life mudbrick architecture developed; stable well-being stimulated various industries aimed at providing the home comforts and ornaments. Cooking vegetable food required plenty of cooking utensils, especially heat-resistant ones, and such cooking utensils did appear, at first made of stone and later of clay, with painted ornaments. Agriculture also necessitated the development of positive knowledge, greater preci¬ sion of astronomical observation to provide a work¬ able calendar, and the working out of agrarian cycles.
These cardinal economic changes become tan¬ gible from the very first stages of the early agrarian cultures. A typical early agricultural settlement is Jarmo in northern Iraq (7th millennium B.C.), which occupied an area of about a hectare and a half. Its eight-metre-thick cultural levels are formed by remnants of mudbrick houses that had large hearths. Here, grains of cultivated wheat and barley
were found as well as bones of domesticated goats
and pigs. Vessels made of stone are predominant in
the lower levels, while painted pottery is found in the
upper strata.
The settled character of life at Jericho (8th millen¬ nium B.C.) is emphasised by an encircling stone wall one and a half metre thick. Mudbricks were already used here to build oval dwellings. In the 7th millennium B. C. solid mudbrick houses were erected, with limestone floors painted black and red. The inhabitants of the early agricultural Jericho grew wheat and barley, domesticated the goat; later yet another domestic animal, the cat, appeared to protect the granaries from rodents. Of considerable interest are the burial rites: skulls plastered with clay that seemed to reconstruct the facial features were buried under the floors of houses. This custom is a further development of the ancestor cult which seems to have arisen already in the Palaeo¬ lithic.
A remarkable example of the efflorescence of cul¬ tures that made the step to agriculture and livestock¬ breeding is found at Qatal Hiiyuk, which stands on the edge of the fruitful Konya plateau in south cen¬ tral Turkey and dates from the end of the 7 th millen¬ nium B. C. or the beginning of the 6th. That was already a rather large village occupying an area of about 12 hectares. Apart from sheep and goats, there were herds of cows already, and 12 kinds of plants were grown in the fields, including wheat, barley and peas. The mudbrick houses were completely juxtaposed, but shrines marked by a rich interior stood out among the ordinary dwellings. Wall fres¬ coes representing picturesque hunting scenes, geo¬ metric ornaments and cult scenes alternated with painted clay sculpture and reliefs. The cult of the aurochs, most frequently recurring in the paintings, played a special role. Clay figurines of strong-bodied women, protectresses of fertility, were very skilfully wrought. The overall cultural level was also rather high. Pottery was at its inception, but various vessels ^ cut out of wood were excellent substitutes for it. - Beads and cosmetics regularly recur in excavations ' of ancient burials. An oval obsidian mirror, the J oldest ever, was found here.
The transition to new economic forms was also £ beginning in other regions. Remnants of cultivated t*i plants (though there were no cereals among them), 3 - were found in Thailand during excavations of a cave
30
in levels dating from the 9th through 7th millennia B. C. The transition to agriculture and domestica¬ tion of cattle in north-western Hindustan (Mehr- garh on the river Bolan in modern Pakistan) is now believed to have occurred in the 7th millennium B. C. In the Ganges valley, local communities of hunters and gatherers began artificial cultivation of rice in the 6th and 5th millennia B. C. Mexican monuments point to the emergence of maize-based agriculture in the 7th to 4th millennia B. C. A very early fountainhead of agriculture also existed in Peru. But Near Eastern materials provide the ear¬ liest and most striking evidence of agricultural and livestock-breeding communities, whose efflorescence was the best proof of the fundamental significance of the revolution in food production.
These economic changes were closely linked with consolidation of social des. Early agricultural com¬ munities were larger than Palaeolithic ones. Com¬ plex forms of economic activity increased the impor¬ tance of the elders and chiefs who directed these undertakings. It appears that consanguine com¬ munities also formed larger unions-tribes consisting of several clans and characterised by a definite cul¬ tural and territorial unity. Undertakings involving the whole tribe were directed by a tribal council consisting of the chiefs and elders of all the clans. It is not ruled out that larger structures - tribal confeder¬ ations-also developed during the early agricultural period. The population of the Konya valley, where some 30 small villages and a kind of capital, Qatal Hiiyiik, were situated, may have formed such a con¬ federation. Democratic self-government of clans and tribes was the political form which ensured allround development of the economy and culture of the primitive communal formation.
The moulding of agricultural and mixed agricul¬ tural and livestock-breeding cultures also signified a further intensification of uneven development. The contemporaries and neighbours of the highly devel¬ oped communities of the south were still engaged in various forms of non-producing economy-hunting, ^ fishing, and gathering, with concomitant archaic - features in culture.
The consequences of the transition to new ^ economic forms soon became apparent. The area ^ occupied by agricultural and livestock-breeding 7 communities was sharply expanded both through ^ direct migration of ancient tribes and through tran- |.
sition to new forms of economic activity by
numerous population groups under the influence of
neighbours that had already accomplished that
transition. A general rise in culture was also
observed everywhere; its more noticeable indica¬
tions were the flourishing of mobiliary art forms and
home comforts industries. The latter implies an
extensive development of housing constmiction. Man
no longer found refuge in shelters or pit dwellings,
which were replaced by well-built houses adapted to
a variety of climatic zones. Figurines of humans and
animals were made in every village out of extremely
diverse materials, including bone, clay and stone. In
their everyday life, ancient farmers used fine clay
pottery with painted or incised ornaments.
These general features are characteristic of the entire extensive area of agricultural and stock-breed¬ ing cultures embracing a whole series of different tri¬ bal groups marked by unique cultural traits. A cer¬ tain unevenness of development is observed here, some groups now outstripping others, now stagnat¬ ing. A stable rise is observed, above all, in ancient Mesopotamia, along the middle Tigris and Euph¬ rates. It was settled by agricultural tribes that had come down from the Zagros ridge in the east and by communities that migrated from the western cul¬ tural areal. As a result, a settled culture of farmers and livestock-breeders evolved here that underlay, in fact, all the subsequent achievements of Mesopo¬ tamian civilisation.
This culture, called Hassuna after the first site that was discovered, belongs to the 6th millennium B. C. Hassunaculture settlements are spread through¬ out northern Mesopotamia, their southern bound¬ ary lying near Bagdad. Wooden hoes equipped with massive stone points were used to till the fields. Cop¬ per ware appeared, but it was not widespread and in any case did little to change the assemblage of tools in common use. Figurines of women with tall head- gear were made of clay, and pottery of various types was covered with painted or incised orna¬ ments.
A distinct variety of the Hassuna culture emerged along the middle Euphrates, where farmers entered a zone with precipitation insufficient for growing cereals. As a result, early forms of irrigation were used here, probably for the first time in history. Excavations at the Tell as Sawwan settlement near Bagdad revealed considerable amounts of grain, in-
eluding four varieties of barley, four of wheat, and one of flax. The presence of six-row barley, charac¬ teristic of irrigated areas, is quite significant. The settlement of as Sawwan itself was built on a regular square ground plan and was surrounded by a mud- brick wall. Numerous objects-ground stone vessels, stone figurines of women, and beads of semi-precious stones - were placed in nearly all the graves. Painted pottery was a remarkable monument of this culture’s applied art. Goats at a spring, birds pecking at fishes, women with falling hair, were painted on flat dishes with a border of scorpions. These were obviously representations of scenes connected with complex mythological concepts. It was these tribes that concluded the setdement of Mesopotamia and moved along the Tigris and Euphrates south into the marshy areas of southern Mesopotamia. In the low¬ est levels of the town of Eridu situated in ancient times on the shore of the Persian Gulf, painted pot¬ tery was found in the first houses ever built here.
Simultaneously, similar economic and cultural developments took place in Huzistan, an area east of southern Mesopotamia. That plain, irrigated by the rivers Karun and Karkheh, is geographically an extension of the Mesopotamian Lowlands; Elam, situated on this plain, was closely connected with the history of Mesopotamia. Communities of shepherds and farmers that descended from the mountains began to appear here at least as early as the 7th mil¬ lennium B. C. The Ali Kosh settlement presents a picture of gradual evolution of their culture. Here, the transition from freshet irrigation of fields to the first canals was gradually achieved. In the second half of the 7th millennium B. C. beads of forged cop¬ per appeared here, and in the first half of the 6th millennium, clay pottery covered with ornamental designs. A number of sites with painted pottery are known to exist on the territory of Elam, but there has so far been no large-scale excavation of these.
The distribution of settlements shows that a very extensive territory was cultivated, which would have been impossible without some form of artificial irri- ^ gation. Thus a basic shift is beginning here, just as in ~ neighbouring southern Mesopotamia, in the very foundation of the economy- in agriculture. ?
Agricultural tribes which built solid mudbrick S’ houses and made fine pottery and mobiliary sculp- ture gradually settled the whole of the territory of m Iran, where, next to Elam, several archaeological §.
cultures took shape, apparently corresponding to the
territories occupied by the various tribal groups.
There is a monument in the Kashan area of central
Iran, called Tepe Sialk, which characterises another
group of early agricultural tribes. In its lower levels,
objects of forged copper are found side by side with
straight sickles. The pottery of the Sialk I level was
covered with geometrical ornament, to which paint¬
ings of goats were added in Sialk II.
Soviet archaeologists have reconstructed a picture of the development of early farming cultures in Soviet Central Asia, where the Jeitun culture took shape in the 6th millennium B. G. in the south-west¬ ern part of the area, with its assemblage of charac¬ teristic cultural traits of the early agricultural epoch-solid mudbrick houses with painted floors, painted pottery and clay figurines of human beings and animals.
In areas east of Mesopotamia, the beginning of agriculture involved expansion to new territories, while in the western regions of the Middle East the culture of the tribes which were probably the first to begin food production continued to develop and im¬ prove. In the 6th and 5th millennia B. C., early agri¬ cultural settlements were known almost throughout the whole of Asia Minor. Hacilar in south-western Anatolia and Mersin in Konya have been studied better than other settlements in this region. These were relatively small villages, about half a hectare in size, inhabited by farmers and livestock-breeders. Metal objects occur in the excavations more and more often, with parallel decline and degradation of flint tools. Pottery is richly ornamented, and an excellent collection of terracotta figurines of women, sculpted with great realism and expression, was found at Hacilar.
In the 5th and 4th millennia B. C., Egypt is in¬ cluded in the zone of early farming cultures. The Fayum settlements in the Nile Delta are the typical early agricultural monuments here. In the 5th mil¬ lennium B. C., the inhabitants of these villages culti¬ vated wheat and barley and bred the principal spe¬ cies of domestic animals. However, clay pottery was rather crude and primitive, and there were no traces of copper being used. In Upper Egypt, an early farming and livestock-breeding culture is repre¬ sented by the Tasian monuments. Tasian culture pottery was often ornamented with incised designs. The question of the origin of the first farmers in
32
Egypt is not quite clear, but local genesis is quite possible, if one considers recent evidence of ex¬ tremely early beginnings of agriculture in the Nile valley. As distinct from Asia Minor and the adjacent areas, it is difficult to trace a continuous chain of early farming cultures here. But their intense devel¬ opment in the 5th and 4th millennia B.C. is beyond doubt. In the Badarian culture, which evolved from the Tasian culture, the production of pottery is greatly improved, and manufacture of various ivory objects develops. Figurines of women cut out of bone or moulded out of clay, a typical attribute of early farming cultures, occur here. By the 4th millennium B. C., all of the Nile valley must have been settled and the local communities must have begun to im¬ prove various industries at a rapid rate.
As regards the level of development of early farm¬ ing cultures, the southern areas of the Balkan penin¬ sula formed one zone with the Near East in the 6th and 5th millennia B.C. Already in the late 7th mil¬ lennium B. C., cereals were cultivated here and cat¬ tle bred. The levels of the Frantchi cave in the Pelo- ponnese in which bones of domesticated goats and sheep are found, are dated to the beginning of the 6th millennium B. C. The problem of the origin of European land cultivation and stock-breeding is the subject of lively debate in archaeological science. It is generally recognised that there were no prototypes in the local flora and fauna of wheat and barley or of sheep and goats, so that these were most likely intro¬ duced from the Middle East. The question remains, however, whether it was a multistage diffusion of technology or migration of groups of men. A certain similarity between the basic elements of the early farming culture of the Balkans (pottery, figurines, seals) and of the monuments of Asia Minor favour the latter assumption. At the same time it must be obvious that Anatolian models were not slavishly copied in the Balkans - we are rather dealing here with certain common elements of culture in the development of which the local tribes of Europe, the descendants of Mesolithic hunters, fishermen and j gatherers, took an active part. ~
The earliest farming and stock-breeding cultures of Europe clearly fall into two groups. One of them, S' marked by painted pottery, embraces the southern ? villages found in Greece, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia and the neighbouring regions of Romania. The second, m more northern, group of cultures is associated with g.
Central Europe and with the so-called Bandkeramik,
or linear pottery. In the southern group, settlements
were situated on brown forest soils or fertile alluvial
deposits along river beds. A typical settlement is Nea
Nikomedia in Macedonia (6th millennium B.C).
Here we find a type of houses characteristic of the
early farmers of Europe, where wood was easily
accessible and abundant precipitation necessitated
the building of gable roofs. Sheep and goats were the
principal domesticated animals, while cattle and
pigs were not numerous. Pottery was ornamented
with various inlays, including representations of
human faces and figures.
Koranovo I, of which the monuments are spread throughout the Thracian plain, is a typical represen¬ tative of Europe’s early farming culture. The village of Koranovo I itself consisted of solid one-room hou¬ ses measuring between 25 and 40 square metres. Apart from painted pottery, clay was used for making figurines of women, but these were also made of stone. The Starcevo culture in Yugoslavia is close to this level of development. Just as in Nea Nikomedia, sheep and goats were the principal domesticated animals. Widespread and typical of European sites are the Spondylus seashells out of which beads, bracelets and pendants were made. Besides figurines of sitting and standing women, a large vessel repro¬ ducing the female figure was found at Anza. Monu¬ ments of the Koros and Cris type, falling into a number of groups with local culture features, are close to the Starcevo culture.
A somewhat different picture is found in linear pottery settlements of communities of land cultiva¬ tors and livestock-breeders in Central Europe. Here, breeding of cattle predominated, and there are grounds to believe that a race bred somewhere in the south was sometimes crossbred with the local au¬ rochs. Communities occupied highly fertile and easily cultivated loess areas but often moved their fields to new localities. That explains the thinness of the cultural levels on the sites of abandoned settle¬ ments. Exhausted lands were apparently continually abandoned. In the forest zone, slash-and-burn farm¬ ing was practised; this is indicated by the great var¬ iety of types of stone adzes and axes. Pottery is rather abundantly ornamented with inlays and incised designs, but there is no painting whatever. Early monuments of linear pottery are known in Czecho¬ slovakia, Hungary and northern Yugoslavia. At the
3-344
height of their development, cultures of this type economic phenomena were first revealed in the
were widespread throughout the immense belt south. The southern communities were models of the
stretching from Belgrade to Belgium and from the most rapid cultural and social development; it was
Paris area to Moldavia. We are apparently dealing here that the primitive communal system declined
here with a special type of cultural complex uniting earlier than anywhere else, and the first class socio-
a whole series of prehistoric cultures connected with economic formation took shape In the 5th and 4th
different groups of tribes interacting with one millennia B. C., the valleys of the Nile, the Tigris
another and influenced by their neighbours. How- and the Euphrates became the fountainheads of
ever that may be, already in the 5th and 4th millen- civilisations.
nia B. C. most of the European mainland was in- In Mesopotamia, the founding of the Eridu settle-
habited by communities of land cultivators and ment by the ancient farming tribes signified, in fact,
cattle-breeders. the end of the period of extensive spreading of cul-
The great fountainhead of early farming cultures ture. Particular emphasis was now laid on the inten-
in Europe and the Near East of the 7th to 4th millen- sification of economic activity. Irrigation agriculture
nia B. C. was not the only one on this planet. In the in southern Mesopotamia yielded a stable surplus
5th and 4th millennia B. C., settled farming cultures product, while the warm climate permitted the
of the Yang Shao type developed in the Hwang Ho growing of two crops annually. The constant growth
valley in China; characteristic of these was both of the size of the Eridu shrine may be taken as an in¬ frame houses and painted pottery. The problem of direct indication of the increasing production poten-
the origin of the Chinese fountainhead of agricul- tial of the ancient communities. In the late 6th and
ture, whose cultural traits so closely resemble the early 5th millennia B. C. that shrine was a simple
Near Eastern and European monuments, has been unpretentious structure with a pedestal for the altar,
repeatedly debated in scholarly literature. However, which differed but little, as did Qatal Hiiyuk shrines,
there is no question of identity here, as different from ordinary buildings. By the mid-5th mil-
plants were cultivated in the two areas, and the lennium, it had grown threefold, and 400 years
population in China belonged to the Mongoloid, not later we observe a monumental temple built on a
the Caucasoid, type. Objections against independ- high mudbrick platform. At this time, the Ubaid
ent development of early farming cultures in the culture takes shape in southern Mesopotamia. The
New World are even less convincing. The Tihuacan great number of Ubaid monuments warrants the
Valley in Mexico provided materials for a detailed conclusion that a well-developed system of canals
study of the origin and development of both maize- was already in use at that time. Terracotta models of
based agriculture and of the farming culture that shaft-hole axes and various daggers indicate that
existed between the 6th and 3rd millennia B. C. their metal prototypes were made by casting.
The spread of land cultivation and stock-breeding Further development of various industries cul-
to vast territories and introduction of new tribal minating in the separation of handicrafts from agri¬ groups to these progressive forms of economy was culture took place in the mid-4th millennium B. C.,
a most important event in world history. The new during the period of the Uruk culture. Now almost
economic forms created the conditions for the flour- all pottery was made on fast potter’s wheels, which
ishing of the primitive communal system and its ba- could only be efficiently operated by professionals,
sic structures the community and the division into Settlements had large potters’ shops where nu-
clans and tribes; on this basis, considerable cultural merous craftsmen worked. Various metal alloys
progress was made. At the same time, latent in the ^ appeared, including copper and lead fusions. Jew- new type of economy were possibilities and premises ~ ellers formed a separate group of craftsmen; their for the decay of this first socioeconomic formation. products now included gold and silver objects and
Underlying the fine houses, pottery showpieces, and ~ ornaments made of lapis lazuli, expressive sculpture were certain highly important g Separation of handicrafts from agriculture led to economic phenomena, and in the first place in- the development of external and domestic exchange
creased labour productivity which made this cul- >. and to the emergence of commodity production, tural upsurge possible. The consequences of these §. Through commerce, the inhabitants of southern
Mesopotamia obtained ores, construction stone and
timber, precious metals and semi-precious stones
from the neighbouring regions.
All of this radically changed the nature of the ancient settlements. They grew in size, covering up to 45 hectares. These large settlements, which were centres of agricultural neighbourhoods, of commerce and handicrafts, may be regarded as incipient towns. It was here that most of the surplus product was concentrated and monumental temples were first built. Uruk’s White Temple, for instance, rose on a platform 13 metres high and 70 by 66 metres large.
Late in the 4th millennium B. C., wriung, yet another evidence of society’s high level of develop¬ ment, appeared.
Similar processes were taking place in the Nile valley. Various industries, and in the first place metallurgy, developed here as well. Tools and weap¬ ons were made of copper and silver. In the second half of the 4th millennium B.C., during the period known as the Gerzean in archaeology, the sepa¬ ration of handicrafts from agriculture was com¬ pleted. Ancient tombs indicate the gradual segrega¬ tion of certain persons from the mass: their tombs were especially magnificent. The walls of one such tomb at Hierakonpolis are covered by painted fres¬ coes representing an armed encounter between two opposing forces. Stone maces covered with reliefs symbolising the power of military chiefs have also been found. Almost simultaneously with southern Mesopotamia, writing came into being here, and the formation of the second, Egyptian, ancient civilisa¬ tion was completed.
Other fountainheads of southern civilisations are somewhat younger, but they went through basically the same development. In the second half of the 3rd millennium B. C., an early Indian civilisation, the Harappa culture, emerged in the Indus valley. In the early 2nd millennium B. C., a civilisation in¬ cluding the Cretan (Minoan) and Mycenaean cul¬ tures evolved in the south of the Balkans. The forma- tion of yet another, early Chinese, fountainhead of ~ civilisation, is dated to the second half of the 2nd millennium B. C. Fortified urban-type settlements ^ were built along the middle reaches of the Hwang ? Ho, where the tombs of privileged persons contain | rich funerary gifts as well as evidence of mass human > sacrifices. Writing emerged here, too-in the shape §.
of inscriptions on oracle bones, usually connected
with certain economic and political problems.
Basically the same external features of highly developed culture, or civilisation, i.e., writing, monumental structures, specialised handicrafts and urban-type centres, are found in Mesoamerica, though it is true that these traits date to a yet later time here the last centuries B. C. and the first cen¬ turies A. D.
As a rule, our knowledge of these ancient foun¬ tainheads of civilisation is derived from archaeologi¬ cal excavations, which mostly provide sound evi¬ dence of the material culture of ancient societies. Other types of sources and theoretical considerations show that underlying all these striking developments in culture were changes in society that were just as far-reaching: the moulding of the first civilisations was closely linked with and conditioned by the for¬ mation of class relations and of the state.
The basic premise for the formation of class society was socioeconomic - the existence of a regu¬ larly obtained surplus product and the possibility of its alienation. The growing complexity of the social structure of primitive society opened up increasing possibilities for uneven distribution of accumulated social wealth. A whole system of social ranks evolved in tribes and tribal confederations from patriarchs or elders heading extended family communities to the council of chiefs and elders of tribes and tribal confederations. Their power was based on personal authority and regulated by the norms of primitive democracy, but practically it opened up possibilities for personal enrichment. Initially, at least, aliena¬ tion of the surplus product retained external forms that were traditional for consanguine communi¬ ties.
It appears that the social structure of early agri¬ cultural societies was already fairly complex. As social wealth grew, military conflicts became more frequent, developing into a habitual mode of obtain¬ ing wealth. This increased the role and influence of successful military leaders, who attracted a core of warriors personally loyal to them. A privileged social position, along with possession of large property associated with it, gradually became hereditary. The chiefs or “royal” clan formed the apex of the social structure, but side by side with it there existed several “noble clans” with their own rights and obli¬ gations. To a large extent this was a prototype of the
35
3 *
class structure, novel in content though still tradi¬
tional in form.
Through gradual adaptation to the new situation, traditional customs developed into direct exploi¬ tation. At first, slaves from alien tribes were regarded as a kind of junior household members who had few rights and did the hardest work. It is no accident that in Proto-Sumerian writing a slave was designated as a “man from an alien country”. As the frequency of military conflicts and the productivity of individual labour increased, the position of slaves gradually changed-they were deprived of all their rights and degraded to the position of a “speaking tool”. Slaves and similar forced labourers formed a separate class, whose emergence clearly indicated the disappearance of primitive equality.
The political structure also changed, as power was concentrated in the hands of a few individuals. The fact that wars turned into a permanent occupation led to the formation of a social structure usually called military democracy, which concluded, as it were, the development of the primitive communal formation. In this society, supreme power was vested in the popular assembly, which elected the council of elders, the whole structure headed by the tribal chief. Where tribal confederations existed, there was a definite hierarchy among the chiefs themselves, who constituted a sort of tribal nobility. The trans¬ formed communal municipality fell into the hands of the upper stratum of society; membership of the council was in itself an additional factor in the segre¬ gation of the social propertied elite. Along with the division of society into classes, a special coercive apparatus, the state, evolved. Communal administ¬ ration, closely linked with the norms of primitive democracy, was above all an assembly of authorita¬ tive leaders, while state administration was from its very inception coercive power first and foremost.
The authority of the state was later asserted by the very possibility of coercion.
Significant changes took place in ideology as well.
As the chiefs role grew, his position and functions became sacralised, specific attributes of his power ~ appeared, and his cult in this and afterlife evolved. Particularly well developed was the chiefs’ cult ? genetically linked with the ancient traditional ances- ? tor cult. Monumental tombs are a striking indica- §: tion of the magnificence of such cults. r>,
With the formation of the first class societies and i
their development into new cultural systems, civili¬
sations, the unevenness of historical evolution is
sharply intensified. The Old and New Worlds now
fall into three immense zones. The first of these
embraces the southern civilisations which were the
first to cross the boundary between the primitive and
class formations. They take shape among early agri¬
cultural societies, developing at a particularly rapid
rate. The second zone includes farming and stock-
breeding cultures in which similar processes unfold
at slower rate. Finally, the enormous third zone
covers various cultural-economic types of hunters,
fishermen and gatherers practising various-forms of
the economy of food appropriation adapted to con¬
crete ecological niches. Mutual influences and, fre¬
quently, direct migrations of tribal groups form
chains linking up these three great zones, although
for such a remote epoch the strength of these connec¬
tions should not be exaggerated.
The early agricultural oikoumene in the Old World covers several regions in Asia and most of the European continent. The development is most strik¬ ing in the 5th and 4th millennia in the south of the Balkan peninsula. As the Dhimini excavations have shown, settlements in Thessaly were at that time sur¬ rounded by multiple stone walls, with a large build¬ ing, almost certainly the chiefs residence, on a cen¬ tral rise. The Vinca culture, named after an ancient site 14 kilometres from Belgrade, illustrates the high level of the development of early agricultural com¬ munities on the territory of Yugoslavia. In recent times, Bulgarian archaeologists have obtained results that are particularly significant for character¬ ising the culture of settled agricultural and livestock¬ breeding communities which inhabited Bulgaria in the 5th and 4th millennia B. C. The growth in the number of ancient villages obviously points to an in¬ crease in the population. True, there are no major centres among the sites so far studied they are mostly habitations of relatively small communities. On some of the sites, shrines existed. In any case, a group of objects have been found on the Ovcharovo dig which reproduce in miniature the interior appointments of such a cult centre.
Of special importance in the economic basis of early agricultural communities in Bulgaria was the development of specialised handicrafts producing pottery baked in special kilns under high and stable temperatures, and objects of copper, for which the
ore was extracted from special mines. Such a com- (comb-and-pit). There are no signs of specialisation
plex technology required the growth within the of the industries, although some artifacts, in particu-
community of a group of professional craftsmen, lar figurines of elks, bears and other animals, were
whose products, however, were not sold but distrib- made with fine craftsmanship. The consanguine
uted among the tribesmen who, in their turn, pro- communities of hunters and fishermen were headed
vided the craftsmen with agricultural products. by chiefs, while cult rites were in the hands of sha-
Soviet researchers have called this archaic form of mans. The burials of chiefs and shamans are marked
the crafts communal handicrafts. Simultaneously, by an abundance of ornaments carved out of bone
wealth was accumulated in the hands of the few and and by staffs crowned with the figure of an elk’s
tribal nobility arose, as indicated by the finds at an head.
ancient necropolis at Varna, where copper tools and In Asia, the region of steppe and semi-desert
weapons as well as numerous gold ornaments were hunters adjoined the farming cultures. Here
found. In the 4th millennium B. C., settled com- belonged the Keltaminar tribes inhabiting, in the
munities spread throughout the territory of Molda- 5th and 4th millennia B. C., the steppe of northern
via and then farther afield, along the Southern Bug Central Asia and southern Kazakhstan. In the lower
as far as the Dnieper area. The Tripolye culture reaches of the Amu Darya, Keltaminars did some
genetically linked with the ancient agricultural com- fishing to supplement their game bag. A series of
munities of the Balkan peninsula, arose here. taiga hunters’ cultures have been studied by Soviet
In the 4th and 3rd millennia B. C., agricultural archaeologists in Siberia. Here, as in the Lake
and cattle-breeding tribes settled nearly the whole of Ladoga area, there are burials of chiefs and shamans
Europe, forming a whole system of ancient cultures marked by relatively rich funerary gifts, but on the
and their modifications, all at a more or less the whole the cultural and social development lags far
same level of development yet markedly lagging behind the farming communities of the South. Of
behind the highly developed farming communities considerable interest are the specialised cultures of
of the Balkans. Characteristic of the Subalpine fishermen and sea hunters of the Soviet Far East and
zones, for instance, were pile dwelling settlements Japan. Their occupations were conducive to a set-
situated on waterlogged meadows along lakeshores, tied mode of life and a relatively high development
with houses resting on piles driven into the mud and of culture and applied arts. A good example are
even the lake bottom. complexes of the Jomon type, which flourished in
The British Isles were also absorbed in the zone of Japan in the 4th to 2nd millennia B. C. We find here
the new economy. A type site here is Windmill Hill, richly ornamented pottery, little terracotta idols,
whose inhabitants lived in a settlement surrounded and obvious signs of the initial stages of social differ-
by a ditch and a paling. The population of Great entiation. But the decline of the primitive communal
Britain was at that time relatively small - about system and the formation of class relations were only
20,000, according to British archaeologists’ esti- completed here under the conditions of advanced
mates. Characteristic of the European agriculture of agricultural production borrowed from continental
the temperate zone was slash-and-burn farming, Asia in the 1st millennium B.C.
which resulted in wholesale destruction of forests. The typical culture of tropical hunters, fishermen
Ihe boundary separating the agricultural and and gatherers is the Hoabinh culture of south-east
cattle-breeding zone from the world of forest hunters Asia (7th through 4th millennia B. C.), character-
and fishermen lay across Europe. The numerous ised by crude stone and presumably bamboo tools,
tribes inhabiting the immense territory from North- ^ I n principle, the same three basic zones reflecting
ern Scandinavia and the Eastern Baltic area to the £ uneven historical development, intensified with the
Urals were engaged in hunting and fishing, living in ^ formation of early class society, may be observed in
pit dwellings in winter and light shelters in summer. ? the New World, too.
They made point-based and round-based poorly J The favourable conditions of the life of the early baked pottery ornamented with designs formed by agricultural communities which made up the pri-
indentations and incisions produced by drawing a ~. mordial stratum of the southern civilisations, stand toothed ornament across the surface of the soft clay ^ out especially clearly in comparison with the com-
37
plex picture presented by the development of the bulk of European continental tribes. Only in the extreme south of the continent-on Crete and in the Peloponnese —was the early transition of society to a qualitatively new stage completed. At a certain stage, the neighbouring early agricultural communi¬ ties began to stagnate and even decline. Thus in the 3rd millennium B. C. most settled villages were abandoned, applied arts degraded, and sedentary life continued only in a few areas, so that the chain of genetic links leading to earlier monuments is now traced with certain difficulty. The changes affected a large area. A number of cultures spread through the temperate zone of Europe, in which agriculture receded into the background making way for stock- breeding, including large-scale sheep-breeding. This might in part be due to climatic changes. Thus both a growth of grassland area in east Hungary and the appearance of the domesticated horse and four- wheeled vehicles here fall on the 3rd millennium B. C. In some situations, stock-breeding may have given a greater surplus product than a mixed land cultivation and stock-breeding economy, which had to be crowded into limited strips of land where soil could be tilled by means of relatively primitive stone, bone or antler tools.
In the steppe zone, cultures of livestock-breeders arose. Of this nature was, for instance, the Pit-Grave culture of the south Russian steppe (3rd millennium B. C.). Characteristic of this culture is a distinctive burial rite: kurgans or barrows visible in the steppe spaces from afar were erected over pit graves. A sig¬ nificant trait of this culture was wide use of the domesticated horse. In the steppe zone, the horse became, rather early, also a cult object, as shown by burials of horses’ heads. The human burials of the Pit-Grave culture are not rich in funerary gifts, but they include a remarkable group in which lour wooden wheels were placed at the sides of the pit grave. These burials, symbolising a cart taking the dead to the next world, point to the wide use not only of horses but also of four-wheeled vehicles. There is evidence of Pit-Grave tribes migrating west, towards Moldavia and Romania.
The herds and flocks rapidly growing under favourable conditions constituted considerable wealth, which led, at a relatively early stage, to social and economic differentiation in stock-breed¬ ing communities. Evidence for this is furnished by
monumental kurgan tombs with rich funerary gifts
and complex burial chambers presumably built at
the death of tribal nobles. Typical specimens of such
burials are found in the culture of Transcaucasian
mountain stock-breeders of the late 3rd and early
2nd millennia B. C., where some of the objects, in¬
cluding those made of precious metals, came from
the ancient Oriental civilisations. The kurgan burial
rite also spread to Central Europe, where it is repre¬
sented in a number of local subdivisions of a huge
cultural community bearing the formidable name of
the “battleaxe culture”. Indeed, one of the most
common finds in these burials is shaft-hole stone axes
of exquisite workmanship. These may have been
both effective weapons and prestige symbols placed
in the graves of prominent warriors and chiefs. Cop¬
per objects and amber ornaments also occur in these
kurgans. Cultures of this type are spread over an
enormous territory from the Rhine to the Volga,
presumably reflecting specific traits of extremely
diverse tribal groups. Migrations of tribal groups
and the formation of hybrid cultures and large cul¬
tural communities cannot conceal the fact that the
agricultural and stock-breeding communities of Eu¬
rope were poorer and more backward compared to
the ancient Orient and the Aegean world. For a long
time, the European mainland was dominated by the
primitive communal system while it was going
through its concluding st.ages.
The cardinal changes that led to the disinteg¬ ration of the primitive communal formation over the greater territory of Eurasia were due to a major technological innovation — bronze metallurgy. With the introduction of various alloys, the quality of metal tools rapidly improved, carpenters and farmers now had stout labour implements, and war¬ riors, excellent weapons. Specialisation of labour in¬ creased; advanced metallurgy and metal-working required regular and large-scale mining. Some Bronze Age mines in Europe go nearly a hundred metres down. Another important result of the -o spreading of bronze objects was greater regularity of exchange and trade. Numerous “merchant’s hoards” containing ingots and large quantities of
- objects of one type point to the appearance of a kind
5 of middlemen traders. During the 2nd millennium ? B. C. bronze became widespread in various cultures >, of Europe and Asia. The possibilities for accumula- 3 . tion and alienation of wealth sharply increased,
38
leading to even more frequent armed conflicts. War
more and more became a permanent mode of
obtaining wealth, as attested by the development of
armouries and the appearance of burials of warriors
and military leaders. The start of the epoch of mili¬
tary democracy signified the beginning of the end of
the primitive communal formation and created the
premises for the replacement of power based on
moral authority, that cornerstone of primitive law
and order, by power based on coercion.
These changes occurred in diverse natural zones. The great belt of Eurasian steppes and semi-deserts was occupied by nomadic stock-breeding tribes. They formed large and powerful unions, largely moulded by armed force. In the 2nd millennium B. C. such reliable weapons as spears equipped with bronze spearheads and bronze battleaxes appeared. Two vast confederations of stock-breeding tribes of the Bronze Age are known from archaeological materials as Timber-Grave and Andronovo cultures (or cultural communities). The former occupied the East European steppe, the latter, Soviet Central Asia, Kazakhstan, and Southern Siberia. It is not ruled out that this cultural unity over such a great territory points to the existence of ancient social ag¬ glomerations that may be called alliances of tribal confederations. An important innovation was the in¬ vention of the chariot, whose wheels were not solid, as in the earlier heavy carts, but spoked. These sin- gle-axletree mobile vehicles were widely used in military conflicts; their remnants occur in graves where members of tribal nobility were apparently buried - those that formed the special military and social group of charioteers. Finds of bone cheek- pieces of horse bridles point to the beginning of the practice of riding. Timber-Grave tribes, occupying the areas between the Volga and the Don but expanding as far as Moldavia to the west, were at a similar level of development. In the second half of the 2nd millennium B. C. they moved towards the Southern Urals, partly mixing with the Andronovo culture tribes there.
In some cases mere concentration of authority was enough to create outstanding works of culture through elementary cooperation, as illustrated by megalithic structures in Europe, notably by the famous Stonehenge in England-an unusual sun temple in the shape of a gigantic circle of stone steles
with altar stones in the centre. The stone temples of
Malta, built on a trefoil ground plan, must have
arisen under similar circumstances. In some stone
tombs of the 3rd millennium B. C. the roof slabs
weigh up to 40 tons, and the weight of some of the
stones in these structures, generically called mega¬
lithic, is 100 and even 300 tons. It has been proved
that the stones for the Stonehenge monument were
brought from a distance of about 200 kilometres.
Such was the potential of primitive cooperation in a
situation where land cultivation and stock-breeding
provided a reliable source of food for society, ena¬
bling it to free some of the manpower for prestigious
construction projects.
Beginning with the second millennium B. C., the prevalent type of such projects in Western Europe were burials of noble persons often called “princely tombs” by archaeologists. Society’s efforts were now directed towards the aggrandisement of chiefs and their families-who would ultimately hold sway over this society. Such tombs now occur in nearly all cul¬ tures, as do weapons, signifying the coming of the period of military democracy. Of this nature are the Leibingen barrows in Thuringia, where embank¬ ments of stone and earth rise to a height of seven metres and more, and the barrows themselves are 30 metres in diametre. The barrows covered a wooden tomb chamber on a stone platform. Bronze weapons and gold ornaments were placed in the tombs. Sometimes additional burials, possibly of servants or slaves, are found next to the main tomb. Indications of accumulated wealth are finds of hoards of gold objects occurring, for instance, in the Lusatian cul¬ ture of the 13th and 12th centuries B.C.
Both of these processes - segregation of tribal nobi¬ lity and militarisation of society - receive a new im¬ petus with the coming of the Iron Age, characterised in Europe by the so-called Hallstatt culture (900 to 500 B. C.). Along the northern borders of the an¬ tique civilisation, an intense process of early class society formation goes on. The same process involves the early nomadic tribes known in Europe as Scyth¬ ians the direct descendants of the Bronze Age steppe cattle-breeders. Though the ways and rates of the disintegration of primitive society varied, they all had but one result the replacement of the primi¬ tive community by an antagonistic class forma¬ tion.
_ Part II _
Ancient Civilisations of the East
Chapter 1
Ancient Egypt: History and Culture
Geographical Conditions. Population. Egypt, one of the
first and greatest civilisations, emerged in the Nile
valley in north-eastern Africa. The name “Egypt”
comes from the Old Greek word Aigyptos, most prob¬
ably derived from Hekuptah —the name of the city
which the Greeks later called Memphis. Egyptians
themselves called their country Kemi, or “the black
land”, from the colour of its soil.
The country consisted of two parts. Upper Egypt occupied the territory of the Nile valley from the First Cataract to approximately the place where the river is divided into several branches flowing into the Mediterranean. Ancient Greeks named this area of branching the Delta, from its similarity to the Greek letter. The Delta area was referred to as Lower Egypt.
In antiquity, people spoke of Egypt as the gift of the Nile, for the Nile was the basis of agriculture and of all economic activity. Egypt’s geographical situa¬ tion was very advantageous; it enabled the Egyp¬ tians to be self-sufficient in natural resources, com¬ plemented by those of the neighbouring lands-a very important advantage indeed. The adjoining mountains were rich in various kinds of stone - granite, diorite, basalt, alabaster, and limestone. There were no metals in Egypt itself, and they were mined in the neighbouring regions: copper, in the Sinai peninsula; gold, in the desert between the Nile and the Red Sea, not far from Egypt; zinc and lead, on the Red Sea coast; while silver and iron were mostly brought from Asia Minor.
The Mediterranean connected Egypt with the eastern Mediterranean coast, Cyprus, the islands of the Aegean and Greece. The Nile was an important
waterway linking Upper and Lower Egypt and the
whole country with Nubia.
Egyptians inhabited north-eastern Africa already in hoary antiquity. The Egyptian people was most probably formed as a result of mixing of several members of the Afro-Asian family of peoples which also included peoples speaking Semitic and some other languages.
South of Egypt, the Nile valley was occupied by peoples speaking the languages of the Kushite branch of the Afro-Asian family. Their country was called Cush in antiquity; Greeks and Romans used the name Ethiopia. West of the Nile lived Libyan tribes, which spoke the languages of the Libyan- Berber branch of the Afro-Asian languages. In ancient times, they were hunters, livestock-breeders and farmers.
Sources. Egyptology as a science emerged in 1822,
when Jean-Fran^is Champollion, the great French
scholar, decyphered Old Egyptian writing.
Archaeological excavations, begun in the first half of
j the 19th century, yielded domestic utensils, labour
^ implements, remarkable art objects, and highly inter-
- esting written monuments.
The most ancient inscriptions, which are espe- 1 cially valuable, belong to the times of the Early a Kingdom. Of great significance for the history of the | Old Kingdom is a chronicle excerpts from which 8 have survived on fragments of a large diorite slab
- called the Palermo Stone. It records the names of the
' first pharaohs and the most important events of their | reign. Of great interest are the biographical inscrip-
40
fK - .
■ rt*aw-
tions on the walls of tombs of high officials from the times of the Fourth Dynasty, as well as inscriptions on the walls of burial chambers in the royal pyra¬ mids of the Fifth and Sixths Dynasties-the so-called “pyramid texts”. Literary monuments containing data on Egypt’s economic and cultural links with Syria and Palestine are extremely important, too, as are numerous Instructions, expounding the rules of practical wisdom, and Prophesies, whose informa¬ tion about popular uprisings is very valuable for the historian.
Numerous official documents found at Deir el- Medina near Thebes, Egypt’s ancient capital, have survived from the times of the New Kingdom. Some of the finds contain accounts of military expeditions to the Near East and Nubia. Of special value is the chronicle of pharaoh Tuthmosis Ill’s expeditions in¬ scribed on the wall of the Amon temple at Thebes, in which these expeditions are described in the order of his years of reign.
During excavations at el-Amarna, the ruins of the city of Akhetaton, pharaoh Akhenaton’s capital, were discovered, which give a graphic picture of the city-its palaces, streets, and workshops. A large archive of diplomatic documents from the 14th cen¬ tury B. C. was also found here. It contains some 400 letters in Akkadian sent to Egyptian pharaohs by Babylonian, Assyrian, Mitannian and Hittite kings, as well as by rulers of the cities of the eastern Medi¬ terranean. Of particular interest is the text of the treaty, in Egyptian and Hittite, between the Egyp¬ tian pharaoh Ramses II and the Hittite king Hat- tushili III.
Howard Carter, the well-known British archaeo¬ logist, found the furniture of the royal palace in the four rooms of Tutankhamen’s tomb, and also the famous richly embellished mummy of the pharaoh himself, along with numerous valuable art monu- ? ments whose magnificence and perfect workmanship 5 still seem staggering.
Also important are literary works of the New | Kingdom (“Tale of the Two Brothers”, etc.) and the ~ religious and mystical works known as the Book of the ^ Dead.
Numerous business and official documents have ? survived, from the Saite period (7th-6th centuries - B. C.) such as marriage contracts, lease contracts, g. deeds of the sale of houses, cattle, etc. In the late 4th g and early 3rd centuries B. C., Manetho, an Egyptian |
priest, published a history of his country in Greek
drawing on local sources. Unfortunately, that valu¬
able work has only been preserved in fragments cited
by other authors. Manetho’s division of the history
of Egypt into 30 dynasties is still largely accepted in
Egyptology.
Egypt in the Early Period. Man settled the Nile valley very early. Importantly Egypt was not isolated from the rest of the world. There is ample evidence of im¬ ports of timber, obsidian and various products, such as Palestine pottery and Mesopotamian seals from the so-called Jamdat Nasr period.
Copper tools, widespread in Egypt, were made without additions of tin. Iron was known, but for a long time it had no economic significance. Copper tools made possible the exploitation of the Nile and the distribution of water for irrigation. As the irriga¬ tion system developed, agriculture became predom¬ inant everywhere, and labour products in excess of the needs of the labourers themselves were accumu¬ lated, which led to the appropriation of other peo¬ ple’s labour by tribal chiefs and their retinue.
Egyptologists usually divide the history of ancient Egypt into periods known as Kingdoms - Early Dynastic, Old, Middle, New and Late. Before the formation of the state, Egypt was divided into dozens of separate areas designated by the Greek word “nome”. Later, two kingdoms, Upper and Lower Egypt, emerged as a result of unification of the nomes. After a long and bitter struggle, the Upper Egyptian kingdom gained the upper hand, and the two parts became a single state, but the exact date of this event is so far unknown. From the available data it may be assumed that c. 3000 B. C. a unified state already existed in the Nile valley. The chronology of Egypt’s early history is known only in general outline, and it has to be reckoned in dynas¬ ties, not the years of reign of this pharaoh or the other.
Egypt’s pharaohs wore two crowns of a distinctive type, a white one and a red one, symbolising royal authority over Upper and Lower Egypt respectively.
The ancient tradition, reflected in the so-called Turin Canon and in the Abydos list of kings, names Menes as the first king of Egypt, and it is with Menes that Manetho begins his First Dynasty. Unfortuna¬ tely, no texts have survived from those times, yet
scholars believe that it was under Menes that the
country became united in a single kingdom. Only
one monument from before the First Dynasty speaks
of a victory over Lower Egypt won by a king named
Narmer. Some Egyptologists have suggested that
Narmer and Menes are one and the same person,
and that Narmer was Menes’s second name (phar¬
aohs are known to have used several names). It is
more correct to assume, we believe, that Egypt was
united long before the First Dynasty, as two rulers
had been kings of all Egypt before Narmer and had
worn two crowns. According to this conjecture,
Narmer’s reign preceded Menes’s enthronement.
A monument in honour of Narmer’s victory recounts his feats. On one side of the monument he is portrayed as wearing the crown of Upper Egypt. Narmer has raised one hand holding a mace to hit at an enemy already struck down, his other hand holds the foe by the hair. On the reverse side Narmer is already wearing the crown of Lower Egypt and step¬ ping towards ten beheaded men.
During Narmer’s reign, a system of writing and a strong centralised state organisation were already in existence. According to a legend recounted by Hero¬ dotus, Menes founded the capital of the united state at the juncture of the Delta and the Nile, raising a dam south of the future city’s site to protect it against floods. That city was Memphis. From here, it was convenient to rule both the South and the North of the country. Under the Second Dynasty Memphis was already the capital of all Egypt, although the name itself appears in texts only in the New Kingdom.
During two centuries, beginning approximately with 3000 B. C., Egypt was ruled by two dynasties from This, a city in Upper Egypt near Abydos.
Egyptian expansion began already under the kings of the First Dynasty -south into Ethiopia, west into Libya, and east into the Sinai peninsula. Under the pharaohs of the Second Dynasty, troubles started in Egypt itself. Pharaoh Khasekhem finally united the country in a single centralised state, severely punishing the rebels in northern Egypt. Two of his statues show Egypt symbolically struck down, while the inscriptions on these statues put the number of dead at 48,205 in one case and 47,209 in the other. (Such precise records cannot of course be fully trusted.)
Pharaohs were deified already in the early period.
They added the title of the god Horus to their name,
implying that they were terrestrial incarnations of
that deity.
One of the most important functions of the royal power in Egypt was the organisation and main¬ tenance of an irrigation network in the Nile valley. Already in the early period the country was covered by a system of irrigation canals and dams, and the land yielded good crops of cereals. Countless wine vessels found in Lower Egypt show that viticulture flourished. There was a great deal of livestock in the country. A large and well-organised crown estate emerged. Monuments of the early epoch bear pic¬ tures of enslaved prisoners of war, with their hands bound. The sources record that during the suppres¬ sion of troubles in Lower Egypt 120,000 prisoners were taken in the reign of a pharaoh of the First Dynasty. Ancient Egyptians used the term “the liv¬ ing killed” for enslaved prisoners. Egyptian grave goods provide evidence of far-reaching social differ¬ entiation of society. Kings and nobles were buried in baked brick tombs, while the common people had to be content with mere pits.
Weaving made considerable advances. The mak¬ ing of papyrus for writing also began. That inven¬ tion, which helped the spread of writing, was of exceptional importance; it survived the Egyptian civilisation by ages, influencing the culture of later epochs: it was known in the Graeco-Roman world and in medieval Europe.
The Old Kingdom. During the Old Kingdom, Egypt was ruled by pharaohs of the Third through Eighth Dynasties (c. 2700-c. 2300). The country was finally unified in a single political and economic whole, a large centralised state embracing the whole of Egypt and extending its influence to the Sinai j peninsula and southern Palestine in the east and to ^ northern Ethiopia in the south.
The population’s main occupation was agricul- | ture. The vegetables known at that period were ~ onions, garlic and cucumbers. Numerous gardens 5) were concentrated in Lower Egypt. Poultry farming | and fishing flourished in the marshes of the Delta. 3 Egyptians were the first to practise apiculture. Suc- 7 culent meadows and other grazing lands offered wide possibilities for stock-breeding. An interesting x feature of the latter was the keeping of livestock
together with desert animals, such as antelopes and aoh, the first person in the state machine was the
gazelles. Grain mostly barley and a primitive va- supreme potentate, who was simultaneously the
riety of wheat called “emmer”—was Upper Egypt’s supreme judge and directed the work of several
principal wealth. Part of grain yield was taken in departments.
ships to the north of the country. Thus the two parts The kings waged constant wars. It is known, for
of the country economically complemented one instance, that during an expedition to Ethiopia led
another. by Sneferu, the first pharaoh of the Fourth Dynasty,
Pharaohs granted rich gifts ofland to temples and 7,000 prisoners and 200,000 head of cattle were
nobles. The estates of such nobles, who filled impor- taken as booty; 1,100 prisoners were captured dur-
tant posts at court and in the state mechanism, were ing the Libyan campaign. During the Fourth
scattered throughout Lower and Upper Egypt. Dynasty, several copper mines in the Sinai peninsula
Farmers, gardeners, shepherds, hunters, bird- were seized by Egypt. Trading expeditions were sent
catchers, fishermen, etc., are pictured on the walls of to Ethiopia in quest of perfumes, ebony, incense, etc.
the Old Kingdom tombs as working for the mag- Cedar was brought from the Phoenician city of
nates. A magnate’s estate was run by a manager, Byblos to Egypt by sea. Domestic trade also devel-
with scribes, measurers and counters of grain work- oped. Products were bartered, with prices mostly set
ing under him. The nobles also possessed workshops in grain, which was the usual measure of value. Cop-
where craftsmen worked in copper, gold, and stone; per ingots were sometimes used as a monetary unit,
carpenters, joiners, and bakers also toiled on their Characteristic of the Old Kingdom was a rapid
estates. growth of construction of stone buildings, which
Ordinary people also had land which was at their began with the erection of the stepped pyramid by
full disposal. There are records showing that as early Djoser, a king of the Third Dynasty. 1 his 60-metre-
as the Third or Fourth Dynasties they could sell or high pyramid is situated near the modern village of
give away their land or leave it to their relatives in a Sakkara in the vicinity of Cairo. An inscription
will. In some cases small landowners were compelled recorded the name of its architect, Imhotep. Pha-
to sell their land to highly placed officials. On par- raoh Sneferu built two vast pyramids, 100 and 99
ents’ death land was inherited by their children. metres high. Under Sneferu’s son Cheops the phar-
Land could also be made a gift of, to buy cult ser- aoh’s power reached a peak, unsurpassed in that
vices for the dead. period. The Cheops pyramid near the modern settle-
Handicrafts flourished. Craftsmen contracted to ment of Ciza (close to Cairo) is 146.5 metres high,
build tombs for payment in kind. The potter’s wheel each side of it is more than 230 metres long, and its
became widespread, and pottery was produced in base area equals 52,900 square metres. Some
large quantities. 2,300,000 polished blocks weighing about 2.5
Evidence of social differentiation is found, among tons each were used in its construction. The qua-
other sources, in an inscription made by a certain lity of the work was extremely high. The huge blocks
nomarch (governor) who insists that he gave his were cut, polished and joined with great precision,
barley and milk to the hungry, buried the poor, and Under Cheops’s son Chephren a pyramid was
paid the loan of an insolvent debtor. Society con- j erected that was three metres lower than the Great sisted of high officials, the middle strata of free popu- 5 Pyramid but surpassed it in the magnificence of its lation (small royal officials, lower priests, free arti- " facing. The pyramid of Mycerinus, Chephren’s suc- sans, and landowners), workers on crown estates, § cessor, was lower (66 metres) and signified a decline and slaves who were mostly war captives. Slaves of ~ in pyramid construction. Adjoining the pyramids Egyptian extraction also appeared, reduced to c was a whole “city of the dead” -a cemetery for slavery when they could not pay their debts. ~ king’s highest officials, where huge stone tombs
The pharaoh wielded immense power, of which | formed streets crossing at right angles, the material basis was large resources of land, man- 3 The construction of the immense pyramids for the power and food. Egypt developed into a centralised | pharaohs’ eternal rest strained the people’s resources despotic state relying on a bureaucratic machine g to the utmost. Economically, the country was covering the whole of the country. After the phar- | exhausted, the power of the pharaohs declined, and
43
M
social conflicts became irreconcilable. Egypt began to disintegrate into semi-independent nomes headed by local governors. By the end of the Sixth Dynasty, the Old Kingdom faced imminent downfall. The whole of the country was in the grip of unrest. The 70 pharaohs of the next, Seventh Dynasty, ruled for just 70 days.
The Middle Kingdom. The Middle Kingdom period
began at the end of the 3rd millennium and ended
c. 1600 B. C. In that epoch, the country was ruled by
nine dynasties, from the Ninth Dynasty to the
Seventeenth.
By the end of the 3rd millennium Egypt’s econom¬ ic situation made the unification of the country and establishment of administrative order absolutely necessary, since the irrigation system had fallen into disrepair during the troubled times at the end of the Old Kingdom, and famine began.
Two unifying centres, whose nomarchs claimed the Egyptian throne, became prominent at the time. One was the city of Heracleopolis situated in the north of the country, in a fertile valley not far from the Fayum oasis, on the western bank of the Nile. At about the year 2160 Achthoes, the nomarch of Her¬ acleopolis, vigorously began to extend his dominion, subordinating the semi-independent nomarchs of the nearby regions and repulsing Asiatic nomads. Gradually he succeeded in extending his rule over all Egypt.
Simultaneously with Achthoes the nomarch of Thebes also laid claims to the throne. The rulers of Heracleopolis and Thebes came into conflict, each trying to unite the country under his own power. The Theban nomarch Mentuhotpe emerged victo¬ rious, founding the Eleventh Dynasty (21st century B. C.). A relief portrays him as victor over Egyp¬ tians, Ethiopians, Asiatics, and Libyans.
The Middle Kingdom reached its efflorescence between the year 2000 and early 18th century B. C. In that period, Egyptians waged wars with neigh¬ bouring countries and finally subjugated northern Ethiopia; they also resumed an active foreign policy towards Syria and Palestine.
The king’s mainstay was the army, recruited through selective call-up of young men. The army was run by the nomarchs, whose power was seen as hereditary. Besides, the king had an army of his own.
%
From the social standpoint, pharaohs relied above
all on the higher officials, some of whom were not of
noble extraction at all and owed their position exclu¬
sively to the king’s power. The large estates of the
Old Kingdom’s metropolitan potentates gave way to
medium and small holdings. Slave-owning among
private individuals, including ordinary people,
became widespread. However, the main source of
manpower for the estates of the king, the nobles and
well-to-do private individuals was not slaves but
dependent landowners who were called the “king’s
men”.
During the Middle Kingdom, agriculture achieved considerable progress, largely due to the fact that a large irrigation system was constructed in the Fayum oasis. A large water reservoir was built there connected by a canal with the Nile. Large areas of the Fayum nome could now be irrigated.
Unlike the large estates of the Old Kingdom, small and medium holdings were unable to produce all the necessities, but there was a surplus of some products, which stimulated commodity-money rela¬ tions. Many foreign goods were brought into the country; incidentally, foreign trade was the king’s monopoly. Copper was the principal measure of value, although grain remained an important medium of the trading operations. At the beginning of the Middle Kingdom silver was valued more than gold, while at the end, it was twice as cheap as gold.
During the Middle Kingdom there were signs of considerable advances in the development of pro¬ ductive forces and improvement of agricultural im¬ plements. Some tools were now made of bronze, though most were still of copper. Besides, stone tools (flint axes, knives, etc.) were still in use. A new craft, glass-blowing, developed.
The copper deposits in the Sinai peninsula were worked intensely; at the beginning of the Twelfth Dynasty, the mines of northern Ethiopia began to be exploited.
During the Middle Kingdom, a major popular rebellion took place in Egypt. It was caused by acute social contradictions described in the well-known work “Instruction for King Merykare”. The popu¬ lar uprising is also recorded in “The Lamentations and Prophecies of Ipuwer” and “The Prophecy of Neferty”, presumably dating to the 18th century B. C. These sources narrate that the rebellion led to a redistribution of property; the poor man who ear-
44
mm
lier had no sandals even became the owner of trea- At about 1400 B. C. Amenhotep I\ ascended to
sures; the country turned round like a potter’s the throne. His reign was marked by important
wheel; he who had been unable to build a coffin for reforms. Relying on the higher officialdom, he
himself became the owner of a tomb; jewelry endeavoured to consolidate his power. The capital of
appeared on the necks of women slaves; laws were the state was moved from Thebes, the stronghold of
trampled, and there was no royal power in the the old aristocracy, which Amenhotep IV pushed
country. into obscurity, to a newly built city between Thebes
The trouble-stricken state could not defend itself and Memphis (now Tell el-Amarna). One state cult
against the external enemy. Egypt fell prey to the was introduced-the worship of the ancient phar-
Hyksos tribes who, late in the 18th century B. C., in- aonic deity, though not as the former god but as the
vaded Egypt from Palestine and gradually reached sun’s disc under the name of Aton. Accordingly,
Memphis. The Hyksos rule continued for about a Amenhotep called himself Akhenaton, or Ikhnaton,
hundred years, yet legends of these terrible times that is, “it pleases Aton”. Gifts of lands, cattle and
were alive throughout the ancient history of Egypt. artisans’ workshops were made to the Aton temple.
But the Hyksos were disunited and therefore unable This was a powerful blow against the priesthood,
to found a strong empire. The cults of old traditional gods became unpopular,
as formerly generous state support for them was withdrawn. Ikhnaton’s religious reform involved all Egypt during the New Kingdom. Theban rulers aspects of society’s life and culture, as old traditions
remained more or less independent of the Hyksos were forgotten and the new religion was cultivated,
and led the fight against them. One of the Theban But when the pharaoh died, a gradual departure
rulers, Amosis I, the founder of the Eighteenth from the religious reforms began under his two im-
Dynasty, captured Avaris, the Hyksos fortress in mediate successors. Smenkhkare, Ikhnaton’s heir,
north-eastern Egypt, and brought the fight against restored the cult of the old god Amon, and under the
them to a victorious conclusion. Thus began the next pharaoh, Tutankhamen, the Aton cult was
New Kingdom period of some 500 years (1580-1085 deprived of state support.
B. C.) in which Egypt was ruled by the Eighteenth The Nineteenth Dynasty, founded by Ramses 1,
through Twentieth Dynasties and gradually began a series of long wars with the Hittites over the
achieved supremacy in the Near East. dominion in Syria. In 1304, Ramses II, who had
Under pharaoh Tuthmosis I (the second half of earlier ruled jointly with his father, became king. In
the 16th century B. C.) Egypt became especially 1300, the famous battle with the Hittites near the
powerful. In the south of the country, the frontier Syrian city of Qadesh was fought, with about 20,000
was moved beyond the Nile’s Third Cataract. Tuth- men fighting on each side. This battle is known in
mosis I undertook an expedition to the Euphrates detail, as it was described in verse and pictures on
and destroyed the Mitanni state in northern the walls of a temple built by Ramses II. True, the
Mesopotamia. description reflects only the Egyptian side and
After the death of Tuthmosis I, the throne was should therefore be taken with a grain of salt. While
inherited by his son Tuthmosis II. On the latter’s Jr Ramses was discussing the tactics to be adopted in
death his widow Hatshepsut seized power, keeping a the coming battle in military council, the Hittites
at the beginning of her reign Tuthmosis III, her attacked. Before that, they had sent two scouts into young stepson and heir to the throne, as the nominal | the Egyptians’ camp, who posed as deserters and ruler (c. 1500 B. C.), and later openly declaring ~ assured Ramses that the king of the Hittites was herself a pharaoh. After her death, Tuthmosis III ^ retreating in fear. Believing that report, Ramses destroyed all her portraits to exterminate the ~ rushed forward at the head of a relatively small memory of the hated stepmother. Tuthmosis III ? force. He found himselfin a very dangerous position, went on numerous campaigns against Syria and '-3 as his party was crushed and scattered by a sudden Palestine, and his kingdom extended from the g attack of Hittite chariots. The Egyptians were not Fourth Cataract of the Nile to the northern border 9 completely routed only because the Hittites, assured of Syria. H of their victory, broke off the pursuit to plunder the
45
enemy’s abandoned camp. Meanwhile the bulk of his Syrian campaign. Considerable numbers of cap-
the Egyptian army appeared on the scene to succour tives went to the temples. For instance, during his
its pharaoh. thirty-year rule Ramses III, a pharaoh of the Twen-
In his description of the battle Ramses claims tieth Dynasty, gave more than 100,000 prisoners
victory, but that claim is hardly justified. In any case from Syria, Palestine and Ethiopia to the temples,
the Egyptians failed to take the city of Qadesh, and according to surviving records, and also about
the Hittites, led by their king Muwatallish, pursued 500,000 head of cattle and more than a million aruras
the retreating Egyptians. The war continued for a (one arura equals 0.2 hectare) of arable land. Tuth-
long time after, until Ramses II, in the 21st year of mosis III gave a present of 1,588 prisoners of war
his reign, concluded a peace treaty with the new from Syria to a temple in the capital Thebes.
Hittite king, Hattusili II. The original text of the The common people were heavily oppressed,
treaty was recorded on silver tablets, but copies of it There were repeated censuses, so that new taxes and
in Egyptian and Hittite have survived. duties could be imposed. The sources contain a
Soon the power of the pharaohs began to decline, wealth of information on the craftsmen engaged in
ultimately becoming merely nominal. The south of servicing the afterlife cult, in the building and finish-
the country fell into the hands of Theban high ing of the tombs. Masons, plasterers, painters, car-
priests. penters and joiners, copper-smiths, and potters
I’he New Kingdom was a period of Egypt’s worked here. The craftsmen were paid by the state
further economic development. It fell within the in kind in grain, fish, vegetables and other food-
Bronze Age, although stone tools continued in use stuffs. Some materials show that during the Twen-
owing to the expensiveness of copper. A number of tieth Dynasty the state often delayed these pay-
iron artifacts have been preserved since those times, ments, and the craftsmen stopped work. This seems
but as late as the beginning of the 18th century B. C. to be the earliest report of strikes so far available,
iron was seen as a precious metal, almost, and some Trading was highly developed under the New
of the iron artifacts found are mounted on gold. Kingdom. Even private individuals and temples had
Horticulture became an important branch of merchants in their service, but money circulation was
agriculture. Pomegranate, apples, myrrh were still rudimentary. The principal value standard was
grown. Agricultural tools were markedly improved. silver, although gold was also used for that purpose.
In particular, sweeps were used in horticulture for watering trees, and also for irrigating high-lying
fields not reached by the Nile’s water during natural Egypt in the llth-bth Centuries B. C. By the beginning of
floods. That enabled farmers to extend the area of the 11th century, two kingdoms arose in Egypt: the
fertile land. Lower Egyptian Kingdom with the capital Tanis in
More positive knowledge was accumulated at the north-eastern part of the Delta, and the Upper
that period. The water clock was invented, and the Egyptian Kingdom, with the capital Thebes. By
art of mummification attained a level never sur- that time, Syria, Phoenicia and Palestine had
passed. Glass was produced in great quantity, and already thrown off Egyptian rule, and Egypt’s
the craft of glass-blowing developed. northern half was swamped by Libyan military
Horses and camels came to be widely used. 2 : settlers headed by their chiefs, who formed alliances There was a marked growth in private estates. 2. with the local Egyptian nobles. Sheshonq I, one of Endeavouring to restrict the power of the nobility, ^ the Libyan military leaders, founded the Twenty- the kings sought support among broader sections of jj second Dynasty in the mid-lOth century B.C. But the free population. ~ his power, just as that of his successors, was not
Slave-owning became widespread as never be- g. strong, and under the Libyan pharaohs of the 9th fore. Artisans and other simple folk often possessed | and 8th centuries B. C. Lower Egypt disintegrated slaves. The number of slaves was naturally greatest a into a number of separate provinces, on crown and temple estates. The sources show that 2 At the end of the 8th century B.C. the Ethiopi- Amenhotep II, one of the pharaohs of the Eigh- 2 an king Piankhi seized a large part of Upper Egypt, teenth Dynasty, brought back 89,600 prisoners from I including Thebes. The influential local priests sup-
46
ported the Ethiopians, hoping to restore their own the border by the Babylonians. I nder Apries
dominant position with their help, but Tefnachte, (589-570 B. C), one of Psammetichus I’s successors,
the ruler of the city of Sais in Lower Egypt sue- Egypt supported Judah in its struggle against Baby-
ceeded in uniting the forces opposed to the invasion Ion. Apries won a naval battle against the fleet of the
with Libyans’ help. Memphis also rose against the Phoenician city of Tyre and the island of Cyprus,
Ethiopians. In three battles, however, the Ethio- and thereupon undertook a campaign against Sidon,
pians routed Tefnachte’s army and, advancing one of Phoenicia’s largest cities. In 586, an Egyptian
north, reached Memphis, which they took by storm. army appeared at the walls of Jerusalem, but was
Tefnachte had to surrender at the victors’discretion. defeated by the Babylonians.
The next Ethiopian king to rule Egypt was Sha- By that time, Hellenes had founded the state of
bako. According to a legend related by Manetho, Gyrene on the Mediterranean coast west of Egypt,
he captured Lower Egypt’s pharaoh Bocchoris and Deciding to conquer it, Apries sent a strong army burned him alive. In 671 B. C., the Assyrian king against it, which was, however, defeated by the
Esarhaddon defeated the army of the Ethiopian Greeks. The Egyptian army rebelled against Apries,
pharaoh Taharqa and seized Memphis. But Assyrian and Amasis (570-526 B.C.) was declared king,
power in Egypt was not stable, and the next Assyrian The Saite Dynasty mostly relied on foreign mer-
king, Assurbanipal, again had to fight the Ethio- cenaries (Ionian Greeks, Carians and Palestinians),
pians, finally driving them south in 667 B. C. Necho, Most of the warriors were of Libyan extraction,
the nomarch of Sais and Memphis, who had nego- Saite pharaohs were also strongly supported by
tiated with Taharqa before Assurbanipal’s move, the temples, which owned immense tracts of land,
was put in irons and sent to Assyria. But Assurbani- That land was usually leased, and the lease-holders
pal pardoned him, and even gave him fine clothes to could leave it to their heirs. Temples played a great
wear and restored him to his former office of role in the country’s economy, particularly in the
nomarch. sphere of money circulation. Silver, used as the value
In 664 B. C. Taharqa died, and his successor standard, had a guarantee of good quality when it
Tanutamon tried to seize Lower Egypt. At Thebes came from temples’ treasuries. Numerous officials of
and other cities he was received by the inhabitants the Saite times sought positions as priests as these
with delight. In Memphis, an Assyrian garrison gave them access to temple property,
locked the gates but had to surrender after an unsuc- The 7th and 6th centuries B. C. were a period
cessful sally. Soon, however, a new Assyrian army of rapid development of productive forces. Tools
arrived, and the Ethiopians withdrew to the south. were now made of iron, which greatly facilitated
Thebes, which had supported the Ethiopians, was economic progress.
sacked, and many of its citizens were driven into After Amasis’s death, Egypt was ruled by Psam-
captivity. metichus III, but his reign lasted less than a year. In
Egypt was freed and united by Psammetichus I, 525 B. C. Cambyses II, king of Persia, went to war
founder of the Twenty-sixth (Saite) Dynasty, who against Egypt. The Persian army was supported by
was probably Necho’s son. At the beginning of his the Phoenician fleet. Cyprus, a dependency of
rule (664 B. C.), Thebes was still in Ethiopian hands. Jr Egypt, took Cambyses’s side, the Cypriot fleet ren- Using Ionian and Carian mercenaries, Psammeti- 5 dering Cambyses effective assistance. Cambyses con- chus seized Thebes in 655 B. C. and united all Egypt " centrated his army in Palestine. Bedouins of the under his rule. § Sinai desert became Cambyses’s allies and helped his
The next pharaoh, Necho II, tried to assert his £ army to cross the arid territory and reach Pelusium, dominion over Syria. In 608 B. C., Josiah, king of -T an Egyptian frontier city. Phanes, commander of Judah, met the Egyptian army at Megiddo, a city in ~ Greek and Carian mercenaries in the service of the northern Palestine, but was mortally wounded. ? Egyptian pharaoh Psammetichus, betrayed the lat- After that Judah had to pay a heavy tribute in gold ; ter and fled to the Persians, bringing valuable infor- and silver to the Egyptian pharaoh. But Egyptian § mation about the enemy’s military preparations, rule over Syria and Palestine lasted only three years, p The Egyptian army awaited the Persian host at and in 605 the Egyptian army was driven back to | Pelusium. In the ensuing battle (525 B.C.) both
47
sides suffered heavy losses, but the Persians emerged
victorious. The remnants of the Egyptian army and
the mercenaries fled in confusion to Memphis.
Now the whole of Egypt was in the hands of the Persians. The Libyan tribes living west of Egypt, as well as the Greeks of Cyrene and the city of Barca, voluntarily submitted to Cambyses and brought him gifts.
At the end of August 525 B. C. Cambyses was offi¬ cially recognised as the king of Egypt. He founded a new dynasty of Egypt’s pharaohs-the Twenty- seventh. As official Egyptian sources show, Cam¬ byses disguised his annexation as a personal union with the Egyptians he was crowned according to the local custom and adopted the traditional titles of Egyptian kings. He participated in religious cere¬ monies at the temple of the goddess Neith in Sais, made sacrifices to Egyptian gods and rendered them other honours. Cambyses continued the policies of the Twenty-sixth Dynasty and tried to win the Egyptians over to his side. To legalise his seizure of Egypt, legends were spread about matrimonial links between Persian kings and Egyptian princesses: Cambyses was said to be born of the marriage of his father Cyrus II and the Egyptian princess Nitetis, daughter of pharaoh Apries.
Egyptian Culture. Egyptian culture traversed a long path during the several millennia of its development.
Its distinguishing features were a highly developed writing system, major achievements in mathematics, astronomy and medicine, splendid architectural monuments, and masterpieces of literature and art.
The Egyptian system of writing evolved already during the Early Kingdom period, and on the eve of the First Dynasty (c. 3000 B. C.) all the principal types of signs and methods of their combination were already in use. In scientific literature, the signs of the Egyptian script are called by the Greek term “hi¬ eroglyphics”, or “sacred writing”. They looked like ~~ drawings of living beings and various objects, and 5 each drawing denoted the word corresponding to a the given object. Sounds were conveyed by hiero- if glyphics designating like-sounding names of objects, f Only consonants were taken into account. For in- a stance, the symbol for bread (t in Egyptian ; denoted at the same time the consonant t. Since each of the 24 Early Egyptian consonants was denoted by a spe- ?
cial sign, it would have been possible to write in let¬
ters only, but the Egyptians never adopted the
alphabetic system of writing. Already by the begin¬
ning of the First Dynasty a mixed script had been
elaborated, with words noted down both in pictorial
and phonetic signs. During the first two dynasties
and later, ink and long reed brushes were used for
writing. The early development of writing in Egypt
was due to its use in state records and correspon¬
dence, and on large estates. Apart from the
numerous scribes, high officials were also-some times
skilled in writing.
At about the year 700 B. C., the so-called Demotic (literally “popular”) writing evolved in northern Egypt from l,he former business-correspondence cur¬ sive. Its emergence was necessitated by the growing need for keeping all kinds of business records in con¬ nection with the development of commodity-money relations.
Under the first dynasties, each year of the reign of a pharaoh was given a name after some remarkable event that occurred in that year. The names of the years were entered in a chronicle. A continuous chain of such records began with the First Dynasty, whereas before that the list merely gave the rulers’ names. The earliest of all known circumstantial annual records date from the times of Sneferu, the first king of the Fourth Dynasty. At the beginning of the Nineteenth Dynasty, the famous Turin Canon was compiled or copied, listing in detail the pha¬ raohs' reigns with exact chronological data.
Time was reckoned in years divided into months and days. From the First Dynasty, or probably even earlier, annual records were kept of the level of the Nile’s floods, on which the country’s economic well¬ being depended.
Arithmetic was highly developed already at the time of the Early Kingdom due to the need to keep records in the state apparatus and on noblemen’s estates. At the beginning of the First Dynasty Egyp¬ tians could handle large numbers up to a million. The scale of notation was basically decimal. Our principal sources on Old Egyptian mathematics are the Rhind Mathematical Papyrus from the British Museum and the Moscow Mathematical Papyrus which was studied by Academician V. V. Struve, the outstanding Soviet scholar. These monuments contain numerous arithmetical problems showing that during the Middle Kingdom the Egyptians
48
were conversant with the four arithmetical op¬
erations of addition, substraction, multiplication
and division, with fractions and the system of deci¬
mal notation. Egyptian mathematicians were also
able to find the root of a number and square a number,
they knew proportions and geometrical progressions.
The tasks of practical geometry included finding the area and volume of various geometric figures- rectangles, circles, cylinders, etc. It follows that the Egyptians knew the correlation between the angles and sides of the right triangle. Among other prob¬ lems, the Moscow Mathematical Papyrus contains a very interesting calculation of the volume of a trun¬ cated pyramid.
The need to calculate the periods of the Nile’s floods stimulated the development of Egyptian astronomy. Years were counted by observing the star Sirius, whose appearance in the morning coin¬ cided with the beginning of the annual flood.
According to the Egyptians, a year consisted of three seasons, each of which included four months of 30 days each. Apart from these 360 days, five more were added to the calendar. Thus a calendar year differed but insignificantly from a natural year (con¬ sisting of 365.25 days), the margin of error being one day in four years.
The Egyptians made great advances in medicine. There were doctors specialising in the treatment of eyes, teeth, etc. Fragments from a book of medical instructions for the treatment of gynaecological dis¬ eases and another on animal diseases have survived since the Middle Kingdom. One of the medical books from the New Kingdom gives a detailed des¬ cription of blood circulation. Fragments of a MS on the treatment of wounds (e. g., skull fracture or damage to the mouth cavity) has also survived from that time. The achievements of Egyptian medicine are also attested by the fact that Egyptian mummies .if prepared several millennia ago have been well pre- 3 served to the present, and the secret of their making has not yet been fully unravelled.
The sun, symbolising life, warmth and light, was 5 regarded as the state god and the chief protector of S the pharaohs. From the Old Kingdom onwards the pharaohs erected temples in honour of the sun. ?
The city of Iunu, which the Greeks later called the - City of the Sun (Heliopolis), was the centre of sun ! worship. The cult of Ra, the sun-god, was one of the j? principal cults in Egypt. Gradually, the cult of the f
god Horus merged with the Ra cult; Horus was
usually depicted in the form of a hawk, the protector
of royal power, or as a sun disc with bird’s wings.
Later, during the Middle Kingdom, when Thebes
became the capital of Egypt, the local Theban god
Amon was declared to be the supreme deity of all
Egypt under the name of Amon-Ra, absorbing the
Ra cult along with several local sun cults. During
the New Kingdom, Amon was regarded as the pro¬
tector of the pharaohs’ power, and his cult was the
principal ideological support of the king, who was
seen as Amon’s son. Under pharaoh Ikhnaton, the
Amon cult gave way to the cult of Aton, the life-giv¬
ing sun disc, as the state religion.
The pharaoh was regarded as the living likeness of the sun-god. The deification of royal power was an important trait of Egyptian religion throughout its existence.
Apart from the state god, each city had a tutelary god of its own, and often several gods.
The cult of the god Osiris was also connected with that of royal power. Whereas the sun was the god of the living pharaoh, Osiris was the god or the proto¬ type of the dead one. Underlying the worshipping of Osiris was the farmers’ deification of the annually dying and rising forces of nature, the personification of floods bringing fresh strength to the vegetation. Beginning with the late Old Kingdom, any dead person could be regarded as Osiris and acquire his merits through magic to continue existence in the next world. Initially, Osiris was the local god of the cities of Busiris and Abydos, but later it became a very popular deity throughout Egypt.
Characteristic of the Egyptians was a well-devel¬ oped afterlife cult. They believed that death was not the destruction of man but merely his transition to the next world. To enable man to continue existence after death, the body had to be preserved by mum¬ mification. Mummification was known already in the Old Kingdom, although at that time the art was only rudimentary. For the dead man to continue life in the next world, he was also provided with a tomb, food, drink and various utensils. Huge pyramids were built for the kings. The common people could not afford tombs. Those who had no tombs and made no provision for sacrifices after death stood in danger of suffering from hunger and thirst in the next world.
From the earliest times, animal cults were highly
49
4-344
developed in Egypt. Numerous gods were wor¬ shipped in the guise of animals believed to be incar¬ nations of these deities. Such cults were especially widespread in the late (Saite) times, from which whole cemeteries of mummified sacred animals have survived. For example, the sacred bull Apis was wor¬ shipped in Memphis, and his cult was strongly sup¬ ported by the state.
During the Saite and subsequent periods there was an emphasis on the ancient cult of Neith, the protectress of Sais and of Egyptian kings.
According to ancient Egyptian beliefs, man was endowed with several souls. One of the souls was the person’s “double”, believed to be his spiritual ele¬ ment. Signs of the faith in the existence of a person’s double seen as his soul are found already in inscrip¬ tions from the First Dynasty. A person’s name was also regarded as one of the souls. Special care was therefore taken to preserve the name, which was equated with the preservation of the person.
The funerary incantations and magic formulas in¬ scribed on the sarcophagi of the Middle Kingdom period later formed the basis of the Book of the Dead. The book is a motley collection of logically uncon¬ nected incantations, hymns, prayers, and glorifica¬ tions of the gods. Most incantations were intended to protect the dead from the horrors of the next world and to ensure their posthumous bliss. The Book of the Dead contains, in particular, a description of judge¬ ment after death, with the weighing of the dead man’s heart (the seat of reason, according to Egyp¬ tian concepts) and a list of his sins. That part of the Book of the Dead belongs to the New Kingdom period, when the view took root that only the righteous were assured posthumous bliss. During the New Kingdom this book was usually written on papyrus scrolls and placed in the dead man’s tomb, to ensure acquittal in Osiris’s court and bliss after death. The best pas¬ sages of the Book of the Dead date to the Eighteenth j Dynasty-a period of efflorescence in Egyptian ~ literature.
Old Egyptian literature is known with any degree | of certainty only from the times of the Middle King- ~ dom. Achthoes’s instructions to his son, a monument 2 of the profession of scribes, is a mockery of all the | other occupations, imbued with the complacency of 5 officialdom. Two more Instructions of the Middle '
5.
Kingdom period have been preserved, compiled by royal fathers and containing admonitions to their g
future successors on the art of running the state.
One of the best monuments of Egyptian literature is the “Tale of Sinuhe”-a work of considerable artistic merit with a lively and detailed narrative.
In brief, the story is this. A new king succeeds to the throne some time during the Middle Kingdom. Sinuhe, a courtier, who is at the time with an army camp, flees to Syria for fear of being implicated in court intrigues. After a long series of vicissitudes he reaches Syria, where he gradually attains riches and high status. In his old age, tormented by homesick¬ ness, he returns to Egypt where pharaoh Sinusert favourably receives him.
The “Story of Shipwrecked Sailor” is a narrative of voyages to remote lands. After a terrible storm destroys his ship, a certain Egyptian is stranded on a mysterious island where a huge serpent lives. That serpent generously supplies the guest with perfumes, ivory and other precious objects and sends him on his way back home. An Egyptian ship picks up the courageous sailor and brings him to the pharaoh’s court. The story eloquently describes the fairy-tale landscape of the island and its wondrous fruits.
The cycle of tales about pharaoh Cheops and the magicians also dates to the Middle Kingdom, although they may have appeared as early as the Old Kingdom. In these tales, the crown princes, one after another, describe to Cheops the magic deeds of wizards that lived in the times of his predecessors.
The “Tale of the Eloquent Peasant” reflects the social relations of the Middle Kingdom. A villager sets out for the capital but is robbed on the way there by a highly placed official’s servant. When the vic¬ tim appeals to the official, the latter is not moved by his story but notices that the peasant is eloquent and makes him say long speeches which are recorded and sent to the pharaoh, a lover of rhetoric. In the end the pharaoh punishes the robber and rewards the victim.
Beginning with the Nineteenth Dynasty, a rich artistic tradition develops in spoken New Egyptian which became the literary norm of the 15th and 14th centuries B.C. One of these works, the “Tale of Truth and Falsehood”, expresses indignation at the indifference of the powers that be towards the lot of the underprivileged. The “Life-weary Man’s Dis¬ pute with His Soul” narrates the sufferings of a man disillusioned by the evil and soulless society and seeking death. The soul tries to talk him out of sui-
50
cide, advising him to enjoy life and not to hope for a life after death.
During the New Kingdom, several myths were in¬ vented (or given literary form). Particularly popular among these was the Osiris myth, according to which Osiris was killed by his evil brother Seth. Isis, the wife of Osiris, and his sister Nephthis revived the dead god. Later Isis gave birth to Osiris’s son Horus, who vanquished Seth and took revenge upon him. Tried by the gods, Horus was acquitted and inher¬ ited his father’s royal power and heavenly throne.
Later myths of creation sing the praises of the sun- god, who fashioned heaven, earth, plants, animals, and fishes out of the original aquatic chaos.
The “Myth of the Destruction of Mankind” is the story of people ceasing to obey the gods when the supreme god Ra became old. To punish the refrac¬ tory humans Ra sent the divine Lioness Hathor- Sekhmet to the earth, who began to destroy them everywhere. Fearing a complete extermination of the human race, Ra ordered an inebriating beverage to be poured on earth. Hathor-Sekhmet took that beverage for human blood and on tasting it became drunk. Man was thus saved from complete disap¬ pearance from the face of the earth.
Narrative literature of later Egyptian epochs is known but poorly. One of the works of that time, a papyrus from the Pushkin Fine Arts Museum in Moscow, offers a detailed and lively account of the voyage of the Egyptian Wen-Amon to the Phoeni¬ cian city of By bios to get timber for a temple bark on instructions from a Theban priest. Quite possibly this narrative was founded on actual adventures. Among other interesting points it contains a pictur¬ esque description of a stormy sea.
Already in the early dynastic period, Egyptian art made a great contribution to human culture. It was at that period that the traditional pictorial forms were forged, which were later used in Egyptian art for many centuries.
In the pre-dynastic period, some artists achieved great mastery in the portrayal of men and animals. A fairly large number of round sculptures from the times of the Early Kingdom have been preserved. The sculptural monuments of the Third and Fourth Dynasties aimed at a faithful reproduction of the ori¬ ginal. The artists portrayed the faces of pharaohs and their contemporaries with striking realism.
The pyramids of the Old Kingdom are magnifi¬
Q
5
s
51
cent architectural monuments. During the Middle
Kingdom construction of stone edifices flourished
again. South of Memphis, at the entrance to the
Fayum oasis and in the desert around it, mudbrick
limestone-faced pyramids of the kings were built.
Beginning with pharaoh Tuthmosis I, Egyptian
kings gave up the construction of pyramids. Tuth¬
mosis ordered a tomb to be cut of rock in a gorge
west of Thebes. Later, a royal cemetery was built
here with cave tombs that were sometimes a
hundred metres long. These tombs could not be seen
from the outside, and their location was a great
secret.
Art in the Middle Kingdom, and especially tomb painting, made great advances. For example, mili¬ tary exercises were skilfully and precisely painted during the Eleventh Dynasty in nomarchs’ tombs near modern Beni-Hasan.Wooden sculptures of the Middle Kingdom are quite remarkable for their rea¬ listic portrayal of craftsmen.
The art of the New Kingdom is particularly rich in architectural monuments. Construction engineer¬ ing of that time is known mostly from the ruins of Akhenaton’s capital at modern el-Amarna which was abandoned by the pharaoh’s successors and has survived to our times without much change.
The greatest monument of the New Kingdom was the Temple of Thebes, or the Karnak temple, which took centuries to build. Numerous courts and pylons adjoined the main edifice here. Before the pylons, immense royal sculptures and polished obelisks stood. A road lined with sphinxes led to the temple.
The sculptured portraits of Nefertiti, Akhenaton’s wife, are masterpieces of Egyptian art. Many sculp¬ tures of exquisite finish have also been preserved since Saite times.
Ancient Egyptian culture made a great impact on the neighbouring countries of the ancient Orient and later on antique culture, particularly of the Hel¬ lenistic and Roman periods. Greek and Roman his¬ torians, philosophers, scholars, artists, and sculptors displayed a lively interest in the history, culture, and science of Egypt. The present interest for the culture of ancient Egypt is also understandable. Archaeolo¬ gical studies now conducted in the Republic of Egypt continue to yield remarkable monuments of art, literature and architecture, enabling us to unra¬ vel the mysteries of that great civilisation of the East.
Chapter 2
The Ancient States of Mesopotamia
Geographical Conditions. Population. Mesopotamia is a
flat country between the Tigris and the Euphrates in
their lower and middle reaches. In the north and
east Mesopotamia is bounded by the slopes of the
Armenian and Iranian plateaus, in the west it
adjoins the Syrian steppe and Arabian semi-desert,
and in the south, the Persian Gulf. The Euphrates is
2,700 kilometres, and the Tigris, 1,900 kilometres
long. Both rivers arise on the Armenian plateau, and
in ancient times they emptied separately into the
Persian Gulf. The Tigris is more turbulent than the
Euphrates and carries twice as much water. Both
these rivers have several tributaries each. The major
tributaries of the Euphrates are the Balikh and the
Khabur, and those of the Tigris are the Great and
the Little Zab and the Diyala. In spring and sum¬
mer these rivers regularly overflowed due to the
thawing of snow in the mountainous areas. They
carried silt containing organic elements and solu¬
tions of inorganic compounds from rock minerals,
which fertilised the fields. The soil of Mesopotamia
was fertile, but irrigation, melioration and drainage
were needed all the year round to raise good crops.
The earliest population inhabited both banks of the j two rivers in the lower reaches, but mostly it lived ~ along the Euphrates, whose waters were easier to use for irrigation.
In the north of Mesopotamia, the climate is ~ sharply continental, and in the south, dry and hot. There was an abundance of clay and natural asphalt | but neither building stone nor any metals in the val- 2 ley of the two rivers. Willows grew on the river banks, and there was a great deal of reed in the “ marshlands of the south, but no forest at all. The S
plants cultivated here were barley, spelt, millet,
onions, garlic, cucumbers, beans, peas, and sesame.
The rivers teemed with fish, which was an important
element of the diet.
The centre of the development of the earliest civi¬ lisation lay in the valley of the Euphrates and Tigris, in the southern part of the country known in anti¬ quity as Babylonia. Babylonia’s northern part was called Akkad, its south, Sumer. The northern part of Mesopotamia, an undulating steppe rising towards mountainous ridges, was Assyria. It was situated in the middle reaches of the Tigris, that is, on the terri¬ tory of modern north-eastern Iraq.
The first settlements in southern Mesopotamia appeared in the 5th millennium B.C. The people who settled the lower reaches of the Tigris and Euphrates found there excellent hunting and fishing grounds. Gradually, however, the population began to cultivate land with the help of flint hoes and to breed livestock, although hunting and fishing con¬ tinued to play an important role in their lives. It is at present difficult to determine the ethnic origin of these first settlers of the lower Tigris and Euphrates.
The first Sumerian settlements emerged in the extreme south of Mesopotamia not later than the beginning of the 4th millennium B. C., although the precise date of those first settlements is difficult to ascertain. Judging by ancient pictures, the Sumer¬ ians’ characteristic traits were a round face and a large straight nose. It appears that the Sumerians were not the first inhabitants of southern Mesopota¬ mia, as many toponymic elements occurring there after the settlement of the lower Tigris and Eu¬ phrates by that people cannot be explained in terms
52
of Sumerian. The Sumerians apparently found
tribes in southern Mesopotamia which spoke a lan¬
guage different from both Sumerian and Akkadian,
and borrowed from them the most ancient names of
the country’s various areas. Gradually the Sumer¬
ians occupied the whole of Mesopotamia, from the
present-day site of Bagdad in the north down to
the Persian Gulf in the south. Where the Sumerians
originally came from is so far uncertain. Contradic¬
tory views have been expressed by various scholars,
Iran, Asia Minor and Central Asia being named as
possible homelands of the Sumerians. According to
an ancient tradition of the Sumerians themselves,
they arrived in Mesopotamia from the islands of the
Persian Gulf.
The Sumerians spoke a language whose affinity to any of the known languages has not yet been estab¬ lished. Many scholars have endeavoured to prove kinship between Sumerian and Turkic, Caucasian, Etruscan and other languages, but so far no defini¬ tive results have been achieved.
Beginning with the first half of the 3rd millennium B. C., the northern part of Mesopotamia was inhab¬ ited by the Semites. These were the cattle-breeding tribes of the ancient Levant and of the Syrian steppe. The language of Semitic tribes which settled Meso¬ potamia was called Akkadian. In southern Mesopo¬ tamia, the Semites spoke the Babylonian, and in the north, in the middle Tigris valley, the Assyrian dia¬ lect of the Akkadian language.
For several centuries the Semites coexisted with the Sumerians, but later they began to move south and by the end of the 3rd millennium B. C. occupied the whole of southern Mesopotamia. As a result, the Akkadian language gradually ousted out Sumerian. The latter, however, remained the official state lan¬ guage as late as the 21st century B.C., although it was more and more replaced by Akkadian in every¬ day life. By the beginning of the 2nd millennium B. C. Sumerian was already a dead language. It was able to survive only in the out-of-the-way areas of the lower Tigris and Euphrates, but later it was sup¬ planted by Akkadian here as well. However, Sume¬ rian continued to exist as the language of the religious cult and, to some extent, of science, and to be studied at schools, until the 1st century A.D.
However, the disappearance of the Sumerian lan¬ guage did not at all signify a physical extermination of the people who spoke it. The Sumerians mixed
with the Semites, retaining their religion and cul¬
ture, which the Akkadians borrowed from them with
some modifications.
Late in the 3rd millennium B. C., stock-breeding tribes of Semitic origin began to penetrate into Mesopotamia from the Syrian steppe. Akkadians called these West-Semitic tribes the Amorites. In Akkadian, Amurru meant “West”, chiefly with refer¬ ence to Syria; the nomads of this region included numerous tribes which spoke different though cog¬ nate dialects. Some of these tribes were called the Sutaeans.
Beginning with the 3rd millennium B. C., north¬ ern Mesopotamia, from the upper Diyala to Lake Urmia, now the territory of Iranian Azerbaijan and Kurdistan, was inhabited by the Quti or Guti tribes. Their occupations were land cultivation and semi- nomadic stock-breeding. The Gutians’ ethnic origin is still a mystery; it is certain, though, that they spoke a language quite different from the Sumerian or from any Semitic or Indo-European languages. The language of the Gutian tribes may have been cog¬ nate with Hurrian. At the end of the 23rd century the Gutians, who were then still at the primitive communal stage of development, invaded Mesopo¬ tamia. For a whole century they held sway there, imposing a heavy tribute on the population, but at the end of the 22nd century the Gutians’ power in Mesopotamia was overthrown, and they were pushed back to the upper Diyala, where they still lived as late as the 1st millennium B. C.
Since ancient times, northern Mesopotamia was inhabited by Hurrian tribes. Apparently they were the autochtonous population of northern Mesopota¬ mia, northern Syria and the Armenian plateau. In northern Mesopotamia, the Hurrians founded the Mitanni state, which was one of the major powers of g 3 the Near East in the mid-2nd millennium B. C. The ? Hurrians formed the bulk of the Mitanni popula- N tion, although there were also some Indo-European S or, to be more precise, Indo-Aryan newcomers ^ there. In Syria, the Hurrians were apparently in the | minority. In language and origin the Hurrians were closely related to Urartaean tribes inhabiting the S' Armenian plateau. In the 3rd and 2nd millennia, ^ the Hurrian-Urartaean ethnic stratum occupied the ? entire territory from the hilly plains of northern | Mesopotamia to central Transcaucasia. There is evi- | dence that in the 3rd and 2nd millennia B.C. the
53
Sumerians and the Akkadians called the Hurrian
country and the Hurrian tribes Subartu (hence the
modern ethnic name Subareans). The Hurrians still
lived in some parts of the Armenian plateau in the
6th and 5th centuries B. C. In the 2nd millennium
B. C., the Hurrians borrowed the Akkadian cunei¬
form script, in which they wrote both in Hurrian
and in Akkadian.
In the second half of the 2nd millennium B. C., considerable migrations of Semitic stock-breeding tribes occurred in the Near Edst. A great wave of Aramaean tribes moved into the Syrian steppe, northern Syria and northern Mesopotamia from northern Arabia. These tribes are first mentioned in the middle of the 2nd millennium B.C. At first, the Akkadians called them Ahlamu and later Aramu. In the late 13th century B. C. the Aramaeans founded a great number of small principalities in western Syria and south-western Mesopotamia. By the beginning of the 1st millennium B.C., the Ara¬ maeans assimilated almost completely the Hurrian and Amorite population of Syria and northern Mesopotamia.
In the 8th century B. C., all Aramaean states were seized by Assyria, but the influence of the Aramaic language only increased after that. By the 7th cen¬ tury B. C. all Syria spoke Aramaic, and it began to spread through Mesopotamia as well-a process faci¬ litated by the fact that the Aramaeans were extre¬ mely numerous, and their script was convenient and easily learnt.
In the 8th and 7th centuries B. C. the Assyrian administration adopted the policy of moving about the subjugated peoples from one end of the Assyrian empire to another. The purpose of these depor¬ tations was to impede understanding between differ¬ ent peoples and thus to prevent their rebelling against the Assyrian yoke. Besides, Assyrian kings endeavoured to settle territories devastated by end¬ less wars. As a result of the mixing of peoples and languages inevitable in such cases, the Aramaic lan¬ guage everywhere emerged victorious, becoming the dominant vernacular from Syria to the western regions of Iran. Even in Assyria itself Aramaic came to be spoken in everyday intercourse. After the downfall of the Assyrian empire in the late 7th cen¬ tury B. C., the Assyrians completely gave up their own language and switched to Aramaic.
Beginning with the 9th century B. C., southern
Babylonia was invaded by the Chaldaeans related to
the Aramaeans; gradually, Chaldaeans occupied the
whole country.
After the conquest of Mesopotamia by the Per¬ sians in 539 B. C., Aramaic became the official lan¬ guage of state administration in that country, while Akkadian lived on only in the major cities, but even here it was gradually superseded by the Aramaic and by the late 1st century A. D. completely for¬ gotten. The Babylonians themselves ultimately merged with the Chaldaeans and Aramaeans.
Sources. Of great significance for the emergence of
Assyriology - the science studying the languages, his¬
tory and culture of the ancient Near East-was the
deciphering of Old Persian cuneiform writing by the
German scholar Georg Grotefend in 1802. After
that, the Akkadian cuneiform writing was also deci¬
phered with the aid of trilingual inscriptions from
Iran. 1857 is regarded as the year when Assyriology
was born.
Archaeological studies of Mesopotamia began in the first half of the 19th century. At first, however, the excavations were limited to the search for sensa¬ tional finds, such as reliefs and precious objects. In 1843, the French diplomat Paul Pmile Botta dis¬ covered the ruins of the city of Dur-Sharrukin (now the site Khorsabad), the residence of the Assyrian king Sargon II. These excavations formed the beginning of the Assyrian collection of the Louvre. In 1845-1847 the British diplomat Henry Layard excavated the Nimrud mound, under which the ruins of the Assyrian city of Kalhu were discovered. In 1853, Hormuzd Rassam, a British subject, found the ruins of Assurbanipal’s palace and library in Nineveh (modern mound Kuyunjik). These finds formed the basis of the cuneiform collections of the British Museum.
Since 1890, the expedition of the University of Pennsylvania had been digging at the site of the city of Nippur, with some interruptions. Remains of the temple of the god Enlil with a ziggurat have been discovered, as well as ruins of a ruler’s palace and many Sumerian literary texts. Between 1899 and 1917, a German expedition under Robert Koldewey dug at the site of Babylon. This was the most costly excavation in the history of archaeology. The city’s walls, Nebuchadnezzar II’s palace, city blocks and a
great many other things were found. In 1919, the British scholar Leonard Woolley began to dig at the site of the city of Ur, discovering there the remains of a ziggurat, temples, and a royal necropolis with 1,800 burials and valuable grave goods from the middle of the 3rd millennium B. C. Since 1933, French archaeologists under Andre Parrot had been digging at the Mari site (modern Tell Har¬ iri) in Syria. The magnificent palace of the king of Mari has been excavated, as well as an archive with about 20,000 cuneiform tablets - business texts and diplomatic correspondence between Mari rulers and Syrian and Mesopotamian kings.
Although archaeological excavations on Iraqi ter¬ ritory have been going on for more than a hundred years, they continue to yield fresh boons to archaeo¬ logical science - works of art, literature, and docu¬ ments from everyday life. For the early periods of the history of Mesopotamia, when writing did not yet exist (the first written texts appeared at the begin¬ ning of the 3rd millennium), of great signif icance are tools, remnants of dwellings, grave goods, and handicraft products.
As a result of many years of excavation in Iraq, in¬ teresting materials on the earliest stages of the Meso¬ potamian civilisation have been obtained by Soviet archaeologists.
Mesopotamia’s ancient history is documented in numerous written sources, including hundreds of thousands of business, administrative, and legal documents, historical chronicles, laws, literary works, grammatical, medical, astronomical, mathe¬ matical and religious texts.
The most ancient business records, about a thou¬ sand clay tablets all told, have been found at Uruk and Jemdet Nasr. These documents are inventories of foodstuffs and tools written in a very early type of script, the pictographic one. Later, beginning with r the middle of the 3rd millennium B. C., large 5 archives of diverse cuneiform texts appear. Of these, N legal monuments should especially be mentioned, as J they enable us to study ancient legal norms and pro- ? cedures. No other country of the ancient world left | such a wealth of legal codes as did Mesopotamia. £ The oldest of these are the Laws of Shulgi, dated to 5 the late 3rd millennium. Laws from Eshnunna, a ^ peripheral kingdom in the valley of the Diyala, are a dated to the 20th century. The most comprehensive | collection of laws is the Code of Hammurapi (18th |-
century B. C.). The law book from Assur, the capital
of the Assyrian state, containing the text of the so-
called Middle Assyrian laws, is dated to the second
half of the 2nd millennium B. C.
Of great importance for the study of political and military history are inscriptions left by the rulers of Sumer, Babylonia and Assyria.
At about 290 B. C., a Babylonian named Berossos, a priest of the Esagila temple, compiled a three- volume work on the history and culture of Baby¬ lonia. His sources were astronomical tables, ancient Babylonian mythology and historical documents. Regrettably, that valuable work, written in Greek and based on reliable sources, has only been pre¬ served in extracts from the works of later antique authors.
Sumer. At the end of the 4th millennium and begin¬ ning of the 3rd, almost simultaneously with the emergence of the state in Egypt, the first states appeared in the southern part of the Tigris- Euphrates valley, one of the most important foun¬ tainheads of world civilisation.
At that time, the ancient population of southern Mesopotamia began to drain the marshlands and to use the water of the Euphrates, and later of the more turbulent Tigris, for land irrigation. The alluvial soil was soft and loose, so that canals and dams could be built with the most primitive tools. Gradually the irrigation system was extended to cover entire pro¬ vinces. The network of waterways that was the basis of irrigation later changed but little compared with the beginning of the 3rd millennium, and abundant stable harvests were gathered already in remote antiquity. Texts from the first half of the 3rd millen¬ nium point to the existence of an efficient administ¬ ration and to the functioning of a well-kept and effective system of irrigation and an extensive network of canals. Relatively high labour producti¬ vity permitted the use of slave labour as early as the beginning of the 3rd millennium. The Sumerian words for male and female slave, which literally meant “man or woman of the mountains”, show that originally slaves were foreigners, i. e., prisoners of war.
At the beginning of the 3rd millennium, the southern part of Mesopotamia was not yet united - several small city-states existed here. These cities,
1
built on natural hills, were surrounded by walls.
They had a population of 40 to 50 thousand each.
Situated in the extreme south-west of Mesopota¬ mia was the city of Eridu which, according to Sumerian legend, developed a high culture. Close to Eridu lay the city of Ur, which played a great role in the history of Sumer. North of Ur, the city of Larsa stood on the bank of the Euphrates, and east of Larsa, on the bank of the Tigris, the city of Lagash was situated. Uruk, lying on the Euphrates, played a prominent role in the unification of the country. Nippur, the principal shrine of the whole Sumer, stood approximately in the centre of Mesopotamia.
The work of Berossos shows that Babylonian priests divided the history of their country into two periods, “before the flood” and “after the flood”. Berossos lists ten kings that are said to have ruled 432,000 years before the flood. Just as fantastic is the figure for the reigns before the flood contained in cuneiform lists compiled early in the 2nd millen¬ nium B. C. at Isin and Larsa. That Sumerian list of kings, covering the period from the beginning of Mesopotamian history to the end of the First Dynasty of Isin (1794 B. C.) is based on the assump¬ tion that Babylonia, the areas of Diyala and the mid¬ dle Euphrates (i. e., the Mari state) always consti¬ tuted a single state, and that the dynasties listed there ruled consecutively rather than simul¬ taneously, as was often the case in reality. Also fan¬ tastic is the number of years for the reigns after the flood indicated in the work of Berossos and the list mentioned above. Beginning with the first centuries of the 3rd millennium, however, the history of Sumer can be rather reliably reconstructed from various cuneiform sources.
In the first half of the 3rd millennium B.C., several political centres arose in Sumer, whose rulers bore the title of lugal or ensi. An ensi was an indepen¬ dent ruler of a city together with the area immedi¬ ately adjoining it. The title indicates that originally the representative of state power was also the supreme priest, as it was actually a priestly title. Lugal, which literally means “great man” commonly denoted a king.
In the middle of the 3rd millennium B. C. the city of Kish claimed a predominant position in Sumer, its rulers assuming the title of “king of the whole world”. Somewhat later, the city of Lagash pushed into the foreground. As the lands of the plains began
to be cultivated, the boundaries of the small Sumer¬
ian states came into contact, which resulted in con¬
tinual conflicts between the states in the first half of
the 3rd millennium. In the middle of the 25th cen¬
tury B. C., Lagash under ensi Eannatum routed in a
fierce battle its constant enemy, the city of Umma
situated north of Lagash. After Eannatum’s death,
however, the war with Umma flared up again. Ente-
mena, ruler of Lagash (c. 2360-2340 B. G.), victo¬
riously ended that war.
But the internal situation in Lagash was not stable, as the economic and political position of the popular masses of that city deteriorated. To restore their rights, they united under Uruinimgina, an in¬ fluential citizen. The latter removed an ensi named Lugalanda, taking his place (c. 2318-2312). In the second year of his rule Uruinimgina declared himself king (lugal). During his six years in power he imple¬ mented important social reforms that were the oldest legal acts in the socioeconomic sphere known to date. He was the first to proclaim a slogan that later became popular throughout Mesopotamia, “Let not the strong offend widows and orphans!” High taxes previously imposed on high-ranking priests were abolished, and payment in kind to dependent tem¬ ple workers was increased. The independence of temple economy from the royal administration was restored. Certain concessions were also made to the rank-and-file free population: payments for the per¬ formance of religious rites were reduced, as was con¬ script labour at irrigation construction and main¬ tenance, and certain taxes required of craftsmen were cancelled. Besides, Uruinimgina restored the courts in rural communities and guaranteed the rights of Lagash citizens protecting them against their enslavement by usurers. Finally, polyandry was abolished. Uruinimgina claimed that all these reforms were a contract concluded with Ningirsu, the supreme god of Lagash, and that he was merely carrying out the god’s will.
While Uruinimgina was implementing his reforms, a new war with Umma broke out. Umma’s ruler Lugalzaggesi made a treaty with the city of Uruk, recruiting its help in the struggle against Lagash. In the seventh year of Uruinimgina’s rule the war ended in a defeat for Lagash. The city was seized by enemy troops, the temple was plundered, and the reforms abolished.
Umma under Lugalzaggesi was the last major
Hm&w.__
-,-fJMli. L» i 'WB
Sumerian city before the subjugation of the south of 3rd millennium B. C. the potter’s wheel came into
Mesopotamia by the Akkadian king Sargon. Lugal- use. The most expensive vessels were covered with
zaggesi also seized power in Uruk, adopting there- enamel and glaze.
upon the title of “king of Uruk, king of the Sumer Reed growing in profusion along the banks of
country”. He also succeeded in conquering the cities canals and rivers was a regular substitute for wood,
of Adab and Eridu and extending his rule through It was used for making mats, baskets and boxes. For
nearly all Sumer, of which Uruk became the capital. strength, these were sometimes covered with leather
Lugalzaggesi declared: “From the Fower Sea (the and tarred. The most ancient boats were also made
Persian Gulf) along the Euphrates and Tigris to the of reed. They were given a coating of asphalt, to
Upper Sea (the Mediterranean) the god Enlil make them watertight. Ships, equipped with sails or
handed over all the lands to me.” Lugalzaggesi’s oars, were also made of wood, rule did not, of course, extended to the Mediter- Bronze tools were made already in the early 3rd
ranean, but direct trading with that area apparently millennium B. C., and they remained the principal
existed in his reign. metal implements until the beginning of the Iron
Sumer’s main branch of the economy was agricul- Age in Mesopotamia in the late 2nd millennium
ture based on a well-developed irrigation system. B. C. A small quantity of tin was added to molten
There is a Sumerian literary monument called the copper to obtain bronze.
“farmers’ almanac” which dates from the 3rd mil¬ lennium B. C. In it, an experienced farmer instructs
his son on ways of maintaining soil fertility and pre- Mesopotamia under the Dominion of Akkad and Ur. The venting soil salinisation. Among other things, he in- Semitic Akkadian population gradually assumed sists that only one crop a year should be gathered in greater sway in Mesopotamia. As early as the 27th
order not to exhaust the land. The text also describes century, the northern part was inhabited by the
all the field works in their proper sequence. Stock- Akkadians, while the Sumerians remained the prin- breeding was also of great importance for the cipal population in the south. The most ancient city country’s economy. founded by the Semites in Mesopotamia was Akkad,
At that time, the crafts were already fairly well which later became the capital of a state of the same
developed. House builders were especially numerous name. That city was apparently situated on the left
among urban craftsmen. Excavations of tombs at Ur bank of the Euphrates, where it comes closest to the
belonging to the middle of the 3rd millennium indi- Tigris. Even after the Akkadian state ceased to exist,
cate a high level of Sumerian metallurgy. Helmets, its territory continued to be called Akkad, while the
axes, daggers and spears made of gold, silver and southern part of Mesopotamia retained the name of
copper were found in the tombs. The craftsmen Sumer. It should be noted that there was no racial or
knew chasing and engraving. As there were no metal linguistic enmity between Sumerians and Akka-
ores in southern Mesopotamia, the presence of metal dians-they were rather opposed to one another in
artifacts in the tombs of Ur indicates extensive inter- their mode of life, the Sumerians leading a settled
national trading. Gold was brought from the west- life and the Semites being nomads. Already in the
ern areas of India, lapis lazuli from the territory of f middle of the 3rd millennium, the Akkadians were modern Badakhshan in Afghanistan, stone for mak- 5 the inheritors of the Sumerian culture, which they ing vessels from Iran, and silver from Asia Minor. ’ continued to develop. By the mid-24th century, the The Sumerians bartered these goods for their princi- J Sumerian population which lived in the northern pal commodities-wool, grain, and dates. ? part of the country was assimilated by the Semites.
The craftsmen’s local resources were very few- | C. 2340, Sargon became king of Akkad. He was a clay, reed, wool, leather and flax. Ea, god of wis- '§ founder of a dynasty in the true sense of the word: dom, was regarded as the patron of potters, builders, 1 five kings, beginning with himsell, ruled for 150 weavers, blacksmiths, and other craftsmen. The )' years, son after father. The name of Sargon must technique of baking brick in kilns was known a have been assumed on accession to the throne, as it already at that early period. Buildings were some- | means “the king is legitimate” (Sharrumkin, in times faced with glazed brick. In the middle of the I Akkadian). The king’s personality was shrouded in
57
numerous legends even during his life-dme. He said of himself: “My mother was poor, and I did not know who my father was... My mother conceived me, and gave birth in secrecy, then put me in a reed basket and sent me floating down the river.” According to one of the legends, Sargon was a gar¬ dener and cupbearer of the king of Kish, and later founded the city of Akkad, becoming its king.
Lugalzaggesi, ruler of Umma, who had estab¬ lished his power over most of the Sumerian cities, began a long struggle against Sargon. After several failures, Sargon won a decisive victory over Lugal¬ zaggesi and fifty vassal rulers. After that Sargon fought successful campaigns in Syria and the Taurus Mountains, and defeated the king of Elam.
Sargon established the first regular army known to history, consisting of 5,400 warriors who, in his words, daily ate at his table. It was a loyal and well- trained professional army whose entire well-being depended on the king.
Under Sargon, new canals were built and irriga¬ tion was regulated throughout the country. A uni¬ fied system of weights and measures was introduced. Akkad traded with India and East Arabia by sea, importing timber, stone and metals from those lands.
At the end of Sargon’s rule, famine caused a revolt in the country, which was suppressed after his death by his younger son Rimush c. 2260. Later Rimush fell a victim of a coup, and the throne went to his brother Manishtusu. After fifteen years of reign, Manishtusu was killed during another revolt, and Naram-Sin (2236-2200), son of Manishtusu and grandson of Sargon, acceded to the throne.
During Naram-Sin’s long rule, Akkad reached the peak of its might, subjugating numerous opponents.
At the very beginning of Naram-Sin’s reign, the ancient cities of southern Mesopotamia led by Kish, resenting Akkad’s rise, revolted. That rebellion was only crushed after many years of struggle. Having consolidated his power over Mesopotamia, Naram- Sin assumed the title of “the powerful god of Akkad” and ordered reliefs to be made in which he wore horned headgear, the horns being a symbol of divinity. The population had to worship Naram-Sin as a living god, although no king before him had 2 claimed such honours, and later, too, only a few j) rulers imitated Naram-Sin in this respect.
Naram-Sin regarded himself as the ruler of the £
whole world that was then known and bore the title
of “king of the four quarters of the world”. He
waged many wars, seizing new lands, winning vic¬
tories over the kings of Elam and the Lullubi tribes
living on the territory of modern north-western Iran,
conquering the state of Mari in the middle Euphra¬
tes, and extending his sovereignty to Syria. At Susa,
capital of Elam, he built edifices of brick stamped
with his name, and gave war booty to the temples of
that city. The Akkadian influence at Susa was so
strong at that time that even legal documents, letters
and literary works were written in the Akkadian and
not Elamite language.
Under Naram-Sin’s successor Shar-kali-sharri (2200-2176 B. C.), whose name means “king of all kings”, the disintegration of the Akkadian empire began. The new king had to wage a long struggle against the Semitic tribes of Amorites advancing from the west, and simultaneously against the inva¬ sion of the Gutians from the north-east. At the same time there were revolts against central power in Mesopotamia itself.
The popular unrest was caused by acute social conflicts. The royal domain grew enormously; subordinating the temple estates, the king began mass exploitation of citizens with little or no land. Enslavement of free members of society unable to pay their debts significantly reduced the numbers of such free men who could be called up to the army to fight off the external enemy. C. 2170 Mesopotamia was conquered and plundered by the Gutian tribes of the Zagros Mountains. That was a bad period in the history of Mesopotamia, which lasted some 60 years and put an end to the Akkadian dynasty.
C. 2109, the armed people of Uruk under their king Utu-hegal inflicted a severe defeat on the Gutian tribes and drove them away from the land. In Utu-hegal’s words, the god Enlil chose him to j expunge the very name of “Gutium, the creeping ~ serpent of the mountains, the enemy of the gods, who stole the kingdom of Sumer and filled Sumer 2 with fear”. After his victory over the Gutian tribes, Utu-hegal claimed sovereignty over all Sumer, but the dominion over southern Mesopotamia soon passed to Ur which was ruled by the Third Dynasty of Ur (2112-2003). That dynasty was founded by Ur-Nammu, who bore the title of “King of Sumer and Akkad”, as did his successors.
Under Ur-Nammu, royal power assumed despotic
58
character. The king; was the supreme judge, the Babylonia in the 2nd Millennium B.C. The time from
head of the entire administration, and he also the end of the Third Dynasty of Ur to 1595, when
decided on issues of war and peace. On state and Babylonia lost its independence, is called the Old
temple estates, numerous scribes and officials Babylonian period. After the Third Dynasty of Ur,
recorded all the aspects of management even to the many local dynasties of Amorite origin arose minutest details. An organised system of transporta- throughout the country. Because of the overpopula¬ tion functioned in the country, so that documents tion of the territory west of Mesopotamia, the Amor-
could be sent by messenger to all parts of the state. ites searched for new grazing lands for their cattle
Ur-Nammu’s son Shulgi (2093-2046) established and settled in Babylonia; by the middle of the 2nd his rule over Syria and Elam. He also had himself millennium B. C. they had gradually merged with deified. His statues were set up in temples, and sacri- the local Sumerian and Akkadian population. ficeS had to be made before them. In Akkad, the Amorites formed a state with the
The text of Shulgi’s laws points to the existence of capital Isin, and in the south of the country, another a highly developed legal system. Shulgi’s laws are kingdom, whose capital was Larsa. Besides, there
the oldest known to date. They establish, in particu- was the city-state Mari in the middle Euphrates an
lar, rewards for taking a runaway slave back to his important centre of Akkadian settlement already in owner. Punishments are also envisaged for various the first half of the 3rd millennium B. C. In north- kinds of mutilation; unlike the later Hammurapi eastern Mesopotamia, in the valley of the Diyala, laws, the Shulgi laws were not guided by the “an eye there existed the state of Eshnunna, where a code of for an eye, a tooth for a tooth” principle; instead, laws was compiled in Akkadian in the early 20th rules for financial compensation were instituted. century.
Shulgi’s laws also envisaged punishments for the C. 1894 B. C., the Amorites seized the north-
wife’s infidelity, and for a woman slave’s attempts ern part of the Isin kingdom, founding an indepen- “to be on an equal footing” with the mistress of the dent state with its capital at Babylon on the Euph- house. rates, in the north of the country. Beginning with
Under Shulgi’s successors, the Amorites, who that time the role of Babylon, the youngest of the attacked Mesopotamia from Syria, became a grave cities of Mesopotamia, steadily grew from century to danger to the state. To stop their advance, the kings century.
of the Third Dynasty of Ur built a long line of fortifi- At the beginning, the Babylonian kingdom did
cations. But the internal situation was unstable, too. not play a very important role. The first king to The vast temple estates demanded great numbers of vigorously extend the borders of that state was Ham- workers, who gradually lost their rights as free murapi (1792-1750). In 1785, relying on the support members of society and could no longer be recruited of Rim-Sin, a ruler of the Elamite dynasty at Larsa,
into the army. For example, the temple of the god- Hammurapi conquered Uruk and Isin. He later
dess Baba at Lagash alone had land property of helped to drive away from Mari the Assyrian king more than 4,500 hectares. Shamshi-Adad I’s son who ruled there, and to en-
The army of Ur began to suffer defeats in the wars throne Zimri-Lim, offspring of an old local dynasty, with the Amorites and the Elamites. In 2003, the jp In 1763 Hammurapi seized Eshnunna, and in the Third Dynasty of Ur was overthrown, and the last ? following year defeated Rim-Sin, a powerful king king of that dynasty Ibbi-Sin was taken prisoner and N and his former ally, seizing his capital Larsa. There- brought to Elam. Ur’s temples were plundered, 3 upon Hammurapi decided to establish his rule over and an Elamite garrison was left there. After 1997, ^ Mari, too, which had before that been friendly to-
power at Ur was seized by Ishbi-Irra, ruler of | wards him. In 1760 he attained that goal, and two Isin, in the central part of Babylonia. Of the kings years later he destroyed the palace of Zimri-Lim who
of that dynasty, the most famous is Lipit-Ishtar I tried to restore his independence. Hammurapi then (1934-1924), who promulgated a code of laws. In ^ conquered the area along the middle Tigris, includ- the prologue to those laws he declared that he had | ing the city of Assur.
freed the people of Sumer and Akkad enslaved for g At the end of his reign Hammurapi was engaged their debts and established just order. | in building fortifications along the northern and
59
1MIUI
aUHMMHI
WM Ml m - •
north-eastern borders of Babylonia. After his death,
his son Samsu-iluna (1749-1712) became king. He
had to repulse the attacks of the warlike Kassite
tribes inhabiting the mountainous regions north of
Elam. C. 1 742, the Kassites under their king Gan-
dash invaded Babylonia but only succeeded in cap¬
turing the foothills north-east of it. In the following
year, however, Samsu-iluna had to fight against the
coalition of Elam and the cities of Eshnunna, Isin
and Uruk. At the end of his reign, Samsu-iluna
encountered a new enemy, a coalition of chieftains of
Babylonia’s coastal strip along the Persian Gulf, who
attempted to conquer the north of the country.
Under Ammisaduqa (1646-1626), one of Samsu- iluna’s successors, an important social reform was im¬ plemented the financial debts of private individ¬ uals, debts in kind, and arrears of state taxes were cancelled, and persons enslaved for their debts were freed.
From the end of the 18th century, Babylonia was threatened by the Hurrian, Hittite and Kassite tribes. To defend the country from the Kassites advancing from the mountains east of Mesopotamia, a fortress was built in the north-east ol Babylonia. But Babylonia was plagued by an inner crisis; it no longer played an important role in the political his¬ tory of the Near East, and was unable to withstand foreign invasions for long. The year 1594 marked the end of the First Babylonian Dynasty, of which Ham- murapi was the most famous representative. Baby¬ lon was seized by the Hittite king Mursilis. When the Hitdtes went back home with a rich booty, the kings of the coastal areas captured Babylon. After that the country was conquered by the Kas¬ sites (c. 1518), whose rule lasted until 1157 B. C. The whole of that period is commonly called Kas¬ site, or Middle Babylonian. Kassite kings, however, were rather rapidly assimilated by the local popula¬ tion, and their rule was no longer seen as a foreign yoke.
Babylonian Economy and Society in the 2nd Millennium B. C. After the fall of the Third Dynasty of Ur, the gigantic system of the king’s centralised estate was destroyed, and in its place emerged small holdings of private individuals. In the beginning of the 2nd mil¬ lennium B. C., new and better bronze agricultural implements were invented. The irrigation network was expanded and improved. Further advances in
the handicrafts were observed; the texts of that per¬
iod mention builders, blacksmiths, carpenters, ship¬
builders, etc. Under the Kassite kings, horses and
mules came into regular use, and a combined
plough-and-sower was introduced.
The laws of the state of Eshnunna listed tariffs of prices and payments for labour, and included arti¬ cles on marriage, family, and criminal law. Capital punishment was envisaged for the wife’s infidelity, the rape of a married woman and the kidnapping of a free man’s child. It appears from these laws that slaves were branded and could not cross the city boundary without the master’s permission.
The laws of king Lipit-Ishtar date from a some¬ what later period. These regulate, among other things, the slaves’ status. Penalties were fixed for a slave’s attempted escape and for the concealment of runaway slaves. According to those laws, if a woman slave married a free man, she and her children in this marriage became free.
The most outstanding monument of ancient Oriental legal thinking are the laws of Hammurapi. They are inscribed on a large stele of basalt. Besides, many copies of parts of that code have been pre¬ served on clay tablets, as they were studied at schools until the 1st century A. D. The obverse side of the stele shows, above the articles of the laws, the king facing Shamash, the sun-god and the patron of jus¬ tice. The text of the code follows, covering both sides of the stele.
The code begins with a lengthy preamble stating that the gods handed royal power to Hammurapi for him to protect the weak, the orphans and the widows from oppression by the strong. The pream¬ ble is followed by 282 articles of the laws covering virtually all aspects of contemporary Babylonian society (civil, criminal, and administrative law, and the imposition of fines). The code ends in a compre- j hensive conclusion.
Although the code does not follow any strictly sys¬ tematic approach, and neither does it envisage all | the possible juristic situations, the laws of Hammu- ~ rapi, both in their content and the level of the devel- g. opment of legal thought, are a great step forward | compared to the Sumerian and Akkadian legal 5 monuments that preceded them. The laws of Ham-
- murapi were only improved upon in the 6th century
(_ A. D., when Roman law was codified under emperor 5 Justinian. In defining penalties, the Hammurapi
60
Code adopted, though not always consistently, the unless he seduced the wife of a free man. The father
principle of guilt and evil intent. For instance, differ- could not disinherit his son if the latter committed
ent penalties were imposed for manslaughter and no crime, and he also had to teach the son his craft,
murder. But mutilations were punished on the Warriors received grants of land from the king
ancient principle of “an eye for an eye, a tooth for a and had to go to war at the king’s bidding. The plots tooth”. were handed down from father to son and were in-
The penalties envisaged in some of the articles alienable. A creditor could impound only that prop- were clearly motivated by the class approach. In erty which a warrior in debt had acquired himself,
particular, severe penalties were envisaged for recal- but not the royal gift of the land,
citrant slaves who refused to obey their masters. Severe penalties were envisaged for robbers. If the
Stealing or concealing someone else’s slave was robber was not found, the whole community on
punishable by death. whose territory the crime was committed was res¬ old Babylonian society consisted of full-fledged ponsible for paying back damages to the victim,
citizens called “the husband’s sons”, mushkenums or legally free men deprived of certain rights, and
slaves. Mutilation of a “husband’s son” was Assyria in the 3rd and 2nd Millennia. The city of Assur
punished on the talion principle, while the same was founded on the right bank of the Tigris in north-
mutilation of a mushkenum entailed a fine only. A era Mesopotamia as early as the first half of the 3rd
physician guilty of faulty practice in operating on a millennium. This city gave its name to the whole of
“husband’s son” was punished by having his hand the country lying on the middle Tigris. By mid-3rd
cut off, while the same faulty operation on a slave millennium, a trading station was founded at Assur
would cost him only the price of the slave, payable to by Sumerians and Akkadians. Sumerian influence
the master. If a house collapsed through the on Assur’s culture is proved, in particular, by ship¬ builder's fault and the son of the master of that house ture, pottery, household utensils and architecture,
died under the ruins, the builder was punished by Later, in the 24th-22nd centuries, Assur became a
the death of his own son. If anyone stole the property major administrative centre of the Akkadian empire
of a mushkenum, the thief had to pay tenfold damages, founded by Sargon. During the Third Dynasty of Ur
while the stealing of the king’s or a temple’s property (22nd-21st centuries) Assur was ruled by governors
was punished by a thirtyfold fine. of Sumerian kings.
To prevent the numbers of warriors and taxpayers Unlike Babylonia, Assyria was a poor country,
decreasing, Hammurapi tried to ease the economic and the Tigris’s narrow valley could not support all
burden of the more oppressed sections of the free of its population. The rise of Assur was due to its geo¬ population. In particular, one of the articles of the graphic position. Important caravan routes passed
laws limits the enslavement of an insolvent debtor to through that city or its neighbourhood, routes along
three years of working for the creditor, whereupon which precious metals (silver, copper, lead) and
the loan, regardless of its amount, was considered to timber were brought to Babylonia from northern
be paid off. If a debtor’s crops were destroyed by a Syria, Asia Minor and Armenia, as well as gold from
natural disaster, the deadline for paying back the §) Egypt, and Babylonian agricultural and craftsmen’s
loan and the interest was automatically put off by a 5 products were carried in exchange for these goods,
year. N For this reason Assur became a major trading
Some of the code’s articles referred to lease law. ? centre. Besides, Assyrians founded many trading
The payment for leasing a field usually equalled a j»- stations outside their country.
third of the crop, and of a garden, two-thirds. 1 The most important of these trading stations or
For a marriage to be legal, a written contract had g? colonies was in the city of Kanesh in Asia Minor
to be concluded. The penalty for adultery on the 3 (modern Kultepe not far from the town of Kayseri in
wife’s part was death by drowning. If, however, the 0 Turkey). An extensive archive of this colony has
husband wanted to forgive the adulterous wife, both a been preserved, presumably dating to the 20th and
she and her seducer went unpunished. Adultery on | 19th centuries. Assyrian merchants’ donkey cara-
the part of the husband was not viewed as a crime 1 vans brought to Kanesh handicraft products, espe-
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fleet could not manoeuvre. The Greek fleet consisted
of 380 ships, of which 147 belonged to the Athenians
and had recently been built in accordance with the
latest requirements of the military art. Themistocles,
a talented and resolute general, played a great role
in commanding the naval force. Xerxes hoped to
destroy the enemy fleet at one stroke, but not long
before the battle a storm had raged for three days,
and many Persian ships had been smashed on the
rocky shore. On September 28, 480, the battle of
Salamis was fought, which lasted for 12 hours. The
Persian fleet was cramped in the narrow channel,
and its ships fell foul of one another. The Greeks
won a complete victory in that battle, and the
greater part of the Persian fleet was destroyed.
Xerxes then decided to go back to Asia Minor, leav¬
ing his general Mardonius in Thessaly with a force of
about 50,000.
Mardonius proposed to conclude peace with the Athenians, and the Spartans, fearing that the propos¬ al would be accepted, sent a strong force to Boeotia, to the city of Plataea. The forces of the other Greek cities, totalling about 50,000, also gathered there. For ten days the two sides refrained from active operations, not daring to be the first to start a deci¬ sive battle. Mardonius realised that he could only win on open ground, where he could use his cavalry. But the position of the Persian army became unten¬ able, as the Greek force was constantly being joined by fresh contingents from the nearer and more remote cities. The Persians depended for their food supplies on local resources, which began to give out. The Greek army occupied mountain slopes, where the Persians could not deploy their cavalry. Further delay was becoming dangerous to the Persians, and Mardonius decided to engage the enemy in battle.
During the night king Alexander of Macedonia, a Persian vassal, secretly came to the Greeks’ camp, desiring to win their friendship in case they should win. He informed the Greeks that the Persians would begin the battle in the morning, as they had only provisions for three days. The Hellenes thus were able to prepare to repulse the enemy.
Mardonius sent his mounted archers forward, who attacked the enemy with bows and arrows. The Persians then drove the Greeks away from the sources of water and cut off their food supply routes. When night came, the Hellenes started withdrawing towards the city of Plataea, and here the decisive
battle took place (479). Assuming that the Greeks
had decided to flee, the Persians rushed after them.
That was Mardonius’s great error. He moved his
forces against the hills where the Greeks, fearing Per¬
sian cavalry, had taken up their positions. Soon the
Persians overtook the Lacedaemonians and engaged
them in hand-to-hand fighting. The other Greek
units did not know that the battle had been joined,
and took no part in it.
At the head of 1,000 picked warriors Mardonius began to press the Lacedaemonians and killed many of them, but soon he fell together with his body¬ guard, and the Spartans began to gain the upper hand. Although the Persians were just as courageous as their foes, rushing at the hoplites’ long spears and breaking them with bare hands, they had no heavy armour, and their military training was inferior to the Greeks’. The Persian host split into several un¬ coordinated detachments. In a fierce battle with the Lacedaemonians, who fought ferociously, taking no prisoners, the Persians were routed. The remnants of their force retreated and sailed for Asia Minor.
Late in the autumn of the same year 479, a major naval battle was fought off Cape Mycale (Samos Island) near the shores of Asia Minor. During the fighting the Ionians went over to their mainland brothers, and the Persians were utterly routed. That defeat became a signal for the revolt of all the Greek states in Asia Minor against Persian domination.
The Greek victories at Salamis, Plataea and Mycale made the Persians give up the idea of con¬ quering Greece. Sparta and Athens now moved the theatre of operations to enemy territory in Asia Minor. The war continued for a long time yet, and only in 449 was the peace treaty between Persia and the Greek states concluded.
ji The Decline of the Persian Empire. In the summer of 5 465 B. C., Artaxerxes I, son of Xerxes, became king
of Persia. In 460, the Egyptians, headed by Inaros, ? rose against the Persians and established their con- ? trol over the Delta, while Memphis, the capital of I the satrapy, and Upper Egypt remained in the
§ hands of the Persians. The Athenians sent a fleet to ^ aid the rebels. In the same year the Persians were § defeated in the battle at Papremis. The Athenian ~ fleet sailed up the Nile towards Memphis, where the | Persian forces were concentrated. Aided by Inaros’s
125
army, the Athenians captured Memphis, and the ing against the Persians was in full swing. Persian garrison took refuge in the citadel. In 401, Cyrus led his army from Sardis to Baby-
Artaxerxes then sent the satrap of Syria Mega- Ionia without meeting any opposition, and reached
byzus, with a strong land force and the Phoenician Cunaxa, 90 kilometres from Babylon. The army of
fleet, against the insurgents and their Athenian Artaxerxes II also arrived there. According to
allies. The revolt was crushed. Memphis was taken Xenophon, whose Anabasis contains a detailed de-
by the Persians. In 454, Inaros and other Egyptian scripdon of Cyrus’s campaign, Cyrus’s army con-
chiefs were taken prisoner, brought to Persia and sisted of 100,000 warriors, not counting 13,000
executed. Greek mercenaries, while the army of Artaxerxes
The unending uprisings of the conquered peoples was, “according to rumour”, 1,200,000 strong,
and military defeats made Artaxerxes and hissucces- Except for the number of Greek mercenaries, these
sors radically change their diplomacy: they began to figures must have been exaggerated out of all pro-
incite some states against others, resordng to subor- portion. Such armies could not have been deployed
nation. When the Peloponnesian War broke out on a relatively small territory or provided with the
between Sparta and Athens in 431, Persia helped necessary food supplies.
now one, now the other of these states, aiming at The decisive battle took place on September 3,
their complete exhaustion. 401. Cyrus stepped down from his chariot, put on his
In February 423 B. C., Darius II, son of Artaxer- armour, mounted a horse and bade his force to draw
xes I, became Persian king. During his reign, the up in battle order. The Greek mercenaries stood on
Persian satraps in Asia Minor-Tissaphernes, Phar- the flanks, while the rest of the army occupied the
nabazos, and Cyrus the Younger-mounted success- centre. The right flank of Artaxerxes’s army was
ful operations against Athens and brought many overrun by the Greek mercenaries. Cyrus’s friends
Greek cities under Persian control again. But on the advised him not to risk his life, but on seeing Artax-
whole Darius II’s reign was marked by the empire’s erxes, he rushed at him, leaving his warriors far
further decline, increased influence of the court aris- behind. He managed to wound Artaxerxes, but was
tocracy, court intrigues and conspiracies, in which immediately killed himself, and even his body was
queen Parysatis was very active. The Peloponnesian mutilated. Having lost its leader, the rebels’ army
War enabled the Persians to concern themselves was defeated.
with their domestic affairs, but they failed to make The Spartans, who expected the Persians to go to
full use of the respite. Between 411 and 408, there war against them because of their assistance to
were uprisings in Asia Minor, Media, and Egypt. Cyrus, decided to take the offensive and in 396 dis-
Besides, beginning with the late 5th century, the embarked an army under Agesilaos in Asia Minor,
satraps of Asia Minor, kept fighting against one While that army was fighting there, Artaxerxes’s
another, while the Persian kings usually did not in- mother Parysatis kept intriguing against the enemies
terfere in these conflicts. The satraps often rose of the dead Cyrus, who was her favourite son, and against the central power and, using Greek mer- many of them were executed under various pretexts, cenaries, fought to become independent rulers. In 395 she accused Tissaphernes, Cyrus’s worst When Darius II died in March 404, his elder son enemy and his successor in Asia Minor, of inaction Artaxerxes II became king. At that time Cyrus the j in the war against the Spartans. He was beheaded, Younger, the new king’s brother and satrap of ~ and Persia lost its most prominent diplomat and several provinces in Asia Minor, began to gather a " general.
large army intending to seize the throne. He insisted ? The hostilities in Asia Minor continued, but Per- that his military measures were in preparation for a ~ sian gold proved more powerful than Spartan war with Tissaphernes, satrap of Caria in Asia §': weapons. In August 394, a united Graeco-Persian Minor. Artaxerxes believed that, since internecine | fleet consisting of ships from Cyprus, Rhodes and conflicts between satraps had long become the order 5 Athens, inflicted a severe defeat on the Lacedae- of the day. The Spartans decided to support Cyrus A monians, which put the latter out of action for ten and helped him to hire mercenaries. Besides, Sparta ' whole years. In 386, a treaty was concluded between formed an alliance with Egypt, where a fresh upris- S the Persians and the Greek states. According to that
126
treaty, the Persians again established their rule over the eastern coast of the Aegean and restored their control over the long lost Ionian cities.
In 362, power in Egypt passed on to the energetic pharaoh Takhos, who set himself the goal of captur¬ ing the Persian provinces of Syria and Palestine. At about that time, Cyprus also broke with the Per¬ sians; then there were uprisings in Phoenician cities and later in Asia Minor.
The year 358 saw the end of the long reign of Artaxerxes II, and Artaxerxes III mounted the throne. For a start, he exterminated all his brothers, to prevent any chance of revolt.
The new king proved to be a man of iron will; he firmly held the reins of government in his hands, banishing the eunuchs who had considerable in¬ fluence at court. He vigorously tackled the task of restoring the old Persian empire. In 349, the new king led a great army against the rebellious city of Sidon, which was burned and raized to the ground; its surviving citizens were enslaved. Then came the turn of Egypt. In the winter of 343, Artaxerxes took the field against the Egyptians. The Persian com¬ mand succeeded in bringing their ships up the Nile, and the Persian fleet turned up in the rear of the Egyptian army. The Greek mercenaries in the employ of the Egyptians deserted to the enemy. The country was again brought to heel, plundered and devastated.
In 337, however, Artaxerxes Ill’s vigorous activi¬ ties came to an end, as he himself was poisoned by his physician. Arses, the king’s son, acceded to the throne, but in the following year also fell prey to a conspiracy. Codommanus, a member of a collateral line of the Achaemenid clan, was now put on the throne and began to rule under the name of Darius III.
While the ruling sections of Persian aristocracy were busy with intrigues and coups, a dangerous enemy appeared on the political horizon. In 336, King Philip of Macedonia sent 10,000 warriors to Asia Minor under the pretext of liberating the Greek cities from Persian rule, but in that same year he was assassinated by conspirators. Alexander, Philip’s son, became king at the age of 20. Realising that a war with the Persians would require long prepa¬ ration, he recalled the Macedonian force from Asia Minor.
Persia was thus given a respite of two years, but
nothing was done to repulse the imminent threat.
Although the Persian command realised the advan¬
tages of Macedonian weapons, particularly of their
siege equipment, it did not reorganise its army, me¬
rely increasing the contingents of Greek mercenaries.
In the spring of 334, the Macedonian army took the field. It consisted of 30,000 foot and 5,000 horse. The army was accompanied by 160 warships.
Although Darius’s army was stronger in numbers, it was greatly inferior to the Macedonian troops (particularly to their heavy infantry) in fighting abil¬ ity; the hardiest fighters in the Persian army were Greek mercenaries. But Darius was confident of an easy victory, ordering Alexander to be captured and brought to his residence at Susa. The Persian satraps assured their king that the enemy would be de¬ stroyed in the very first battle. The only person who soberly assessed the situation and had a definite plan of strategic action was Memnon, commander of the Greek mercenaries in the Persian employ. He pro¬ posed to avoid decisive battles with the enemy and retreat, leaving a scorched land behind. Memnon also advised to transfer hostilities to Greece (which was quite possible, given the superiority of the Per¬ sian fleet) and to conclude an alliance with Alex¬ ander’s enemies there. But that plan of action was rejected by the Persian satraps. Memnon’s death in 333 delivered Alexander from a dangerous enemy who was probably as great a strategist as himself.
The first encounter occurred in the summer of 334 on the Hellespont coast near the river Granicus, where Alexander emerged victorious. He then cap¬ tured the Greek cities of Asia Minor and advanced deep into the country. In the summer of 333, the Macedonians occupied Cilicia and thereupon moved into Syria, where the Persians’ main forces were concentrated. In November 333, a new battle was fought near Issus, on the border of Cilicia and Syria. The Persians’ right and the Macedonians’ left flank abutted on the sea. The nucleus of the Persian army consisted of 30,000 Greek mercenaries, but Darius staked his success on the Persian cavalry, which was intended to crush the Macedonians’ left flank. To reinforce that flank, Alexander concen¬ trated his cavalry there, while he himself led his troops against the enemy right flank and routed it. However, the Greek mercenaries broke through in the centre, and Alexander hurried there with some
127
troops from the left flank which was left badly weak- of the lands were the king’s direct property. Persian ened. The fierce fighting continued, but Darius lost kings also owned major canals in Babylonia, Egypt,
his head and fled without waiting for the outcome of and Transcaspian Asia, forests in Syria, as well as
the battle, abandoning his family which fell into mines, gardens, parks and palaces in various parts of enemy hands. The battle ended in a triumph for the state.
Alexander. The Phoenician cities Arad, Byblos and The following system of land tenure was wide-
Sidon surrendered without resistance. The Persian spread: the king assigned land to his warriors who fleet now lost its supremacy on the seas. tilled their lots collectively, in groups, and had to
Declining Darius’s plea for peace, Alexander pre- serve in the army and to pay taxes in money and in
pared to continue the war. In the autumn of 332 he kind. These allotments were called the “allotments
seized Egypt, then returned to Syria and headed for of the bow”, “of the horse”, “of the chariot”, etc.,
the locality called Gaugamela, not far from Arbela, and their owners had to serve in the army as archers,
where Darius stood with his army. The battle cavalrymen and charioteers,
occurred on October 1, 331. Greek mercenaries In some parts of the Persian empire highly devel-
formed the centre of Darius’s army, faced by Mace- oped handicraft centres existed. Pottery was pro-
donian infantry. Just as in the battle of Issus, the duced for export at Naucratis (Egypt) and Miletus
Persians outnumbered the Macedonians on the right (Asia Minor). Egyptian craftsmen wove thin linen,
flank, and succeeded in crushing their ranks there, which was in high demand in the neighbouring
but the decisive battle took place in the centre, countries. Phoenician craftsmen from Sidon, Tyre
where Alexander led his cavalry right into the midst and other cities made glass, clothes and luxury
of the Persian army. The Persians threw chariots wares, and the craftsmen of Babylonia, woollen
and elephants into action, but Darius prematurely clothes both for domestic consumption and for
assumed, as he had done at Issus, that the battle had export.
been lost, and fled. After that, only the Greek mer- There were several caravan routes in the Persian
cenaries continued to resist. Alexander won a clear empire, connecting provinces that lay at distances of
victory and occupied Babylonia, and in February hundreds of kilometres from one another. One such
330, the Macedonian army entered Susa. Later, route began in Lydia, crossed Asia Minor and went
Pasargadae and Persepolis fell into Alexander’s as far as Babylon. Another led from Babylon to Susa
hands. Alexander sacked these cities and burned and then on to Persepolis and Pasargadae. Of great
Persepolis. significance was also the caravan route connecting
Darius escaped with his retinue to eastern Iran, Babylon with Ecbatana and then running on to
where he was killed by the Bactrian satrap Bessus. Bactria and the Indian borders.
The latter declared himself king, and began to rule After 518, Darius I ordered the 84-km canal to be
Bactria under the name of Artaxerxes IV, but in restored that led from the Nile to Suez, which had
329 Bactria was captured by the Macedonian army, existed already under pharaoh Necho but later
and the Persian empire ceased to exist. became unfit for navigation. Highly important for
the development of trading links was also the expedi¬ tion of the seafarer Skylax who sailed in 518 on j Darius I’s orders down the river Indus for the Indian Economic Life and Social Relations in the Persian Empire. ~ Ocean and on to the Red Sea.
In most areas of the Persian empire the main branch Differences in terrain and climatic conditions of
of the economy was agriculture. As new countries | the various countries of the Persian empire also stim- were conquered, the Persian kings robbed the subju- ~ ulated trade. Egypt supplied Greek cities with grain gated peoples of their most fertile lands. These were s and linen, buying their wine and olive oil, and pro- handed out as large inheritable estates to members | vided many provinces with gold and ivory. Lebanon of the royal family, aristocrats, high officials, etc., 3 exported cedar. Silver was brought from Asia who owned them absolutely and tax-free. The (j Minor; copper from Cyprus; gold, ivory and incense owners of large estates had at their disposal a staff of ^ from India; lapis lazuli, cornelian and turquoise, judges, administrators, managers, scribes, etc. Part § from Transcaspian Asia. Babylonia, like Egypt, was
128
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i
r
T
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n
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ia
se
ic,
as
a supplier of grain. International sea trade was large¬
ly in the hands of Phoenician merchants.
The administrauve and financial reforms of Darius I did a great deal to consolidate the Per¬ sian empire. The implementation of these reforms took a number of years. They were begun in 519 with a reorganisation and unification of the system of provincial administration, as a result of which a new administrative system was established. Darius I divided the state into administrative and taxation districts called satrapies. The satrapies were as a rule greater than the provinces of earlier empires, and in some cases the boundaries of satrapies coincided with those of the state and ethnic constituent entities of the Persian empire (e. g., Egypt).
The new administrative districts were headed by satraps or governors. Under Cyrus and Cambyses, many countries were governed by local officials, while Darius’s reforms were aimed, among other things, at concentrating the high posts in the hands of Persians, who now headed most of the satrapies. Under Cyrus and Cambyses, the satrap combined civil and military functions, while Darius restricted the power of the satrap, establishing a clear-cut divi¬ sion between the functions of the satraps and of the military authorities. The satraps became civil gover¬ nors only, directing the administrative mechanism of the satrapy, the work of its courts and tax-collectors, enforcing law and order within the boundaries of their satrapies and controlling the local officials. In times of peace, only a small personal bodyguard was allowed them. The armies were run by military commandants who were independent of satraps and responsible directly to the king. The satraps usually also controlled hereditary vice-regents or kings, and in Asia Minor also the city communities.
The reforms resulted in the setting up of a large centralised mechanism. The central government of the state had its seat at Susa, the administrative capital of the Persian empire. Satraps and military commandants were closely linked with the central government and constantly supervised by the king and his officials. Supreme control of the whole state and supervision over all the officials was in the hands of a hazarapatish (literally, “head of a thousand”), who was simultaneously commander of the king’s personal bodyguard. Everyone in the centre and in the provinces was under the surveillance of the “king’s ears and eyes”-officials who were indepen¬
dent of satraps and other local authorities, obeyed
only the king and reported to him any seditious
speeches or acts they might get wind of.
The official language of the offices of the Persian empire was Aramaic, but local languages were also used in the various satrapies in compiling official documents.
Persians occupied a special position in the state machinery, holding all the most important military and civil offices. However, Persian administrators also widely used the services of persons from other ethnic groups. Babylonians, Egyptians, Elamites, Greeks, etc., served as judges, city governors, managers of state arsenals, heads of royal construc¬ tion projects, and so on, in Babylonia, Egypt, Asia Minor, and other regions.
Under Cyrus and Cambyses there was no firmly regulated system of taxes founded on the economic potential of the various lands of the empire. The sub¬ jugated peoples brought gifts or paid tribute, part of it in kind.
C. 519, Darius I established a new system of state taxation. All the satrapies now had to pay taxes in money strictly determined by the area and fertility of farmed land. Persians did not pay taxes in money, but they were not exempt from payments in kind. Other peoples, including the population of autono¬ mous states (such as Phoenicians, Cilicians, etc.) paid a total of 7,740 Babylonian silver talents (232,200 kg) annually. The greater part of that sum was paid by the peoples of the economically advanced countries Asia Minor, Babylonia, Syria, Phoenicia, and Egypt. Countries which had no mines of their own had to get silver to pay taxes by selling the products of farming and handicrafts, which stimulated the development of commodity- money relations.
The system of gifts was also preserved, but the gifts were not voluntary at all. The amount of the gifts was firmly fixed, but, unlike taxes, they were paid in kind only. The majority of the subjects paid taxes, while gifts came mostly from the peoples of the out¬ lying areas (such as Colchis, Ethiopia, Arabia, etc.).
Darius I introduced a single monetary unit throughout the empire, which constituted the basis of the Persian monetary system-the gold daric weighing 8.4 grams. The minting of gold coin was the prerogative of the Persian king alone. For several centuries, the daric was the commercial world’s
129
9-344
principal gold currency. The most common instru- Darius I’s reign. The Persian kings realised the ad-
ment of exchange was the silver shekel weighing 5.6 vantages of Zoroaster’s teaching as an official religion
grams, which equalled one-twentieth of the daric’s but did not give up the cults of the ancient gods per-
value. Silver coins were minted by Persian satraps in sonifying the elements of nature. In the 6th century
their residences and at the Greek cities of Asia Minor B. C. Zoroastrianism had not yet become a dogmat-
for paying mercenaries during military campaigns, ic religion with firmly fixed norm, and various mo-
and also by autonomous cities and dependent kings. difications of the new religious doctrine arose.
The price of gold in relation to that of silver in the The Persian religion dating from Darius I’s times
Persian empire was 1 to 13.3. The precious metal in was precisely such a form of early Zoroastrianism,
the state’s possession could only be minted on orders Since its emergence, Zoroastrianism had gone
from the king, and most of it remained unminted. through a complex evolution. The teaching of Zoro-
The total amount of gold and silver in the royal trea- aster himself was reflected in the Gathas, i. e., the
suries towards the end of the existence of the Persian earlier parts of the Avesta sacred books. Many of the
empire was not less than 235,630 talents (more than Gathas are framed as answers of the god Ahura-
seven million kilograms). mazda to Zoroaster’s questions. According to the
Domestic and foreign trade, exceptionally highly Gathas, the god gave Zoroaster the mission of reno-
developed under the Achaemenids, contributed to vating the religion, and Zoroaster carried out the
the exchange of cultural values as well. The peoples reform, announcing his faith in the final victory of
of the empire absorbed the achievements of their Ahuramazda, rejecting some of the tribal deities,
neighbours and of the more remote lands, and placing others below Ahuramazda. According
geographical horizons were extended, and exper- to Zoroaster’s teaching, Ahuramazda (Greek Oro-
iences in long-distance voyaging were accumulated. masdes) was the only omnipotent and omnipresent
The East and Greece came to know each other. In god of the good personifying light, life, and the
an enormous empire comprising many countries and truth. He was the creator of the world. From the
peoples, culture advanced as the isolation of various very beginning, however, next to him stood the Evil
regions from the external world was breached. The Spirit Angra Mainyu (Ahriman) personifying dark-
old Iranian civilisation produced remarkable monu- ness and death and doing evil. Ahuramazda and
ments of literature, art, and science; original reli- Angra Mainyu were in eternal conflict, Ahuramazda
gious doctrines arose in that period which made an relying in this struggle on his assistants personifying
impact on Greek thinkers, too. “good sense”, i. e., the idea of the good, truth, and
immortality. Man was created by Ahuramazda but was free in the choice between the good and evil and The Religion and Culture of Persia. Zoroastrianism, a thus accessible to the influence of the spirits of evil,
religious doctrine which emerged in Transcaspian Man must fight against Angra Mainyu in his
Asia and was named after its founder Zoroaster, thoughts, words and deeds. According to Zoroas-
played a great role in the ideological life of ancient trianism, life after death existed. The lot of men in
Persia. the next world depended on his earthly life. If a man
Soon after its emergence in the first half of the 1st helped the good to triumph, his soul would go to
millennium B. C., Zoroastrianism began to spread j paradise and enjoy happy life and good food, other- to Media, Persia, and other Iranian countries. The ~ wise it was doomed to eternal torment in the dark- priests of the Zoroastrian religion were the ness of hell.
Magians - experts on and guardians of the cult, its | Ancient religions were tolerant towards the beliefs rituals and rites. ~ of other peoples, and Persian kings patronised the
The people’s masses in Persia worshipped the §j cults of conquered peoples. Thus in Babylonia Cyrus
ancient deities of nature-Mithra the sun-god, Ana- | extended his patronage to the local ancient cults,
hita the goddess of water and fertility, and other dei- a helping to revive them and bringing offerings to the
ties personifying light, the moon, the wind, etc. Zoro- A local gods. Persian kings made sacrifices in the tem-
astrianism found recognition in Persia late in the ' pies of many gods trying to win their favour. As the
6th and early in the 5th centuries B. C., i. e., in s documents of the Persepolis archives of the late 6th
130
and early 5th centuries show, foodstuffs from the private palaces of Darius I and Xerxes. Two stair-
royal stores (wine, sheep, grain, etc.) were provided ways led to the apadana, on which reliefs of courtiers,
at Persepolis and other Persian and Elamite cities the king’s personal bodyguard, of cavalry and char-
not only for the practice of the cult of Ahuramazda iots still survive. On one side of the stairway is a long
and other Iranian gods but also for those of the gods file of representatives of the 33 peoples of the empire
of Elam and Babylon. bearing gifts and tribute to the Persian king. It is a
The Persians and other Iranian peoples absorbed veritable “ethnological museum”, with its portrayal and developed many of the achievements of the Ela- of the characteristic features of the various tribes, mite, Babylonian, and Egyptian civilisations, thus Under Darius I, a great deal was built at Susa,
enriching the treasure-house of world culture. One too. Twelve countries, from India to Ethiopia, pro¬ of the Persians’ major achievements was the devel- vided the materials for the construction of the opment of an original cuneiform script. Unlike the palaces.
Akkadian script with its nearly 600 signs, the Persian As the architectural monuments of the Persian
system was almost alphabetic and had 40 odd signs kings were built and adorned by craftsmen from dif-
only. ferent countries, old Persian art presented an
The palatial complexes at Pasargadae, Persepolis organic synthesis of Iranian artistic traditions and and Susa were magnificent monuments of Persian technical devices and those of Elam, Assyria, Egypt, architecture. Pasargadae was situated on an exten- Greece, and other lands. Despite a certain eclecti- sive plain 1,900 metres above sea level. The city’s cism, it has an inherent unity, being a product of buildings the most ancient monuments of the Per- definite historical conditions and of an original sian material culture stood on a high terrace. They ideology which endowed the borrowed forms with a were faced with light fine-grained sandstone new meaning. Above all it was intended to symbolise resembling marble. The royal palaces stood among the grandeur of the power of the Persian kings and parks and gardens. Probably the most remarkable of their empire.
Pasargadae’s monuments, fascinating in its noble The distinguishing feature of old Persian art is a
beauty, is the tomb of Cyrus II which has sur- virtuoso treatment of an isolated object, usually a vived to this day. Seven broad steps lead to the metal cup or vase, a cup carved out of stone, a rhy-
burial chamber two metres wide and three metres ton of ivory, a piece of jewelry, etc. Of these, parti-
long. This tomb is ancestral to many other monu- cularly interesting are cylindrical seals cut out of ments of this kind, including the Halicarnassus agate, chalcedony and jasper. These are cov-
Mausoleum of Caria’s satrap Maussollus regarded ered with figures of kings and heroes fighting their
in antiquity as one of the seven wonders of the enemies and fantastic creatures. Many of these seals, world. just as other works of old Persian art, are fascinating
The construction of Persepolis was begun c. 520 in their perfection of form and originality of and continued until c. 450. The city covered an theme.
area of 135,000 square metres. An artificial platform Old Iran attracted Greek scholars and philoso-
was built at the foot of a mountain. For this, about phers. Actually, the works of antique authors are 12,000 square metres of uneven rocky surface had to _ among the principal sources of our knowledge of the be smoothed out. The city built on this platform was jr history and culture of Achaemenid Iran. The old
surrounded on three sides by a double wall of mud- 5 Iranian civilisation was inherited by the Middle
brick, and on the eastern side it abutted on an inac- Ages. The scholarly treatises of Iranian authors were cessible mountain rock. A wide stairway of 110 steps S' especially highly valued in the Arabic world. Many intended for ceremonial occasions led to the city, g 5 features of the old Iranian cultural heritage have The official palace {apadana) of Darius I consisted of | been preserved as an inseparable part of Iranian cul- a great hall of 3,600 square metres surrounded by 1 ture in later epochs. Old Iranian themes and sub¬ porticoes. The ceiling of the hall and of the porticoes 'A jects formed the basis of remarkable epics, such as was supported by 72 thin, elegant stone columns | the great Firdaousi’s Shahridma. The epic works of old more than 20 metres high. The apadana was used for ~ Iranians are now among the most treasured posses- solemn state occasions. It was connected with the | sions of world literature.
131
9 *
Parthia. C. 250 B. C., the Parni tribes which had
wandered in the steppes between the Amu Darya
and the Caspian, invaded the valley of the Atrek (on
the territory of the modern Turkmenia in the
USSR) and in 247 elected their chieftain Tiridates
king. He adopted the throne name of Arshak (Arsa-
ces). The later Parthian kings, who also adopted
that name upon accession to the throne, took that
year as the start of their chronology.
In founding their kingdom, the Parni challenged the Seleucid rulers of Mesopotamia and of many other countries, including Iran and Bactria. The Seleucids, preoccupied with the war against Rome and dynastic strife, could not attack the rebels at once. In 239 B. C., the Parni invaded the province of Parthyene ruled by Andragoras, a former governor of the Seleucid kings who had become independent of them as early as 245. Capturing that province, the Parni later merged with the related Parthian tribes inhabiting it.
In 232 and 231, the Seleucid ruler Seleucus II attempted to restore his power over the rebellious areas in the east of Iran and in Transcaspian Asia. But his campaign misfired, as he had to hurry back to the western provinces of his empire where unrest had broken out.
C. 171 B. C., Mithridates I became king of Parthia and made this formerly insignificant and remote kingdom a powerful empire. C. 155, the Parthians took possession of Media, and that opened a way to Mesopotamia, which Seleucid kings were unable to defend. In 141 Mithridates declared him¬ self king of Babylonia. The Parthian kingdom now covered almost the whole of Iran, large tracts of Transcaspian Asia and the whole of Mesopotamia, and the centre of the state shifted west.
C. 137, Mithridates died. His throne was inher¬ ited by Phraates II. During his reign, nomadic tribes began to raid the eastern borders of the empire. Taking advantage of this, the Seleucid ruler Antiochus VII went to war against the Parthians in 130 and, after several victories, occupied Mesopota¬ mia and Media. After that he stationed his army in Media, dividing it into small garrisons among var¬ ious villages. Soon the Medes rose in rebellion against Antiochus, and his scattered army was un¬ able to offer effective resistance to the rebels. Antio¬ chus went to succour one of the beleaguered garri¬ sons, but was attacked by Parthian cavalry. In the
ensuing battle Antiochus was killed, his son was
taken captive, and the Seleucid army soundly
routed.
In the meantime the nomad tribes in the east began to threaten the very existence of the Parthian empire, and c. 128 Phraates fell in an encounter with them.
Parthia reached a new peak of power under Mith¬ ridates II (123-87 B. C.), who consolidated his posi¬ tions in the east and then renewed the drive against the countries lying west of the Parthian empire. That created a threat of war with Rome. In 92, Sulla, representing Rome, and the Parthian ambas¬ sador Orobases met on the Euphrates. No details of their negotiations are known, but Orobases was later accused of having failed to check Sulla’s provocative escapades and executed.
In the spring of 54 B.C., the Roman general Crassus came to Syria, which had become a Roman province, and began preparations for a campaign against the Parthians. He had at his disposal 35,000 foot and 5,000 horse.
Parthia’s king at the time was Orodes II. He believed that Crassus would advance across moun¬ tainous Armenia, where it would be difficult for the Parthians to deploy their first-rate cavalry. Orodes therefore led his main force to Armenia, entrusting the defence of Mesopotamia to his general Suren.
Crassus, however, confident of an easy victory, decided to beat the Parthians in Mesopotamia, not Armenia.
Suren made careful preparations for the battle. His command consisted of 10,000 mounted archers. As the Roman army approached, the Parthian cavalry began to retreat. On May 6, 53 B. C., Crassus reached the city of Carrhae, and on learning that Suren’s force was not far, attacked him without a pause for his tired legionaries to rest. The Romans j formed a square, and were immediately surrounded ~ by the enemy. The Parthian horsemen loosed clouds of arrows. Crassus then ordered his son Publius to drive the enemy away with a force of 4,000 foot and ~ horse. The Parthians began to retreat rapidly, entic- ing the hot-blooded and inexperienced Publius deep | into the steppe, far from the main body of Roman a troops, in which they succeeded. The Parthian ^ cavalry then suddenly turned on the Roman unit ' and slaughtered it to a man. Upon learning of the s defeat and the death of his son, Crassus moved his
132
force behind the walls of the city of Carrhae, but it
was soon also destroyed almost completely by the
Parthian cavalry.
In the meantime Orodes II concluded an alliance with the Armenian king Arlavasdes and consoli¬ dated it through a dynastic marriage between his son Pacorus and an Armenian princess. At the height of the nuptial festivities, Suren’s messenger brought Crassus’s head and hand to the court of the Armenian king at Artaxata. At that time, Euripi¬ des’s Bacchae was being shown at Artavasdes’s court theatre, and when the head of Pentheus had to be brought on stage, the actor appeared with Crassus’s head in his hands instead of the prop, greeted by delighted shouts from the audience.
The defeat of Crassus’s army stopped the advance of the Romans into the Mesopotamian possessions of Parthia, and the Roman power in Asia Minor, Syria, and Palestine was shaken. By the 40s of the 1st century B. C., the Phoenician cities (with the excep¬ tion of Tyre), as well as Syria and Palestine, were in Parthian hands, which created a direct threat to the Roman rule over the eastern Mediterranean regions. But the Parthians failed to consolidate their suc¬ cesses, unable to build an effective administrative machine in the conquered lands. Besides, the Parthi¬ ans could not organise long campaigns or besiege fortified cities. The main thing was, however, that the economic potential of the Parthian empire was insufficient for a long confrontation with Rome. By 38 B. C., the Romans restored their control over Syria and Palestine. In that year, Mark Antony went on a campaign against the Parthians, but it ended in failure.
Soon, however, the Parthian empire went into a long decline. At the beginning of the 3rd century A. D., it was torn by internecine strife, hard pressed to contain the advance of the Romans in the west and the raids of the nomads in the east. It began to disintegrate into a number of independent states and in the 20s of the 3rd century A. D. collapsed completely.
We have so far little data on the inner structure of the Parthian empire. It comprised economically advanced countries of Mesopotamia and Syria as well as rather backward regions of eastern Iran and semidependent kingdoms. The king’s council, con¬ sisting of Parthian tribal nobility, played an import¬ ant role in ruling the state. Separate provinces were
run by satraps appointed by the king. The defence of
strategically important points was in the hands of
commandants bearing the title of pitiahsh.es. The core
of the Parthian army was cavalry.
The capital of the state was the city of Hecatom- pylos in eastern Iran, and after the conquests in the west, Ctesiphon in Babylonia. The city of Nisa, 18 kilometres north-west of modern Ashkhabad, where Parthian kings were entombed in their tribal sepulchres until the 1st century B. C., was of great political significance. The more ancient of its three parts, covering an area of about 18 hectares and in¬ cluding the citadel, stood on a rise. All that area was surrounded by a high wall with one gate. Inside the wall were the ruler’s palace, the temple, administra¬ tive buildings, and army barracks. The houses of Parthian nobles and merchants, as well as handi¬ craftsmen’s blocks, adjoined that part of the city and were also surrounded by a thick wall. Beyond lay the rural zone of the city, surrounded by a mudbrick wall over seven kilometres in circuit.
A treasure-trove of ivory wares, including remark¬ able specimens of Parthian applied art, was found in Nisa’s royal palace, in a large hall 60 by 60 metres square, by Soviet archaeologists. The treasure-trove, dated to the 2nd century B. C., mostly consists of carved rhytons with sculptured figurines of winged gryphons, centaurs and other fantastic and real ani¬ mals. The rhytons are made of ivory inlaid with gold, silver and precious stones.
Many Parthian kings declared themselves to be Philhellenes. Tragedies by Greek authors were pro¬ duced at their courts, and Greek was widely used in the state apparatus.
Zoroastrian priests, the Magians, played an im¬ portant role in Parthia. Under king Vologeses I (c. A. D. 43-50), ancient Zoroastrian texts were collected and recorded in the Aramaic script.
By the end of the 2nd century B. C., the Great Silk Route between China and the Mediterranean became established. Parthian kings controlled a con¬ siderable part of that route, deriving large profits from the transit trade between East and West. Silk, iron, ivory, textiles, perfumes, and precious stones were carried from the East, and glass, ceramics, cloth, etc., flowed from the West.
Parthia’s cultural traditions became part of the common old Central Asian civilisation, which later made a great impact on the development of culture
133
in Transcaspian Asia during the Middle Ages. included even Egypt. But in A. D. 637 the Sassanian
Parthian history has been thoroughly studied by army was routed by the Arabs, and soon after that
Soviet archaeologists, historians and linguists. In the empire ceased to exist.
their works, Parthia emerges as a major centre of the Under the Sassanids, Iranian society was
ancient Orient (see also the chapter on Hellenism for organised on the estate principle. The free popula-
further information on Parthia and Persia). tion was divided into four estates, the first three of
them being privileged - the priests, the warriors and the officials. The fourth estate was made up of mer- Iran in the Sassanian Epoch. In the early 3rd century chants who, unlike the first three, had to pay taxes.
B. C., Persis, the southern region of Iran, was The estates were closed, and movement from one
divided into several small principalities, semi- estate to another was impossible. The priests were
dependencies of Parthia. One of the rulers there was headed by the supreme Magian of the Zoroastrian
Sassan, who gave his name to the Sassanid dynasty. religion; the warrior estate, by the army com-
A successor of Sassan, Ardashir I, began to expand mander; and the officials, by the “great scribe”. The
his possessions at the expense of the neighbouring head of the tax-payers’ estate was appointed by the
territories. Uniting all Persis under his rule, he also king precisely for the purpose of collecting taxes,
annexed the kingdoms of Kerman and Huzistan. The separate provinces making up the empire
Worried by Ardashir’s successes, the Parthian king were headed by governors from the ranks of the Per-
Artabanus V decided to stop him. A battle was sian aristocrats or by local kings who recognised the
fought in A. D. 224 in Media, in which Ardashir Sassanids’ suzerainty.
won a decisive victory, slaying Artabanus. In 226, Under the Sassanids, Zoroastrianism turned into
Ardashir seized Ctesiphon and the neighbouring a dogmatic religion with strictly regulated rites,
Parthian possessions in Mesopotamia. In that same militant and intolerant of other religions. The devel-
year he was solemnly crowned king of Iran. Thus a opmentof these features, mainly connected with the
new and powerful dynasty arose in the ancient name of Kartir, a major statesman, was gradual. He
homeland of the Achaemenids. began his career under Ardashir I, who was
After Ardashir’s death, his throne was inherited reported to have said that the throne was the sup-
by his son Shapur I, who proved himself an out- port of the altar and the altar, the support of the
standing strategist in the conflict with Rome over throne. Under Ardashir, however, Kartir occupied
possession of Mesopotamia and Armenia. In 244, the modest post of tutor of Zoroastrian priests at
Shapur defeated the Romans on the Euphrates, some temple. Later, Shapur I entrusted him with
where the Roman emperor Gordian fell in battle. In the task of reorganising Zoroastrian temples and the
260, the Romans suffered yet another defeat in the Zoroastrian community. Kartir rose to omnipotence
battle of Edessa in Mesopotamia, and their emperor under Varahran II (A. D. 276-293), when he
Valerian was taken prisoner. These victories are became head of the temple of Anahita at Istakhr, the
recorded in the rock inscriptions at Naksh-i-Rustam, shrine of the Sassanian clan, supreme priest and
not far from Persepolis. Shapur is portrayed there as supreme judge of the state. The Magians as an estate
a triumpher, and a detailed inscription relates his were reorganised throughout the country to conform
military exploits. j to the demand of a single religion for the country,
Under Shapur I, the Sassanian state became a ~ and to become the king’s support. Kartir now laid centralised empire and a dangerous enemy of Rome. ^ claims to being the only interpreter of the gods’ will, But late in the 3rd century the Romans inflicted | and Zoroastrianism became the ruling religion, the several defeats on the Sassanians. Later, during ® only “true faith”. In Iran itself and beyond its Shapur II’s long reign (A. D. 309-379), Iran lar- 5 borders, Kartir ruthlessly persecuted Christian, gely recovered from these setbacks. | Manichaean and other cults.
In the first quarter of the 7th century the Sas- a Four of Kartir’s inscriptions have survived, in sanian empire encompassed vast territories from In- ^ which he declares himself to be a prophet chosen by dia and northern Afghanistan to Northern Cau- ^ the gods. The inscriptions relate the events of his life casus, Syria and Arabia, and for a short while £ and his reform of the state religion. In one of these
134
inscriptions Kartir appealed to the gods begging was obliged to fight evil actively and to lead a them to explain to him the nature of paradise and righteous life.
hell and to endow him with the ability to explain to Christians were hostile to that religion, as is
men how to distinguish between a righteous man attested by their extensive polemic literature against
and a sinner, so that he might become even more Manichaeism. The latter presented a considerable
pious. According to the other inscriptions, the gods threat to Christianity, rapidly spreading among the
enabled Kartir to travel to the next world to the masses due to the simplicity of its precepts,
throne of the supreme ruler Ahuramazda. Accom- At first, the Sassanids did not interfere with the
panied by a maid personifying the Zoroastrian faith, spreading of Manichaeism and sometimes even sup-
Kartir’s soul reached the golden throne where the ported Mani himself. Thus in 240, on the day of his
scales for the weighing of good and evil stood. The coronation, Shapur received the young prophet,
souls of righteous men, including that of Kartir, ate who was then only 25. But when the popular masses
of the ritual feast and crossed the bridge called Chin- rose under Manichaean slogans against the founda-
vat leading to paradise. After that journey, Kartir tions of the state, they were subjected to severe
began to preach that the souls of those who chose the reprisals. Mani himself was thrown into gaol, where
righteous way would go to paradise after death, he died of terrible torture in 277.
while the souls of the godless would be plunged in In the later period of the existence of the Sas-
hell. Accordingly, righteous men would flourish dur- sanian state, popular uprisings became frequent. In
ing their life on earth, too, like Kartir himself. How- the late 5th century, there was a major revolt by
ever, Kartir was not destined to die peacefully - he broad sections of the city poor and of peasants led by
was apparently killed during a palace coup. Mazdak. If we are to accept the evidence of later
Apart from Zoroastrianism, several other religions sources, Mazdak advocated the distribution of prop- existed in Iran. One of them was Christianity. Sha- erty between men; he said that no people should go
pur II gave refuge to Christians pursued in the hungry or poor, as all men were equal. The same
Roman empire, hoping to use their support in the sources insist that during the revolt the ordinary
struggle against his main opponent. But when Chris- people “became brutalised”, and that slaves rose
tianity was recognised as an official religion in against their masters. The revolt lasted for 30 years
Rome, its adherents began to be persecuted in Iran. and was severely suppressed.
Manichaeism enjoyed considerable influence in The art of Sassanian Iran is characterised above
Iran and the neighbouring countries. This religion all by the portrayal of official personages. Some of
was founded by Mani, born in Babylonia the monuments of this genre are colossal rock reliefs
c. A. D. 215. In his youth, he travelled in the east portraying kings, their magnates and bodyguard,
for a long time, studying Buddhism, Brahmanism The art of toreutics was particularly advanced. A
and other religions. Mani began to preach already good sample of it is a silver dish with a picture of
under the founder of the Sassanian state Ardashir king Shapur II hunting lions. The king is gallop-
and continued to do so under Shapur I. He strove to ping at a lion, his bow taut, while nearby another
found a universal religion that would supplant all lion, already dead, is lying. The technique employed
the other religions. He insisted that his faith knew no in the making of these objects was as follows: an out-
frontiers and extended to the most remote countries ? line was stamped on the reverse side of a plate, and and peoples. - then the obverse side was worked on with special in-
Mani’s principal dogmas were recorded in Middle ^ struments. After that the plate was inserted in a Persian in Syrian script. Since Manichaeism rapidly S' silver dish, with the plate’s ends bent round the spread from Babylonia to Central Asia, various ? edges of the dish.
modifications of it arose. Considerable remnants of | A fairly well-developed theory of music existed in the once extensive Manichaean literature, written in § Sassanian times. Of the musical instruments particu- diflerent languages, have survived. The basis of larly popular were the flute, the chang (a kind of Manichaeism, just as of Zoroastrianism, was the | harp), the lute, etc. Noblemen’s children studied dualist doctrine of the struggle between good and ~ reading, writing, counting, riding, playing nard (a evil, between the forces of light and darkness. Man i game ancestral to chess) and the art of using arms.
135
Mathematics, astronomy and law were well advanced in Sassanian Iran. Links with the neigh¬ bouring countries were consolidated; thus, some literary works came to Iran from India and were translated into Pahlavi; later they became known in the Arabic world and in Byzantium and forming part of world literature. Manichaeism was strongly influenced by Buddhism.
Despite the continual conflict with Rome, the antique world learnt a great deal about Iranian cul¬ ture under the Sassanids, while ancient Iranians
absorbed the rich traditions of Graeco-Roman cul¬
ture. During the crisis of the Roman empire, interest
for the Iranian religion grew among antique philoso¬
phers, who studied the doctrines of the Magians; the
cult of the god Mithra was worshipped in various
regions of the enormous Roman empire.
In Iran, just as in the other countries of the ancient world, the encounter between the Eastern and Western civilisations facilitated a cultural rap¬ prochement and the creation of common cultural values in different areas of knowledge.
Chapter 8
Western Central Asia in Antiquity
For a long time the history of Central Asia was
mostly known from brief accounts in the works of
historians and geographers of the Graeco-Roman
world. The true discovery of the ancient civilisations
of Central Asia came through the studies of Soviet
archaeologists which have been conducted on a
large scale in the Central Asian republics since the
1930s. These excavations have yielded monumental
palaces and temples, first-class art monuments, and
ancient archives-the Parthian one at Nisa near
Ashkhabad and the Khorezmian at Toprak-kale on
the right bank of the Amu Darya north-east of
Khiva. The study of all these materials, which still
continues, has shown some profound differences
between the type of culture, settlements, and the
esthetic canons of these ancient civilisations from
those of the local medieval societies which began to
develop here in the 6th and 7th centuries A. D. In
the view of Soviet scholars, these differences are
closely linked with the qualitatively different nature
of the socioeconomic relations which existed in
ancient Transcaspian Asia. Prof. S. P. Tolstov was
the first to formulate this thesis, relying mostly on g
the materials from ancient Khorezm. According to
his hypothesis a local variety of slave-owning society
of the early Oriental type existed here in ancient s
times. New materials obtained in subsequent work |
bear out this view, although the scarcity of local ^
data, especially of economic archives, makes it |
difficult to characterise in detail the specificity of ^
the local culture. 5
Sharp contrasts are the outstanding feature of the ° natural conditions of Central Asia. Desert-and- ?. steppe landscapes, notably the Kara Kum and
Kyzyl Kum deserts, adjoin fertile oases irrigated by
two major rivers, the Amu Darya and the Syr
Darya, and a number of their tributaries and less sig¬
nificant rivers. The high mountain-masses of Tien
Shan and Pamir also form distinctive landscapes.
Here, cultures differing in external traits and
economic modes developed under varied ecological
conditions. The interaction of diverse cultures is one
of the marks of the country’s ancient history, as are
the long and close links with the ancient sources of
civilisation of the Orient, in the first place with the
Near East.
These features were clearly manifested already at the ancient stages of the history of the tribes and peo¬ ples in this region. In the 6th millennium B. C., the Jeitun Neolithic culture evolved in the south-west of Central Asia on the narrow foothill plain between the Kopet-dag Ridge and the Kara Kum desert. Jeitun tribes led a settled life, grew wheat and bar¬ ley and raised livestock. With advances in farming and livestock-breeding, the standard of living and culture of these tribes rose. Jeitun settlements consisted of solid mudbrick houses. A large build¬ ing-the communal shrine with fresco-covered walls-was the focus of such a settlement. Some fea¬ tures of construction techniques, of pottery covered with simple designs, and some others, point to close links with the settled peasant cultures of Iran and Mesopotamia, particularly with the Jarmo culture.
In the 5th and 4th millennia B. C., these agricul¬ tural communities made further progress. They began to smelt copper and raise cattle and later camels; moving east, they settled the delta of a fairly large river, the Tedjend-Gerirud. Ditches were dug
137
to irrigate the fields, and that formed the beginning of irrigation farming yielding high and stable crops.
As a result of these economic and cultural devel¬ opments, the first cities and of an early-urban civili¬ sation arose in south-west Central Asia. Its best- known monument is Altin-depe. The Altin-depe civilisation, which dates to 2300-1900 B. C., has all the features of the highly developed cultures of the ancient Orient. Its centres were two urban settle¬ ments Altin-depe and Namazga-tepe surrounded by walls of mudbrick, the gates leading into the city framed by monumental towers or pylons following the model of similar constructions of ancient Meso¬ potamia. The focus of Altin-depe was the monumental cultic complex with a four-step tower, obviously imitating the stepped ziggurats of Sumer and Babylonia. The cultic complex included numerous storehouses, the supreme priest’s house, and the tomb of the priestly community. Among other things, a gold bull’s head was found here with a crescent-shaped insert in the forehead made of tur- qoise. The entire temple complex was dedicated to the astral moon-god who is often described in Meso¬ potamian mythology as a flame-coloured bull. Another line of cultural links leads from Transcas¬ pian Asia to the Indus valley-the seat of the Har- appa civilisation. Harappa ivory objects have been found at Altin-depe among the things placed in rich tombs and in walled-in treasure-troves. Seals of the Harappa type have also been discovered here, in¬ cluding one bearing two signs of proto-Indian writing.
The urban population of the Altin-depe civilisa¬ tion clearly falls into three groups differing in the level of well-being, the character of the houses, and even in their food. The ordinary commoners, the craftsmen and farmers, lived in houses consisting of numerous tiny rooms; only a few bits of pottery have been found in the tombs adjoining them, while half the meat they ate was that of wild animals. The houses of the nobler members of the community were more imposing, and their tombs contain neck¬ laces of semi-precious stones, silver and bronze rings and seals. The social and economic differentiation was most marked in the third group of the popula¬ tion-chieftains and priests. Their large dwellings were well laid out and occupied areas of 80 to 100 square metres. The tombs in the “aristocratic quarters” contain various ornaments, including objects of silver and gold, as well as imported ones of
ivory. The measurements of the skeletons show that
members of the urban elite were even taller than
ordinary citizens-another sign of a well-fed, easy
life. The more prominent noblemen may have used
the labour of slaves, whose burials, without any
funerary objects, sometimes lie next to the rich
tombs. A society of equal farmers was thus replaced
by a social system based on inequality, and an early
class society gradually took shape.
In the mid-2nd millennium B. C., the urban set¬ tlements of that most ancient civilisation of Trans¬ caspian Asia declined, and the principal centres of development moved east, to the delta of the Mur- gab, and the middle Amu Darya area where new farming oases sprang up. The oases in the Murgab delta centred round large urban-type fortified settle¬ ments. Several fortified settlements of ancient com¬ munities have been excavated in the middle reaches of the Amu Darya, but no major towns have been discovered. All the settlements had walls and towers, and bronze weapons became widespread. We observe all the earmarks of an epoch of wars and conflicts. Judging by their culture, the population of these oases seem to be direct descendants of the founders of the Altin-depe civilisation, although some new cultural features are also observed, includ¬ ing flat stone seals portraying, with considerable skill, dramatic scenes of fighting between bulls and dragons, serpents attacking tigers, a mythological hero conquering wild beasts. Some of these themes point to increasing links with Mesopotamia and Elam. By the 1st millennium B. C., the whole of southern Central Asia was dominated by a highly developed culture of the ancient Oriental type, and new centres arose in the areas which in the 1st mil¬ lennium B. C. were named Margiana (the Murgab basin) and Bactria (the middle course of the Amu Darya).
Simultaneously with the emergence of new oases in the south of Central Asia, the northern steppes were settled by cattle-raising tribes. Herds of cattle were their principal wealth, and horse-drawn char¬ iots were widely used for transportation. Some fea¬ tures of this culture are reminiscent of the monu¬ ments of the steppe dwellers of the modern Volga area and western Kazakhstan. Many researchers believe that the spreading in Central Asia of the peo¬ ples of the Indo-Iranian language branch, who called themselves Aryans, is linked with the pene-
138
tration of the steppe tribes. Wheels and swastikas, lower Amu Darya) and some areas on the territory
formed of stones laid end to end, which played a of modern Afghanistan. This is probably a descrip-
great role in the cultic notions of the old Indian tion of a temporary political union, a military confe-
tribes, have been found in the burials of the steppe deration of tribal unions. True, the power of the
pastoral peoples. As they settled here, Indo-Iranian petty kings heading such confederations was re¬ tribes came into contact with the local population stricted by the “council of first men”, but the ten-
and mixed with it, so that the language of some of dency towards establishing a stable state with a the population of the settled oases probably became strong authority was universal.
Iranised. This was the historical background for the activi-
These distinctive conditions of interaction ties of Zarathustra or Zoroaster, founder of the new
between northern nomads and southern sedentary religion of Zoroastrianism. The recurrent theme of
farmers formed the background for an intense pro- Zoroastrianism is the idea of an eternal struggle
cess of the development of class relations and the for- between good and evil, between truth and falsehood,
mation of the state. Technical progress was prima- The good and positive principle is personified by
rily marked by the introduction of iron. In the 10th Ahuramazda (Ormuzd), his antipode is Angro
through 7th centuries B. C., iron tools and weapons Mainyu (Ahriman or Ariman).
appeared in southern Central Asia, and beginning Zoroaster is believed to have lived and preached
with the 6th-4th centuries B. C., iron objects became in the 7th century B. C. He seems to have begun
widespread throughout this territory. Iron spades, preaching at the court of an east Iranian king, Vish-
axes and sickles largely facilitated a further rise in taspa, who ruled Drangiana, an area in the south¬ land cultivation. Complex irrigation systems were west of modern Afghanistan. The internecine strife
built in the south-eastern Caspian area and in the between the rulers of several countries seems to have
Murgab delta. Large settlements with citadels on ended in a success for Bactria, a “fine land with its
mighty mudbrick platforms formed the centres of banners raised high”, according to the Avesta. The
irrigated oases, with monumental palaces of rulers antique tradition has preserved the legend of a once
inside the citadels. A typical settlement of this type is powerful Bactrian kingdom where Zoroaster himself
Yaz-depe in the Murgab delta the Margiana of is said to have ruled.
antiquity. Soon Central Asia formed part of the Achaemenid
Related cultures existed on the territory of Bactria empire. When the Achaemenids attempted to annex and, as latest studies have shown, in the Zeravshan the new lands here, they ran into fierce opposition
and Kashkadarya valleys, i. e., on the territory from a powerful union of nomadic tribes called the
called Sogd in ancient times. Indications are that Massagetae by the antique sources. Cyrus II, the most of the population of Central Asia was by that founder of the Achaemenid empire, fell in 530 B. C.
time entirely Iranian-speaking, both the oases- in a battle with the Massagetae headed by their
dwellers and the tribes of horsemen living in the vast queen Tomyris. In the end, the areas where the
open spaces of the steppes, whose sudden raids often nomads lived remained largely independent, but
terrorised the former. Economic development, accu- most of the settled oases were included in the new
muladon of wealth, and the growing gap between 5 state’s satrapies. The Bactrian satrapy, presumably the rich and the poor stimulated the tendency to- | one of the most important, was often governed by a wards the creation of larger political units. .» member of the ruling dynasty. The satrapies paid
The epico-heroic tradition of the East Iranian J the central government taxes and sent military con- tribes, partially surviving in the Avesta, throws light | tingents to the Persian army, and the local nobility on some aspects of that process. An ancient hymn n helped to collect the taxes and levy the troops, which dedicated to the god Mithra mentions “the ruler of | accelerated the growth of social differentiation and all rulers” - apparently a chieftain who headed, for a i. class conflicts in society. When Darius acceded to the time at least, several oases. The text goes on to de- f' throne in 522 B. C., revolts and separatist move- scribe Mithra himself riding a fast steed and looking * ments enveloped almost the whole of the Achae- down from high mountains on the fertile “Aryan | menid empire, including the Transcaspian satrapies, land”-Sogd, Margiana, Khorezm (a region in the £ The fighting was particularly fierce in Margiana,
139
where the Margianans lost 55,000 dead and 6,500
prisoners in one battle. Although these figures are
most likely exaggerated, there can be little doubt but
that the revolt in Margiana was a mass popular
movement.
After the dramatic events of the first years of membership in the Achaemenid empire, the 5th cen¬ tury saw the beginning of a period of relative calm in the eastern satrapies. Cities developed, particularly Marakanda, the capital of Sogdiana which lay in the valley of the Zeravshan on the site of modern Samar¬ kand. Various crafts flourished, and regular trade routes between different countries became estab¬ lished, for the protection of which the Achaemenid government showed special zeal. One of such routes led across Bactria to India. Bactria may have begun to mint its own coin. Local traditions, going back to the Altin-depe civilisation, remained the basis of the culture of settled oases, but they were enriched by stronger contacts with other countries. Coins from Greek cities, including Athens, reached the local markets at that time, as Greek objects of art probab¬ ly did, too. The local rulers built monumental palaces following the canons of the imperial capital Persepolis.
After a prolonged Graeco-Persian confrontation, the declining Achaemenid empire was shattered by Alexander the Great’s army. But the lucky con¬ queror had to fight hard to keep his hold over the vast territories he had seized, and his greatest diffi¬ culties were in Central Asia. Bessus, the last Achae¬ menid satrap of Bactria, hurried to declare himself “king of Asia”, and tried to organise a new state on the basis of the eastern satrapies, but things did not even come to a military encounter here. Hearing of the approach of a Graeco-Macedonian force, Bessus fled but was soon handed over to Alexander by his own confederates. However, Graeco-Macedonians ran into serious resistance at Sogd, where repeated j revolts led by Spitamenes, an energetic Sogdian ^ nobleman, shook the country for nearly three years (329-327 B.C.).
Alexander’s policy of achieving a rapprochement ~ between the Hellenic and Oriental parts of his vast s: empire was implemented in Central Asia. He began | to include Sogdian and Bactrian contingents in his 3 army, and his marriage to Roxana, daughter of the j noble Bactrian Oxiartes, was both a romantic and a s political act. Vigorous construction was begun; £
cities were founded in Bactria, Sogd and Parthia
(areas of modern southern Turkmenistan and north¬
eastern Iran) which were called Alexandrias.
After the death of Alexander the Great, Central Asia became part of one of the states that arose on the ruins of the new empire which never got on its feet. That state was the new empire of the Seleucids, of which the centre was Babylon and which extended its rule to Bactria c. 305 B. C. Following in Alexander’s footsteps, the Seleucids tried to gain support among the upper strata of the population of the conquered countries, stimulating the develop¬ ment of local economy and culture.
In the Seleucids’ eastern possessions the chief pro¬ ponent of that policy was Antiochus I, the son of the empire’s founder Seleucus. In 289 B. C. he was appointed joint ruler with his father and was given the satrapies east of the Euphrates. Antiochus took vigorous measures to restore the economy. He rebuilt the capital of Margiana, which was named Antiochia of Margiana, and the entire oasis was sur¬ rounded by a wall 250 kilometres long to protect it against the nomads’ raids. Other cities and settle¬ ments were also fortified or built anew, and the in¬ flux of colonists begun under Alexander continued. Silver coins were minted in Bactria under Antiochus which followed the Greek weight standard and the local face-values. After several decades of tribula¬ tions, a period of relative stability came to Central Asia. At the same time, political authority was just as alien to the majority of the local population as un¬ der the Achaemenids and Alexander. The tendency towards political independence became stronger with the rise of the local economy. The Seleucids, too, mostly saw their eastern satrapies merely as a source of money and military contingents for their wars in the west. A combination of diverse interests and aspirations gradually led to the formation of in¬ dependent states in Central Asia.
C. 250 B. C., the Bactrian satrap Diodotus de¬ clared himself an independent ruler. Nearly simul¬ taneously, Parthia broke with the Seleucids, too. The new historical period of independent existence of Central Asian states began. There were three major states of this kind: Parthia, which arose as an independent state in the south-west of Central Asia but soon became a world empire with its principal centres far in the west, in Iran and Mesopotamia; the Graeco-Bactrian kingdom, a kind of Hellenist
outpost in the east; and the Kushan empire, pow- At the same time it was an important stage in the
erful and very little studied so far yet fascinating in development of Bactrian civilisation. Hellenic cul- its unusual richness and diversity of monuments of ture made a strong impact on the original substra- culture and art. turn of the ancient local traditions. The role of Greek
Graeco-Bactria occupied a special position among culture and language were particularly great in Bac- these states. Its policy, history and culture mani- tria. Significantly, the Indian ruler Ashoka, who fested especially clearly the fusion and creative inter- temporarily established his rule over some regions action between the Hellenic and Oriental principles south of Hindu Kush, inscribed an edict on the rocks which ultimately created the unique aura of Hel- addressed to the local population in which two kinds lenism. Graeco-Bactria’s political history abounds in of script were used Aramaic, employed in Achae- dynamic events. Its first ruler Diodotus endeavoured menid offices, and Greek, introduced by Alexander to create dynastic traditions, and called his son Dio- and the Seleucids. On the right bank of the Amu dotus as well. But c. 230 B.C., Diodotus II was Darya, at the mouth of its tributary Kunduz, exca- deposed and assassinated, along with his whole vations at the Ai Khanoum site have revealed the family, by Euthydemus. The Seleucid ruler Antio- ruins of a city founded by Greek colonists. In anti- chus III was at the time making desperate efforts to quity the city was apparently called Alexandria restore the former might of the empire. During his Oxiana, from Oxus, the ancient name of the Amu campaign in the east, he spent two years on a futile Darya. There is no doubt about the Hellenic nature siege of the city of Bactria, the capital of the Graeco- of the city. There was a gymnasium here, and in- Bactrian kingdom, and had to be satisfied with a scriptions were found in it dedicated to Hermes and treaty of cooperation. Euthydemus’s son Demetrius Heracles. A peristyle court has been excavated in the crossed the Hindu Kush and conquered some prov- administrative centre, the four porticoes of which inces of the Indian kingdom of Maurya. The lucky had 116 stone columns with capitals in a style close ruler had coins stamped with a portrait of himself to the Corinthian order. The inscriptions found by wearing a ceremonial helmet in the shape of an ele- the archaeologists include copies of Delphian aphor-
phant’s head. Sensitive to the feelings of his new sub- isms. But there is also evidence of interpenetration of jects, he put Indian inscriptions along with the the cultural traditions. Thus the mighty mudbrick
Greek ones on the coins. But the situation in Bactria walls of the fortress are obviously a development of itself was not stable, and c. 171, when Demetrius the local monumental architecture. The buildings of was still in India, power in the metropolis was seized the administrative centre include an 18-column hall
by Eucratides, presumably one of the generals. The built in the traditions of the Achaemenid palatial
latter seems to have been active on many fronts, architecture. Apart from marble sculpture, there
fighting, among other enemies, Parthia on his west- were also statues at Ai Khanoum made of gypsum
ern frontiers, which was then gathering strength, but and clay. Clay sculpture is a purely Oriental feature, in the end he was defeated. C. 155, he was killed by not a Greek one. The interaction of the two cultures his son Heliocles, as he returned from one of his cam- was a characteristic feature of Bactria in the 3rd and paigns. The new usurper was the last major ruler of 2nd centuries B. C., although the two traditions Graeco-Bactria, and his rule did not last long at g often developed along parallel lines. The coins of that. Between 140 and 130 B. C., nomadic tribes in- f Graeco-Bactrian kings were remarkable specimens vading from the north put an end to Graeco-Bactria p» of the art of medal-making.
as a major power. J Parthia existed much longer as an independent
This kaleidoscope of coups and conspiracies | state than the Graeco-Bactrian kingdom. Parthia’s should not eclipse certain more fundamental pro- o independence from the Seleucids was originally pro¬ cesses. The Graeco-Bactrian period was marked by | claimed, as in Bactria, by the local satrap, whose intense city building. Abundance of Graeco-Bac- ^ name was Andragoras. But soon the country was trian coins points to well-developed trade. It was in » overrun by the neighbouring nomadic tribes, whose the Graeco-Bactrian period that Bactria, formerly a /_ ruler Arsaces assumed the title of king in 247. The rich agricultural area with isolated urban centres, subsequent rulers of Parthia adopted Arsaces as one became a country of advanced trade and crafts. § of their throne names. Originally, the new state was
not large, including, apart from Parthia proper, the and the rise of handicrafts and money circulation. In neighbouring Hyrcania (a region adjoining the Parthyene itself, the best-known city was Nisa, south-eastern Caspian). However, under Mithrida- whose ruins lie not far from modern Ashkhabad, tes I (c. 171-138 B. C.) Parthia began vigorously The royal palace and the tombs of the elder Arsacids expanding towards the west as far as Mesopotamia, lay next to the city proper. Intense economic devel- ultimately becoming a major world power. The opment made an impact on the social relations, too. Parthian period in the history of Iran and Mesopo- Slave labour played a great role in the economy,
tamia is one of its more striking chapters. The According to law children of slaves remained slaves,
ancient homeland in the north-east of the Parthian The position of ordinary commoners, who paid high empire was now only one of its important centres. taxes to the state, was hard, too. Cultivation ofland The powerful movement of nomadic tribes which by commoners was regarded as a duty to the state had brought down Graeco-Bactria also affected and was strictly controlled. The system of govern- Parthia’s eastern regions. Two Parthian kings fell in ment required a smooth working of the administrat-
the hard struggle against the nomads; only under ive and fiscal machinery. As shown by the numerous
Mithridates II (123-87 B. C.) was that constant economic records found in the Nisa excavations, threat localised, and a special province set aside for detailed records were kept of the payments in kind the invading tribes which was called Sakastan coming from the commoners’ lands and temple and
(modern Seistan). In the long-drawn-out confron- royal estates. Each record indicated the year when tation with Rome, Parthia often suffered military the supplies came and the name of the official in and political defeats at the hands of this strong and charge.
highly experienced rival, who also claimed suprem- Cultural achievements were especially significant,
acy in the Near East. After prolonged internecine In Parthia, just as in neighbouring Bactria, the tra- strife, Artabanus III, a member of the so-called ditions of the local civilisation of the early Oriental
younger Arsacid dynasty, came to power in Parthia type blended with Hellenic cultural features. Thus
in A. D. 11, supported by the nomadic tribes of its two cultural traditions can clearly be traced in the deep-lying regions. royal residence in the area of Nisa which was called
At the end of the 1st and the beginning of the 2nd in antiquity Mithridatekert (“built by Mithri-
century A. D., Parthian empire went into a de- dates”; now the Old Nisa site). The monumental
cline-a process paralleled by the growing indepen- mudbrick architecture, the heavy ground plans of
dence of the various provinces headed by the the square ceremonial halls, the Zoroastrian names
members of the numerous Arsacid clan or other in the documents of the palace archives and the noble Parthian families. Hyrcania also showed a ten- Zoroastrian calendar point to the deep-lying local dency towards separatism, sending its ambassadors roots of this culture. The records are kept in Parth- directly to Rome. A dynasty in its own right asserted ian, in an Aramaic script, which became widespread itself in Margiana; its first king Sanabares called in the Achaemenid epoch, adapted to the Parthian himself by the same title as the ruling Arsacid, i. e., language; the records directly borrow cliches from “the king of kings”. The power of the Margianan the bureaucratese of that preceding period. At the ruler may have extended to Parthyene, or Parthia same time, the architectural decor widely uses the proper, where coins of Margianan minting are often splendid capitals of the Corinthian order decorated found. Some sources also report that in the west ~ with an acanthus leaves design, and marble statues Margiana bordered on Hyrcania, so that the lands in the best traditions of Hellenistic sculpture are car- of Parthyene must have been under the rule of the efully preserved in the royal treasure-house. Ori- Margianan “king of kings”. This semi-independence ^ ginally, the inscriptions on the coins minted in of the eastern Parthian provinces apparently con- Parthia were also in Greek only. Evidence of the syn- tinued until the fall of Arsacid Parthia in the 220s, a. thesis of these two cultural traditions is also found in when it was shattered by Ardashir, the founder of a 3 the large ivory drinking horns or rhytons discovered new and powerful Sassanid dynasty. at Mithridatekert. The form of these vessels is tradi-
The Parthian period in south-western Central ^ tionally Oriental but some motifs of ornamentation Asia was marked by the development of urban life ! are undoubtedly Greek, including those on the
142
friezes portraying twelve Olympian deities and Kanishka, but there is little agreement among
Artemis the Huntress. After the beginning of the researchers on the time of his reign. The most likely
Christian era a kind of Oriental reaction to Hel- period is the first third of the 2nd century A. D.
lenism set in, and the properly Parthian, Oriental Under Kanishka, the centre of the Kushan empire
canons asserted themselves, while Greek motifs definitely moved towards the Indian possessions,
appeared in modified form. Parthian inscriptions on and Purushapura (modern Peshawar) became its coins, gradually ousted Greek ones, the latter capital.
becoming more and more indistinct and distorted. Since Kushan possessions bordered on Parthia in
Similar changes took place at nearly the same the west and Han China in the east, military con-
time in the culture of Bactria, where the Kushan flicts with these states were not infrequent. Before
kingdom was coming into being. Originally, the core the emergence of the Kushan state, Parthian pre-
of the Kushan state was Bactria. Graeco-Bactria was sence in Bactria was considerable, as was reflected in
supplanted by small political unions, including pos- the spreading of Parthian coins and in cultural in¬ sessions of the nomadic chieftains who had brought fluences. But later the relations on the western
down the power of the Graeco-Bactrian kings. These borders of Kushana were stabilised and remained so
nomads rather rapidly assimilated the traditions of a during several centuries. Late in the 1st and early settled culture, showing themselves to be industrious 2nd century A. D., there was some hard fighting in
and intelligent workers. In the 1st century B. C., eastern Turkistan, where the Kushan army stopped
they built new canals and cities, creating whole the Han expansion.
farming oases. Soon one of their chieftains, named Later, the Kushan kingdom suffered a defeat in
Heraius, had his image as an armed horseman the conflict with the Sassanian state which replaced
stamped on the large silver coins of the realm accom- Parthia. Especially important were the events of the
panied by an inscription in Greek, the whole mid-4th century A. D., when the Sassanian troops
symbolising, as it were, the link between the noma- invaded the territory of Bactria, and Sassanian gov-
dic traditions and the Hellenistic state. Even more ernors in the east adopted the titles of “the king of interesting is the fact that he calls himself a the Kushan” and even “the great king of the
“Kushan”. Further growth of Heraius’s small pos- Kushans”. That was the end of a once great empire,
session ultimately led to the creation of the enormous Some of the Kushan possessions remained indepen- Kushan empire. dent, and at the end of the 4th and beginning of the
Its founder was Kadphizes I, who established his 5th centuries they even had a period of resurgence,
rule over four small principalities of nomadic tribes when cities were rebuilt, dilapidated fortifications
on Bactrian territory, first pushing back and then repaired, and palaces erected. But the unified
conquering the last Greek dynasts. As a result, the Kushan state, whose territory once stretched from
whole of Bactria was united under a single ruler, the Ganges to the Amu Darya, no longer existed, who adopted the magnificent title of “the king of Presently, incursions of nomadic tribes and new kings”. These events assumedly happened in the 1st pressure from the Sassanids resulted in the downfall
century A. D. The new empire expanded along the of the late Kushan rulers, too.
traditional route south beyond the Hindu Kush 5 The Kushans inherited Bactria’s well-developed passes, where Kadphizes I asserted his dominion | agriculture based on artificial irrigation, with its over several provinces. The minting of coins with In- °= attendant high population density. Intense develop- dian inscriptions shows that lands with Indian popu- J ment of trade and crafts facilitated a further rise in lation now formed part of his possessions. Under | urban life. The role of money relations in trade kept Kadphizes I, Bactria formed the core of the Kushan p growing, as shown by hundreds of Kushan small empire, of which Bactria was most likely the capital. | copper coins used in retail trading, found in abun- Kushan territory was further expanded under Kad- dance in the excavations of both major centres and phizes II, son and successor of the founder of the “ small settlements. New cities emerged and the old state, who annexed a large part of north-western * centres expanded. There are grounds to believe that India. .f a considerable proportion of Bactria’s inhabitants
The best known among Kushan rulers was § lived in urban-type settlements. Particularly inter-
esting are cities built on the rectangular plan under the world of the nomadic Asian tribes’ artistic cul-
the aegis of central authority, such as Zar-tepe and ture and is close to the works of Sarmatian art.
Dalverzin in northern Bactria and Begram and Dyl- Another group of themes represents the purely an-
berdjin in the southern part of it. They offer evi- tique line, as, for instance, the figure of a warrior in
dence of clearcut town-building and fortification ceremonial armour of the Macedonian type, a
canons. woman riding a lion, or a jolly Silenus with a rhyton
Kushan cities, both large and small, old and in his hands. Many of the complex groups and scenes
newly built, formed a whole system, being linked by have not been properly interpreted so far.. Presuma-
roads and caravan routes. Commercial links with bly they reproduce local Bactrian themes combined
the Roman empire, and in particular with its eastern with Hellenistic and Indian influences. From the
provinces, figured especially prominently in trade evidence of the coins, the burials may be dated to the
relations. The trade was conducted along land and 1st century B. C. or the first half of the 1st century
sea routes; the latter began in the western ports of A. D. We have here an early stage of cultural integ-
Hindustan. The land route led north across the Fer- ration, in which the sources of the remarkable
ghana valley to China. The commodities travelling Kushan culture lie. Kushan cities became the car-
along these trading routes were numerous and var- riers of the new cultural standards represented by
ied. Spices, perfumes, precious stones, ivory, and stable assemblages ranging from everyday utensils to
.sugar were carried to Rome. Of particular impor- cultic objects. This urbanised culture and money
tance was trade in rice and cotton wares. Silk, relations also penetrated into rural areas,
leather and other goods were in transit from China. During the Kushan period, Buddhism became
The greatest international trade artery of those times widespread, and its monuments are found in all the
was sometimes even called “the great silk route”. corners of the vast empire. As a rule, they are gener-
Textiles and clothes suited to the local tastes, glass- ously decorated with sculptures, reliefs and paint-
ware and jewelry, statues and wines were brought ings. A Buddhist cave monastery is situated at Kara-
from Rome. Gold and silver Roman coins came to tepe near Termez, which was the capital of northern
the local markets in large numbers and often occur Bactria. A number of buildings on the surface and
in the treasure-troves found on the territory of the cave cells were located here. Fajas-tepe, another
Kushan empire. monastery in the neighbourhood of Termez, is built
Probably the most significant achievement of the entirely on the ground. Its focus is a court with cells Kushan times was high level of culture. Kushan cul- and chapels at the sides and a hall for general meet-
ture, with all its variation of time and place, was a ings in the centre. Fajas-tepe is abundantly orna-
creative blend of the achievements of the local civili- mented with painted clay sculpture and pictures, in
sation of the ancient Oriental type, the life-giving which the figures of the donators show obvious in¬
principles of Hellenism, the sophistication of Indian fluences of the Hellenistic psychological portrait. A art, and the dashing style contributed by the nomad- Buddhist shrine containing gypsum sculpture has
ic tribes from the Asian steppes. The initial stage of been discovered in the suburb of Dalverzin. The
that syncretic Kushan art is well represented by the ruins of a stupa, another type of Buddhist monu-
materials from noblemen’s burials discovered by ments, have also been discovered on the territory of
Soviet archaeologists on the Tillya-tepe site in south- j Bactria. These are monumental dome-shaped build- ern Bactria. The bodies were entombed in rich ~ ings of mudbrick. Of considerable interest are in¬ clothes adorned in gold designs. Stamped and cast ^ scriptions in the Brahmi and Kharoshthi script dis- gold buckles, plates, dagger sheaths, and pendants | covered at Kara-tepe and Fajas-tepe. They are were profusely ornamented with insets of pearl, tur- ~ written in Prakrit or the Middle Indian language, qoise, and lapis lazuli. There are traces here of |_: Soviet scholars and the Hungarian scientist J. Har- several artistic traditions which affected early | maua have shown that the names of various Budd- Kushan culture. Thus the motifs and the manner of 5 hist schools occur in the inscriptions. Borrowed from execution of scenes of fighting animals rolled into a ^ India, Buddhism assumed original forms in Central single tangle, the tense and expressive figures of ani- ^ Asia, where Indian Buddhist traditions were com- mals, and the winged dragons-all this leads us into t bined with local ones, as can be seen from the sculp-
144
ture and architecture of the monasteries, and from rulers on its territory minted coins imitating those of
bilingual inscriptions in Bactrian and Indian. the Graeco-Bactrian kingdom. In the 1st century
Patronising Buddhism, Rushan rulers endeav- B. C., inscriptions on coins began to be made in Ara-
oured at the same time to assert the authority of maic script adapted to the Sogdian language. It is
secular power. The Surkh-kotal shrines in northern difficult to say just how great was the power of the
Afghanistan, south of Puli-humri, are monuments of rulers who struck these coins, but at least one of
such a dynastic cult. The main temple with its fire them proudly called himself “the king of kings”. In
altar stood on a high hill fortified by a wall, with a the first centuries A. D. the culture of Sogdiana was
long staircase leading up to them. An inscription affected by the Rushan cultural standards, and the
found here gives the name of the whole complex country was apparently politically dependent on the
the Temple of Ranishka the Victorious. The early powerful neighbour.
Rushan palace at Rhalchayan in northern Ba'ctria Rhorezm, lying on the lower Amu Darya, occu-
also represents a dynastic cult. A sculptured frieze pies a special place in the ancient history of Central
reproduces heroicised images of noble personages, Asia. The country became independent of the
apparently members of the local ruling dynasty. Achaemenid kingdom as early as the 5th century
Some of the sculptures obviously convey individu- B. C., and in 329-328 B. C. the Rhorezmian king
alised features, but not the inner world of the person Pharasmanes arrived for negotiations with Alex-
portrayed. ander the Great accompanied by a cavalry unit of
Along with official cults and religions, there were 1,500. At that time, a well-developed urban culture
mass popular beliefs in the Rushan kingdom. already existed at Rhorezm. Soon after, probably
Numerous terracotta figurines found both in the during nomadic confederations’move south towards
cities and in rural settlements are linked with these Parthia and Graeco-Bactria, a dynasty of nomadic
popular beliefs. There are not many Buddhist effi- origin became established here. In any case, when
gies among them. The most favourite subjects were the first local coins were minted in the 1st century
female deities wearing clothes falling in heavy folds A. D., the figure of the mounted ruler was stamped
and holding a cult vessel or sacred fruit. They are on the reverse. Rushan coins also occur on Rhorezm
most likely some version of the female patroness of territory, but the minting of the local coin was
fertility and of the home hearth. That must be the apparently never interrupted. The type site of a city
reason why such figurines occur in each house. in ancient Rhorezm is Toprak-kala. Its most impor-
Another type of objects of mass popular culture is tant part was a citadel on a high brick platform,
terracotta figurines of horsemen or just saddled with a palace complex of ceremonial halls and a
horses reminders of the founders of the Rushan number of auxiliary buildings. The halls were pro¬ empire and symbol of its principal armed force. fusely decorated with frescoes and clay sculpture.
Rushan cultural standards exerted a significant in- The decorations show traces of the influence of the
fluence on the neighbouring countries and peoples. Hellenistic portrait school as well as of Rushan stan-
In particular, this influence is observed in Sog- dards and even, in the reliefs of grazing deer, the im-
diana, yet another important region of ancient Cen- pact of the artistic style of the steppe nomads. The tral Asia, which included fertile oases in the valleys p city itself was built on a gridiron plan with longitu- of the Rashkadarya and Zeravshan. It appears that | dinal and transverse streets dividing the space within Sogdiana was included in the Seleucids’ empire and a. the rectangle into regular quarters consisting in their
the Graeco-Bactrian kingdom. Citadel walls and j turn of separate households. Business records were
other structures of that time have been discovered on | found in the palace complex made in Aramaic script
the site of its capital Marakanda (whose ruins, p popular in the Orient and adapted to the Rhorez-
known as Afrasiab, lie on the outskirts of modern | mian language. The records list, in particular, the
Samarkand). Its culture, pottery included, is _ members of “house families”, that is, presumably, marked by the influence of Greek models; there is a s large family communities occupying the separate Greek inscription on one of the cups found here. houses of the Toprak-kala quarters or sections.
Sogdiana seems to have fallen under the rule of | There were between 20 and 40 persons in each such nomadic tribes even earlier than Bactria. Several | household. The households had slaves, sometimes in
considerable numbers-up to 12 persons. At present, ancient civilisation and the disintegration of its Soviet scholars are preparing the publication and socioeconomic foundations.
translation of the numerous Khorezmian docu- The cultural heritage of the ancient epochs made
ments. a considerable influence on the subsequent develop-
It is thus clear that the ancient Central Asian civi- ment of the Central Asian civilisation. Many ancient
lisation can be described as the sum of the achieve- attainments in both material and nonmaterial cul-
ments of a number of local cultures Bactrian, ture were preserved and developed during centuries.
Parthian, Sogdian and Khorezmian. It was proba- The ancient civilisations of Central Asia also
bly within these countries that the ancient ethnic made a considerable impact on the other regions of groups merged to form the separate peoples-Bac- the ancient Orient (especially India, Iran, China,
trians, Parthians, Sogdians and Khorezmians. The and eastern Turkistan) and the Graeco-Roman
main cultural achievements were brought about by world. Central Asian states stubbornly resisted the the development of the cities. In the 4th and 5th cen- expansion of the Greek and Roman empires and
turies A. D., the main cities in all the provinces de- even, as in the case of Parthia, competed with them,
dined and were replaced by fordfied manors and The cultural synthesis of the local Central Asian
castles. In the view of Soviet historians, these and Graeco-Roman traditions showed great original- ■ q
changes were brought about not only by the incur- ity, producing remarkable specimens of art and
sions of the nomadic tribes of the Chionites and architecture. This civilisation is one of the most in- I
Hephtalites but also by an internal crisis within the teresting chapters in the history of the ancient Orient. ■ I
v
t
(
a
f
Chapter 9
The Old Indian Civilisation
The Indian civilisation was one of the oldest and
most original in the East. Its contribution to the cul¬
ture of humankind is immense. Already in antiquity
India was known as “the country of sages”. At a
very early stage, ancient India maintained close cul¬
tural contacts with many countries of the ancient
Orient and with the Graeco-Roman world. The
achievements of the Indian civilisation made a signi¬
ficant impact on Arabic and Iranian culture. Many
ancient writers and philosophers travelled to India
to study Indian culture and the Indians’ original
views of the universe and the place of man in it. But
a scientific study of its history and culture only
began in the late 18th century. William Jones,
founder of the Bengal Asiatic Society (1784), is
regarded as the father of modern Indology. He was
the first to translate the monuments of ancient In¬
dian literature from Sanskrit into English. Grad¬
ually, several Indological schools-English, Ger¬
man, French, and Dutch-took shape in Western
Europe.
Unfortunately, the scientific study of Indian cul¬ ture in the 19th and early 20th centuries had a strong European bias. Many Indian phenomena were declared to have been borrowed from the West, and the development of state and society in ancient India were assessed tendentiously, from the positions of “European education”.
Many West European scholars wrote, with co¬ lonialist prejudice, of the backwardness of Indian culture, its predominantly spiritualist character, and of the passivity of the Indians. These views were, in fact, a justification of the British rule in India.
Russian Indologists took a different approach to
the assessment of the Indian cultural heritage.
Rejection of any bias and a profound respect for the
people of India and its ancient culture have always
been the distinguishing features of the Russian Indo¬
logical school. I. P. Minayev, S. F. Oldenburg,
and F. I. Shcherbatskoy made outstanding contri¬
butions to the study of India. Their works on old In¬
dian literature and India’s philosophy and religions
have not lost their significance even in these days.
I. P. Minayev (1840-1890), one of the first Russian
Indologists and a profound scholar of old Indian cul¬
ture, always defended the country’s independence
and supported the progressive forces fighting against
British colonialism.
Indian scholars, who saw the protection of their ancient culture as a form of fighting for national liberation, have made a great contribution to the study of ancient India.
A new stage in the study of the ancient Indian civilisation began after India attained national inde¬ pendence. Indian archaeologists carried out impor¬ tant excavations in various parts of the country, dis¬ covering many monuments of material culture; Indian historians published fundamental works on various aspects of the history and culture of ancient S' India. At present, the first pages of the country’s his¬ torical chronicle have been given a basically differ- ? ent interpretation, and the stages of the formation g and development of civilisation in India have been 5- defined with greater precision.
1 The results of archaeological excavations indicate P that India was settled in remote antiquity. Early g Palaeolithic cultures have been discovered in differ- ! ent regions. The development of economic and
147
10 *
social relations determined the transition from the Its discovery and study permitted a new interpre-
Palaeolithic to the Mesolithic and later the Neolithic tation of early Indian history. Some views had to be
periods, whose monuments have been found in var- modified, others rejected out of hand. It is now im-
ious parts of Hindustan. As early as the 7th and 6th possible to assert, as some authors did, before the
millennia B. C., farming cultures existed in Baluchis- study of the monuments of the Harappa culture,
tan whose founders knew many cereals, practised the that civilisation was brought to India from the out-
crafts, and made objects of art. The latest excava- side, by Indo-Aryan or Sumerian tribes. At present,
tions at Mehrgarh (in modern Pakistan, by a French the Harappa civilisation is seen as a highly devel-
expedition) have revealed a successive development oped and locally based entity in no way inferior to
of local cultures from the pre-ceramic Neolithic to the other civilisations of the ancient Orient (say,
the Chalcolithic epoch, necessitating a revision of Egyptian or Mesopotamian)-it was even in some
the traditional viewpoint concerning the relatively ways superior to them.
late (4th millennium B. C.) origin of the settled Springing from the local cultures, it gradually
farming cultures in Hindustan. It is now clear that evolved into an urban civilisation. A sudden appear-
as early as the 7th millennium B. C. the local popu- ance of a well-developed civilisation (a view preva-
lation cultivated many cereals, domesticated cattle, lent not long ago) is decidedly out of the question,
and established close contacts with the contempor- Through a long and natural process, farming cul-
aneous cultures of Iran and Central Asia. Thus In- tures of the pre-urban type developed into an urban
dia became one of the fountainheads of civilisation culture, both pre- and early-Harappan settlements
side by side with the most ancient Oriental cultures. in the Indus valley being fairly advanced. The Har-
Our knowledge of the ethnic map of early India is appa civilisation absorbed all the achievements of
still fragmentary. The country’s north-west was the previous epochs, but it was a qualitatively new
apparently settled by Dravidian-speaking tribes, stage in the historical process,
whose domain was gradually expanded as they As long as excavations were restricted to the Indus
moved to Deccan and southern India. Anthropolo- valley, archaeologists believed that the Harappa cul-
gically, that population was Caucasoid. In the ture’s areal was limited to that region, too. Now
south, Australoid tribes lived before their arrival Harappan settlements have been discovered over a
that were similar to Sri Lanka’s Veddas. Judging vast territory measuring 1,100 kilometres north to
from palaeoanthropological materials, eastern India south and more than 1,600 kilometres west to east,
was inhabited by Caucasoids, with significant Aus- After the Harappa and Mohenjo-Daro excava-
traloid admixtures. Linguistically, the ancient tribes tions, the view gained currency that these two cities of the east belonged to the Austroasiatic language were two capitals greatly surpassing all the others
family and were ancestral to the Mundas. both in size and level of development. Major Harap-
One of the most striking chapters in the history of pan cities have now been discovered in other parts of
ancient Indian culture was the Harappa civilisation. India as well. It has been reckoned that up to
100,000 lived in the largest of them. At that time, cities were centres of crafts, trade and administ- The Harappa Civilisation. When the British general ration, but the majority of the population, who were
A. Cunningham, who conducted archaeological > farmers and livestock-breeders, continued to live in excavations in India, discovered a seal with un- ^ rural communities.
known signs during an examination of a site at Har- " The chronology of the Harappa civilisation is a appa (northern Pakistan) in the 1850s, he was un- g matter of considerable controversy, but the most
doubtedly unaware of the importance of his dis- ~ widely accepted dating is 2500 (2300)-1800 (1700)
covery. Before the systematic excavations begun in |. B. C.
the 1920s by Indian and later British archaeologists | Precise planning in town-building, monumental in the Indus valley (the digs at Harappa and a architecture, the existence of writing, of a weights Mohenjo-Daro, “the city of the dead” in Sindhi), (j and measures system, and of art works are all indica-
archaeologists knew practically nothing of the * tions of a high level of the Harappa culture. Excava-
remarkable civilisation now termed Harappan. | tions at the major centres have shown that Harap-
148
pans’ cities were laid out on a grid plan, with the and painted. Their ornamental designs were varied,
main streets up to 10 metres wide. Almost all the including vegetable and animal motifs, hatching,
major cities consisted of two parts the citadel rising etc.
above the city, and the “lower town”. The dwellings But the population’s principal occupation was
of the city’s rulers were apparently in the citadel agriculture. Harappans cultivated wheat (of several
(some scholars believe that the priest’s houses were varieties), barley, peas, and grew fruit. Rice has
also there), while most of the population lived in the been found in some settlements. Irrigation was
“lower town”. The intercourse between the two widely used in river valleys. Animals were domesti-
parts was, judging from the excavations, limited : the cated, such as the dog, the cat, and the donkey; cat-
citadel gates could be closed to lock the common tie, sheep and goats were reared. Harappans gath-
people out. Well-to-do citizens lived in two- and ered in two harvests annually, and used fertiliser,
even three-storey homes. Both baked brick and Harappan cities were major centres of trade, both
mudbrick were used in house construction. Mud- domestic and external. Judging by finds of seals in
brick buildings offered protection against the tropi- Mesopotamian cities, trade with that area was par-
cal heat. Each household had auxiliary premises- ticularly lively. The trade routes apparently lay both
kitchens, closets, pantries, and special rooms for across land and sea. Excavations on Bahrain Islands
performing ablutions. The dwellings clearly show have shown that it was a kind of staging post. Here,
marks of social differentiation: the poor lived in merchants from India must have met those going
hovels. from Mesopotamia to the East. The discovery of a
The systems of water supply and drainage were port and docks at Lothal (a Harappan city not far
worked out in detail. Dirty water flowed into settling from modern Bombay) and pictures on Harappan
basins, then into canals and beyond the city limits. seals of ships with mast rigging point to the existence
The settling basins and canals were cleaned regu- of sea trading.
larly. There were wells in the streets, and rainwater Recent excavations in Soviet Central Asia and
was collected in special reservoirs. The whole system Afghanistan show that the Harappa civilisation
was more advanced than in ancient Egypt or Meso- had close links with these areas, too. Soviet archae-
potamia. The Indians were very keen on hygiene ologists working under Professor V. Masson have
already in hoary antiquity, realising the harm that found a number of typically Harappan objects from
can be done by accumulations of sewage and the the period of Harappa’s heyday in the south of
resultant epidemics. Turkmenia (the Altin-depe site, not far from the
Apart from the living quarters, archaeologists modern city of Merv). The most curious of these
have discovered public buildings in the Harappan finds was a Harappan seal with an inscription con-
cities-an enormous granary on a brick platform, sisting of two signs. A “Harappan factory” was dis-
with special platforms for thrashing, a public swim- covered by the French expedition in northern
ming pool 11.9 metres long, 7 metres wide, and 2,4 Afghanistan.
metres deep, with a bitumen-covered bottom, the The Harappan language and writing system are
city market place, and what looks like a temple. perhaps the most difficult riddles of the Harappan
Artisans specialising in the various crafts-metal civilisation. More than 1,000 seals with inscriptions
workers, jewelers, potters, engravers in ivory toiled __ have been found. Inscriptions were also made on in Harappan cities. Bronze and copper were the ^ pottery and metal wares. Scholars have identified principal metals of which weapons, agricultural ? 400 different signs, but the sources of that writing
tools, instruments, and even objects of art were system and the language spoken by the Harappans made. Stone was still an important material in tool- ? are a matter of acute debate. All kinds of hypotheses making, and iron was not yet known. g have been suggested, including conjectures about
Weaving flourished. Spindle whorls have been g- the connections between the Harappan writing sys- found in nearly every house. Archaeologists have 1 tern and that of the Easter Island, the Hittite hiero- also been lucky to have discovered small bits of cot- 0 glyphic writing, the Semitic script, etc. ton fabric. Harappan potters were expert profes- f Opinions about the Harappan language vary just sionals. Vessels were made on potter’s wheels, baked | as widely. Some Indian scholars believe that it was
149
Sanskrit, as they assume that India was the home¬ land of the Indo-Aryan peoples. In recent years, new methods have been applied to the decoding of the Harappan writing and language based on computer techniques (work was done simultaneously by Soviet scholars headed by Professor V. Knorozov, who had obtained excellent results with the Maya writing, and by Indian and Finnish researchers). It has been established that the script was of the right-to-left type, but more important was the confirmation of the previously expressed hypothesis concerning the link between the Harappan language and the proto- Dravidian ancestral to the Dravidian languages spoken in modern southern India. Proceeding from this basic assumption, specialists are now trying to read the inscriptions, although the readings sug¬ gested are so far hypothetical. Unfortunately, no bi¬ lingual inscriptions have yet been found. Such a find would enormously facilitate the solution of the problem.
The conclusion that the Harappan population spoke a language related to the proto-Dravidian raised yet another extremely important problem — that of the Dravidian homeland. The view has been expressed that it lay north of the Indus valley-in south-eastern Iran and southern Central Asia. In any case, the Dravidian-speaking Brahui tribes now inhabiting some areas of Afghanistan and Pakistan are the descendants of the proto-Dravidians who lived in these and the neighbouring districts several millennia ago (apparently in the 4th millennium B. C.)
judging from excavations, by a decline of the cul¬
ture. Its course varied in different regions, and the
reasons may have varied, too (floods, climatic
changes, tectonic phenomena, epidemics, etc.), but
the striking feature is that all the settlements went
into decline at about the same time the 18th and
17th centuries B. C. There may have been one single
underlying cause stemming from the society’s inter¬
nal crisis. Significantly, similar phenomena were
observed in the urban civilisations of south-eastern
Iran and southern Central Asia. It is hard to say
what may have been the cause or causes of this
phenomenon, but they could hardly have been
external.
Some West European scholars, and in particular the famous British archaeologist Mortimer Wheeler, believed the decline of the main centres on the Indus to be due to a mass invasion of Aryan tribes. He cited in particular the fact that the excavations at Mohenjo-Daro have revealed a group of unburied skeletons lying in unnatural postures right in the street. At present, Wheeler’s view finds no sup¬ porters. No traces of mass appearance of foreign tribes have been found. Where features of new cul¬ tures in the later strata of Harappan cities have been identified, they belong as a rule to different types, not to a single stream of Indo-Aryans. Besides, one of Wheeler’s chief arguments has been shattered: the American archaeologist J. Dales has shown that the unburied skeletons belong to different levels (and therefore to different periods). In recent times, anthropologists applied new methods of analysis to
Archaeological materials and impressions on seals these skeletons. In their view, malaria rather than
provide some material on Harappan religious con- violence was the cause of death. This conclusion does
cepts. The abundance of terracotta figurines points not rule out the reality of the arrival of Indo-Aryan
to the cult of the mother-goddess. Harappans also tribes in India, but the historico-linguistic indica-
deified animals and worshipped fire and water. tions are that it happened several centuries later.
Totemistic beliefs were still widespread, as eviden- Besides, the Indo-Aryans first penetrated the eastern ced by the figures of bulls, elephants, crocodiles, j Punjab, not the Indus valley, as is clear from the
rhinoceros, lions and tigers found on seals. Some ~ monuments of Vedic literature, above all from the
scholars see certain figures on the seals as the pro- " Rigveda. That penetration proceeded in waves rather
totypes of the Hinduist god Shiva; the Harappan ! than through a simultaneous mass incursion. Thus
deity is portrayed as having three faces, seated ~ the theory of the Aryan conquest of India, once fash-
in a Yogin’s posture, among animals. If we are s ionable, cannot now be accepted,
to accept this hypothesis, the effect of the Harappa |
civilisation on the subsequent development of India, 5
and above all on Hinduism, is obvious. A The Indo-Aryans and the Formation of States in the Ganges
These features are characteristic of the so-called 7 Valley. Some scholars saw the coming of Indo-Ar- highly developed Harappa which was followed, s’ yans to India as a conquest of backward aborigines
150
by the advanced Aryans, who brought civilisation to the main cause of conflicts between Vedic tribes. India and created a well-developed society. The Ox-drawn carts and horse-drawn chariots were
proponents of this theory also introduced the theme their means of transportation, of the racial difference between the strong and cap- The Vedic tribes lived in small fortified settle-
able Aryans and the peoples of India racially incap- ments which, as archaeological excavations show, in
able of independent development and progress. no way resembled the large cities of the Harappa
According to these totally unscientific theories, class civilisation. With the development of the crafts,
society and the state emerged in India only with the however, cities gradually arose in the Ganges valley,
arrival of the Aryans in India. Various craftsmen are mentioned in the texts, in-
This view has now been abandoned, but many eluding blacksmiths, weavers, carpenters, jewelers,
problems pertaining to the arrival of the Aryans in gunsmiths, etc.
India remain unsolved. According to most scholars Vedic society showed obvious signs of economic
the Indo-Aryans’ earliest written monument, the inequality. There were the rich men possessing con-
Rigveda, should be dated to the 11th or 10th century siderable quantities of cattle, and the poor men.
B. C. The data of Vedic texts are sufficient to trace. The emergence of slavery was a clear indication of
in general outline, the eastward movement of the the development of such economic and social in-
Indo-Aryan tribes and their settlement of the Ganges equality. At first, the slaves ( dasa) were war captives,
valley. It was a long process, lasting several centuries later members of the community were enslaved, and involving military conflicts with the local tribes too.
and among the Indo-Aryan tribes themselves. In that epoch, slavery was as yet undeveloped and
Advancing across wooded terrain was by no patriarchal, as Vedic society was at the stage of tri¬ means an easy undertaking. The Indo-Aryans had bal organisation.
to clear forests, often resorting to burning them-a Vedic tribes lived in communities or ganas; orig-
natural enough process in those times. The principal inally tribal in character, they developed into class
occupations of the Vedic tribes were land cultivation entities. The communities consisted of large patriar-
(very limited at first) and cattle-raising. At the time chal families, or kulas. Consanguine ties were still
they first settled in India, the Indo-Aryans made very strong, and the clan’s influence extended to all
weapons and tools of copper, but later they mastered areas of life. Gradually tribal communities became
the techniques of iron production. Iron tools made it differentiated, economic and social inequality arose,
easier to penetrate into the forest areas of the Ganges and the organs of tribal self-government became
valley, to till the soil and build artificial irrigation those of state power. Judging from the early Vedic
systems. The development of the handicrafts was texts, the ruler or raja was originally elected by the
also spurred on by the introduction of iron. The people apparently meeting in an assembly for that
wooden plough was soon replaced by one with an purpose. There are hymns devoted to the election of
iron blade, which opened up new possibilities for the a ruler. “The people elect you that you should rule,”
tilling of stony soils. says one of the hymns. As the formation of the state is
The Indians of the Vedic epoch knew many ce- a long process, survivals of the old political organisa-
reals, including barley, rice, wheat, and leguminous tion persisted for a long time. Popular assemblies
plants. Rice began to be grown during the settle- continued to play an important role. The tribal host
ment of the Ganges valley. Some scholars believe gradually became a standing army headed by its.
that the Indo-Aryans had not known rice before 3 chief. In battle, the king and the professional war- their arrival in India, and borrowed the art of its riors (Kshatriyas) fought on chariots, and ordinary cultivation from the local tribes. ? commoners on foot. Later, the practice of electing
Along with land cultivation cattle-raising con- g the ruler was replaced by the hereditary principle,
tinued to play a great role in the life of Vedic tribes. =- power being handed down to the elder son as a rule.
Vedic texts often repeat that cattle is man’s principal § The early Vedic ganas evolved into state structures,
wealth. The authors of hymns keep pleading with j? usually embracing small territories. Depending on a
the gods to give them cows. War was seen as a means g number of conditions, they assumed the forms of of getting cows. The capture of cattle was probably I monarchies or republics. However, archaic institu-
tions and features of the primitive communal system Alexander entered Indian territory after winning
survived for a long time, particularly in remote a number of great victories. His immense and well- M;
areas. equippel army was a pledge of fresh success. North- | the
Vedic hymns and epics mention a great many western India was divided into tribal confederations
early dynasties and names of the earliest states in the warring against one another, and there was no unity the
Ganges valley, but the historical reality of these data between the rulers of small states. Some local kings
is highly questionable, as in most cases they are not as, e. g., Taxila’s ruler, formed alliances with Alex-
borne out by archaeological materials. ander in return for a promise of autonomy and
Of the great number of states in the Ganges val- sovereignty over their former possessions. From the
ley, Magadha with time became the most prom- very beginning of his Indian campaign, however,
inent. The position of ancient Magadha (on the ter- Alexander encountered a stubborn resistance from
ritory of modern southern Bihar) was very advanta- the local tribes. Many Indian tribes refused to nego-
geous geographically and commercially. The sources tiate with the Graeco-Macedonians and sometimes I
speak of the fertility of the Magadha lands. The even won victories against superior force,
country conducted a lively trade with many regions The strongest of the Indian rulers of north-west- I
of India and was rich in mineral resources, especially ern India was king Porus, who decided to meet Alex- metals. Its ancient capital was Rajagriha. ander in open battle. The battle occurred on the
Little is known of the dynastic history of bank of the river. Hydaspes (modern Jhelum) and
Magadha. We have some data on king Bimbisara lasted several days. According to Arrian, 30,000
(545/544-493 B. C.), who, according to Buddhist foot, 40,000 horse, 300 chariots and 200 elephants
texts, conquered the neighbouring state of Anga. took part in the last and decisive encounter. Alex-
That consolidated Magadha’s positions and laid the ander only managed to break through the ranks of
beginning of its expansive policy. Bimbisara took Porus’s army after a cunning manoeuvre. Alexander
great pains to strengthen the inner fabric of the state, won the battle, but Porus continued to fight even
introducing strict control over state officials. Under when he was covered with wounds. The Indian
Bimbisara’s son Ajatashatru (493-461 B. C.) a fierce king’s courage won Alexander’s heart, and he spared
conflict flared up with Prasenajit, ruler of Kosala, Porus’s life and did not even take away his M
another strong state in the Ganges valley. After possessions.
a long period of rivalry Magadha emerged victo- The Graeco-Macedonian army moved farther
rious. east to Hydroates (modern Ravi). Alexander began (:|
There followed an intense struggle against the re- preparations for crossing the Hyphasis (modern
publican union of Licchavis lying north of Ma- Beasj, but at that time unrest began in his own A1
gadha. The cause of the conflict was the seizure army, many soldiers insisting on ending the exhaust-
by Licchavis of a port on the river Ganges to ing campaign. After some deliberation, Alexander
which Magadha also laid claims. gave up his dream and ordered a retreat, which was I fu
To increase Magadha’s might, Ajatashatru’s son accompanied by a new wave of anti-Macedonian I co
Udayin (461-445 B. C.) moved the capital of the revolts and disturbances.
state from Rajagriha to Pataliputra, which became Alexander’s campaign showed that lack of unity
ancient India’s premier city. After that, the Nanda j, and inner strife were the main causes of the Indians’ i'Otf
dynasty took possession of Magadha’s throne and ~ defeat. The struggle against the foreign forces com- I
made Magadha a major empire. " pelled the local rulers to unite their efforts. At the I
The situation was different in north-western In- | same time that campaign considerably extended and I
dia, where there was no large state capable of unit- ~ consolidated India’s external cultural and trading
ing tribes and peoples differing ethnically, linguisti- 2 links. India itself exerted an increasing influence on H tr
cally and culturally. Late in the 6th century B. C., s. the Hellenic world. I w
some areas of north-western India were included in a During Alexander’s campaign, Magadha was ■ til the Achaemenid empire. Later, certain provinces of ruled by the Nanda dynasty mentioned above. The il w
north-western India were conquered by Alexander * state built by the Nandas prepared the ground for I gi
the Great during his campaign in the East. § the great Maurya dynasty.
152
India in the Mauryan Epoch. The founding of the between them (in 303 or 302 B. C.). It is difficult to
Mauryan empire was a most momentous event in describe the course of that struggle with any degree
the country’s history. For the first time, a very exten- of reliability, but, judging by the conditions of the
sive territory (the whole of Hindustan, in fact, with peace treaty (Seleucus received 500 battle elephants,
the exception of the extreme south) was united and the Mauryan king, certain areas in the north-
within one state. But the significance of that epoch is west of India, previously conquered by Alexander),
even greater than that: it was the time of a rise in the Chandragupta emerged, in fact, victorious. After
economy, including trade, a time of flourishing concluding the peace treaty, Seleucus sent his
urban life and important changes in the ideological ambassador Megasthenes to the court of the Mau-
concepts. ryan king.
The study of the preceding period is founded on His memoirs, mentioned above, give a general
the materials of archaeology and of the Vedic reli- picture of the administrative system of the empire,
gious literature, while the Mauryan epoch left The army was very strong. Megasthenes quotes such
behind some precisely dated epigraphic monuments, figures as 600,000 foot, 30,000 horse, 9,000 ele-
such as king Ashoka’s edicts, and the evidence of for- phants. A special staff of 30 military officials ( astino-
eigners visiting India, especially the notes left by mes) divided into six committees was in charge of the
Megasthenes, a Seleucid ambassador at the court of different armed forces. Tax collecting was a matter
the first Mauryan ruler Chandragupta in the of prime concern. According to Megasthenes, the
empire’s capital Pataliputra. The Mauryan epoch farmers paid the king taxes amounting to a quarter
can be said to be reflected to some extent in a most of the harvest (Indian sources usually mention a dif-
interesting political treatise, Arthashastra, or The Art ferent figure-one-sixth).
of Achieving the Useful whose compilation is tradi- Megasthenes’s successor at the Mauryan court
tionally ascribed to Chandragupta’s adviser Kauti- was another Seleucid ambassador, Deimachos; in
lya but which was apparently written in the first his time, the empire was ruled already by Chandra-
centuries A. D., although it was based on earlier gupta’s son Bindusara. During that period, the
materials, including the official proceedings of the Mauryas also kept up diplomatic relations with
Mauryan period. Egypt of the Ptolemies: ambassador Dionysius was
The sources are not unanimous on the question of sent to Pataliputra. The data of the local sources on
the origin of the Mauryas. Classical authors write of Bindusara’s reign are extremely sketchy, but it is
Chandragupta’s struggle against the Graeco-Mace- known that one of his sons, Ashoka, ruled
donian garrisons and governors left in India by north-western India, and that his capital was Tax-
Alexander. Plutarch even gives a curious account of ila. After his father’s death, Ashoka acceded to the
a meeting between young Chandragupta and Alex- Mauryan throne.
ander in Punjab. Anyway, Chandragupta’s success- Ashoka’s numerous epigraphs of edicts, found in
ful struggle against the remnants of the Greek troops different parts of India, recount the most important
considerably strengthened his positions and enabled events of his reign, and provide ample materials on
him to move from his original base in north-western his policy and system of government. The inscrip-
India to Pataliputra. In a fierce battle with the last tions permit a fairly precise dating of the beginning
of the Nanda kings, he won a victory and with it, _ of his rule: he was apparently crowned in 268 or 267 possession of the Magadha throne. |( B. C. The locations of his edicts also provide a frame
C. 314 B. C. Chandragupta became a full-fledged - of reference for the boundaries of his empire : it in¬ ruler and founder of the new dynasty of the ' eluded not only western, central, eastern and south- Mauryas. But the political situation remained ex- ? ern India (with the exception of the extreme south) tremely tense. Especially difficult were the relations g but also the territories of modern Pakistan and some with the Seleucids, who had created their state on 5 - regions of Afghanistan. Comparison of the Indian the ruins of Alexander’s empire. Antique authors I and non-Indian versions of king Ashoka’s edicts write of the military conflicts between Chandra- 0 shows that the principal version was written in Pata- gupta and Seleucus Nicator, the then ruler of that g liputra, the empire’s capital, and then was sent to state, and of the conclusion of a peace treaty 1 the various provinces, where the local scribes trans-
153
lated them into the local dialects or languages, adapting the original to these languages. Most of the edicts are written in the Brahmi script, and only the north-western versions, in Kharoshthi-a script that evolved from Brahmi under the influence of Ara¬ maic. The Brahmi and Kharoshthi scripts were de¬ ciphered in 1837 by James Prinsep, a British scholar and an official of the East Indian Company.
The emperor’s inscriptions speak of his bloody war with the state of Kalinga on the east coast (modern Orissa), in which more than 100,000 men died and 150,000 were taken prisoner. The seizure of this strategically and commercially important country, which used to be the Nandas rival, did much to consolidate his positions.
After that victory, Ashoka’s main attention was directed towards the domestic situation. Relying on ethical principles that were popular throughout the country, he worked out a new concept-that of dhar- mavijaya, or “winning through dharma”. The dharrrn rules were of general ethical character and, judging from the king’s edicts, implied obedience to seniors and parents, support for the basic principles of state policy, respect for teachers, deference to Shramans and Brahmans, generosity, refusal to take a living being’s life, etc.
Special officials called dharmamahamatras were appointed to supervise the observance of these norms. They were sent to different regions of the empire, different strata of the population and members of different religious faiths. Dharma was thus placed above religious, ethnic, or social norms; it was in no way sectarian.
Judging from the edicts, Ashoka showed a special interest in Buddhism. He says himself that he visited a Buddhist community ( sangha ) and became an upa- saka, or lay follower of Buddha’s teaching; travelling through the empire, he visited Lumbini (in modern Nepal)-the place where the founder of Buddhism was born, according to the tradition. His religious policy was based on the principle of tolerance. The emperor realised the importance of supporting Buddhism for consolidating the empire, but adopt¬ ing it as a state religion would have aggravated the already tense ideological confrontation of various religions and interfered with his basic aim of creat¬ ing a solid and unified state.
This policy strengthened the unity of the empire and extended the social basis of the Mauryas. To¬
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wards the end of his reign, however, Ashoka violated
the principle of religious tolerance, showing special
concern for the Buddhist community and interfering
in its affairs. At the same time his attitude to the
other religions changed for the worse. All of this
resulted in acute religious conflicts and actually de¬
stroyed the principles he had declared in his edicts.
In the last years of Ashoka’s reign the situation
became very tense due to the opposition of Brah¬
mans, discontent at court, and revolts in the prov¬
inces, which took advantage of the emperor’s weak¬
ening power to start fighting for their independence.
Late Buddhist and Jaina sources have preserved some interesting stories concerning the last years of Ashoka’s reign. His generous gifts to the Buddhist community ruined the state treasury and his own estate. His grandson Sampadi (Samprati) achieved great eminence at court. Ashoka is reported to have uttered words full of sadness and disillusionment: “Earlier, when I gave orders, no one dared to oppose me. Now my orders are not carried out ... my edicts are dead letters.” It is hard to say whether these later sources are an accurate reflection of the actual events, but it may be assumed that they express the general mood of the times.
Soon the empire was divided (presumably after Ashoka’s death) into two parts, eastern and western. The emperor’s successors were unable to preserve the empire’s former might and unity. In 180 B. C., power at Pataliputra passed on to a member of the new Shunga dynasty. Thus one of the most famous ancient Indian dynasties disappeared from the poli¬ tical arena, and one of the most powerful empires of the ancient Orient fell.
Explanations of this event vary. Some scholars believe that Ashoka’s policy of inculcating dharma could not be an effective means of unifying the empire, and that Ashoka was a dreamer and not an astute statesman. Others stress the importance of the Brahmanic opposition which managed to seize power. These explanations, however, touch on the external circumstances rather than the basic causes.
Despite its seeming unity, the Mauryan empire was, even at its peak, a union of peoples and tribes at different stages of social, economic and cultural development. Held together by a strong army, the empire was a unified structure in form only. Actually, each of the provinces followed its old tradi¬ tions and customs, secretly aspiring for indepen-
154
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dence. A weakening of central authority inevitably the possessions of Indo-Greek and Indo-Saka rulers,
entailed a disruption of unity. External factors may Indo-Parthians became particularly strong under
also have been instrumental in this process. We king Gondophares, but soon they had to give way to
know from antique sources that in 206 B. C. the the new and more powerful Kushan dynasty. Ori-
Seleucid king Antiochus the Great crossed the ginally, the Kushans occupied the territory of Bac-
Hindu Kush and “renewed a friendly alliance with tria in Central Asia. Chinese chronicles report that
the Indian king Sophagasenus”. Modern scholars Yiieh-chi tribes invaded Bactria from the east in the
believe that the alliance with Antiochus was con- 2nd century B. C., forming five possessions there,
eluded by Somasharman, one of the last Mauryan The strongest of these gave the name to the dynasty,
rulers. Polybius reports that Antiochus travelled At the time of the Yiieh-chi invasion of Bactria, solid
across Arachosia and Drangiana. Previously, Ara- traditions of state and culture already existed there,
chosia was part of Ashoka’s empire, but now the The Bactrians spoke Bactrian, an Iranian language,
Mauryas apparently lost control over that region. and had their own writing system derived from the
Antiochus’s campaign was not the only foreign in- Greek script. The Kushan culture was based on a
vasion in India at that time, it seems. During the synthesis of Bactrian elements and the Kushan
reign of the Shungas, the country was invaded by traditions.
the Graeco-Bactrians called in the Indian texts the Kushan kings gradually extended their territory.
Yavanas (Greeks). Patanjali, the author of a well- Under Kujula Kadphises they established their
known grammatical treatise who lived in the dominion over Arachosia, part of Parthia. The cap-
Shunga epoch, pointed out that the Yavanas even ture of these areas inevitably led to a conflict with
besieged the capital, Pataliputra. Similar reports are Indo-Greek rulers. Judging from Kujula Kadphi-
preserved in one of the Puranas and even in a drama ses’s coins, he was apparently compelled to recognise
by the great Kalidasa. Some classical authors, such the Indo-Greeks’ sovereignty: the obverse side of his
as Strabo, also speak of the Graeco-Bactrians’ cam- coin is stamped with a portrait of the Indo-Greek
paign, but it is hard to say which of the Bac- king, and on the reverse side his own name is written
trian kings, Menander or Demetrius, led it. We can in Kharoshthi script. But this situation did not con- only assume that the Bactrians achieved their grea- tinue long: Kujula Kadphises’s later coins were
test successes under Menander, whose army may minted in his name only, and he himself was named
have advanced deep into India, but it cannot be “king of kings”.
stated positively whether he seized Pataliputra or Kujula’s son Vima Kadphises expanded the
not. Kushan empire to the lower Indus. His coins are also
found in the Ganges basin, which may mean that he captured those Indian regions as well. The Indiani- The Kushan Empire. After the fall of the Mauryan sation of the Kushans was reflected in Vima Kad-
empire, several small Indo-Greek states were formed phises’s coins, on which the figure of the god Shiva is
in the north-west of Hindustan; their political his- stamped. The king is sometimes called Maheshvara,
tory has so far been reconstructed in general outline which is one of Shiva’s names. Under Vima an im-
only. The best known Indo-Greek king was portant monetary reform was implemented - a new
Menander, whose kingdom, judging from the finds ^ gold coin was introduced with the face-value of one
of coins, may be assumed to have included Gand- ~ Roman aureus , and definite face-values of copper
hara, Arachosia, and some areas of the Punjab. " coins were established. This may have been necessi-
The Indo-Greek kings came into conflict with the | tated by a monetary crisis and the existence of differ-
Saka tribes, which penetrated India from Central ~ ent monetary systems in different regions of the
Asia in the 1st century B. C. At first, the Indo-Greeks | empire. The unification of coins was of great signifi-
were more successful in this struggle, but later the | cance for the centralisation of the state.
Sakas gained the upper hand, founding Indo-Saka a Unfortunately, the materials now available do not states in north-western India. Later the political ^ permit a precise dating of the reigns of Kujula and
map of the region became even more checkered, as * Vima. Opinions vary, but the most generally
Indo-Parthian dynasties rose, endeavouring to seize s accepted dates are 25 B. C.-A.D. 35 for the reign of
155
Kadphises I, and A. D. 35-62, for Kadphises II, or
slightly later.
The Kushans’ best known ruler was Kanishka. In his reign, the empire flourished, the economy and culture reached a peak, and Mahay ana, or “north¬ ern Buddhism”, became widespread. Our informa¬ tion on the rule of Kanishka is based on a brief series of inscriptions in which time is reckoned in terms of the “Kanishka era”, and on numismatic data. Besides, there is a considerable body of data about him in the late Buddhist narratives, where he is por¬ trayed as a zealous Buddhist. Under Kanishka, the Kushan state expanded considerably to include the areas of Bihar and certain territories of central India as far as the river Narmada.
Chinese chronicles relate the story of the struggle between the Kushans and China over eastern Tur- kistan. The Kushan army advanced deep into these territories, but we do not know precisely how long the power of the Kushan kings lasted there. It is only clear that under Kanishka Kushana became one of the strongest empires of the ancient world, compet¬ ing with China, Rome and Parthia. The links with Rome became especially animated at this time. The report of antique authors concerning an Indian embassy in Rome during the reign of emperor Tra¬ jan (A. D. 99) refers probably to Kushans.
Kanishka’s religious policy must have been one of tolerance, as indicated by his coins bearing the im¬ ages of Indian, Hellenistic and ZorOastrian deities. Buddhism was not a state religion under Kanishka, although Buddha was several times portrayed on his numerous coins.
The problem of dating Kanishka’s reign, the “Kanishka era” mentioned in his and his successors’ inscriptions, is extremely controversial. For a long time the view was prevalent that the “Kanishka era” began in A. D. 78, but now many specialists are inclined to date the beginning of his reign to a later j time-the first quarter of the 2nd century A. D. ^
Kanishka’s better known successors were Huvishka and Vasudeva. In their reigns, the Kushans’ attention became focused on the Gangetic ~ territories. It was more and more difficult to main- ff: tain Kushan rule over the north-western provinces. | The Kushans absorbed the Indian traditions and 3 established close contacts with the local population. A
Under king Vasudeva, signs of a beginning de- ' cline of the empire became apparent. His heir fought
hard both against the strong Sassanid dvnasty in
Iran and the local dynasties that became established
in different regions of India. The fight against Sas-
sanian Iran was most acute under Shapur I (A.D.
241-272), when the western provinces of the Kushan
empire became part of the Sassanian state Towards
the end of the dynasty, the Kushans ruled over the
Gandhara region only, and later nearly all of the
Kushans’ Indian possessions became part of the
Gupta empire.
The Kushan period was an important epoch in the historical and cultural development of many regions of the ancient world. Different peoples were united within a single empire in which certain com¬ mon traditions arose; close links were established not only within the Kushan state but also with Rome, the countries of South-East Asia, and the Far East. Kushan coins are found in the most diverse regions, even as far as Africa and Northern Europe. The Kushan culture matured on the basis of different tra¬ ditions-elements of the local civilisation were com¬ bined with the achievements of the Graeco-Roman world.
Soviet scholars’ recent excavations in Central Asia have yielded important materials on the develop¬ ment of the local schools of architecture and sculp¬ ture. The Bactrian school occupied a special position in Kushan art, exerting its influence over all the | others. The Kushan epoch was one of wide spread¬ ing of Mahayana and of the moulding of various schools of that branch of Buddhism.
After the fall of the Kushan state, a long period of political fragmentation set in which continued until the beginning of the 4th century A. D., when the new and powerful Gupta empire began to take shape.
The consolidation of the Gupta state commenced during the rule of Chandragupta I, who adopted the magnificent title of Maharajadhiraja, “ruler of great kings”. The beginning of Chandragupta’s reign (the “Gupta era”) is dated to A. D. 320.
Under Samudragupta, the empire reached still greater might. The Allahabad inscription, compiled by the court poet Harishena in honour of the king’s splendid victories, mentions the names of kings and countries conquered by the Gupta ruler. Samudra¬ gupta seized many areas of the Ganges valley and even Deccan. The southern regions, which appar¬ ently formed no part of the empire, were regarded as
156
a tribute-paying vassalage. Some regions of western battle, and Mihirakula had to go back to
and north-western India were also the Guptas’ north-western India, retaining power over Gand-
dependencies. Samudragupta also kept up close hara areas and some of the provinces of Punjab only
links with Sri Lanka. (his capital was the city of Sakala, modern Sialkot).
Under Samudragupta, the empire became one of For some time the Guptas maintained their
the greatest in the ancient East. Its influence grew, dominion over Magadha and other areas, but these
and close links were established with many states. were merely weak descendants of the once powerful
According to epigraphic data, Samudragupta ruled Guptan kings. Chronologically, the post-Guptan
until A. D. 380, when his throne passed on to his son period belongs to the early medieval epoch, not the
Chandragupta II, whose reign ended in A. D. 413 or ancient history of India.
415.
Chandragupta II is one of the most popular
figures of the Indian tradition, where he is known as Southern India. It was believed for a long time that
Vikramaditya, or “The Sun of Might”. Traditions southern India lagged far behind the country’s north
link up his reign with the work of many great in antiquity, that civilisation there took shape much
writers, poets and scholars. Chandragupta II’s reign later, and only under the influence of northern cul-
is often called “the golden age of the Guptas” by tures. That mistaken view was due to the fact that no
modern Indian historians. regular archaeological work was done in southern
After Chandragupta’s death, his son Kumara- India, while the earliest written monuments in Dra-
gupta (A. D. 415-455) inherited the throne. Soon vidian languages date only from the first centuries
after his death his successor Skandagupta had to A. D. After the latest discoveries of Indian archaeo-
fight hard against the tribes of Hephthalites, or logists and historians, it has become clear that south-
White Huns, who invaded India. ern India went through the same stages of historico-
That tribal union, which had earlier inhabited cultural development as the North. Major states
Central Asia, became especially powerful in the 5th existed here already in the first millennium B. C.
century, growing into a mighty threat to Sassanian During the Maurya period, the most important of
Iran and the last rulers of the Kushan dynasty. First, these were Chola, Chera and Keralaputra. Particu-
the Hephthalites defeated the isolated kings who larly famous was the Satavahana empire founded in
ruled the western regions oi the once powerful Deccan in the 2nd and 1st centuries B. C. The Sata-
Kushan empire, and then won impressive victories vahanas also had possessions in western India and
over the rulers of Sassanian Iran. They also invaded competed with north Indian states,
north-western India and seized Gandhara. At that In that period, and especially in the first centuries
time (c. A. D. 457-460) the first encounter between A. D., southern India became a most important
the Guptas and the Hephthalites took place. The centre of Indian trade. It established extensive and
war entailed considerable financial difficulties for solid links with Rome. The Romans founded a trad-
the Guptas. ing colony in the south of India; remnants of a
Under Skandagupta’s successors, the empire was Roman factory have been excavated at Arikamedu troubled by strong separatist movements, the more (not far from modern Pottuchcheri). remote provinces fighting for independence from During that period, Sanskrit and Prakrits were
central authority. The unity of the empire was Jr highly popular in the south. Inscriptions, literary breaking down. S' and scholarly works were written in these languages.
Fresh incursions of the Hephthalites dealt a new > The South was introduced to the epics of northern blow to the Guptas. Under the Hephthalite king 3 India. But the local Dravidian substratum played a Toramana (A. D. 490-515) the White Huns g great role in the general process of cultural develop- advanced deep into India, seizing Sind and certain 5 - ment. Significantly, some coins of Satavahanan areas of Rajasthan and western India. Toramana’s | rulers are stamped with the title and name of a king heir Mihirakula at first won several victories over Q in Sanskrit on one side and in ancient Tamil on the the Guptas, but then the Guptan king Narasimha- other.
gupta, or Baladitya, routed his army in a decisive g Epigraphic materials offer a general picture of the
system of government in the states of Deccan and Although farming was the leading branch of pro¬
southern India in the first centuries A.D. The Sata- duction, cattle-breeding also played a considerable vahanas created a well-developed system of central role in the economy.
government: the empire was divided into provinces, In the second half of the 1st millennium B. C.,
and into districts, run by numerous officials, includ- urban centres of crafts and trade began to arise in
ing military governors, officials in charge of food the Ganges valley. The cities varied in size, of
supplies, chief scribes, and rural officials. course. Pataliputra, the capital of the Mauryan
Certain data are available on the religious policy empire, was the largest and most populous of these
of the southern Indian dynasties. The Satavahanas cities. According to Megasthenes, who lived in the
patronised Buddhism. The work of the well-known capital, its territory was more than 25 square kilo-
Buddhist philosopher Nagarjuna may have been metres. If this evidence is to be accepted, Pataliputra
linked with the Satavahanas. Side by side with was one of the largest cities of antiquity (Alexandria
Buddhism and Jainism, Hinduism became wide- was three times smaller).
spread. Religious syncretism was one of the specific The urban handicrafts, especially weaving, metal-
features of the cultural development of Deccan and working, and jewelry-making, were highly
southern India in antiquity and the early Middle advanced. We admire, though we still cannot under-
Ages. stand the secret of it, the skill of 5th-century Indians
who made the iron column, seven metres high and weighing more than seven tons, which has not been The Economic Development. During many centuries, corroded in all the centuries gone by, despite the
agriculture played a most important role in the humid climate. Royal metalworkers and armourers
economy of ancient Indians. The introduction and made up a craftsmen’s guild especially strictly con-
wide spreading of iron facilitated the settlement and trolled by the state, as the king was regarded as the
cultivation of the Ganges valley, as iron agricultural owner of all the mineral resources, and the mining
implements (especially iron ploughshares) qualita- rights were a crown monopoly,
tively changed the nature and results of agricultural Iron wares were produced in great variety. Dur-
work. ing the Kushan and Guptan periods, armourers’ art
In some areas, two and even three annual harvests was influenced by Graeco-Roman and Central
were taken in. Ancient Indians grew rice, wheat and Asian models, but on the whole the metalworkers
barley. Rice was especially widely grown in followed local traditions. Iron and steel products
Magadha. Archaeological evidence and written were of very high quality, and widely exported. The
sources show that, apart from barley, wheat and Periplus of the Eritrean Sea mentions the export of In¬ legumes were widely cultivated. In southern areas, dian iron and steel to African ports. It also speaks of
where the climate was more arid and the soils less the export of copper. Indian jewelry was highly
fertile, millet was extensively sown. Much work on prized far beyond the country’s borders. In Taxila
the construction and maintenance of irrigation sys- (western India) foreign jewelers must have worked
terns was done by the state, as well as by the rural who were familiar with Hellenistic traditions, as
communities and individual landowners. many of the jewelry items found here are similar to
The role of agriculture sharply increased in the j objects from Egypt and Syria. In eastern India, first centuries A.D. Many cereals were already ~ external influences were less significant, exported. The Periplus of the Eritrean Sea (2nd century ~~ Weaving was highly developed, especially the A. D.) records exports of rice and wheat from India. | making of cotton fabrics which were exported along Horticulture became especially highly developed, - with silk to the West, where they were highly prized, and new varieties of fruits (e. g., peaches and pears) g Benares fabrics and thin cotton fabrics from Bengal and vegetables appeared. Ancient Indians grew s were particularly widely known. In the north-west, mangoes, oranges, grapes, and bananas. The a woollen fabrics were also woven, coconut palm became widespread, particularly in Trading along river and sea routes, as well as
coastal areas. Whole plantations of such palms were * overland, was vigorous. The sources relate stories of cultivated in that period. S' Indian merchants going on dangerous sea voyages
158
which lasted up to six months. Their ships went to definite conditions slaves, especially temporary ones,
Sri Lanka, Burma, and South Arabia. Many Indian could buy their freedom.
goods-spices, precious stones, ivory, rare types of Slaves did various types of work. The sources
wood went to Hellenistic countries. mention the use of slaves in agriculture; together
Sea trading became especially active in the with hired workers, slaves cut down trees, clearing
Kushan-Guptan period. Ancient Indians were lots for cultivation. Slave labour was also used in the
expert seafarers and could use the monsoons ap- handicrafts.
parently long before they were discovered by the Ancient Indian slavery had certain distinctive
Greek seaman Hippalos in the mid-lst century A. D. traits. Slave labour was very close to that of free
The author of the Periplus of the Eritrean Sea saw hired workers, the karmakaras. Significantly, many large Indian ships on the Malabar Coast. In the first sources mention slave labour along with that of centuries A. D., Egyptian traders voyaged to India, hired workers. Another characteristic feature of slav- while Indian merchants, according to the same ery was wide use of slave labour in the household, source, permanently lived on the island of Dioscurias which was a basic part of ancient Indians’ life. That (Sokotra). gave a certain patriarchal quality to the relations
The Chinese pilgrim Fa-hien made an interesting between master and slave, voyage from India to China, first travelling from On the whole, however, slavery played a most
Tamralipti, in the east of India, to Sri Lanka, then important role in the structure of ancient Indian across the ocean to Jawa and on to China. society, despite its patriarchal character, similarity
between slave labour and the labour of free pro¬ ducers, and the continued existence of rudimentary The Class and Social Structure. In ancient India, just as economic forms. Slavery was the prime form of in the other countries of the ancient Orient, there exploitation.
were three principal classes: the class of slaves and The principal producers in ancient India were
hired workers whose position was similar to that of the free commoners engaged in farming. The village slaves, the class of free producers, and the ruling community was the most widespread type of societal class consisting of various groups of slave-owners. group, although primitive consanguine communities Slave labour was used already in the Vedic still existed in the more backward regions. Each period, but only in the Magadha-Mauryan times community existed within certain borders; it owned and especially later in the Kushan-Guptan epoch, the villagers’ common land and the public buildings,
did it become particularly widespread. It should of The cultivated land was divided between the free course be borne in mind that different areas of the members of the community. Besides the royal taxes vast country were at various stages of social develop- paid by the owners of individual lots, the community ment. In the more advanced regions, the slave-own- also had to pay a communal land-tax. ing socioeconomic structure was the leading one. A Economic differentiation was already rather pro¬
slave in ancient India was regarded as a thing or a nounced in the community, the gap steadily growing kind of domestic animal; slaves were called two- between the commoners who tilled their plots and legged animals, as distinguished from the four- the richer men who exploited slaves and hired legged livestock. There were rules for inheriting workers. Some commoners became ruined, losing slaves, along with other property. Slaves toiled in the ^ their land and being obliged to become lease- royal palace, in the houses of well-to-do citizens, and 5f holders. The lower strata made up the exploited in rural communities. Owners of small plots of land ' group. The position of rural craftsmen was not uni- also could have slaves, although their number was S form either. Some of them worked in their own not great, of course. A slave could be given away, g workshops, while others were hired for wages, sold, pawned, or lost in a game of dice. t. The community retained some features and tra-
Slaves fell into several types, according to the |' ditions of an integral, undifferentiated entity. Free manner of their acquisition, but the main criterion p commoners organised community festivities, includ- was whether the slavery was for life or temporary, g ing religious ones. The community as a whole could Only the master could set the slave free, but under | make contacts with other communities and the king.
159
The community protected the rights of its free state. The view, expressed by some researchers, that
members and was to some extent independent in its the state had the monopoly of owning land in
internal affairs. The free commoners gathered in ancient India is untenable.
assembly to handle various matters of community One of the characteristic features of the social
management. At first, although the community’s top structure of ancient India was the existence of a sys- people carried much more weight than the rest, the tern of varnas (social groups) and castes. Four varnas head of the community was elected by commoners’ existed already in the Vedic epoch: the priests, or assembly, but later he was appointed by the state Brahmans; the top military, or Kshatriyas; the
authorities, gradually becoming their representa- traders and farmers, or Vaishyas; and the artisans
tive. Only free commoners could vote in the assem- and free but impoverished strata, or Shudras. The
bly; slaves and hired workers had no political rights division into the varnas cannot of course be equated at all. in its social content with the basic division of ancient
Besides communal lands, there were privately society into classes, existing side by side with it. The owned and crown estates in ancient India. The dif- varnas embraced only the free population, while the ferentiation among private landowners was very slaves were not included in any of the varnas and advanced: their possessions ranged from vast tracts were thus outside the system, of land to small plots. The social position of the Brahmans was espe-
The rights of property owners were protected. cially prominent. They had a great influence in Unlawful appropriation of other people’s property ideology and the cult. Brahmans occupied the posts was punished by a large fine, and the person guilty of chief advisors at royal courts and in the courts of of such an act was declared to be a thief. It was for- law. Many of them were very rich and owned large bidden to interfere in the owner’s affairs. Only the estates.
owner of land could decide what to do with it - he The political power was in the hands of the Ksha-
could sell it, give it away, pawn it, or lease it. triyas, whose influence grew at the time of the found-
The king endeavoured to restrict the rights of ing and expansion of strong empires. The kings were private owners. He received taxes from the lands of as a rule Kshatriyas and had command of the army, private owners and kept a close watch over the state Many sources tend to oppose the two higher varnas
of their affairs. If an owner abandoned his lot at the to the two lower ones and even to lump the varnas of time of sowing or harvesting, the king could impose Vaishyas and Shudras together. However, as some a fine on him. Fines could also be imposed for failure Vaishyas grew rich, their status approached that of to pay taxes, but the state could not take avyay the the higher varnas, while the impoverished ones owner’s land. The state also took measures against actually degraded to the state of Shudras. These violations of the rules regulating the sale of land. processes began with the development of trade and The community, like the state, tried to restrict the crafts, private ownership of land, imposing especially tight In the course of historical development the divi-
controls on the sale of land, in which relatives and sion into varnas began to recede into the background, neighbours had pre-emptive rights. The com- Noble origin lost its primacy, and economic position munity’s opinion was taken into account in disputes began to play an increasing role. The division into over the boundaries of settlements and land lots, j jati or castes, which were hereditary, endogamous, State lands and the king’s private domain consti- ~ and associated with certain occupations, became tuted another part of the country’s stock of land. ^ paramount.
The state land category included forests, mines, and ? The number of the jati gradually increased, uncultivated land. Royal estates were managed by a ~ Owing to the division of labour and specialisation, staff of overseers. The king could also have small lots s castes especially multiplied in the cities, among the of land in the communities, which he might dispose | various categories of artisans, but they also devel- of as his own —he could give them away, sell, or rent, i oped in the villages. The jati as an institution were Royal estates were tilled by slaves, hired workers, ^ separate from the varnas, which continued to exist as and various categories of lease-holders. But the king ’ distinct and rigid groups.
was not the owner of all the land cultivated in his s The lowest rung of the social ladder came to be
160
occupied by the “untouchables”, who stood outside
the caste system. These outcasts had to do the dir¬
tiest work (as dustmen, graveyard sweepers, etc.).
The higher varnas were forbidden to come in contact with the “untouchables”.
The first centuries A. D., and particularly the late Guptan period, were marked by new features in the social relations. Private ownership of land became especially widespread. Special deeds recording the sale and buying of land appeared. The number of royal grants of land to private individuals grew, but perhaps more importantly, their character changed. Previously, a gift of land merely meant the right of using land without any rights with regard to the peasants, but later the situation changed. Earlier, many grants of land were temporary-for the term of office only, but now they became more and more often hereditary. Some types of land grants became “eternal”, the certificates specifying that the land was given for good, “as long as the sun, the moon and the stars shine”. That strengthened the rights of private owners and made them rather independent from central authority.
As the private owners assumed some of the rights of managing these lands and the farmers working on them, they began to exercise certain judicial func¬ tions. Later the kings handed over almost all of the fiscal, administrative and judicial functions to the private owners. Even the right to the exploitation of mines, which was traditionally regarded as a crown monopoly, was transferred to private individuals.
These practices increasingly changed the status of temporary landowners into that of hereditary feu- dals who gradually established their sway over the peasants. It was a slow process, of course, and for a long time the state retained many of its administra¬ tive functions.
The sources from the first centuries A. D. increas¬ ingly provide evidence of “the gifts of villages”, or the handing over of the right to collect taxes from J 3 these villages. The land was not transferred in this 5 act-it only meant a change in the person who col- 50 lected the taxes from the peasant. These “gifts” were ^ not yet feudal, but there was an undoubted drift g towards the development of feudal relations here.
Significant changes also occurred in the position § of direct producers-slaves, free commoners, and D hired workers. There was a distinct tendency to ? check the permanent enslavement of temporary |
slaves. Fines could now be imposed on slave-owners
for violation of their obligations, which were set
down in written form.
In the Guptan epoch, the manumission of slaves became a particularly acute issue, often mentioned in the sources of the period. The conditions of manumission, especially of temporary slaves, were eased.
The position of free farmers also changed. Not only lands but also the people who tilled them were now often given away by the king to private indi¬ viduals. This practice was gradually extended to previously free commoners, as a result of which they became dependent peasants. By the middle of the first millennium A. D., the feudal structure and feu¬ dal relations became established in India.
The Culture of Ancient India. Early Indian culture is
rightly believed to be one of the most original cul¬
tures of the ancient epoch. Its achievements in the
most diverse areas in literature, art, science and
philosophy have formed part of the treasure-house
of world civilisation and exerted a considerable in¬
fluence on the further development of India itself
and of some other countries. Indian influence was
especially great in South-East and Central Asia and
in the Far East.
Religion was a major factor in the life of an ancient Indian, as it generally was in antiquity. It largely determined the character of contemporary nonmaterial culture. We therefore begin our con¬ sideration of ancient Indian culture with its princi¬ pal religions.
Hinduism. Hinduism was the main religion in those times (more than 80 per cent of the Indian popula¬ tion still belong to this faith). Its roots lie in remote antiquity.
The religious and mythological concepts of the tribes of the Vedic epoch are reflected in the Vedas, offering a wealth of material on mythology, religion and ritual. Vedic hymns have always been regarded as sacred texts in India. They were handed down from generation to generation by word of mouth in their original form. These hymns, pleas addressed to the gods, and charms provide a picture of the Vedic man’s world, his concepts of the universe and his
161
11-344
beliefs. The totality of these bends is termed An Indian of the Vedic epoch deified the natural
Vedism. Vedism was not a common Indian religion forces, personifying plants, mountains, and rivers, but only that of a group of Indo-Aryan tribes which Later, the doctrine of metempsychosis evolved. After settled the Eastern Punjab and Uttar Pradesh and death, a righteous man went to paradise while sin- was the creator of the Rigveda and other Vedic col- ners awaited a messenger from Yama, the god of the lections or samhitas. Vedism as a religious system also underworld. To win the favour of the gods, Indians reflected the faiths of an earlier time, since the Indo- made sacrifices and prayed for assistance, offspring Aryans of the Rigveda epoch retained many of their and wealth. The offerings varied, of course. Rich concepts of the Indo-Iranian period. It is only men’s sacrifices were splendid ceremonies, while natural that considerable similarities are found in poor men were content with offerings of flowers and the beliefs of ancient Indian and Iranian tribes. “holy water”. The Vedas speak of the sacrificial fire A characteristic trait of the Vedic religion was in honour of the gods, consuming grain, Soma-“the polytheism worshipping many gods and other dei- holy intoxicating drink”, the drink of immortality, ties rather than a single one. They were usually and sacrificial animals. It was deemed especially endowed with human traits (anthropomorphism), righteous to make the sacrifice of a horse (ashvamed- but sometimes also with those of half-gods and half- ha)— a ritual that only the king could perform. The animals (theriomorphism). Indra, the god of complex rituals demanded the services of persons
thunder and a powerful warrior, was the principal initiated in the mysteries of the cult, the magic acts
god. Particularly popular were hymns recounting and songs. Originally, there were no professional Indra’s victory over the daemon Vritra. Ancient In- priests as a separate social group it only evolved
dians believed that that victory gave men access to with the increasing complexity of rituals,
water, making their fields rich in moisture and The Vedas reflect the spiritual world of the In¬ bringing rich harvests. dians of that remote epoch and their interesting cos-
Together with other gods, Indra gained victories mogonic concepts. Already at that time man began over their numerous enemies. Indians believed that, to ponder over the mysteries of the universe, the besides kind and gracious gods, there was a whole causes of the emergence of the world, and of all that
host of evil daemons bringing misfortunes to man. lives on the earth. Those were, of course, naive
The god Varuna was believed to be the guardian of attempts at a mythological explanation of the mys- world order and justice. Agni, the god offire, protec- teries of the universe. The Vedic hymns expressed tor of the hearth, “the guardian of the house and of the idea that even gods were not eternal, that the the people”, was an object of special worship. Surya world was created by a certain abstract deity, that
the sun-god was associated with the coming of the the earth, the sky, the sun, human beings and gods
day; driving his chariot in the morning, he dispelled all appeared from the giant called Purusha. One of
the darkness of night. The Indians of the Vedic the hymns, known as the Hymn of the Creation of the
epoch divided the whole universe into three World, declared a certain featureless substance to be
spheres heaven, earth, and antariksha , i.e., the the basis of being.
space between them, and certain gods were as- One might say that the Vedic conceptions of the
sociated with each of these spheres. Surya and world were extremely contradictory, but it is signifi-
Varuna were the gods of heaven, Agni and Soma, j cant that already at that remote epoch the Indians the god of the “holy intoxicating drink”, were the ~ doubted the omnipotence of the gods, despite the gods of the earth. ~~ enormous influence of religion and magic: the gods
Characteristic of Vedism was a certain syn- * could not explain the mysteries of nature, the origin
cretism of the god’s images. There was no strict hier- ~ of man and the world. Water was regarded as the
archy of the deities, no supreme god, so that in § first element giving birth to everything that lived appealing to some god, the Vedic people endowed g. and determining the cyclic transformation of mat- him with the characteristics of many deities - at each 1 ter.
concrete moment the god spoken to seemed to be the ^ Many features of the Vedic religion became part most important one, the one that brought happiness of Hinduism, although the latter was a more sophis- and warded off diseases and misfortunes. s’ ticated religion reflecting a different stage in India’s
162
spiritual life and certain qualitative changes’in the the most popular avataras, and Krishna became the
social order. theme of many myths. The Krishna cult became so
As distinct from Vedism, Hinduism emphasised popular that its followers even formed a special
the idea of god the creator and established a strict branch of Vishnuism called Krishnaism. The ninth
hierarchy in the pantheon. The cults of the gods avatara, in the image of Buddha, resulted from the
Brahma, Vishnu, and Shiva began to play a special absorption of Buddhist concepts in Hinduism. The
role, these three gods forming a triad or Trimurti per- tenth avatara, as Kalki, reflects the notion that at ceived as a manifestation of a single supreme deity. the end of the Kaliyuga, the present age, Vishnu will
a rahma was regarded as the creator and ruler of the appear riding the white horse Kalki and destroy all
world, and he also established the social laws ( dhar- misfortunes, restoring order and justice on the earth.
ma) and the division into varnas\ it was he who In later Hinduism, the Krishna avatara became
punished unbelievers and sinners. Special stress on pre-eminent above the others. Some scholars believe the role of Vishnu the divine protector, or Shiva the that the name Krishna is of a local, pre-Aryan ori-
divine destroyer led to the emergence of two princi- gin, and that the introduction of that hero’s cult in
pal directions in Hinduism-Vishnuism and Shi- the Hinduist pantheon reflects the syncretic char-
vaism. That division was recorded in the texts of the acter of that religion.
puranas, the principal sources of Hinduist myth- The Vishnu avataras indicate the influence on
ology that took shape in the first centuries A. D. Hinduism of old totemistic concepts, which were
Along with the Indo-Aryan beliefs, the two direc- given doctrinal explanations in that religion,
tions of Hinduism absorbed the faiths of India’s non- The cult of Shiva, who personifies destruction in
Aryan population, Dravidian faiths above all. In the triad of the supreme gods, gained great popular-
general, Hinduism as a religious mythological sys- ity at an early stage. But Shiva is associated with dif-
tem absorbed and assimilated the faiths of different ferent qualities in the mythology, where he appears
tribal groups. as the god of fertility, an ascetic, the protector of cat-
Assimilation of various cults and their merging tie, and a shaman dancer. All this shows that the
with the Vishnu image was facilitated by the avatara Shiva cult absorbed various local beliefs. There are a
system-the doctrine that the god Vishnu could go number of proofs of Shiva’s non-Aryan genesis; his
down into the world and appear in different images cult reflects the archaic beliefs of the Dravidian
through transfiguration. The early Hinduist texts population of northern and especially southern
speak of ten avataras of Vishnu. The first is connected India.
with the story of the Flood, when Vishnu, desiring to Unlike the Vedic cult, the Hinduist rites are con-
save men, assumed the guise of a fish. The second nected with the temples and other cult structures,
avatara is the one of Vishnu assuming the image of a and with worshipping sculptured images of gods,
turtle and procuring the drink of immortality (amn- The religious concepts of Hinduism made a great
ta). In the third avatara Vishnu, in the image of a impact on various aspects of the life of old Indian
wild boar, defeated a daemon and saved the earth society, including its social sphere. The system of
from destruction. The fourth avatara is of a man-lion, varnas was believed to be sacred, and believers were
who was able to defeat the daemon through his expected to perform a rigorously defined range of
titanic might. In the fifth avatara Vishnu cunningly duties and social obligations. Hinduism also pre¬
assumed the guise of a dwarf and was thus able to J 3 scribed the everyday rites. It was believed that one fool the king of the daemons, winning back the =s could not become a Hinduist-one could only be earth. The sixth is the Parashurama or the Rama- 50 born one.
with-an-Axe avatara, in which Vishnu defeated the ? Hinduism was especially widespread in the Mid- Kshatriyas who had seized power on the earth. The g die Ages, when it became the population’s main reli- seventh avatara is the one of Rama who defeated the &■ gion-and still remains one.
evil rakshasa or daemon Ravana (the story of Rama’s 1 Among the vast number of religious and philoso- exploits forms the basis of the famous epic poem, the 0 phical Hinduist works, Bhagavadgita (The Song of Ramayana). The eighth avatara is in the image of | the God) has always enjoyed the greatest popularity. Krishna, the hero of the Yadava tribe. This is one of | Although it forms part of the Mahabharata epic
163
poem, it can also be viewed as an independent work. towards it. On that long path, they must follow the
It is in the form of a dialogue between the warrior principal commandments and above all the Four
Arjuna and Krishna, the terrestrial embodiment of Holy Truths. In these truths Buddha outlined the the supreme deity, expounding certain precepts con- causes of human suffering and “the path of release”,
cerning the destiny of man, truth, high morality, the According to the tradition, Buddha said that his reli-
sense of duty, the mundane and the divine. The core gion had the “taste of salvation” just as water in the
of the poem is the description of the paths leading ocean tasted of salt. Life was suffering arising from
the believer towards religious “release”. Love of god desire, from the wish to lead an earthly life and enjoy
(i bhakli ) is seen as the main virtue. its pleasures. It was therefore necessary to renounce
That poem became a symbol of India’s spiritual desires and to follow the Eight Paths-right view, life. It figured in the works of many statesmen, right thought, right speech, right action, right liveli-
writers, and artists, and was often cited by Mahatma hood, right effort, right mindfulness, and right
Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, and Rabindranath concentration.
Tagor to name but a few. The ethical aspects played a very great role in
Buddhism. The emphasis was to be on the moral side of man’s behaviour. Righteously following the right- Buddhism. Buddhism appeared in India much later eous path, man had to rely on himself, according to than Vedism, but after a few centuries that religion Buddha, and not seek protection, help and salvation crossed the borders of India and became established from the outside.
in many Asian countries. It is now one of the three Buddhism did not recognise the existence of god
world religions. the creator who, according to Hinduism, engen-
The Buddhists link the beginnings of their religion dered everything in the world, including man, of
with the name of the Buddha Shakyam uni who was god on whom man’s destiny depends, born, according to the tradition, in the 6th century Despite the idea of universal equality as men’s
B. C. No written sources of that period are available. birthright and the democratic character of the
The lives of the founder of Buddhism were written Buddhist community of monks, or sangha, Buddhism
by Buddhists several hundred years after his death. was not a radical social movement. The cause of all
These biographies are the only source of our knowl- worldly burdens, earthly misfortunes and social in¬ edge about the facts of the Buddha’s life and the reli- justice was, according to the Buddhist sermons, the
gion he preached. result of man’s personal “blindness”, his inability to
According to the Buddhist tradition, Siddhartha give up the worldly desires. It was only possible to
Shakyamuni (“the hermit of the Shakyas”) was overcome earthly sufferings by extinguishing all re¬ born in the village of Lumbini (modern Nepal) to a sponses to the world and destroying the awareness of
family of Kshatriyas. Living in Sarnath (near one’s ego, not by struggling.
modern Varanasi), he “attained enlightenment” at However, the Buddhist rejection of hard-and-fast
the age of 40, and people began calling him the caste partitions and advocacy of equality as men’s
Buddha (“the enlightened one”). No reliable histor- birthright were especially attractive to the mer-
ical data from the times of Buddha’s life have sur- chants, the Vaishyas who had grown rich but occupi-
vived, and it is thus impossible to say whether he was j ed a very modest niche in the social hierarchy in the
a historical personality or not. There can be little ~ order of things decreed by Brahmanism. Buddhism
doubt, however, about the existence of a real also found support among the Kshatriyas who at
founder of the Buddhist doctrine, though his name * that time concentrated power in their hands but felt
and the facts of life reported by the tradition cannot ~ strong ideological pressure from the Brahmans who
be verified. |) declared themselves to be the supreme and the only
As in any other religion, the starting point of | holy varna, and even earthly gods.
Buddhism was the idea of salvation. In Buddhism, S Free members of all varnas were admitted to the the attainment of that “release” is termed nirvana. A sangha, or the Buddhist order, and that significantly According to the early Buddhists, only monks could ' extended the influence of the new teaching. Buddha hope to attain nirvana, but all believers had to strive S' did not handle complicated metaphysical matters in
164
his sermons, the emphasis in early Buddhism being, cance. Figures of Buddha as the supreme being as pointed out above, on the ethical aspects. appeared in Buddhist art.
At the time of the Mauryas, two principal trends Since nirvana was achieved, according to
took shape in Buddhism-the Sthaviravadinas (the fol- Mahayana, through bodhisattvas , believers tried to
lowers of the “School of the Elders”) and Maha- win their favour by making rich gifts. In the first
sanghikas (the adherents of “the Great Assembly”). centuries A. D. Buddhist monasteries became rich
The latter trend seems to have become the basis of property owners. Kings and other rich followers of
the Mahayana doctrine (“the Great Vehicle”, “the Buddhism gave them land, great sums of money,
wide path”) opposed to Hinayana (“the Little Vehi- and various valuables,
cle”, “the narrow path”)-a term applied by the Mahayanists, in derogation, to the more restricted
and orthodox version of the Buddhist religion. In In- Philosophy was highly advanced in ancient India,
dia, the conflict between the two schools never came The principal philosophical schools took shape in
out in the open. the first centuries A. D. They had a marked influence
The earliest Mahayanist texts must have on the subsequent development of Indian culture and
appeared already in the 1st century B. C., but most on philosophical thought in other countries. Signifi-
of them date from the first centuries A. D. candy, philosophers of ancient India mostly pon-
The Mahayanists believed that the Hinayana dered on the same questions as the thinkers of the
doctrine being too individualistic was not suitable Graeco-Roman world, but the two traditions stu-
enough for the broad spreading of the Buddhist died them independently from each other. Just as
ideas. In Hinayana, everyone had to think of per- the Graeco-Roman world, India was the scene of
sonal “release”, of the attainment of individual conflict between materialism and idealism.. I he best
enlightenment and nirvana, whereas Mahayana known school of old Indian materialists was
proclaimed compassion and the need to help all liv- Lokayata.
ing beings regardless of their personal qualities. That The Lokayatikas opposed the principal proposi-
was why the Mahayanists called their doctrine “the dons of the religious philosophical schools, including
broad path”. the ideas of religious release and the omnipotence of
The concept of bodhisattva was a most important the gods. They regarded sense perceptions as the
one in Mahayana. It was also present in Hinayana, main source of knowledge. All that is in the world,
but in Mahayana the bodhisattva cult acquired spe- including consciousness, consists of elements, accord -
cial significance. It was believed that a bodhisattva mg to the Lokayatikas. The atomistic theory of the
was a being capable of becoming a Buddha, coming Y aisheshika school was a great achievement of old
close to the state of nirvana but refusing to plunge Indian philosophy, which parallels in some respect
into it out of great compassion for the other beings. the views of Democritus. Patanjali, the founder of
Hinayanists insisted that only monks who re- the Yoga school, paid special attention to problems
nounced all things mundane could reach nirvana, the human psychology. Nagarjuna, a major
whereas according to Mahayana the supreme Mahayanist philosopher, formulated the concept of
release was also accessible t6 the laity. “universal relativity” or “emptiness” (shunyavada).
The two trends differed in their view of the figure _ His i deas made a great impact on the destinies of of the founder of the religion and of the Buddha con- f Buddhist philosophy in Tibet and China, while his cept itself. In Hinayana, Buddha was regarded as an ; study of logical categories largely predetermined the actual historical person who pointed to believers the ___ development of the Indian school of logic. It is paths and modes of salvation, whereas in Mahayana ^ rightly believed that Indian philosophy was the he was regarded as a supreme absolute being. § strongest side of Indian civilisation.
Mahayanists taught that every living being is a g] potential Buddha, containing as he did a certain §
particle of the essence of Buddha. s 5 Literature and the Theatre. With its diversity of genres,
In Mahayana, Buddhas and bodhisattvas became g" linguistic and cultural traditions, depth and origi- objects of worship. Rituals assumed special signifi- = nality of content, and exceptional poetic quality,
ancient Indian literature occupies a place of honour were highly popular in Nepal, Cambodia, Indone- in the history of world literature. Ancient India gave sia, Tibet, and the Far East already in the early the world such a great writer as Kalidasa, whose Middle Ages. In their ardstic quality, sheer size and creative work was a most important stage in the impact on the cultures of other peoples, the Maha- country’s cultural development. When first transla- bharata and the Ramayana are comparable with the tions of his works appeared in the late 18th and early Iliad and the Odyssey (the Mahabharata contains 19th centuries, Kalidasa was studied by the greatest 100,000 distichs, and the Ramayana , 24,000). When writers and poets of Western Europe-Goethe, the epics were translated into the European lan- Herder, Schiller, Heine, and others. Goethe called guages, they became highly popular in Europe, too - Kalidasa’s drama Shakuntala an infinitely profound they were admired by Heine, Beethoven, Rodin, work which made an epoch in his life. Kalidasa’s and in Russia, by Belinsky, Tolstoy, Roerich, and work became known in Russia as early as 1792, others.
when a Russian translation of his dramas appeared The final versions of the Mahabharata and the
and the Russian historian and writer Nikolai Ka- Ramayana date from the first centuries A. D., but the ramzin wrote of Kalidasa’s significance for the whole heroic epics evolved over an immense period of time, mankind, comparing the ancient Indian dramatist absorbing diverse materials from the oral poetic tra- with Homer. dition, assuming an increasingly didactive char-
The history of ancient Indian literature is usually acter, being permeated by religious and philosophi- divided into several stages-Vedic, epic, and the per- cal ideas, and incorporating works of a properly iod of classical Sanskrit literature, or the Kavya religious nature, like the Bhagavadgita. literature, although side by side with works in San- The basis of the Mahabharata story is a narrative
skrit there existed a rich literary tradition in the concerning the rivalry of two royal clans-the Kaur- Prakrits (the Middle Indian languages) and in the avas and the Pandavas, and the 18-day battle on the Dravidian languages, of which Tamil is the most im- Kuru field. The tradition ascribes the authorship of portant. A characteristic feature of the first two the poem to the wise man Vyasa, but its true creator stages is the prevalence of the oral tradition in trans- was the Indian people. Vyasa may have been one of mitting the text-a feature that is also observed in the first narrators, but later, during many centuries,
the later phases of the development of ancient In- the epics were sung by numerous bards who gave dia’s literature. Vedic literature, of which the most them interpretations of their own and added new ancient monument, the Rigveda, is tentatively dated narratives and motifs to it.
to the 10th or 9th centuries B. C., comprises various The Ramayana tells the story of an expedition to
collections of texts of a religious nature. Vedic the island of Lanka by king Rama to rescue his hymns are not only cubic monuments but also beloved Sita stolen by Ravana, the king of the dae- poetry expressing man’s experience and his inner mons. Rama and Sita are favourite heroes of mil- world; the sacral character of the texts did not pre- lions of Indians. Their devotion to each other elude the emergence of rudiments of a literary tradi- became a symbol of high moral ideals, tion proper. Even the Rigveda contains hymns in dia- Many epic themes formed the basis of literary
logue form, probably reflecting embryonic elements works of the subsequent epochs, and they are still of the art of drama. Satirical motifs also occur in popular in India. The story of Shakuntala was bor- Vedic collections. The so-called wedding hymns are ~ rowed by Kalidasa for one of his dramas. Kalidasa highly poetic. was the author of numerous plays, and epic and lyri-
The Mahabharata and the Ramayana, the two great ( cal poems- Malavikagnimitra, Vikramorvashi (The epic poems of ancient India, are true encyclopedias ~ Courage of Urvashi), Meghaduta (The Messenger of ancient Indian life. They made a profound impact S Cloud), Kumarasambhava (The Birth of Kumara), on the subsequent development of Indian culture. | Raghuvamsha (The Clan of Raghu).
The images and themes of the epics became part of i The period when that great master lived has not the country’s tradition, much studied by outstand- been established precisely, but most scholars refer it ing dramatists, musicians, and artists. These epics ' to the 4th or 5th century A. D.-the Golden Age of have been translated into many Asian languages and 5 the Guptan empire. Kalidasa’s main themes are
166
man’s griefs and joys, the society of his epoch, and versification were worked out in detail, and treatises
the social relations full of contradictions and con- on metrics and poetics were compiled. One oi the
diets. Rising above the horizon of his epoch, Kali- earliest works on poetics, the Kavya-alamkara (Poetic
dasa condemned the sinful acts of kings and nobly- Adornments), was written by Bhamaha (4th-5th
born heroes, and sang the praises of the honesty and centuries A. D.). Gradually, several schools of po-
industry of the simple people. Kalidasa’s highly etics evolved holding different views on the essence
artistic works are full of humanism and faith in the of poetry, artistic devices, genres, and the language
future. As a dramatist, Kalidasa continued a more of poetry.
ancient tradition, but he was also an innovator. Of the early literary monuments in Iamil, men-
In the Guptan epoch, the Indian theatre flour- tion should be made above all of the Kurd , tradi-
ished. This was reflected in a number of special trea- tionally ascribed to Turuvalluvar. That collection of
tises on drama. One of these, entitled the Natyashas- maxims, which absorbed numerous folklore ele-
tra, sets forth in detail the tasks of the theatre, ments, reflected the long history of the independent
various types of dramatic works, the techniques of development of the literary tradition of India’s Dra-
acting, staging, etc. The level of the old Indian vidian population. The Kural is still highly popular
theatre was so high that many Indologists of the 19th in India.
and early 20th centuries believed that theatre in In- The ancient Indian literature and folklore, part
dia flourished under a direct influence of the Greek and parcel of the country’s cultural achievements,
theatre, but, although India and the Graeco-Roman laid the foundations of the development of India’s
world had close ties, theatre emerged in India quite national literature. Many major writers of Europe
independently from outside influences; more than and America-Whitman, Hesse, Zweig, Tolstoy,
that, the Indian theatre tradition is older than the Rolland, Kipling-fascinated by ancient Indian
Greek one. literature, borrowed plots and motifs from it.
Of the works in Sanskrit, highly popular was the Panchatantra- a collection of stories and parables
largely based on folklore materials. The Panchatantra Art. Chronologically, the first monuments of archi-
was translated into many languages of Asia, includ- tecture and art of ancient India belong to the epoch
ing Pahlavi, Syrian and Arabic. It was known in the of the Harappa civilisation, but its greatest master-
Middle East as Kalila and Dimna. pieces date from the Kushan-Guptan epoch, of
Side by side with Sanskrit works connected with which monuments of both religious and secular the Brahmanist Indian tradition, there also existed character had high artistic merit,
in ancient India a rich Sanskrit literature in the In earlier antiquity, most buildings were of wood,
Buddhist tradition. The most striking figure here is so that no architectural monuments have survived,
the poet and dramatist Ashvaghosha (lst-2nd cen- Judging from Megasthenes’s notes, the enormous
turies A. D.). His poem the Buddhacanta (The Life of palace of the Mauryan king Chandragupta was built
Buddha) marked the beginning of a new genre in In- of wood, and the excavations conducted in the capi-
dia-the artistic epic, with strong influences from tal of his empire Pataliputra (modern Patna) yielded
folklore poetry. Ashvaghosha is often described as only remnants of stone columns. In the first centu-
India’s first playwright. His play the Shariputrapraka- ries A. D., stone was already widely used in construc-
rana (The Prakarana of Shariputra’s Conversion) tion. The religious architecture of that time is rep-
exerted a considerable influence on the subsequent a resented by cave complexes, temples (Hinduist, development of Indian drama. 10 Buddhist, Jaina) and stupas-stone shrines in which,
Bhartrihari, who lived in the post-Guptan epoch, ? according to the tradition, Buddha’s relics were was the first truly lyrical poet of ancient India. He 2 preserved.
continued the humanist traditions of Kalidasa, de- 5 - Of the cave complexes, the most impressive are scribing the life of the ordinary people, everyday sit- | the ones at Karli (near Bombay) and Ellora (not far uations and social conflicts. O from Aurangabad). The cave temple at Karli is im-
The theory of literary creativity, including poetry, | mense-nearly 14 metres high, 14 metres wide and was highly developed in ancient India. The rules of | 38 metres long, with monolith columns in the central
167
hall, a great number of sculptures, and a stupa shrine.
During the Guptan epoch, the construction of the cave complex at Ellora was begun, and it went on for several centuries. In the 8th century, Kaila- sanatha, the largest cave temple of India, was carved in a rock.
The Hinduist temple at Sanchi, one of the best specimens of ancient India’s architecture, dates from the 5th century. The Buddhist stupa at Sanchi, sur¬ rounded by a railing and gates, is also very famous. The carved ornaments of the gates, presen ting scenes from Buddha’s life, are of fine craftsmanship.
Several schools of sculpture existed in ancient India, of which the Gandhara (north-west India), Mathura (in the Ganges valley), and the Amaravati (at Andhra) schools were the most prominent. Most of the surviving sculptures are cultic in nature, but secular tradition was also very strong. Ancient In¬ dian manuals on sculpture contained rules for mak¬ ing statues intended primarily for temples and other cultic structures. Different religious traditions- Buddhist, Jainist, and Hinduist—of icon painting worked out different sets of artistic devices.
A notable feature of the Gandhara school is amal¬ gamation of various traditions-local Buddhist, Graeco-Roman and Central Asian. Many Gand¬ hara sculptures differed so greatly from the Indian models that some scholars assumed that the school was of Roman or Hellenistic origin. Still local In¬ dian art prevailed in that school. In Gandhara, we find very early representations of Buddha. The beginning of that tradition apparently lay in the Mahayana doctrine, where the concept of Buddha as the supreme being evolved. Previously, Buddha was not portrayed in the image of god or historical person but was denoted by various symbols-the Bodhi tree (according to the tradition, Prince Sidd- hartha achieved enlightenment under that tree, that is, he became the Buddha), the wheel symbolising the Buddhist view of the ceaseless round of life, etc. The appearance of bodkisattva statues was also due to the Mahayana doctrine.
The Mathura school, whose florescence coincides with the Kushan epoch, is marked by an emphasis on secular themes, although sculptural compositions on purely religious topics were also produced. Stat¬ ues of Kushan rulers and art patrons formed a whole gallery of secular works. The Mathura school was
affected by the earlier Mauryan art, and some spe¬
cimens even indicate the influence of Harappan tra¬
ditions (terracotta figurines of the mother-goddess,
local deities, etc.). Unlike Gandhara and Mathura,
the Amaravati school embodies, along with the
Buddhist tradition, certain elements of southern tra¬
ditions. These artistic canons lived on in later south
Indian sculpture. The Amaravati school influen¬
ced the art of Sri Lanka and of South-East
Asia.
In the late Guptan epoch, in which the role of Buddhism declined while Hinduism and its cultural traditions were invigorated, the character of sculp¬ tural monuments changed: the images of Buddha and of the bodhisattvas were strictly canonised, and sculptures of Hindu gods became widespread.
Few monuments of ancient Indian painting have survived, but those that have offer evidence of a high level of that art, great skill of Indian painters, and originality of their style and manner. Old Indian texts often speak of the enormous esthetic signifi¬ cance of painting, and whole treatises on the techni¬ ques of wall-painting appeared. Ancient Indians saw painting as “the best of the arts”, offering the great¬ est variety of themes and subjects. Painting was inti¬ mately connected with the traditions of the people’s life, expressing man’s inner world and the ways of nature and the universe. Paintings were made on wood, fabrics, and stone. In ancient India, painting was perceived as a magic force capable of warding off evil and bringing well-being and happiness. The art of painting was very highly prized. Painters’ can¬ vases were hung in royal palaces and private houses, and special galleries were built for displaying them.
The best-known monument of old Indian paint¬ ing js the wall paintings of the Ajanta caves, the so- called Ajanta frescoes, although they were not fres¬ coes sensu stricto, as the paintings were made on dry plaster. That Buddhist complex consists of 29 caves of which the walls and ceilings are covered with paintings. Their themes are scenes from Buddha’s life, mythological events and subjects, and those from Buddhist tales, the avadanas. We see here scenes from everyday life as well as the life of the royal court royal hunts, reception of ambassadors, etc. The paintings are amazingly well-preserved, despite their hoary age, the humid climate and their loca¬ tion in the open caves. Ancient Indians skilfully rein¬ forced their priming and knew the secrets of durable
168
paints. The priming was in two layers, with bees- tinct from Graeco-Roman science which concen-
wax, treacle and stone used to hold them together; trated on geometry. Ancient Indian algebraic trea-
after the outer priming dried, the wall was glossed tises were widely used by Arab scholars, whose works
and covered with lime milk. An outline of a picture began to be studied in Western Europe in the 11th
was first made and then painted in. Colour was and 12th centuries. Thus al-Khwarizmi’s algebraic
believed to affect the viewer more than any other treatise, largely relying on the works of Indian
element of painting and was therefore handled with mathematicians, was translated in 1145 from Arabic
the greatest care. The choice of colours strictly into Latin.
depended on the subjects: gods and kings were On the threshold of the Middle Ages, Indian
always painted in white; white could not be used for mathematicians made a number of discoveries evil characters. which were rediscovered by European scholars
The Ajanta traditions influenced painting in In- much later, already after the Renaissance. The con-
dia’s other regions and in Sri Lanka (cf. the famous cept of negative magnitude was worked out; rules
frescoes of Sigiriya). Already in antiquity, the for finding square and cubic roots established; solu-
Ajanta frescoes made a great impression on anyone tions for problems in proportional division, percen-
who saw them. tages, linear equations with one or several un¬
knowns, and in computing the ratio of the length of the circumference to the diameter were suggested. Science. Science in ancient India reached a high level Some mathematical terms still used by scholars
of development. The Indians’ achievements in are of Indian origin, as, e. g., “cipher”, “sine”,
mathematics, astronomy, medicine, and linguistics “root”.
were particularly impressive. They made a consider- The art of mathematics was highly valued in
able impact on the culture of other ancient peoples, ancient India. “Just as the sun eclipses the stars, so
especially on medieval Arabic and Iranian science. can a scholar eclipse the fame of others, by suggest-
The discoveries made by Indians in great antiquity ing mathematical problems and even more by solv-
anticipated many of the results of European science ing them,” wrote the mathematician Brahmagupta
of the modern times. (6th-early 7th centuries A. D.).
Aryabhata (5th-early 6th centuries A. D.) was one Old Indian treatises on astronomy bear evidence
of the world’s greatest mathematicians and that that science was also highly advanced- and
astronomers. He gave a very accurate value for n, kept advancing all the time. Independently of the
and he also suggested an original solution for linear science of classical antiquity, Aryabhata formulated
equations that is close to the methods of modern the brilliant hypothesis that the earth rotates round
mathematics. its axis. That truly revolutionary idea deviated so
The development of the decimal system, including sharply from the traditional views and religious con-
the use of zero, was an outstanding achievement of cepts of the structure of the universe that Aryab-
ancient Indian science. The notion of zero resulted hata’s work was strongly condemned by orthodox
not only from the evolution of the mathematical tra- priests and scholars.
dition itself but also from the philosophical concept Astronomical texts point to the Indians’ familiar-
of “emptiness” introduced as was pointed out above ity with the results achieved by Babylonian, Greek by the Buddhist thinker Nagarjuna. The decimal jt and Roman scholars. One of the astronomical trea- lystem was borrowed by Arab scholars (we still S tises ( siddhanta) was called Romaka (Roman). Greek speak of “Arabic figures”) and later learnt by all the 10 astrology was especially highly prized in India, and other civilised peoples. ? some astrological texts were translated from the
The old Indian system of denoting numbers deter- g Greek into Sanskrit, mined the modern system of numbering and under- g The introduction of the decimal notation facili- lies modern arithmetic. The theory of abstract | tated precise astronomic computations, although numbers and the cipher system formed the basis for there were no telescopes or observatories in ancient
a highly advanced algebra. It was in this area that | India. The Syrian astronomer Severus Sebokht ancient Indians achieved remarkable results, as dis- f wrote in the 7th century that the astronomical
169
discoveries of the Indians were “more ingenious” Panini’s grammar called Ashtadhyayi (literally, Eight
than those of the Babylonians and Greeks, and in the Books), and his ideas were so strikingly original, that
words of al Jahiz, a 9th-century Arab scholar, “the modern scholars find close parallels between them
science of astronomy comes from them [the In- and the ideas of modern linguistics. Among other
dians], and other peoples borrowed it”. things, Panini practised the structural approach in
Ayurveda, or the science of longevity, born here in describing grammatical phenomena; he was the first
great antiquity, is still widely respected in India. to introduce the zero concept in linguistics, and so
Ancient Indian physicians made profound studies on. of the properties of herbs and of the influence of the Unfortunately, only a small number of scholarly
climate on man’s health, and paid considerable treatises and works on various branches of scientific
attention to personal hygiene and diet. Considerable knowledge proper have survived from ancient times,
progress was also achieved in surgery. Ancient In- but even these texts testify to the ancient Indians’ dian medical treatises of the first centuries A. D. considerable contribution to world science, mention 300 different operations and 120 surgical instruments. Indian surgeons could perform Caesar¬ ian sections, set bones, and perform facial plastic sur- Cultural links. Already in early antiquity, India had
gery. Indian medicines were highly popular in the close ties with many countries of the Orient and the
countries of the antique world, in Central and West, exchanging cultural values with them. In the
South-East Asia, and the Far East. Tibetan medi- times of the Harappa civilisation (3rd and 2nd mil-
cine, so popular now in the West, is based on the tra- lennia B. C.), trading and cultural contacts were
ditions of ancient Indian ayurveda. established with Mesopotamia, Iran, and Central
Despite the independent origin of the two tradi- Asia. In the Mauryan epoch, the links with Greece,
tions, there is a similarity between ancient Indian Egypt, South-East Asia, and the Far East were
medicine and the physiological theories of the consolidated. The ties were especially close with
Graeco-Roman culture (Hippocrates, Galen, and neighbouring Iran. Achaemenid influence can be
others). Ancient Indian physicians believed that traced in Indian architecture and literature, while
three main “vital juices” (or prime elements)-wind, ancient Iran borrowed a great deal from Indian
gall and phlegm-formed the basis of the human science. Chess came to Iran from India and then
organism; they were identified with the principles of became popular in other Oriental and Western
motion, fire and softness (similar concepts of “vital countries.
juices” existed in Greek medicine as well). Just as Spreading from India to Central Asia, Buddhism
the science of classical antiquity, Indian medicine played a considerable role in its history, as Indian
laid particular stress on anthropogeography, or the literature and scholarly treatises came with it to
influence of the natural conditions on the human these countries. The same was true of South-East
organism. The theories of heredity and medical Asia and the Far East. Ancient Indian epics were
ethics also showed certain similarities in India and highly popular in Asia.
the countries of the Graeco-Roman world. Indian traders arrived in Egyptian ports bringing
Despite the considerable achievements of medical metal, glass and ivory wares, while Roman mer- science in ancient India and the rationalism of many j chants kept up lively trade with southern India and prescriptions and recommendations of Indian physi- ~ even founded their trading station there, cians, their treatises on medicine were largely im- ^ Antique authors report that Indian embassies bued with mythological concepts, while medical H. reached Rome under Augustus, Trajan, Hadrian, knowledge proper often blended with magic. ^ and Aurelius. In the first centuries A. D., antique
The science of language was highly developed in I and early Christian philosophers and writers were ancient India due to the great role of the oral tradi- | familiar with the teachings of Indian philosophers, tion in the Indian culture and the ancient notion of a Indians were very much interested in Graeco- the divine origin of speech. Speech was believed to : Roman astronomy and astrology, as is clear from the underlie all the arts and sciences. The analysis of translation of an astrological treatise known as
language material was so profound and detailed in “ Yavana jataka, or Greek Work, from the Greek into
170
Sanskrit. The medicines of Indian physicians were
highly prized in the Graeco-Roman world.
Ancient Indian culture exerted a great influence on the culture of Sri Lanka and South-East Asia. The writing systems of these regions evolved on the basis of the Brahmi system, and a great many Indian words were borrowed into the local languages. Buddhism and Buddhist literature were highly in¬ fluential in Sri Lanka, while Hinduism and Sanskrit literature spread in South-East Asia.
Ancient Indian colonies were founded in Central and South-East Asia. In the first centuries A. D.,
Buddhist monks began to arrive in China, bringing
religious and philosophical texts, medical treatises,
and books on astronomy. Chinese craftsmen bor¬
rowed a great deal from Indian architects, artists
and sculptors. Indian music and poetry were very
popular in China.
Ancient traditions are highly viable in India, and it is therefore not surprising that many achievements of the ancient Indian civilisation long outlived the epoch of antiquity, becoming an inalienable com¬ ponent of the country’s modern culture and of world civilisation.
Chapter 10
Ancient China: History and Culture
The First States on Chinese Territory. The Shang and Chou
Periods. In China, the conditions for the emergence
of civilisation proved to be less favourable than in
such northern subtropical countries as Sumer or
Egypt. The state appeared here at a later stage in
the development of productive forces, namely, dur¬
ing the advanced Bronze Age.
In the 5th-3rd millennia B. C., several Neolithic complexes appeared on the territory of China, of which the Yangshao culture in the basin of the river Wei and the middle course of the Hwang Ho is bet¬ ter studied than the others. With its handmade painted pottery, half-settled slash-and-burn agricul¬ ture without irrigation (the main plant cultivated being setoria italica maxima) and domestication of a number of animals (pigs and dogs in the first place), the Yangshao culture typologically belongs to the advanced Neolithic. This culture marked the start of the development of the ethnic ancestors of the ancient Chinese. Scholars studying that period emphasise the southern ethnoracial links of the Yangshao culture.
The Stone Age in the Hwang Ho basin ends with the Late Neolithic and Eneolithic Lungshan com¬ plex, with its grey and fine black burnished pottery, usually made on the wheel, of which the best spe¬ cimens are as thin as eggshell. The Lungshan culture differed from Yangshao in a more settled stick-and- hoe farming, the first signs of separation of the crafts from farming, and rudiments of metalworking. A typical Lungshan settlement was surrounded by rammed earth walls, sometimes 6 metres high and 14 metres thick-a definite mark of wars as a con¬ stant factor in social life. Oracle bones were used by
Lungshan men for divination purposes, which points
to the existence of an organised cult.
In the 2nd millennium B. C., settlements of the early urban type, the carriers of bronze industry, arose on the banks of rivers over a vast territory- from Kansu to Shantung and from Hopei to Hunan and Jiangxi. In the late 2nd millennium B. C. the Shang city society became separated from the Yin tribal union on the middle Hwang Ho and placed itself at the head of a rather large, ethnically hetero¬ geneous and unstable union. Its chieftain, called wang, had extraordinary military powers and acted as the supreme priest. The “Great city of Shang” is known to us from the ancient proto-Chinese inscrip¬ tions discovered late in the past century near the city of Anyang in northern Honan. There was a cult centre here, where the Shang and other groups per¬ formed their divination rites and the archives of the Yin oracle were kept from which thousands of in¬ scriptions on animal bones and tortoise shells used for divination have survived. The name of the Yin oracle stems from a later historical tradition, as the Yin hieroglyph is absent in the Anyang texts them- 2 = selves. The reason for that may be that those who ~ appealed to the oracle naturally did not ask ques¬ tions about the oracle himself. The fact that the only | inscription of that epoch containing the Yin sign (in ~ the combination Yin wang) was found in the river g) Wei basin, that is outside the Anyang cult centre, | may be seen as confirmation of this hypothesis.
Shang society lived in an advanced Bronze Age ^ marked by a firmly settled mode of life, the existence of cities, and the separation of the crafts from farm- f 1 ing. Shang farmers cultivated sorghum, barley, dif-
172
ferent kinds of millet and wheat, and a variety of
hemp with edible seeds. It is not clear whether they
mastered the cultivation of rice, and if they did, it
must have been the variety which does not demand
irrigation, as no signs of artificial irrigation have
been discovered. Shang farmers also practised horti¬
culture and grew vegetables, as well as mulberry
trees for the silkworm. Weaving was done by women
only. The division of labour between the sexes was
very precise. Livestock-breeding was very impor¬
tant. Cattle, sheep and pigs were reared. Hunting
figured prominently in the economy. Near Anyang,
the bones of deer, tiger, bear, leopard, rhinoceros,
buffalo, panther, antelope, elephant, wild boar,
tapir, ape, fox, wolf, badger, and hare have been
found. This list of wild animals alone shows that in
those times the climate of northern China was much
hotter and more humid, and both the flora and
fauna were richer than today.
The technique of bronze casting was very advanced. Bronze was used to make ritual utensils (including large artifacts weighing nearly a ton;, weapons, armour, details of chariots, partly also tools, although the latter were mostly of stone. Weapons, too, were to a considerable extent Neo¬ lithic (stone axes, spearheads and spear points). Artisans’ blocks in the cities were crowded with numerous workshops of coppersmiths, stone masons, founders, potters, wood-workers, etc.
Trade was rudimentary, things were mostly bar¬ tered although there was also “money”-cowrie- shells and their bronze imitations. International exchange also existed, as testified by the use of the cowrie-shells, for one thing. They came from the sea- coast. Tin and copper came from the Yangtze basin, and jasper from Hsin-chiang. These were exchanged for the products of the Shang-Yin world, mostly of bronze, which in the north travelled along trade routes as far as Siberia.
The Shang people waged constant wars for the purpose of capturing booty-cattle, grain and espe¬ cially prisoners of war, who were usually immediate¬ ly sacrificed to the ancestors, sometimes fifteen hundred and more at a time. The Shang cults of mountains and rivers, and the holy marriage ritual, which formed part of the fertility cult, also demanded mass human sacrifices.
The Shang economic structure was based on extended-family communities united in larger
groups, usually, but not necessarily, on the clan
principle-the unions might be territorial as well.
The whole of the adult population took part in ritual
feasts, in which as many as three or four hundred
bulls might be slaughtered. The wang, as the
supreme priest, was the principal giver of meat for
the people. During the sacrifices, the most important
items of Shang society’s wealth were squandered
headlessly, including domestic animals, bronze
weapons and utensils, chariots with horses, cowrie-
shells, gold and nephritis, agricultural produce,
game killed during hunting, and prisoners of war.
Such waste was a means of checking economic differ¬
entiation and the enrichment of some clans and
noble families.
The wang was in charge of the estate belonging to the temple and the ruler. Work on that estate was not regarded as a kind of labour conscription but as socially useful joint labour, a part of the ritual magic rite intended to bring fertility to the country’s fields. This work was done at the bidding of an oracle and at the time appointed by him. Enslaved captives, as well as the commoners, worked on the wang 's estate.
The wang led the commoners in war and during hunts. The Shangs were armed with bows and arrows, halberds, spears, battleaxes, and wore hel¬ mets, shields, and armour. Chariots were used dur¬ ing battles, with the driver standing in front, the archer to the left, and the spearman to the right. But the basis of the Shang army was the mass of com¬ moners. Survivals of tribal democracy must have been very strong in Shang society, as indicated by the great role of the elders’ council in the govern¬ ment, and possibly of the popular assembly in the urban community. The large public buildings discovered by archaeologists on the territory of the ^ “City Shang” may be seen as proof of that, -g Captured men were as a rule killed. Before mass 5 sacrifices, special expeditions were organised to cap¬ ture men. The Shang hieroglyph fa (the picture of a | halberd cutting off a head) signified both “military ~ expedition” and “human sacrifice”. The sacrificial f ritual prescribed the cutting off of the victim’s head, and the skulls were usually buried in a heap in sepa- ? rate pits. An inscription has been preserved on a 5 skull pierced by a spear: “To sacrifice (Ja) the chief- g. tain of the Jen tribe to the ancestor of Yi.” Captured g women were apparently enslaved and used as | workers, especially in hoe farming, pottery-making,
173
weaving, wine-making and beer-brewing (the last epoch, wars had mostly been in the nature of armed
two were important items of the sacrificial rituals;, raids, whereas the Chous’ campaigns aimed from the
where they were the principal type of labour outset at capturing territories and pumping man-
employed. But they were also widely used in battue power out of them. The first Western Chou monarch
hunts and during wars, the latter being rather simi- Wuwang (“The Warrior King”; Chou rulers bor-
lar to the former in the way they were conducted. rowed the title of wang from the Shangs) appealed to
The differences in the grave goods and types of the warriors before the battle at Mu-yeh: “Brave
burial point to social inequality in Shang society. warriors! Do not kill those that surrender, let them
Enormous subterranean mausoleums were built for work on our western fields!” ( Shucking , a collection
wangs, and thousands of human beings were sacri- of historical legends). The stanzas of an early Chou
ficed at their burials. Most graves were modest bur- ode are permeated with the empire-building spirit:
ials containing tools and, invariably, weapons. But “The Heaven stretches far // But there is not an inch
there were also burials without any grave goods of land under the Heaven that is not the king’s,
nearly at ground level. In some medium-sized //On the whole coast washed by the seas//Only the
tombs, several persons were killed and buried next to king’s servants live on this land!” ( Shihching , or a
the master-an indication of the emerging private Book of Odes- an early Chinese poetic collection),
ownership of slaves. Mass burials and sacrifices of Narrative sources recount that the Chous sent the
captives indicate, however, that slave labour did not “obstreperous Yins” to work on the construction of
play a great role in the economy. their second capital Ch’eng-chou; later they must
Different views have been expressed about the have been used as slave labourers on the crown nature of Shang-Yin society. It is variously assumed estate. Thirteen other Shang clans were enslaved and
to have been the primitive communal society at the resettled on the possessions of Wuwang’s close
stage of matriarchate; a transitional one to a class relatives.
society of the military democracy type; an advanced In its structure, the Western Chou state resembled
slave-owning society; or an early slave-owning the Hittite empire, where the princes, governors,
society. According to the latest data, isolated foun- and other royal vassals owed their supreme ruler
tainheads of early class civilisation belonging to dif- tribute and military assistance but ruled their terri-
ferent ethnoses were evolving during the Shang-Yin tories independently. The territories seized by the
epoch on Chinese territory, of which the Shang cul- Chous were either given to the Chou notables for
ture proved to be the most advanced one, becoming them to govern and possess (kuo) or else left under
the centre of gravitation of a large area inhabited by their previous rulers or chieftains supervised by the
a number of neighbouring communities. Chou wang’s “observers”. According to the tradi-
In the late 11th century B. C. (in 1122, according tion, the Western house of the Chous had many
to the tradition), the Shangs were conquered by the hundreds of such vassals (chuhou) -one version puts
apparently related Chous who lived west of them that number at 1,800, of which 71 were members of
(along the Wei river) and were at that time in the the Chou royal clan. There are grounds to believe
process of class formation. For a long time before the that these possessions were within the wang’s jurisdic-
conquest, the Chous had been in contact with the tion and that wang’s commissioners in the capital
Shangs, sometimes friendly and at other times hos- j and in the provinces saw to it that a part of the chu- tile, paying them a tribute in men. At the head of an ~ hou income (especially grain) went to the royal treas- anti-Shang alliance the Chous defeated the army of ~~ ury. The Chou wang’s gifts of land did not imply his the Yin coalition in the famous battle at Mu-yeh and | supreme ownership of it but rather stemmed from established their sway over an extensive territory ~ his state sovereignty over the country’s territory. At along the upper and middle course of the Hwang Ho |_; the same time, the wang had his own royal lands and on the Great Plain. The conquerors’ capital | which he gave out to private individuals, above all became the city of Hao on the Wei. a state officials; these lands were the appurtenances of
The period between 1122 and 771 is called the ' their offices. The lands that went with an office grad- Western Chou in the Chinese tradition, as the Chou ^ ually became hereditary, but their transmission in capital was later moved east. During the Shang-Yin £ any case demanded the wang’s formal confirmation,
174
and these acts were renewed at the accession of a
new ruler to the throne. The legal instruments were
in the shape of bronze vessels with texts inscribed on
them; these texts did not stipulate the transmission
of eternal rights to the lands but signified recognition
of limited rights to the taxes collected from them.
The “king’s subordinates” were given away with or without land. Bronze inscriptions bronze pro¬ vide evidence of gifts of men made by the wang and his spouse-up to a thousand at a time, both whole families and single individuals. These serfs, given away in such numbers, were undoubtedly employed as workers. The inscriptions list various categories of the “king’s people”, some of whom could even hold high offices but were not their own masters, all equally in the wang's, power in the eyes of their contemporaries. State slaves included convicts. The deed of settlement on one of the vessels lists “two hundred barefooted families in ginger tatters” (a symbol of shameful punishment). But the main source of slaves was wars. Thousands of prisoners were taken, and were entered in records to a man. An inscription on the Yiikung vessel records 13,081 prisoners. The early Chou odes of the Shihching express terror at imminent slavery: “...pain and groans in my grieving heart: 11 Oh, our poor people! Without guilt//It will be made into slaves!” The state distributed the captives, hunted runaway slaves down and returned them to their owners. The wang had a force of his own, which was kept at the expense of the crown estate managed by “land supervisers” (Xitu) and tilled mostly by slaves, although free com¬ moners were also employed there. The public legal functions of the ruler were not delimited from his private legal functions as owner.
At that period, the climate of north China became colder. Arable land was expanded by draining marshlands and forest clearance. The role of live¬ stock-breeding fell. Urban settlements spread over a broad belt in eastern China from the northern steppes to the Yangtze. They were built along rivers and surrounded by rammed earth walls (the tradi¬ tional technique of ancient Chinese fortification con¬ struction since the times of the early Neolithic), pro¬ tecting them from the raids of the surrounding tribes and from floods. Their walls were not more than 700 to 800 metres in circuit, usually square or rectangu¬ lar, the corners aligned on the cardinal points, with gates in the middle of each of the sides.
Judging from the Book of Odes, the territorial
extended-family community was intact at the time;
according to later data, these communities had col¬
lective organs of self-government. Their lands were
divided into those that were tilled for the state ( hung-
fien) and private ones ( ssufien ), the latter apparently
cultivated for the benefit of the communities
themselves.
Individually owned estates, which were not part of any community, appeared. The serfs that tilled them were not always deprived of all rights, which indicates a comparatively early stage of slave-own¬ ing relations. Slaves became an important item of barter. The usual price of a slave was 20 skeins of silk. Taking into account the monthly allowances of silk (up to 30 skeins) to royal officials, it can be assumed that each of them had private slaves. The deals involving slaves, just as any other property, were recorded on bronze vessels. As the role of slave labour grew, especially in tillage, which remained a labour-consuming branch of the economy in the absence of the plough, mass sacrificial slaughter of slaves, so characteristic of the Shang epoch, ended. The struggle against human sacrifices would be a long one in China, and not always successful, but the first protest against that barbaric custom was ascribed to Chou-kung, the famous conqueror of the Shangs and founder of the Chou state administrative system, whose spirit, as the tradition records, “did not accept human sacrifices”.
From the very beginning, the Chou state had to repulse the raids of surrounding tribes, and for quite a long time it coped with that task. As the separatist tendencies among the Chuhous grew, the authority of the wang declined (his title was “The Only One”, as authentic inscriptions on bronze show). Chou rulers found it increasingly hard to beat off the onslaught ■g of the nomadic tribes, especially in the north-west ^ and south-east. In the 8th century, driven by these = endless incursions from Central Asia, the Chous | began to abandon their homeland along the Wei. In ~ 771 B. C., after the wang’s army was routed by the
S nomads and the wang himself taken prisoner, the Chous moved their capital to Loyi (near Lo-yang). ? In the ancient Chinese tradition, this event marks I the beginning of the Eastern Chou period (770-256 !. B. C.), its first half, when the country’s political frag- j? mentation was greatest, being called the Liehkuo | period-the times of Individual States, or the Mul-
175
tistate epoch. In fact, it is from this period that a reli¬ able chronology of events in China’s history begins.
At the beginning of that period, some two hundred essentially independent political entities, mostly small urban communities, were scattered across the territory of the former Western Chou. Some of them were descendants of the Chous, others of the Yins. Politically and religiously, they accepted the nominal sacral power of the Chou wang, who was believed to possess magic omnipotence and regarded as the Son of Heaven. Compared to the Shang cults of ancestors and deification of various objects and forces of nature, the Chou cult of the Heaven as the supreme deity, and the Son of Heaven as its earthly embodiment, was supratribal and interethnic; it was compatible with all the local community cults but rose above all of them as a kind of unifying principle. Together with the doctrine of the Mandate of Heaven ( t'ienming, or divine investiture), this cult sanctified the right of the Chou dynasty to rule all Under Heaven, or T’ienhsia, as the ancient Chinese called their country and the entire oikoumene.
Apart from the kingdoms of the Chou cultural world, there were other states on the territory of modern China, by no means inferior to the former either in size or the level of cultural and historical development: Ch’u along the middle course of the Yangtze, Wu in the Yangtze delta, and Yiieh south of them, inhabited by peoples related to the ances¬ tors of the Vietnamese, Chuang, Miao, Yao, Thai and other ancient peoples of South-East Asia. In the 7th century B. C., Ch’u was already one of the larg¬ est kingdoms of ancient China. Its rulers adopted the wang title and joined the fight over the hegemony in all Under Heaven at the head of a coalition of south¬ ern kingdoms.
Liehkuo was the peak of the Bronze Age. As the techniques of making bronze alloys improved, pro¬ duction of bronze tools increased. New offensive weapons appeared. The crossbow was invented in Ch’u, which had a complex trigger mechanism, whose design required the use of high quality bronze. Liehkuo was also the peak of the might of chariots as an armed force. At that time, chariot driving was one of the six highest arts of the Chou aristocracy.
Just as in the Western Chou period, Liehkuo rulers widely practised handing out lands to those who served them, ceding in fact the right to the taxes
coming from the communities. Formally, the allot¬
ments remained in the king’s possession and could be
taken back, but actually their ownership was
already hereditary.
As communal ownership of land ceased to exist, land re-allotment was discontinued in many king¬ doms, and land became the hereditary property of individual families. That changed the entire system of state alienation of surplus product from the main body of producers. The sources show that the system of collective cultivation of part of the community’s land for the benefit of the king was replaced by a grain tax (usually not more than one-tenth of the harvest) from each family’s field, first in the Lu king¬ dom (in 594) and later in Ch’u (in 548) and the other states. This was in fact the beginning of regular taxation of farmers, which also affected the nature of the communal organs of self-government. The mort¬ gaging and alienation of farmsteads and kitchen- gardens became fairly widespread, although on the whole operations in land were not yet extensive. The enslavement of debtors came into practice, at first in the form of “adoption” and “children pawning”. Significantly, nupei , the general term for slaves, appeared at that time and became standard in the centuries to come.
The Warring States (5th-3nd centuries B.C.). The
mid-lst millennium B. C. marked the beginning of
an epoch in the history of China in which significant
changes took place in the basis and superstructure of
ancient Chinese society. Traditionally, it is termed
Chankuo, or “The Warring States”. Iron smelting
brought about an upheaval in industrial production.
The process is first mentioned in a chronicle record
in 513 B. C. to the effect that an iron tripod with a
criminal code inscribed on it was cast in the Tsin
state. That monument recorded an important land¬
mark in the development of ancient China’s socio¬
political structure - the assertion of the principle of
centralised power and the introduction of written
state legislation instead of the oral common law.
The Chankuo period was marked by the spread¬ ing of ploughing and artificial irrigation and the growth of specialised crafts-metallurgy (especially iron casting), weaving (notably of silk fabrics), pot¬ tery-making (particularly the making of pottery for technical uses), shipbuilding, carpentry, the making
176
of lacquered objects, jewelry, etc. Rice-fields were significantly extended, and leguminous plants were cultivated. Fertilisers were introduced. Commodity- money relations developed rapidly. Metal money came into circulation. A new social stratum of traders ( shangjen ) evolved. Hereditary aristocracy, which used to dominate the government of the king¬ doms, began to give way to untitled men of proper¬ ty-“sons of rich families”, or “upstarts from the lower ranks”, as they were called in the sources. Records have preserved the names of well-to-do commoners, merchants and even slaves who became major public figures.
Despite the numerous destructive wars, the popu¬ lation grew very significantly. Especially densely populated was the ancient cultural region of the Great Plain in the north-west of Honan and the south of Hopei, as well as the basins of the rivers Fen (in Shansi), Wei (in Shensi) and Min (in Szech¬ wan). Cities with a population of half a million arose, such as Lintzu, the capital of Ch’i. The retreat of the wild fauna was an indication of a rapid growth of the population. Mass cultivation of virgin soil was made possible by iron tools and large-scale hydraulic engineering projects involving whole river valleys. The latter could not be carried out either by sepa¬ rate groups of communities or small city-states; even major kingdoms could not tackle these tasks without implementing major political and administrative reforms and centralising the state apparatus. The economic need for the creation of large states, promp¬ ted by the needs of reproduction on an enlarged scale, could not be fulfilled by peaceful means and led to increased internecine strife and fierce fighting for supremacy. By the beginning of the 4th century B. C., seven strongest kingdoms of ancient China became most prominent-Ch’u, Ch’i, Han, Wei, Chao, Yen, Ch’in. Their lands stretched along the lower and middle courses of Hwang Ho and Yangtze, while the whole of north-western, north¬ eastern, south-western and almost the entire south¬ ern China was inhabited by tribes and peoples con¬ temptuously called the “barbarians of the four quarters of the world” by the Central States, or Middle Kingdoms, as the ancient kingdoms of the Chou world belonging to the Huahsia cultural com¬ munity began to call themselves. Particularly prom¬ inent became the outlying kingdoms of the “Seven Powers”, including Ch’u of the south and Ch’in
2
s
5
r
1
2
i
g
"■3
I
of the north-west, which were not included by the
Chou tradition among the Huahsia “Central Sta¬
tes” claiming absolute cultural supremacy. These
two states played an increasing role in the major
events of the epoch, finally becoming the principal
claimants to dominion over the whole of ancient
China.
In the 5th-3rd centuries B. C., the military organi¬ sation of the kingdoms underwent significant changes. The ancient aristocratic armed force of charioteers was replaced (in the outlying kingdoms earlier than in the others) by infantry units armed with crossbows-powerful weapons unequalled in the whole of the ancient world. By the 3rd century B. C., infantry (crossbowmen, archers, spearmen) became the nucleus of ancient Chinese armies, while cavalry, first created in the northern kingdom of Chao after the model of the nomads’ mounted forces, now included the crack units. The character of the wars changed. Previously, the issue of a battle would be decided in two or three days, while now battles became long drawn-out. Sieges of fortresses lasted for years. Mighty walls were erected as defences against external enemies. The army pro¬ vided manpower-the prisoners of war-for the state works and the gigantic irrigation, land melioration and construction projects begun at the time.
In agriculture, the free farmer, the commoner, remained the principal figure. Each communal household regularly paid the state land-taxes. The farmers were frequently recruited for public works and military service, in which not less than one- tenth of the free male population was permanently engaged due to the endless wars. Commodity-money relations were now extended to operations in land. Gradually, the community became a self-governing group of landowners whose right to land was deter¬ mined by their membership in the community. Dif¬ ferentiation in wealth among commoners increased sharply. The class of near landless commoners appeared; as the sources aptly put it, “they had no place where they could stick an awl”.
Many private large-scale estates and craftsmen’s workshops whose products were mainly intended for the market were set up at this period. Private slave¬ owning received a powerful stimulus for develop¬ ment. We have records of rich men from different kingdoms who used many hundreds of slaves in their workshops and on their estates. The expression the
177
12-344
“pitiful toil of a slave” was now used in the sources citly obeyed the father and respected him above all
to signify an utterly hard lot. Private slaves were other men, the father obeyed his superior, and so on
acquired by purchase, brigandage, or war. Just as in even to the ruler and supreme head of state, the
Greece, foreigners were regarded as natural slaves. Chou Son of Heaven. Only the Son of Heaven had
Along with community differentiation, enslavement the prerogative of interpreting the sacred Will of
of impoverished free commoners became an increas- Heaven. Defending the patriarchal basis of early
ingly important source of privately owned slaves. class society, Confucianism condemned personal
Although the rate of the disintegration of com- enrichment undermining the hierarchical principle
munal relations and the development of private of nobility. It demanded strict observance of tradi-
ownership and slave-owning in different kingdoms tions, rites and magic rituals. Later, Confucianists
varied, it was these processes that became every- created their canonic literature, which included the
where the source of increasingly acute social contra- Spring and Autumn Annals (the chronicle of the Lu
dictions, of which the symptoms were uprisings, kingdom said to have been compiled by Confucius),
coups, and external aggression. the Book of Changes (a record of texts used in divina-
In terms of societal typology, the ancient Chinese don), the Book of Odes (a collection of ancient folk-
states of the Warring States period, just as the subse- songs), and the Book of History (a collection of histori-
quent empires Ch’in and Earlier Han, can be cal legends). The philosophical problems of Confu-
referred to the stage of advanced slave-owning cianism were worked out by Confucius’s pupil
relations. Mengtzu (372-289 B. C.), also a native of Lu. Me¬
mories of communal democracy were echoed in Mengtzu’s idealisation of the ancient system of land- The Ideology and Culture of Ancient China in the 5th-3rd tenure (chingCien) and his recognition of the people’s
Centuries B. C. The great advances in the division of right to an uprising, provided Heaven itself takes
labour, especially in the separation between mental away its mandate from the ruler. The aristocratic
and physical labour, brought about the emergence morality of Confucianism was clearly manifested in
at this period of philosophy in the proper sense of the the doctrine of ritual worked out by Hsuntzu (313-
word, and of its carriers, the intellectuals of the 238 B. C.). Unlike Confucius, Hsuntzu accepted the
times-wise men and politicians wandering from need for laws in a state, but he insisted on “law
state to state. That “spiritual elite” came from var- for the people, and ritual for the aristocracy”,
ious backgrounds, even from among slaves, and Hsuntzu argued that social and economic inequality
broke out of the confines of the interests of the separ- was rooted in man’s very nature and demanded
ate kingdoms. Its appearance was an indication of strict observance of differences between the noblemen
profound changes in the superstructure of society. and the common people in everything-from clothes
The principal ideological trends of ancient China to property qualifications. Like Plato and Xe-
Confucianism, Taoism, Legalism, and Mohism- nophon, Hsuntzu regarded hereditary division of
emerged in that period. labour as the basic principle of state structure.
Confucianism evolved in the late 6th and early 5th Unlike Confucianism, which was on the whole me-
centuries. It was founded by Kung-tzu (Confucius, taphysical in spirit, the thinking of the Taoists in that
551-479 B. C., “the teacher Kung”, later deified), a epoch was spontaneously dialectical. The basic cate-
scion of an impoverished aristocratic clan of the Lu ~ gory of that doctrine was Tao (Way). According to kingdom. He disseminated his ideas through conver- " the tradition, the founder of Taoism was Laotzu, a sations with disciples. Confucius’s maxims are said to | wise man from the Ch’u state, Confucius’s elder con- have been recorded as they were remembered by his ~ temporary, said to be the author of the philosophical pupils, and made up the book called Lunyii (The ff treatise Taoteching (presumably recorded in the 4th Analects). According to Confucius, each individual | or 3rd century B. C.). The social ideal of ancient had to occupy a strictly determined place in the 1 Taoism was a return to primitive simplicity and immutable social and world structure. Confucianism ^ equality within the community. Taoists never demanded strict discipline and subordination wit- ' defended slaves, believing slavery to be a natural hin a rigid social hierarchy: the son impli- S attribute of society, but they always sharply con-
178
demned the enslavement of compatriots. Taoists
were against riches and luxury, against excessive
requisitions and wars, which reduced the people to a
state of abject poverty, and against rulers’ violence
and noblemen’s abuses. “The Tao of the perfectly
wise is action without violence,” was the recurrent
theme of the Taotecking. The Taoists recognised the
eternal quality of Tao interpreted as nature, the
objective reality of the world, and rejected the deifi¬
cation of Heaven and of the Will of Heaven, believ¬
ing heaven to be as much part of nature as earth. In
general, however, Laotzu did not negate the exis¬
tence of gods, regarding them as the issue of Tao.
The Taoist thinker Liehtzu (5th-4th centuries)
expounded certain views concerning the origin and
development of the universe and the evolution of life
on the earth from the simplest organisms to man.
Liehtzu’s theory of matter was similar to the atomis¬
tic notions. Two first elements, cKi (ether) and chi
(seeds), were posited as material substance. “The
entire multitude of things comes out of tiny seeds
and returns to them.” The same proposition was
developed by the Taoist Chuangtzu (369-286), who
was also greatly intrigued by the problem of life and
death. Chuangtzu proposed a materialist solution of
that problem: “The human soul disappears with the
death of the body.” That brilliant philosopher saw
the universe as “an immense crucible”, and inter¬
preted Tao as the essence of being, the substantional
basis of the world, the absolute unifying principle
giving birth to all things endlessly changing in the
eternal cyclic movement of natural phenomena. Life
itself was endless movement. The universality of
change and the transition of phenomena into their
opposites made all qualities relative. “The life of a
thing is similar to a fast race, it changes with every
moment of motion.” Chuangtzu has been compared
to Heraclitus, but the great Greek’s idea about the
struggle of opposites was alien to him. Chuangtzu
rejected the division of men into “noble” and “insig¬
nificant”, passionately denouncing the parasite Con¬
fucius in the words of Chih the Robber, his favourite
hero; “You wily liar from the kingdom of Lu, you do
not plough yet you eat, neither do you weave yet you
wear clothes; in your foolhardiness you have in¬
vented filial respect, soliciting rulers for riches and
titles... There is no greater robber than you ! Why do
they call me and not you the Robber in Under
Heaven, Confucius?” Chuangtzu’s aphorism, “He
who steals a hook gets the axe, he who steals a throne
gets the kingdom” became a proverb. The natural-
philosophical views and the broad ethical principles
of Taoism attracted the sympathies of both the com¬
mon people and members of the ruling class, who
often interpreted the doctrine of “inaction” in a
purely individualistic spirit.
The adherents of the philosophy of Mo Ti (Mo- tzu; 5th-4th centuries) took up positions intermediate between those of the Confucianists and the Taoists. The Mohists recognised the divine Will of Heaven interpreting it as the human carrier of the principles of their doctrine. Unlike the Confucianists, the Mohists asserted that the Will of Heaven was cognis¬ able, and that man’s fate was not predetermined but depended on him alone. Rejecting the Confucian view of innate apriori knowledge and Taoist specu¬ lative cognition, the Mohists, just as the Legalists, believed sensations to be the only source of cogni¬ tion, thus accepting the solution of this epistemologi¬ cal problem in the spirit of naive materialism. The Mohist school attached great importance to empiri¬ cal natural-scientific observation. “Knowledge that cannot be applied in practice is false,” taught the Mohists. Following that principle, they laid the foundations of physical knowledge and de¬ veloped logical, mathematical, and engineering theories.
Mo Ti himself came from a family of poor craftsmen and may even have been a slave. The lower urban elements were active members of his school. “A just man does not shun the poor and the beggars,” Mo Ti taught. His sympathies were with the common people-farmers, craftsmen, traders for whom he demanded equality with the aristoc¬ racy, equal opportunities in matters of government, and abolition of the system of inheriting offices and 4" ranks of nobility. Mo Ti stressed the importance of 3 manual labour, believing it to be obligatory for all 1=1 citizens without exception. In contradistinction to f Confucian contempt for physical labour and inven- ~ tion, and the Taoist theory of inaction, Mo Ti 2 - attached great importance to the creative principle c in man’s activity. Mo Ti extended his doctrine of 5 social justice and equality for free men to embrace ■3 the religious and ideological sphere, so important in !_ the eyes of his contemporaries. Confucianists £> defended the aristocracy’s absolute right to the | ancestor cult, refusing that right to the common peo-
pie. “They who earn their living by their toil have lations of it, saying that “there were no recalcitrant
no right to their ancestors’ temples,” declared slaves in a strict family”. The Legalists were against
Hsiintzu. Mo Ti’s assertion that both the aristocrats the privileges of the old aristocracy and demanded
and the common people were carriers of ritual chal- state centralisation and introduction of courts pre-
lenged Confucian aristocratic morality. At the same sided over by royal officials. The Legalists’ political
time Mo Ti sharply objected to the Confucian rites structure, most fully expressed by Han Feitzu, anti-
of magnificent funerals and three-year mourning. cipated the idea of the future imperial state.
With his doctrine of “universal love and mutual In principle, the Legalists were in favour of end-
benefit”, Mo Ti preached a humane attitude to peo- ing wars between the kingdoms through their unifi-
ple regardless of their social position, as opposed to cation in a powerful empire, but they believed a
the Confucian principle of jen (love of fellow men) peaceful achievement of that goal to be unreal,
which assumed a gap between the higher and the Shang Yang declared external aggression to be the
lower, the governing and the governed, the noble state’s principal objective, and established a regime
and the lowly. of military-bureaucratic despotism in the Ch’in state.
Slaves, male and female, were constantly used as The first Legalists were in favour of the develop-
examples in the Mohists’ logical teaching, yet, being ment of commodity-money relations and even
outside civic society, they were naturally not taken assigned a respectable position in society to men
into account in the Mohist projects for political engaged in trade. However, as their political plans
reforms intended only for the free. The Mohist took a more concrete shape, the Legalists began to
school was stronger than any of the others in organi- include private trade, along with the crafts, among
sation, uniformity, and numbers. Its propositions the “five worms gnawing at the foundations of the
were in some respects close to the ideas of urban self- state” (the Confucians were also one of these),
government of slave-owning democracy. Mohists opposing them to the principal occupations of the
obeyed a semblance of Rules, they dressed as the population- farming and the military profession
common people, studied the techniques of city ensuring the success of conquests. With a view to
defence and the basics of fortification, and de- these same objectives, the Legalists attached great
manded active resistance to the enemy in defend- importance to the state’s economic functions, insist¬ ing the native city. The Mohists were believed to be ing on the state authorities’ interference in the
without equal in the art of debate. economy, control over and regulation of trade,
The most important representatives of the Legalist organisation of compulsory exchange, and state
school were Shang Yang (executed in the kingdom monopoly of the exploitation of natural resources, of Ch’in in 338 B. C.) and Han Feitzu (poisoned in In that period, the Confucians on the whole re-
the Ch’in state in 233 B. C.). The Legalist trend fleeted the interests of old hereditary aristocracy,
came into existence almost simultaneously with Taoism expressed the passive protest and aspirations
Confucianism and Taoism (in the 7th and 6th cen- of the commoners’ masses, and Mohism apparently
turies). The Legalists gave a materialist interpre- embodied the ideas of municipal self-government,
tation of Tao as the natural path of the development while the Legalists were the ideologists of the rising
of the universe, leaving no place for the supernatural propertied nobility, which owed its ascendancy to
forces and fate. Han Feitzu sharply opposed the wor- j advanced forms of slave-owning, and of the new shipping of gods and spirits, and the making of sacri- ~ bureaucracy.
flees. In Legalism, world-view problems were entire- Prominent among the philosophers of the War-
ly subordinated to the concrete tasks of government, I ring States was Yang Chu (414-334 B. C.), a major forming the theoretical basis of reforms implemented ~ thinker, materialist and atheist who came from a in some kingdoms. The core of the Legalists’ socio- P family of modest commoners. His teaching was political theories were the obligatory laws (fa), the I fiercely attacked by the Confucianists, Taoists and same for all, aimed at defending private property 1 Legalists alike, but its influence was particularly and at asserting the ruler’s absolute personal power. strong. Yang Chu taught that man consisted of the Insisting that law should be open to the public, the ? same elements as nature, differing from the other liv- Legalists demanded harsh penalties for the least vio- g ing beings only in that he had intellect. Yang Chu’s
materialistic worldview rejected the fear of gods who sang the praises of love and female beauty,
and of death. There was no immortality, death was a Sung Y ii’s works laid the beginning of secular poetry
natural occurrence in the face of which all men were in China,
equal. Yang Chu rejected the supranatural essence of Heaven and divine interference in the affairs of
men, and denounced the ancestor cult. He called on The Empire of Cli in and Earlier Han (Late 3rd Century
men to enjoy this earthly life, to take care of their B. C.-Early 1st Century A. D.). At the beginning of the
well-being without relying on the gods, to satisfy rea- 4th century B. C., the outlying north-western Ch’in
sonably their needs and desires, and to be indifferent state rapidly outstripped the other Warring States,
to the inevitability of death, thus following the Major irrigation projects were carried out on the
natural law of Tao. Yang Chu’s opponents declared river Wei, which brought about a manyfold increase
his individualism to be against the state interest. in agricultural production. At the end of the 4th cen-
Yang Chu’s ideal was a carefree and tranquil life, tury, only the Ch’u state had a greater population
not one of vigorous activity. “What is the difference than Ch’in. Under king Hsiaokung (361-338), the
between a fettered captive and someone incapable of philosopher Shang Yang was made head of the civil
enjoying a carefree moment?” he exclaimed. His and military administration and carried out impor-
philosophy expressed the mood of those sections of tant reforms: he introduced a single legal code
the public which believed involvement in contem- throughout the country, legalised the mortgaging
porary political life useless and therefore avoided it. and buying of land, abolished limitations on the size
During the Warring States epoch, the first poetic of land allotments (thus facilitating the disinte-
works by individual authors appeared. The great gration of communal links), undertook a direct
Ch’u Yuan (340-278 B. C.), generally recognised as attempt to break up large families by imposing dou-
the first Chinese poet, lived and worked in the Ch’u ble, treble, and even greater taxes on estates which
state. His lyrical and tragic poems were renowned remained undivided after the patriarch’s death
for their exquisite elegance of form and content, and (according to the number of brothers living
their wealth of picturesque mythological images. together), and banned blood feuds. Shang Yang’s
Ch’u Yuan passionately appealed for the unification laws protected the interests of rich commoners who
of all the kingdoms against the Ch’in state, the broke with the community, and encroached on corn-
enemy of his native Ch’u. Because of intrigues at the munity land-tenure. In his administration, the
court of the Ch’u ruler he fell into disfavour and was might of the hereditary noble clans was undermined
banished from the capital. In exile, he created his by a uniform administrative division of the state into
famous poem on Encountering Sorrow. Wandering territorial units -from districts to groups of ten or
through the Celestial palaces in a chariot drawn by five households tied by the obligation of mutual
eight dragons, the poet bitterly complained of soli- guarantee. In cases of an offence by a single member
tude, the injustice of his disgrace, and treacherous- of a mutually responsible group of households, they
ness of his friends. “How dirty is the world ! There is all became state slaves. Shang Yang’s unification of
not a man in the whole country! All is over!” Those n weight, length and volume measures, and his mone- were the words with which the poet ended his con- j| tary reform, stimulated the development of com- fession, thinking of suicide. According to the tradi- 1 modity-money relations. Instead of a crop-tax, tion, the old poet drowned himself on learning of the _ Shang Yang introduced taxation of the area of culti- victory of the Ch’in state over Ch’u. Ch’u Yuan’s | vated land, thus shifting the burden of the treasury’s works formed the basis of the new song genre of ju - Z losses from natural disasters on to the farmer’s lyrical and lyrico-epic odes with prosaic introduc- | shoulders. Shang Yang relied on the new nobility, tions. " whose ascendancy was due to ownership of land and
Another major Ch’u poet, Sung Yu (290-223 | slaves rather than noble origin. He introduced
B. C.), also wrote in the elegiac genre and developed ' twenty ranks of nobility awarded for personal, the ode form. Unlike the mournful and pessimistic §- mostly military, deserts, which also determined the poetry of Ch’u Yuan, Sung Yu’s lyrics were full of g property qualifications-the number of fields and the joy of life. He is regarded as the first Chinese poet 3 slaves to which the rank’s owners were entitled.
181
Soon, these ranks were freely bought and sold. In the structure to be built that came to be known as the army, Shang Yang disbanded the charioteer units, Great Wall, linking up and greatly expanding the the basis of the military power of hereditary aristoc- chain of defences previously built by the separate racy, and introduced cavalry instead. Bronze wea- kingdoms along their northern borders. The walls pons were replaced by iron ones. Only the state had between the separate kingdoms within the country the right to make weapons. As a result of Shang were razed. At the same time Ch’in Shihhuangti Yang’s reforms, the Ch’in army became one of the campaigned in south China and north-western Viet- most efficient among the forces of the ancient nam, where his armies temporarily subdued the Chinese states. After Hsiaokung’s death, the old aris- ancient Vietnamese states of Namviet and Aulac at tocracy, removed from positions of authority, the cost of enormous losses, pressed Shang Yang’s execution, but his reforms Ch’in Shihhuangti extended Shang Yang’s refbrm
remained in force. throughout the country, creating a strong central-
Having built up Ch’in’s military power, Ch’in ised empire headed by a despot and a vast bureau- rulers adopted in 325 the title of wang. After the cap- cratic mechanism. The Ch’in conquerors occupied a ture of fertile Szechuan with its mineral resources, privileged position in it, filling all the highest offices the Ch’in state became the strongest in China. Skil- in the state. The laws of the Ch’in state, to which fully taking advantage of the inner conflicts of the harsh clauses on penal law were added, and a uni¬ ancient Chinese states and their constant strife, the fied legal procedure were introduced throughout the Ch’in wangs captured one territory after another country. The hieroglyphic script was unified and and, following a fierce struggle, subjugated all the simplified. The empire was divided into administra- other kingdoms of ancient China, including Chou. tive units provinces and districts —without regard
In 222, Ch’u, Ch’in’s main rival and the largest of for the former political and ethnic boundaries. Local all the kingdoms, was conquered. In 221, Ch’in cults were resolutely suppressed and state ones, the brought to heel Ch’i, the last independent state on same for all, implanted. The civic name Black Heads the Shantung peninsula. After that, the Ch’in’s king was adopted by law as obligatory for all the subjects did not only adopt the former title of the Chou of the empire. Ch’in Shihhuangti’s measures were wangs, Son of Heaven (T’ienhsia) - in violation of all implemented in a harsh, purposeful and undeviating the ancient traditions, he selected an entirely new manner. Terror reigned throughout the country; title for designating supreme power -huangti, or anyone expressing discontent was liable to be exe- emperor. The first emperor of ancient China went cuted together with their entire clan. A great many down in history as Ch’in Shihhuangti, “The First people were enslaved in accordance with the mutual Emperor of Ch’in”. The Ch’in capital Hsien-yang guarantee laws. The numbers of state slaves swelled on the river Wei (modern Hsi-an) became the capi- hugely, absorbing masses of prisoners of war and tal of the empire. Having conquered the Chinese those condemned by the courts. “Ch’in set up mar- states, Ch’in Shihhuangti continued his expansion in kets of slaves in the pens, along with the cattle; it the north and south. Conquests and colonisation ruled over its subjects, holding their lives in its were the main theme of the First Emperor’s foreign hands,” report ancient Chinese authors, seeing this policy. All private weapons in the country were con- as probably the main cause of the rapid fall of the fiscated. Ch’in Shihhuangti’s vast standing army -o Ch’in dynasty. Endless military expeditions to had iron weapons and was reinforced by cavalry. At ~ remote lands, construction of the Great Wall, of irri- that time, a powerful tribal alliance of the Hsiungnu ~~ gation systems, roads throughout the empire, cities, people was growing with amazing rapidity on * numerous palaces and temples, and finally, of a stu- the northern borders of the empire. During their in- ~ pendous tomb for Ch’in Shihhuangti, involved co- cursions into China they took thousands of prisoners s lossal expenditure of manpower and loss of life. State leaving terribly devastated country behind. A Ch’in | slaves were driven to construction sites in hundreds army of 300,000 defeated the Hsiungnu people and § of thousands, and still there was not enough of them, pushed them back beyond the bend of the Hwang A despite the constant influx. The entire working Ho. To secure the northern frontier of the empire, * population of Black Heads had to carry an enormous Ch’in Shihhuangti ordered an immense fortification 5 burden of labour conscriptions. In 216, Ch’in Shih-
182
huangti issued a decree ordering the Black Heads to
report immediately on the lands they owned, and in¬
troduced an exceptionally hard land-tax sometimes
amounting to two-thirds of the farmers’ income.
Masses of people sometimes headed by their councils
of elders ran away to escape taxes and tributes; they
were hunted down and sent to the outlying prov¬
inces to colonise new lands. In 210, Ch’in Shih-
huangti suddenly died at the age of 48. Thousands of
slaves were killed and buried together with him in
the huge burial palace. Immediately after his death,
popular unrest flared up in the empire. One of the
rebel leaders, a former headman of a small village,
Pang legalised the sale of free men to private indi¬
viduals as slaves, and took no measures to restrict
land deals, which immediately resulted in the
growth of private land- and slave-ownership. The
prevailing political situation made Liu Pang violate
the principle of strict centralisation by handing out
gifts of land to his associates and relatives along with
the title of wang, which now became the highest
aristocratic title. The wangs minted their own coin,
concluded external alliances, and became involved
in internal rebellions. Fighting their separatism
became the principal task in the domestic policy of
Liu Pang’s successors. The power of the wangs was
was declared emperor and became the founder of
the new Han dynasty. This dynasty is divided into
two periods, the Earlier (or Former) Han (202
B.C.-A.D. 8) and Later Han (A. D. 25-220).
Beginning with the mid-1st millennium B. C., var¬ ious ethnic elements inhabiting the Hwang Ho and middle Yangtze regions interacted, the interaction resulting in the ethnogenesis of the Huahsia ethnic entity and, on the basis of the latter, in the ethno¬ cultural complex of the “central states”. But as late as the 3rd century B. C. the moulding of the ancient Chinese cultural and ethnic community had not yet been completed - neither the common ethnic self- consciousness nor a generally accepted self-appela- tion existed at that time. The political unification of ancient China within the centralised Ch’in empire was a powerful catalyst for the consolidation of the ancient Chinese ethnos. Despite the brevity of the existence of the Ch’in empire, its name became the principal ethnic self-appelation of the ancient Chinese in the next four hundred years, i. e., the Han period. As the ethnonym of the ancient Chinese, “Ch’in” was borrowed into the neighbour¬ ing languages and became the basis for most of the modern names of China: cf. German “China”, French “Chine”, and English “China”. But the self¬ appellation of the Chinese people, the one that is still in use-the “Hanjen”, comes from the name of the Han empire, although it was adopted after its fall.
Coming to power on the crest of an anti-Ch’in uprising, Liu Pang began by abolishing the harsh laws of the Ch’in empire but was compelled to leave some of the taxes in force. Certain privileges were given to the organs of communal self-government. The Ch’in administrative division and most statutes in the economic sphere remained in force, too. Liu
ultimately shattered under Emperor Wuti (140-87
B. C.).
The centralisation and consolidation of the empire in the first decades of the Earlier Han dynasty formed the basis for a further growth of the country’s well-being, facilitating the progress in farming, crafts and trade, as the sources unani¬ mously indicate.
Gradually, the country recovered from the conse¬ quences of many years of intestine strife which accompanied the fall of the Ch’in empire. Irrigation systems were repaired, and new ones built; labour productivity increased, especially in the crafts and above all in metallurgy, where slave labour was widely used. Private owners employed up to a thou¬ sand slave labourers in mines and workshops (foun¬ dries, textile factories, etc.). After Wuti introduced state monopoly of salt, iron, and wine production and the minting of coin, major state-owned indus¬ trial enterprises appeared. The number of cities with a population of more than 50 thousand, mostly traders and craftsmen, grew, and they became part of societal life. City-building was most intense in the Q central part of the Great Plain (in Honan). But most
4 towns were small settlements surrounded by
5 rammed-earth walls and fields, where several com- ' munities (It) lived. These were the typical basic | administrative units of the empire, where organs of s. communal self-government-a characteristic feature 9 of ancient Chinese urban culture-functioned.
a
In agriculture, free farmers made up the main 5 bulk of the producers. They paid land-tax (from 2 one-fifteenth to one-thirtieth of the harvest), poll- tax, and hearth-money. Men were also conscripted £> to work a month a year for three years and to serve | in the army for two years, plus three days of annual
183
garrison service. According to law, it was possible to dom, military aristocracy, and, significantly, the avoid labour and military conscription by paying off sanlao, the richer commoners-a proof of deep-going the state in money, grain or slaves. Well-to-do class differentiation in the communities, farmers could easily manage that; continual extraor- Under Wuti, the Han empire became a strong
dinary and additional taxes and requisitions, special centralised bureaucratic state, one of the most popu-1 conscriptions, etc., did not bother these farmers lous on the continent. The expansionist policy of the much but they were a serious handicap for the ancient Chinese empire at that time was aimed at rank-and-file commoners. Small-lot households capturing other countries’ territories, subjugation of especially suffered from having to pay taxes in neighbouring peoples, supremacy on the interna- money, as they could spare but little for the market. tional trading routes, and extension of external Creditors took away as much as a half of their prod- markets.
uce. “Nominally, the land-tax constitutes one-thir- The empire’s external position was for a long time
tieth of the harvest, but actually farmers are determined by a threat from the north, from the deprived of half of it,” reports The History of the powerful “nomadic empire” of the Hsiungnu. After Former Han Dynasty. Many ruined farmers lost their Liu Pang was nearly captured in 198, during a raid lands and were enslaved by creditors. The process of the Hsiungnu, the emperors of the Middle King- assumed the proportions of a social problem. “The dom (as the whole of the country was called by that treasury is getting poorer,” reported officials, “while time, while its people were called “the people of the rich men and traders enslave poor men for their Middle Kingdom”, chungkuojen, as they still are) had debts and store wealth in their barns”, “How can to pay an annual tribute in silk and agricultural the common people stand up for themselves when produce and send their chieftains, the shanyiis, Han rich men increase the number of slaves, expand their princesses for wives. But the nomads’ raids into fields, and hoard wealth?”, “Farmers work all year China did not cease. Wuti initiated a policy of active round without rest, but when the time of collecting confrontation with the Hsiungnu; with this aim in taxes comes, the well-to-do sell grain at half price view he reorganised the army, introducing heavily while the poor men borrow at a double interest armed cavalry in combination with light cavalry rate-so that many sell their fields and houses to pay and infantry armed with crossbows. In 123, after their debts, and they sell their sons and grandsons”. bloody batties, Han armies managed to repulse the Attempts to restrain usurers by pressure from above, Hsiungnu, driving them away from the empire’s and thus to stop the ruin and enslavement of farm- northern borders. Consolidating their positions ers - the bulk of the empire’s taxpayers - were unsuc- there, Wuti’s armies continued for nearly half a cen- cessful. Selling oneself, and enslavement of insolvent tury to drive the Hsiungnu tribes far into the Gobi debtors, became important sources of private slave- desert. At the same time Wuti waged endless aggres- owning, which especially flourished at that time. sive wars against Viet states in the south, finally con- Any well-to-do family could buy slaves. There was a quering them in 111. After that, the naval and permanent slave market in the country. Slaves could land Han forces attacked the ancient Korean state of be bought in nearly every city, as any commodity in Chao-Hsien and made it acknowledge the Han great demand. Just like cattle, they were counted dynasty’s supremacy.
“on the fingers of one’s hand”. Parties of fettered j Having expanded and consolidated the empire, slaves were driven by slave-traders across hundreds ~ Wuti then brought down the whole might of the of kilometres to Ch’ang-an and other major cities of ' Han state machine on the Tien Shan and Pamir the country. Slavery constituted the basis of producti- | peoples. In 138, the Warrior Emperor (as the Wuti on in industry, both private and state-owned. Tho- - temple name is translated) sent Ch’ang Ch’ien, a ugh to a lesser extent, slave labour was everywhere s diplomat and strategist, to the Kushan tribes in Cen- used in agriculture, as indicated in particular by tral Asia hostile to the Hsiungnu, guided by the mass confiscations in all parts of the empire of I tested method of ancient Chinese diplomacy of “sub¬ fields and slaves owned by persons violating the A duing barbarians with barbarian hands”. The 119 B. C. law on property taxation. That law did not * Kushans did not succumb to the intrigues of the Han apply to privileged land- and slave-owners, official- s’ ambassador, but Ch’ang Ch’ien’s reconnaissance
184
j
activities surpassed Wuti’s wildest expectations. However, the arrival of foreign ambassadors was
Ch’ang Ch’ien opened a whole new world of foreign regarded by the Son of Heaven as an expression of culture to Han China. He went to Tahsia (Bactria), submission to the empire, and the goods brought to K’angchu (Khorasmia), and Tawan (Ferghana), Ch’ang-an, as barbarians’tribute. Reformed Confu- where he saw with his own eyes the “heavenly cianism, recognised as a state religion by Wuti, pro¬ steeds”, Wuti’s most coveted prize. Ch’ang Ch’ien claimed the doctrine of absolute superiority of the made inquiries among the local traders concerning Middle Kingdom as the hub of the universe over the Anhsi (Parthia) and Shentu (India), and they in- surrounding world of “outer barbarians”, whose fai- formed him that they knew of the “Ch’in country” lure to obey the Son of Heaven was regarded as a as the land where silk came from, and that foreign crime. The campaigns of the Son of Heaven, the merchants willingly traded in silk. His reports on sacred giver of order to the universe, were regarded each of the foreign lands were specific and to the as punitive, and contacts in foreign policy referred to point: position, the size of territory, natural criminal law. The countries of the Western Regions resources, the population’s occupations, and mili- (as eastern Turkistan was called) were pressured tary strength. From that moment, Wuti set himself into “paying tribute” through gifts from the Han the strategic task of “conquering Tahsia and other court and the military force of Han garrisons sta- countries of the west as external tributaries”, and of tioned in the fortresses along the river Tarim which asserting Han hegemony on the Silk Route, which were quickly built here on Wuti’s orders after the began to function intensely at that time. For nearly a expulsion of the Hsiungnu from Kansu in 121-119 quarter of a century the ruling circles of the Han and its colonisation. The cities of the Western empire used all kinds of military and diplomatic Regions often rejected the “gifts of the Son of pressure to penetrate into western Asia and seize the Heaven”, correctly assessing them as crude attempts flourishing oases of the city-states of eastern Turki- to interfere in their affairs and deprive them of the stan along the northern and southern branches of advantages of transit trade. Han ambassadors were the Silk Route-the only transcontinental interna- particularly active in Ferghana, which held key tional route of that time, stretching across seven positions along an important part of the Silk Route
thousand kilometres from Ch’ang-an through the and bred pure-blood “heavenly steeds”, the stately
lands of the Kushans and Parthians to Roman Syria. horses of the western breed which were of the great- international trade was growing more vigorous est importance for Wuti’s heavily armed cavalry, along that route. Caravans were travelling in an The people of Tawan stubbornly resisted the solici- endless train, so that “one caravan never lost sight of tations of the Han court, “hiding the horses and the other”, as historian Ssuma Ch’ien, an eyewitness refusing to give them to the Han ambassadors” of those events, wrote. Traders were bringing from (Ssuma Ch’ien). In 104, a vast army went on a China iron, believed to be “the best in the world”, “punitive expedition” against the city of Erhshi (the nickel, precious metals, lacquered ware, bronze mir- capital of Ferghana) led by the general Li Kuangli, rors and other arts and crafts products. But ssu, or granted in advance the title of “Erhshi conqueror”, raw silk, made up the bulk of the trade; from the The campaign lasted two years and ended in utter
name of that commodity, which was in great 4 failure. In 102 Wuti undertook yet another gigantic
demand, ancient China came to be known in the * expedition to Ferghana. This time he captured some
Graeco-Roman world as the country of the Sins, “heavenly steeds”, but conquering Tawan proved to although antique geographers did not place the 5 be beyond the empire’s strength. The campaigns in “country of silk” further east than Kansu. Wild and ~ Ferghana, which strained the empire’s resources to domesticated animals and birds were brought to g) the extreme, ended, as Wuti admitted himself, in a China from foreign lands, as well as valuable varie- complete failure of Han aggression in the west. The ties of wood, rare plants, furs, perfumes, spices, jew- ' political dominion of Han China over eastern Tur- elry, glassware, tapestry and other luxury goods, ^ kistan proved to be unstable, frequently interrupted and, of course, skilful slaves from overseas. Of special I. and limited in character. The more unbiased ot the importance were plants from western Asia, includ- j? historiographers doubted the need for Han expan- ing vines, beans, and alfalfa. I sion in western Asia, pointing out its negative conse-
185
quences for these countries and especially for China.
“The Han dynasty aspired to take possession of the
remote Western Regions and thereby brought the
empire to exhaustion,” wrote the author of an early
medieval history of China.
After Wuti’s death further active foreign policy became impossible for the empire because of aggra¬ vated internal conflicts. The first popular move¬ ments in the Han empire flared up already at the end of Wuti’s reign. In the last quarter of the 1st cen¬ tury B. C., a wave of slave rebellions at state iron mines swept across the country. Soberly assessing the critical situation in the empire, many statesmen saw its cause in the growth of large-scale land- and slave- ownership. Under emperor Aid (6-1 B. C.), an attempt was made to set a limit on land estates (not more than 140 hectares) and the number of slaves that could be owned: 30 slaves for the common peo¬ ple and petty officials, and 200 for high officials and noblemen (not counting slaves older than 60 and younger than 10 ); it was suggested to set state slaves older than 50 free. That draft edict stirred up pro¬ tests among slave-owners and was never imple¬ mented, and neither was the next one of A. D. 3, although it limited only the common people’s rights to slave- and land-ownership. These edicts appar¬ ently reflected the positions of the ideologues of petty and medium owners. After the failure of the policy of reforms, uprisings broke out in the country again.
In A. D. 8 , power was seized by Wang Mang, a relation of the dynasty on the distaff side, who de¬ clared himself the founder of a dynasty of his own called Hsin (New). Wang Mang’s ideological in¬ spires were the followers of the Confucian “old texts” school, hostile to the mystic “new texts” school recognised by Wuti and his successors as an official doctrine. To enlist the support of the broad masses, Wang Mang announced the restoration of the blessed order of the olden times and of the Chou 5 system of community land-tenure (chingfien). He ^ promised to restore equal land allotments and hand over the surplus of land to commoners who had little s or no land. Naturally that promise could not be car- ~ ried out. Wang Mang banned the sale and purchas- s ing of land and slaves, declaring all privately owned | lands to be state-owned (wangt’ien), or “crown 5 lands”), and all the privately owned slaves to be “privately dependent” ( ssushu ), that is, apparently, ^ within the jurisdiction of the state but in the posses- 5
sion of their masters. State ownership of slaves was
not restricted. Far from it: all those guilty of violat¬
ing Wang Mang’s laws, together with other
members of the mutually responsible groups of five
households, were made state slaves. Simultaneously,
Wang Mang endeavoured to strengthen the state’s
police functions and make all loan operations the
treasury’s monopoly. Wang Mang’s reforms led to
an extreme increase in the state’s despotic pressure,
causing a general uprising. Wang Mang tried to save
the situation by declaring the abolition of all his
laws, but it was all in vain.
Groups of ruined commoners, slaves, and former farm-hands were active throughout the country, as¬ suming various names like Green Woodsmen, Cop¬ per Horses, Great Lances, Iron Shins, Black Calves, etc. Especially great in scope was the movement of Red Eyebrows in A. D. 18 in Shantung, where the populadon’s misfortunes were aggravated by a disastrous flood of the Hwang Ho, which abruptly changed its direction to the present one. The rebel armies, acting in isolation, moved on the capital from all sides. The first to take Ch’ang-an in A. D. 23 were the Green Forest men. Wang Mang was beheaded and his body torn to pieces. In A. D. 25, the capital was captured by the Red Eyebrows. Simultaneously, units of the ruling class in Loyang declared Liu Hsiu, a scion of the Han house, empe¬ ror. He became known in history as Kuang Wuti (A. D. 25-27). Kuang Wuti began his rule with a “punitive expedition” against the Red Eyebrows. In 29, he succeeded in crushing them, and later suppressed all the other people’s movements, Ku¬ ang Wuti’s reign began the period of the “restored” Han dynasty, called Later or Eastern Han Dynasty, as the capital of the empire was moved to Lo-yang.
The Fall of the Ancient Empires. The scope of the upris¬ ings of A. D. 17-25, in which slaves took an active part, showed the slave-owners the need for a greater cohesion of the ruling class. They handed over the function of suppressing the lower classes to the state and thereby sanctioned the restoration of the empire. Under Aiti and Wang Mang, any attempts by the state to restrict private ownership of slaves and interfere with the rights of land- and slave¬ owners met with desperate resistance, whereas now that the Kuang Wuti’s government severely
186
repressed the rebel movements, private owners no Vietnam, which Kuang Wuti managed to suppress
longer protested against Kuang Wuti’s laws securing only in 44, and with great difficulty. In the second
the freedom of those slaves who had actually won it half of the 1st century, taking advantage of (and
during the uprisings, and freeing those who had sold to some extent provoking) the split among the
themselves during famine or had been forcibly en- Hsiungnu into southern and northern tribes, and
slaved during that period. True, these laws were not permitting the Southern Hsiungnu, who accepted
always implemented in full, but all state slaves sen- China’s rule, to settle in the empire (on the Ordos
tenced to bondage for violation of the Wang Mang plateau), the empire took active measures to restore
laws, and some categories of privately owned slaves, the Han influence in the Western Regions. General
were actually freed. The edict of 35 banned the Pan Chao (32-102), brother of the well-known court
branding of privately owned slaves, the master’s historian Pan Ku, was appointed Governor of the
right to kill his slaves was limited, and the law on Western Regions. He succeeded in organising an
disgraceful market-place executions of slaves was alliance of the Tingling and Hsian-pi tribes against
repealed. Government measures to protect some of the Northern Hsiungnu, who laid claims to suprem-
the slaves’ elementary rights were envisaged. The acy in eastern Turkistan. The positions of the
edict even proclaimed (the first official declaration Hsiungnp were considerably weakened after Pan
of this kind) that the slave was by his nature also a Chao routed in A. D. 90, the forces of the Kushan
human being. At the same time the Law for Selling king, a covert ally of the Hsiungnu who also endeav-
People passed by the Kuang Wuti government in- ouredtoasserthisascendancyovertheSilkRoute.lt
troduced greater order into slave-trade and the is a known fact that after their defeat the Kushans
practice of selling free individuals as slaves, thereby kept sending their “gifts” for a while to the Han
consolidating slave-owning relations. It seems that court, which was an indirect form of inter-state
Kuang Wuti was mainly supported by petty and trade. For a short time, the Han empire restored its
medium slave-owning estates, while the big land- hegemony on the Great Silk Route, Pan Chao in-
and slave-owners (“the great families”), far from itiated a vigorous diplomatic activity, apparently
supporting him, were openly hostile and in 52 raised desiring to establish direct contacts with Tach’in, or
a rebellion against him, which Kuang Wuti sup- “the great Ch’in country”, as the Hans called the
pressed with characteristic ruthlessness. Roman empire. But the embassy he sent to Rome
Kuang Wuti’s government took effective measures only reached Roman Syria, being intentionally
to rebuild the dams on the Hwang Ho that had delayed en route by Parthian traders. The Chinese-
fallen into disrepair. That part of the Great Plain Roman trade through intermediaries had begun in
now directly adjoined the metropolitan region the second half of the 1st century B. G. and was fairly
(owing to the transfer of the capital of empire from regular. Roman schoolchildren learnt of “Chinese
Ch’ang-an, destroyed during the uprisings, to Lo- crossbows” from Horace and of goods from The
yang), and Kuang Wuti attached special importance Land of Silk from Virgil, Ptolemy, and Pliny the
to its economic development. Money circulation was Elder. The ancient Chinese saw the Romans for the
regulated, taxes reduced, and farming and silkworm n first time in 120, when a group of itinerant jugglers breeding encouraged. Poor people were given state -f came from Rome to Lo-yang to perform at the court fields ( kungfien ) on favourable terms, including the " of the Son of Heaven. Simultaneously the Eastern lands of the disgraced “great families”. “ Han empire established links with Hindustan
Gradually the empire restored its military might | through Upper Burma and Assam, and organised and its status of a “world power”. The border tribes, “ sea communications between the port of Pakhpo in which had joined the rebel movement of the §- northern Vietnam (which the Romans knew as Cat- empire’s lower strata, were pacified. In southern “ tigara) and the eastern coast of India, and also with China, the Han empire implemented a harsh policy j? Japan (via Korea). The first “embassy” from Rome of forcible assimilation of the local population. Im- ^ (a name assumed by a private Roman trading mis- perial officials cruelly oppressed the aborigines and i. sion) came in 166 to Lo-yang along the southern sea eradicated local cults and customs. In 42, an upris- j? route. From the second half of the 2nd century, ing against the Han authorities flared up in northern | when the Han empire lost its hegemony on the Silk
187
Route, Han adopted an expansionist foreign-trade policy gained the upper hand at court. They
policy in the southern maritime countries - Sri expressed the interests of those sections of the ruling
Lanka and Hanchipura (in southern India). These class which were not interested in expanding foreign
links retained their significance in later periods as trade or in further extending commodity-money
well. Expeditions were sent to the southern seas to relations, since their immense estates with their
capture slaves. Slave-trade figured prominently in workshops and inner markets increasingly became
the foreign dealings of the Later Han empire. self-sufficient entities. “He is so rich that he can close
The empire made desperate attempts to seize for- the gates and open a market,” was the proverbial eign markets in ever new directions. Its international description of an owner of such an estate, trading links had never been as extensive as they Two trends of socioeconomic development
now were. The consolidation of Han as a world became apparent in the Later Han empire. Slave- power was accompanied by an efflorescence of owning remained the leading factor. Slave-owning
science, literature, philosophy, and art. According to estates, including large-scale ones, continued to
eyewitness accounts, the empire’s capital Lo-yang exist, but slave labour was mostly used in certain
was striking in its splendour. The stiff magnificence specific types of production (irrigation, camphor of the imperial palace and the extravagant luxury of and varnish-tree plantations, cattle-breeding, fish- the palaces of the higher aristocracy knew no ing, salt mines), not in farming. There were increas- bounds. Court poets and well-known philosophers ing complaints about the low productivity of slave sang the praises of the grandeur and stability of the labour, which were first voiced in the 1st century ruling dynasty and glorified the empire as the acme B. C. (during the 81 B.C. governmental disputes of perfection and the Golden Age come true. about salt and iron monopolies and later in the The development of commodity-money relations report of the official Rung Yu). In the 2nd century through a huge expansion of the Han empire’s for- A. D., land concentration assumed enormous, prev- eign trade led to an increasing involvement of petty iously inconceivable proportions. “The great fami- and medium slave-owning estates in production for lies”, unconnected with the higher officialdom, some- the market. times had estates stretching “from one province to
Economy and trade, crafts and farming all flour- another”. Their influence extended throughout the ished. Watermills and water lifts appeared, and bel- neighbourhood, including small towns. They had lows were improved. Cultivation in beds and the sys- thousands of slaves, herds of horses and cattle, flocks tern of crop rotation came into use, but were never of sheep and other domestic animals, and great practised on a wide scale; neither was the heavy workshops and mines where fettered slaves worked, mould-boardless plough intended to be drawn by They also grew richer through trade and usury. On two oxen widely employed. In practice, it was such enormous estates, it was difficult and sometimes drawn by slaves, and the effect was insignificant. impossible to organise the necessary supervision over Farmers refused to buy iron agricultural implements slaves, and the labour of personally dependent made by state slaves, finding them “unsuitable for workers was becoming increasingly widespread here, wor k” in such forms as puch’u (personal bodyguard given
Although the law imposed certain restrictions on allotments of land), and various types of ke or the masters’ abuses, where slaves were used in large j “guests” (“field worker guests”, “guests for food and numbers, they were kept in chains. ~ clothes”, etc.)-a kind of clients or colons
The Later Han empire’s apparent prosperity was _ descriptively called in the sources “those who have precarious and fraught with profound contradic- B. no land of their own but till the fields of rich men”, tions. The level of labour productivity did not cor- ~ Impoverished farmers had to rent land from the respond to the degree of commodity-money rela- §. “strong houses” on the metayage system-and on tions. Basically, the ancient Chinese empire’s | very hard terms. The magnates’ vast estates some- economy remained a natural one, and a drag on the 5 times had thousands of these “guest households”, production of commodities. At a time of Pan Chao’s ^ and here rudiments of a new type of exploitation of greatest military and diplomatic successes in the ^ the immediate producer, which left him a measure Western Regions, opponents of an active foreign I of economic independence, came into being.
In the state sector, “the fields of the ton (military) 2nd century, some of the major members of the
settlements” (tuntien), became rather numerous in “strong houses” patronised several thousands of such
that period; here the farming was done by the col- families each-Ac, pinko, puch’ii, and others. The
onists and their families receiving from their supe- work-force of such an estate would be extremely
riors farming implements, cattle and seeds, and de- mixed, including slaves, half-slaves, various types ol
livering the yield to the state granaries, from which dependents, lease-holders, and enslaved debtors,
they later received payment in kind. Despite the Alarmed at the falling revenue, the state was legally
hard conditions of labour, “military settlers” were powerless to do anything, since the commoners — the
not legally slaves, as cases of their later enslavement state’s principal taxpayers —had the right to do what by the authorities show. The tun tien agrarian system, they pleased with their land; they could sell it or
apparently connected with the revival of communi- hand it over on certain terms to other physical or
ties, later became the prototype of the state “allot- juridical persons, including the “strong houses”,
ment system” (tseyuntien) which was introduced in while the latter in their turn could expand their
China in the middle of the 3rd century A. D. estates to any size whatever. Not being the owner of
The conflict between the two economic tenden- all land, the state was powerless to stop its subjects
cies-further growth of slave-owning and the nascent concluding land and personal deals,
pre-feudal forms —manifested itself in the debate on Many statesmen saw the “power of money inflam-
commodity-money relations in the 2nd century ing the lust for gain” as the cause of the ruin of many
A. D. Some of the reports presented to the emperor petty landowners. In the mid-2nd century, resisting
advised prohibition of money and immobilisation of the growth of commodity relations, the government
metal coins. officially announced the policy of “respect for farm-
In the field of foreign policy, the controversy ing and suppression of trade”. I hat policy was in
centred on whether to continue military aggression keeping with the general trend of social development
and expansion of foreign trade or to curtail them. towards a natural economy.
The issue was finally settled after Pan Chao’s death, The area of arable land registered by the state
when the governorship of the Western Regions was kept falling disastrously, and so did the numbers of abolished. taxpayers (from 49.5 million in the mid-2nd century
At the beginning of the Later Han period, the to 7.5 million in the mid-3rd century). That natur-
census recorded only 21 million taxpayers in the ally led to an increase in the tax pressure on the
empire, but towards the end of the 1st century that remaining masses of the empire’s civil population;
figure rose to 53 million, which indicated the resto- according to some sources, the taxes were ten times
ration of the state mechanism and the growing as great as the “legal” norm. The people grew indi¬ number of the empire’s taxpayers. However, only fif- gent; whole villages abandoned their homelands in
teen years later the census showed a fall in the popu- an attempt to escape taxes and requisitions, becom-
lation of nearly 10 per cent, and that at a time when ing homeless vagrants. The country was devastated
there were no domestic disturbances or bloody wars. by a terrible famine and pestilence, whole districts
Apparently part of the state’s taxpayers (and only ~ depopulated by epidemics. The fields were over¬ taxpayers were recorded by the regular official cen- 4 grown with weeds. The prices of foodstuffs skyrock- suses of the Han empire beginning with the A. D. 2) ’ eted. “People became cannibals, and the bones of
had accepted the patronage of major landowners. ^ dead men were scattered throughout the land,” Their position fundamentally differed from the sit- f reports the History of the Later Han Dynasty. Commod- uation in which ruined peasants mortgaged their ~ ity-money relations rapidly declined. The estates of fields and sold members of their families as slaves but r the “strong houses” increasingly became economi- remained independent citizens themselves. Now, in ^ cally closed self-sufficient entities, while the peasants the 2nd century, poor families “voluntarily” gave up ? that still remained free had no means for participat- their land to “strong houses” on condition that they - ing in the commodity circulation. City life came to a could cultivate it as individuals personally depen- S. halt. Compared with the beginning of the 1st cen- dent on the magnates, or sometimes “voluntarily {? tury, the number of cities in the country dropped by sold themselves as guests”. Towards the end of the ! more than a half. At the beginning of the dynasty,
189
self-governing cities had been a characteristic fea- of a secret pro-Taoist sect who called himself
ture of the imperial structure, and it had been their Teacher of Highest Virtue. He prophecied that the
support that had brought Liu Pang his initial sue- existing unjust system, an embodiment of sinfulness
cesses in the struggle for power, whereas now the and evil (“The Blue Heaven”) would be replaced by
sources did not mention them at all. Officials pro- an era of righteousness and universal prosperity
posed to reckon all taxes in fabrics; finally, in 204, a (“The Yellow Heaven”). Chang Chiao’s appeals and
decree was promulgated replacing all money pay- sermons, addressed to all people regardless of sex, age,
ments by payments in kind, and in 221, an imperial title or rank who desired salvation, and promising
edict in the Wei state (which had sprung on the release from suffering and happiness on earth in the
ruins of the Han empire in the Hwang Ho region), nearest future, attracted to him multitudes of the
abolished coins and introduced silk and grain into underprivileged. Within a short period, Chang
circulation instead. Chiao raised a 300,000-strong underground army of
Beginning with the second quarter of the 2nd cen- 36 units-one for each district of the empire. That
tury, the chronicles recorded local uprisings nearly was only made possible by the utter corruption of
every year more than a hundred during half a cen- the state mechanism. The sect’s agents recruited
tury. Regular repairs and maintenance of dams and some adherents even in the highest court circles. Ru-
other irrigation structures stopped, and Hwang Ho’s mours of an imminent uprising grew. On the eve of
floods brought countless misfortunes to hundreds of the revolt, Chang Chiao’s chief agent in the capital
thousands of families. The flood in 153 was espe- was denounced, seized and executed, and immedia-
cially disastrous. Central authority became weaker tely after that his supporters in Lo-yang were delive-
with every passing year. The empire’s corrupted red up to the authorities. Chang Chiao gave a signal
bureaucratic mechanism grew to colossal propor- for an immediate uprising throughout the country,
tions and became a self-contained force eating up The insurgents besieged cities, ransacked large esta-
the surplus product generated by the working tes, flooded fields, burnt down government buildings,
masses. Child emperors were pawns in the hands of killed rich men and officials, opened prisons, and
court groupings of “eunuchs” and “scholars”. Their freed slaves. On Chang Chiao’s orders, centres of
strife, which sometimes erupted in bloody massacres free distribution of foodstuffs to the people were
in the capital, reflected the heat of the political organised everywhere. Slaves were active in the
struggle between the centrifugal and centripetal uprising, but its main force apparently was the
forces within the ruling class. The former were ruined petty owners and the serfs. The rebels in most
represented by the “strong houses”, which aspired to cases did not go beyond seizing and distributing
make their estates not only economically but also property and foodstuffs-there were no demands for
politically independent, with seigneurial rights for a redistribution of land, so characteristic of the sub-
themselves and personal dependence of the peasants sequent peasant revolts. Chang Chiao died at the
on the seigneur. Their increased influence in the very peak of the uprising, but the Yellow Headdress
country’s socio-political life in the mid-2nd century rebels continued to fight just as stubbornly and self-
signified the empire’s disintegration and a decline of lessly. The imperial authorities proved unable to
the emperor’s power. The “scholars’ ” critique of the cope with the rebel movement. The armies of the
dominance of “dirty” grabbers in the central ^ “strong houses” rose to fight the Yellow Headdresses
administration from the positions of “pure judge- ~ and defeated their main forces. A tower of hundreds
ment” and their coup attempts in 166 and 169, in- . of thousands of cut-off heads was erected at the main
tended to replace the corrupt administration with | gate of the capital to celebrate the victory. However,
fresh blood, failed. The “eunuchs’ ” reprisals were ~ the country was swept by wave after wave of fresh
ruthless. “Scholars” were executed, tortured, exiled; |) uprisings, with frontier tribes joining the rebels. The
a thousand of the “pure ones” were imprisoned. I revolts were only crushed at the beginning of the
Their books were publicly burnt. 5 third century. The warlords who had suppressed the
In 184, a revolt on a gigantic scale, called the Yel- movement divided the loot and the power among
low Headdress Uprising, broke out. It was headed themselves, forgetting all about the emperor. The
by Chang Chiao, magician, physician, and founder S Han empire was in fact nonexistent already,
190
although the last weak scion of the Liu dynasty dragged out a pitiable existence at the court of one of the conquerors of the Yellow Headdresses.
The popular uprisings, strife among the “strong houses”, and barbarian incursions brought the ancient Chinese civilisation to an agonising end. The Han empire disintegrated as a result of the crisis of the empire’s slave-owning economy and the in¬ cipient processes of feudalisation. The Hsien-pei tribes, which conquered China in the 4th century A. D., occupied in fact, an already medieval China.
China’s Culture in the Epoch of the Ancient Empire (End of the 3rd Century B. C.-Beginning of the 3rd Century A.D.). At the start of the 1st century A. D., the earth’s population amounted to 250 million, and one-fifth of that number lived in the Han empire. The Ch’in- Han empire was the largest state of the ancient world in the later antiquity. Its more than four-hun¬ dred-year existence was an important stage in the historical development of all Eastern Asia and part of the world-historical process covering the epoch of the emergence, rise and downfall of ancient world empires, and with them, of the slave-owning mode of production. For China’s national history, that was an exceptionally important stage of consolidation of the ancient Chinese people.
The Han period brought the greatest cultural achievements of ancient China in science and mate-
A Han treatise of the 2nd century postulated in poe¬
tic form (just as in Lucretius) the need to adjust
scales for compression and expansion from cold and
heat. Han scholars studied, with some success,
resonance phenomena and the laws of harmony.
Chang Heng (78-139) was the first scientist in the
world to invent a prototype of the seismograph; he
built a celestial globe, described 2,500 stars grouped
in 320 constellations, and worked out a theory of the
earth’s spheric form and of the spatio-temporal in¬
finity of the universe. Han mathematicians wrote an
encyclopedia known as The Art of Counting in Nine
Books', they knew decimal fractions, invented nega¬
tive numbers, did a great deal towards specifying the
value of n and assimilated some methods of mathe¬
matics similar to those of the Greeks.
The end of the ancient epoch was marked by in¬ novations in the development of technical imple¬ ments in the crafts and agriculture (cf. the first mechanical engines using the force of falling water, pumping gear, improved plough, cultivation in beds, and crop rotation). Fan Shenchih summed up the achievements of agriculture in a treatise on agronomy and pedology; works on pharmacology and medicine appeared. A lst-century medical cata¬ logue lists 35 treatises on different diseases. The techniques of town-building made considerable advances. The plan of town-building worked out in the late Han epoch became a kind of standard for the architects of later times.
rial production as well as in art and society’s spiri¬
tual life. Various branches of the exact sciences
(astronomy, mathematics, medicine, physics,
mechanics, acoustics) developed intensely. Regular
records were kept of astronomic observations, in par¬
ticular of the appearance of comets (the first such
observation was recorded in 613 B. C., and since the n
3rd century B. C. they have been kept without inter- ■§
ruption); star catalogues were compiled, a lunar- ^
and-solar calendar improved, and the sundial was
invented to replace the water clock. Ancient Chinese |
astronomers could predict lunar eclipses and the -
possibility of solar ones. In 28 B. C., Han astro- ?
nomers discovered the existence of sun spots. An
achievement of world significance was the inven- ?
tion of a compass-a square iron plate with a mag- >3
netic spoon freely rotating on its surface, of which |
the handle pointed south. The mechanical law of g
action and counteraction was worked out in detail. |
High standards were achieved in the production
of lacquered objects, which began in the epoch of the
Warring States. The development of this industry
was stimulated by advances in woodworking and
mining (in particular, the mining of cinnabar and
other mineral pigments which were an important
item in international trade-great quantities of it
were exported to India). Lacquering centres arose in
many areas of the empire, but the district of Shu in
Szechuan, one of the most highly developed in the
empire, was especially famous for its lacquer. Lac¬
quered objects with the Shu mark were in great
demand far beyond the borders of China. Excellent
specimens have been found by archaeologists in
Korea. Szechuan was also second only to Shantung
as a major centre of the silk industry. Han silks were
of very high quality. In the Han epoch, an improved
loom was invented, which greatly enlarged the
assortment of fabrics. Silks were the most important
191
export item in Chinese trade. They flowed in a of Western and Central Asia and the Far East. This
broad stream to all the major countries of the book is in most cases the only and therefore invalu-
ancient world, reaching Rome and Egypt overland able source on the ancient history of these peoples;
and along sea routes. India was a major intermedi- besides, Ssuma Ch’ien’s descriptions are marked by
ary in silk trade. Sericulture developed in India, too, precision of historical and geographical information
apparently under the influence of China, while Han quite unusual for those times, and are in this respect
craftsmen borrowed from India the technique of cot- on a par with Ptolemy’s writings. A great stylist,
ton fabrics production. Links between China and Ssuma Ch’ien vividly and graphically described
India were established long before the Han epoch, political and economic situations and the life of the
but at that time they were especially intense and people. He made an outstanding contribution to
fruitful for both civilisations. Chinese historiography and was the first Chinese
At the beginning of the new era, China gave the author to have created literary portraits, which
world one of mankind’s greatest inventions - paper. places him among the most distinguished Han
Indian ink was also invented at that time. The writers. The popular tradition has preserved the
change over from writing on bamboo plates to writ- story of the tragic fate of “the father of Chinese his-
ing on silk, and from stylus to scribe’s brush had tory”, who was emasculated on Wuti’s orders for
made it possible to simplify the writing system. Now criticising the emperor and defending his disgraced
further advances were made in that direction. The friend, the military leader; he did not lose heart but,
hieroglyphic script was systematised, and a new style decided to “reject the idea of suicide” and to “pay
of writing called k’aishu was invented, forming the back for the shame inflicted” on him by creating a
basis of modern Chinese writing. Han materials and truthful account of the “essence of the changes in
instruments of writing were borrowed, along with these days and in remote antiquity”. Historical
the hieroglyphics, by the ancient peoples of Viet- Memoirs became a supreme standard for the historio- ,
nam, Korea, and Japan, while these countries, in graphers of the whole Far East for ages to come. The
their turn, influenced the cultural development of traditions of ancient Chinese historiography were
ancient China (in rice-growing and other areas of continued by Pan Ku (A. D. 39-92) and his sister
agriculture, in seafaring and the artistic handi- Pan Piao, the only woman historian in the whole
crafts). ancient world. They wrote an official history of the
The imperial epoch was one of generalisation of ruling dynasty, The History of the Earlier Han Dynasty
knowledge and the summing up of the whole of (Ch’ien Han shu), describing the historical events
China’s ancient culture. The palaces of the patrons from the positions of the Confucian worldview,
of arts including emperors, became cultural centres Prominent in the brilliant constellation of the Han
with large libraries, where scientific, philosophical poets was Ssuma Hsiangju (179-118 B. C.), who
and literary topics were widely discussed and sang, in an elevated solemn style, the splendour and
ancient monuments collected, edited and com- might of the Wuti empire. He continued the Ch’u
mented on. China’s most ancient folklore collections, traditions of Ch’u Yuan’s odes, a characteristic fea-
the Book of Odes (Shihching), the Book of History ture of all Han literature which absorbed the poetic
(Shangshu ), and the Book of Changes (Iching ) were heritage of the peoples of south China. A courtier
written down at that time. In fact, the whole of the j and bon vivant, Ssuma Hsiangju became the talk of surviving ancient Chinese heritage was recorded in ~ the people with a sensational love intrigue. He the Han period. Philology and poetics were also abducted the beautiful daughter of the richest mine-
studied, and the first dictionaries compiled. Major | owner in Szechuan and kept a tavern together with works of prose, mostly historical, were written at the ~ his bride, which scandalised the father-in-law so
time. The “father of Chinese history”, the great | much that he, “ashamed to appear in the street”,
Ssuma Ch’ien (145-86 B. C.), wrote the remarkable | made them the gift of “a hundred slaves and a mil-
Historical Memoirs (Shihchi ) - 130 volumes on the his- 1 lion coins”. The poet was “lured by fresh loves” un-
tory of China from the mythical first ancestor )~ til old age. The tradition has it that his poems had
Huangti to the reign of Wuti, with detailed reviews ? the magic power to revive a love grown cold,
of data on the neighbouring tribes and the countries S For the greater glory of the dynasty, Wuti
192
founded the Music Bureau ( Ytiehfu ), where folk
songs were collected and arranged and musical
works were written. Some of the Yiiehfu songs were
founded on melodies and themes that came from
Central Asia. The works of the best poets influenced
by the Music Bureau were realistic in content, re¬
flecting the mores of the epoch and the mood of the
simple people. Very few folk songs from the treasury
of the Music Bureau have survived; even fewer are
songs expressing the rebellious spirit of the people
rising against injustice. These last include “Eastern
Gates”, “East of Pingling Hill”, especially remark¬
able are thejao songs, in which the social protest is
strongest. They even call for the overthrow of the
emperor; thus one of them ends with the words.
“Death to Ch’in Shih-huang!” The leader of Yellow
Headdresses is said to have written a song calling for
an uprising: “An end to the Blue Heaven (i. e., the
Han dynasty) has come // We shall live under a Yel¬
low Heaven.//In the year under the sign jiazi
//Happiness will come to Under Heaven.”
Towards the end of the Han empire, anacreontic and fairytale themes increasingly became the main content of secular poetry; verses lost the quality of emotional spontaneity, gravitating towards elegance and grandiloquence. Books about miracles, legends, mystic and fantastic literature became popular. The authorities encouraged magnificent rites and secular spectacles; organisation of pageants was one of the state’s administrative functions. Rudiments of scenic art did not, however, develop into drama as a liter¬ ary genre in ancient China.
Ceramic models of buildings and burial reliefs show that the main features of Chinese traditional architecture evolved at that time. The recent exca¬ vations near Sian at the site of Ch’in Shih-huang’s tomb brought the sensational discovery of a “clay army” of three thousand foot soldiers and caval¬ rymen, life-size-an indication that portrait sculp¬ ture emerged in that period. The characteristic traits of Han art were high professional skill and realistic quality. These traits are found in lst-century reliefs from Szechuan, free in their composition and con¬ taining elements of perspective; their subjects are market-place scenes, hunting expeditions, scenes of harvesting and of hard labour in the salt mines. Second-century reliefs from the crypt of the Wu aris¬ tocratic family in Shantung, and frescoes of the same period in the burials in Liaotung are very clear and
precise in composition, but religious, mythological
and didactic themes prevail here.
In that epoch religious and philosophical litera¬ ture evolved and became widespread, stimulated at first by the elaboration of an official state ideology and later by the growing socio-political and spiritual crisis of the Later Han empire. The ideas that Heaven consciously interfered in human lives and meted out requital for both good and bad deeds became stronger in Confucianism. Tung Chungshu, the founder of Confucian theology, developed in the 1st century B. C. the ideas of divine origin of imper¬ ial power, declaring Heaven to be a supreme and nearly anthropomorphic deity. He was the first theo¬ logian to deify Confucius. The Confucius cult merged with the ancestor cult, which figured very prominently in Confucian theology. Tung Chungshu insisted on the banning of all schools but the Con¬ fucian. Under Wuti, Confucianism reformed by Tung Chungshu was declared the official doctrine of the empire. However, in the sphere of practical management preference was given to the adherents of the Legalist school, who were the inspirers of Wu- ti’s financial, economic and foreign policy. The social processes in the system of the empire worked further changes in Confucianism, which, early in the new era. split into two principal hostile trends - the mystic school continuing the Tung Chungshu line (the New Texts school), and the Old Texts school, led by Wang Mang, more rationalist in character and more flex¬ ible in its reactions to the problems of the modern times. The state actively used Confucianism in its in¬ terests, interfering in the struggle between the doc¬ trines which became increasingly fierce. The emperor initiated Confucian disputes, endeavouring to stop the schism for purely political reasons and ^ acting in fact as head of church. At the end of the 1 st •C century A. D., a council formally put an end to dis-
- sent in Confucianism, declaring all apocryphal liter-
' ature to be false and accepting the doctrine of the | New Texts school as official religious orthodoxy. ~ Henceforth, executions of dissidents became a |- dogma sanctified by Confucius’s authority. The triumph of the New Texts school signified theocratic ? sanctioning of imperial authority. In that school, the c idea of heavenly Providence was used to substantiate | the predestination of the second devolution of the {? Heavenly Mandate on the Later Han dynasty (reso- | lutely rejected by all the other schools). That ini-
193
13-344
dated the “dynastic idea” - a new principle of re- tality attracted to him multitudes of the underprivi-
ligious-political ideology. leged who lived under his rule in a closed colony-
Late Han Confucianism gave the doctrine of the the basis of secret Taoist organisations. According to
goal-directed Will of Heaven a specific ethical inter- the legend, Chang Taoling ascended to Heaven dur-
pretation, treating it as an eternal principle of the ing his lifetime, leaving no body on the earth that
immutability of social relations between ruler and could be buried. That legend, characteristic of the
subject, father and son, husband and wife, master Taoist religion, signified a rejection of the Confucian
and servant, on the observance of which the har- ancestor cult. As any dogmatic religion, Taoism split
mony of the cosmic elements yin and yang entirely into sects immediately on its emergence. The Taoist
depended. That religious-ethical system had a pro- heresy’s assertion of the equality of men before gods
nounced class bias, declaring the vulgar mob and and its condemnation of riches attracted the masses,
barbarians to be essentially amoral, asserting that The teaching of the secret T’aip’ingtao (The Doctri-
the powers that be were above law, promising them ne of Justice) sect, close to the Taoist heresy,
life after death and posthumous glory in accordance with its elements of eschatological and Messianic
with their titles and ranks during their lifetime, and aspirations, democratic rules and militant mood,
proclaiming the killing of any “bandits” “daring to became the banner of the movement of the Yellow
lift a hand against the king” to be every subject’s Headdresses, which dealt a mortal blow to the Han
sacred duty. In the late 2nd century A. D. the “state empire.
copy” of the Confucian holy writ, the Five Books, was The tendency towards the transformation of the
carved in stone, in the New Texts version. From that ancient socio-philosophical teachings into religious
time, violation of the Confucian commandments in- doctrines, which manifested itself in the transfigu-
corporated in the penal code was punished by death rations of Confucianism and Taoism, was a sign of
as “the gravest crime”. The dogmatism and intole- profound socio-psychological changes maturing in
ranee of Late Han Confucianism were linked with the Later Han empire. However, it was not the ethi-
the growing role of religion as an instrument of ideo- cal religions arising on Chinese soil but foreign
logical influence on the masses; these were traits Buddhism transplanted to the agonising Later Han
characteristic of medieval rather than ancient reli- world that became a world religion and acted as the i
gions. In Late Han society, torn by acute internal main ideological factor in the feudalisation of China
contradictions, Confucian orthodoxy was intended and the whole of East Asia. Buddhism came to
to consolidate the ruling circles of the dominant class China at the beginning of the new era, finding
and to separate that elite from the bulk of producers almost immediately a response among the working
by a rigid framework of social partitions, demanding masses and certain sections of the ruling class. At the
implicit obedience from the common people on pain end of the 2nd century, the Mahayana Buddhist
of Heavenly retribution and promising them teaching already enjoyed fairly wide recognition,
nothing in return. The spreading of Buddhism facilitated the intensifi-
When persecutions of “false” doctrines began, se- cation of the international cultural links between
cret religious-mystical sects spread throughout the China, India and Central Asia, which developed
country. The opponents of the ruling regime were both along the caravan route in the north and the
united on the platform of religious Taoism, which j sea routes in the south (via Burma and Yunnan), was in opposition to Confucianism and at the same The impetus of the development of the scientific
time dissociated itself from philosophical Taoism " and philosophical worldview had not yet exhausted that continued to develop the ancient materialist | itself, either. The work of the most outstanding Han concepts. The Taoist religion finally took shape by ~ thinker Wang Ch’ung (A. D. 27-97) falls within the the early 2nd century. Patriarch Chang Taoling of a short period of the Later Han empire upsurge. Szechuan, called “The Teacher”, is believed to have | Wang Ch’ung was a major materialist of antiquity, been the founder of that religion. The rumour £ His polemic treatise Critical Essays or Discourse spread that through the mediation of the spirits, ^ Weighed in the Balance (Lunhen) was an expression of Laotzu set him the task of making men happy. His ' his profound civic courage. During his lifetime, Con- prophecies and the doctrine of achieving immor- s' fucian orthodoxy was canonised at the Discussion in
194
the White Tiger Hall, and an end was thus put to free thought. In an atmosphere of intense ideological pressure, Wang Ch’ung had the courage to chal¬ lenge Confucian dogmas and religious mysticism. Rejecting the deification of Heaven, Wang Ch’ung held the materialist and atheist view that “heaven is a body similar to the earth”. Wang Ch’ung asserted the unity, eternity and corporeality of the world. His proposition that the source of being was the fine material substance ch’i continued the traditions of ancient Chinese natural philosophy with its atomis¬ tic theory of the structure of matter. All things in nature emerged naturally, as a result of condensa¬ tion of that substance, independently of any supranatural force. Wang Ch’ung rejected innate knowledge and mystic intuition with which Confu- cianists endowed ancient wise men, and regarded sensuous perception of the real world as the only path of cognition. “If a person does not see or hear the surrounding world, he can have no conception of it.” Believing that there was no fundamental differ¬ ence between man and animal, the philosopher asserted at the same time: “Of the creatures born by heaven and earth, man is the most valuable, and that value is determined by his ability for knowl¬ edge.” In the chapter called “Discourse on Death” Wang Ch’ung severely criticised the Confucian ancestor cult and religious Taoism’s ideas of physical immortality. Wang Ch’ung implicitly rejected the idea of the immortality of the soul, insisting that, like all living beings, man was completely destroyed after death. “The dead are not transformed into spirits, they have no ability for knowledge, and neither can
they do harm to men,” he affirmed. Wang Ch’ung
was one of the most erudite men of antiquity, a man
of encyclopaedic knowledge. Although his polemics
was mainly levelled against Confucian theology, he
also pursued the goals of enlightenment, passionate¬
ly denouncing the prejudices and superstitions of the
common people. Coming from a family that was
neither rich nor aristocratic, Wang Ch’ung knew
well the thoughts and feelings of the simple people.
He wrote his works with an eye to this kind of
audience as well, and he therefore attached special
importance to simplicity and clarity of exposition. “I
want to be understood by the simple people,” de¬
clared Wang Ch’ung.
Wang Ch’ung’s materialist worldview, particu¬ larly his doctrine of naturalness (tzujan), that is, the naturally necessary process of the development of the objective world, played an outstanding role in the history of Chinese philosophy. During his life¬ time, however, Wang Ch’ung’s work was not recog¬ nised and was even persecuted for his critique of Confucius. A thousand years after Wang Ch’ung’s death his manuscript was accidentally discovered, and the world learnt of one of the most outstanding atheists, materialists and enlighteners of antiquity.
The Ch’in-Han epoch had the same basic signifi¬ cance for the further historico-cultural development of China and, more generally, of all eastern Asia, as the Graeco-Roman world for European history. The Han empire can in this sense be referred to as Chinese antiquity, which laid the foundations of a cultural tradition that can be traced throughout the long history of China.
_ Part III _
The Graeco-Roman World
Chapter 11
Early Greece
The achievements of the ancient Greek civilisation
are very well known: they formed the basis of Euro¬
pean culture. Elements of ancient Greek architec¬
ture are still used in construction. A considerable
proportion of modern scientific terminology, names
of sciences, including the term “history”, most per¬
sonal names, and many words and expressions cur¬
rent in modern European languages come from Old
Greek. The works of Greek tragedians, poets, sculp¬
tors, and architects, the ancient Greek epics and the
writings of thinkers embodying the ideals and aspi¬
rations of that epoch still give esthetic pleasure and
serve as models for modern creative workers. In phi¬
losophy, just as in many other areas of culture and
science, we continually turn to “the achievements of
that small people whose universal talents and ac¬
tivity assured it a place in the history of human de¬
velopment that no other people can ever claim ”. 1
- * *
The late 3rd and early 2nd millennia B. C. was a most important stage in Europe’s history. It was at that time that a society divided into the classes of oppressors and the oppressed first emerged on Euro¬ pean territory, in the southern part of the Balkan peninsula and the outlying islands. The formation of class society resulted from a spontaneous process of previous development of the local peoples, above all from the development of their productive forces. C. 2500 B. C., major centres of metallurgy arose on
1 Frederick Engels, Dialectics of Nature, Progress Publishers,
Moscow, 1972, p. 46.
many of the islands of the Aegean and on the main¬
land. Considerable advances were achieved in pot¬
tery-making with the introduction of the potter’s
wheel. Progress in navigation also played a major
role. Greek islanders could already build large and
fast vessels (with 10 to 12 pairs of oars). Advances in
seafaring facilitated contacts between various
regions and a rapid spreading of technical and cul¬
tural innovations. Just as important was progress in
agriculture, where a new polycultural type of farm¬
ing arose, based on simultaneous growing of cereals
(barley above all), grapes and olives (the so-called
Mediterranean triad).
As labour productivity grew, exploitation of man¬ power became economically justified. On the other hand, an increase in the mass of surplus product ena¬ bled society to maintain a certain number of people not directly engaged in productive labour. That created the economic basis for the existence of the exploiting stratum of society. The closeness to the ancient civilisations of the Near East also had a con¬ siderable effect on the development of society in that region.
The initial stages in the formation of a class society __ and the state have not been sufficiently studied, the I main reason being a relative scarcity of sources. 5 Archaeological materials cannot throw light on the -i peripeteias of political history and the character of n social relations, while the earliest system of syllabic i writing which emerged on Crete (the so-called is Linear Script A) has not yet been deciphered as we | still do not know what language the creators of that 5 : system of writing spoke. Later, the Greeks which in- | habited the Balkan peninsula adapted that script to
196
their language (the so-called Linear Script B); it was all sides by tribes living in primitive communities,
only deciphered in 1953 by the British scholars The Achaean conquest levelled the differences in the
M. Ventris and J. Chadwick. But all the texts are development of various regions, so that when in the
business records, and the information they provide is 2nd millennium B. C. the formation of class society
therefore fairly limited. Finally, a picture of the and the state began again, the process involved prac-
society of the 2nd millennium B. C. can also be tically the whole of Greek territory,
gleaned from the Iliad and the Odyssey, and certain myths. But it is very difficult to give a historical in¬ terpretation of this type of sources artistically trans- Crete. The civilisation of the Bronze Age which
forming historical reality, with ideas and realities of emerged and flourished on Crete is usually called
different periods merged into single entities, making Minoan. That name was given it by the British
it very hard to identify elements that can be reliably archaeologist Sir Arthur Evans, the first to discover
referred to the 2nd millennium. For these reasons, monuments of that civilisation during excavations
the history of the societies of the southern part of the at Knossos. The Greek mythological tradition re-
Balkan peninsula and Crete in the Bronze Age (2nd garded Knossos as the residence of King Minos,
millennium B. C.) has not yet been sufficiently stud- the powerful ruler of Crete and many other Aegean
ied, and much remains in the sphere of scientific islands. It was here that Queen Pasiphae gave birth
hypothesis. to Minotaur (half-man, half-bull), Daedalus built
Some scholars believe that the first states emerged the labyrinth for Minotaur, etc. on the Balkan peninsula as early as the mid-3rd mil- The economic progress of Cretan society, quite
lennium B. C. In any case, the nature of a number of pronounced in the second half of the 3rd and early
sites studied by archaeologists in this region (Lerna 2nd millennia B. C., was expressed in particular in
in Argos, Rafina in Attica, a number of sites on the the growing number of new settlements. All the
islands of Lemnos and Syros, and in Crete) permits lands suitable for farming, which was the leading
the assumption that these societies were probably on branch in Cretan economy, must have been culti-
the threshold of the transition from the pre-class to vated by that time. Livestock-breeding also appar-
class structure or may have even undergone that ently played an important role in the economy,
transition. There was a considerable progress in the handi-
But the moulding of class society and the state in crafts, too. Accelerated social development and in-
the south of the Balkans was interrupted by an inva- creased labour productivity generated a mass ofsur-
sion of tribes from the north. Greek tribes in the true plus product part of which could be used for
sense of the term (they called themselves Achaeans exchange between communities. That was of special
orDanaoi) appeared here c. 22nd century B. C. The significance for Crete, which lay on the intersection
pre-Greek population, whose ethnic relationships of ancient sea routes connecting the Balkan penin-
have not yet been established, was partly ousted by sula and the islands of the Aegean with Asia Minor,
the newcomers and partly assimilated. That tribal Syria and North Africa. Like all the other seafaring
migration interrupted for a while social progress in peoples of the antiquity, Cretans combined sea trade
the south of the Balkan peninsula, since the conquer- with fishing and piracy.
ing tribes were at a lower stage of development. This At the turn of the 2nd millennium B. C., Cretan
resulted in a certain difference in the destinies of the society made a qualitative leap in its development,
two parts of the region, the continental part and as the first states emerged practically simultaneously
Crete. Crete was not affected by the tribal migration throughout the territory of Crete. Originally, there
and, accordingly, continued to develop unimpeded. - were four independent states, each of them includ-
More than that, for several centuries it was a zone of 0 ing several dozen small community settlements;
very fast socioeconomic, political and cultural ^ their centres were palaces - at Knossos, Phaistos,
advance. On the other hand, temporary regress of ^ Mallia, and Kato Zakro. It is precisely the emer-
mainland society had another important conse- §] gence of palaces that was the most striking indi-
quence. In the 3rd millennium B. C., states had $ cation of the class and state nature of society,
developed in very restricted enclaves surrounded on 3 The immense gap between a vast splendid palace
and a wretched hovel is a striking indication of ments intended for use by the community during
social inequality. natural disasters, enemy invasions and other critical
The epoch of “palace civilisation” on Crete situations. The communities voluntarily handed covered about 600 years, from 2000 to 1400 B. C. over part of their surplus product to the palace C. 1700 B. C. all the palaces were destroyed. The stores. Later, craftsmen’s workshops serving the causes of that destruction are variously explained in whole of the community were apparently set up modern science. Some scholars believe that the de- here. But just as in many other early societies, the struction was caused by natural disasters (a great community administration became separated from earthquake, most likely), others see here the result of the main body of the commoners, as class structure asocial conflict, of the struggle of the popular masses developed. Previously a servant of the community, enslaved by the upper stratum of society. Whatever this administration, relying on the great material the cause of that disaster, it delayed the development wealth at its disposal, now set itself up above society, of Cretan society for a short while only. Soon new The communities’ voluntary contributions became palaces were built on the sites of the old ones, sur- compulsory requisitions, and relations of domination passing them in splendour and monumentality. and subordination evolved. The community reserve The “new palace” epoch is much better known to fund grew into a palace estate economically domi- the scholars. The four palaces mendoned above, plus nating society. One of the factors in this process was a number of settlements and necropolises, have been concentration of a great share of handicraft produc- fairly well studied. The Knossos palace, a stupen- tion here. External economic links were also control- dous structure covering an area of nearly a hectare, led by the palace. Its power was also increased by its excavated by A. Evans, has been studied better than function of the community’s religious centre. A single any other. Although only one storey has survived, individual thus combined the roles of king and supre- the building apparently had two and probably three me priest. At the time of its efflorescence, Cretan so- storeys. The people living at the palace enjoyed all ciety may be assumed to have been a theocracy, the comforts and conveniences possible at that The 2nd millennium B. C. saw the beginning of slav- time-an excellent system of water supply and ery in Crete, but the number of slaves was not great, drainage, terracotta baths in special bathrooms, and Minoan civilisation reached its peak in the 16th
excellent ventilation and lighting. Everyday utensils and first half of the 15th centuries B. C. At the begin- were as a rule highly artistic and often made of pre- ning of that period, all Crete was united under the cious metals. Fine murals were discovered in many sway of the Knossos palace’s rulers, as indicated by a rooms of the palace, reproducing Cretan landscapes network of convenient roads connecting Knossos or scenes from the lives of the palace inhabitants, so with the most remote corners of the island and corn- far incomprehensible. plete absence of fortifications. Greek legends des-
Most of the ground floor was taken up by enorm- cribe King Minos as the first “ruler of the seas”, who ous storage facilities where wine, olive oil, grain, built a large fleet, did away with piracy and estab- local craftsmen’s products and wares from remote lished dominion over the Aegean. Naval expansion lands were kept. Finally, the palace also had work- went hand in hand with the development of trade, shops where jewelers, potters, and decorators of An indication of the scope of trade are finds of Cre- vases toiled for the palace inhabitants. tan craftsmen’s artifacts over a vast area-from
Scholars hold different opinions of the social and ^ Spain to Mesopotamia and from the north of the political organisation of Cretan society. On the basis - Balkan peninsula to the Nile valley. Cretan colonies of available data it may be assumed, though, that 5 and trade stations appeared on the Cyclades, palace economy was the nucleus of the state’s eco- ^ Rhodes, and the coast of Asia Minor. Cretans also nomic life. This economy developed already in a ^ established active trading and diplomatic links with class society as a result of the evolution of the com- | Egypt and the states of the Syro-Phoenician coast, munal structure. Originally, the palace was the sac- * In the mid-15th century B. C., Crete was devas- ral and economic centre of the community (or more 1 tated by a natural disaster which wiped out the probably of a number of communities). It was astor- ? Minoan civilisation. The disaster was most likely a ehouse for reserves of foodstuffs, tools and imple- I great eruption of the volcano on the island of Thera.
Most settlements and palaces were destroyed. Tak- system of water supply and drainage in the palace, ing advantage of this opportunity, the Achaeans The walls of many rooms were ornamented with from the Balkan peninsula invaded the island, and murals, of which battle scenes were the most freq- the former advanced centre of the Mediterranean uent theme.
became a god-forsaken province of Achaean Greece. At the peak of the Achaean civilisation, shaft
graves were replaced by royal tombs of a new type- tholoi or corbelled (bee-hive) chambers. The largest Achaean Greece. At the turn of the 2nd millennium of these is the so-called “Treasury of Atreus”. It was
B. C., the southern part of the Balkan peninsula was covered by an earth barrow, with a passage or
occupied by Greek, or Achaean, tribes. The power dromos leading to the chamber of which the
of tribal chieftains must have been replaced by royal entrance was protected by two stone blocks, one of
authority already in the 18th and 17th centuries. them weighing about 120 tons. The walls and cor-
The heyday of the Achaean civilisation came in the belling of the chamber were formed by fine-dressed
15th-13th centuries B. C. Originally, it was centred stone.
round Argolis, later expanding to the whole ofPelo- Palace estates formed the basis of the economic
ponnese, central Greece (Attica, Boeotia, Phocis), a structure of Achaean society, their influence affect-
considerable part of northern Greece (Thessaly) and ing all the aspects of the economy. Palaces had
many islands of the Aegean. numerous workshops for processing agricultural
The earliest monuments of this civilisation were products, spinning, sewing, and also foundries and
the so-called shaft graves discovered in the 19th cen- smithies producing tools and weapons. Besides,
tury by Heinrich Schliemann during excavations at palaces controlled the crafts throughout the terri- Mycenae. Here the first kings of the city and their tories under their rule. Metalworking was particu- relatives were buried. The tombs contained great larly strictly controlled. Blacksmiths who lived out- riches and numerous weapons. side the palace (apparently personally free members
Just as on Crete, palaces played a great role in the of the local communities) received precisely weighed life of Achaean society. The most significant of these bronze from the palace and handed over their prod- have been discovered at Mycenae, Tiryns, Pylos, ucts back to the palace. Exact accounts were kept of Athens, Thebes, Orchomenus, and Iolcos. The most all metal-both in the possession of the palace and of important trait that distinguished them from Cretan separate individuals. Local communities were also palaces was the existence of fortifications - they were obliged to place a definite number of craftsmen at all mighty citadels. The Tiryns citadel offers probab- the palace’s disposal.
ly the most striking illustration, with its walls built of As the Pylos archives show, the palace was the
huge limestone blocks weighing up to 12 tons. The principal owner of land. All lands were divided into
walls were more than 4.5 metres thick and 7.5 two categories-privately owned and communal
metres high in the surviving part. ones. The communal lands were not, however, culti-
Like Cretan palaces, Achaean ones were built on vated collectively but usually leased in small lots, an identical ground plan. The distinctive feature of Both members of the local community and indi- Achaean palaces-was their symmetric design. The viduals unconnected with it (e. g., members of the central part of the palace was a rectangular state apparatus) could be lease-holders. The state megaron, with a hearth in the middle and four col- (the palace) imposed taxes both on private and com- umns round it. Archaeologists have studied the Pylos munal lands. Achaean society had a well-developed palace more thoroughly than the others. It had two bureaucratic machine. Sources speak of a fiscal storeys and consisted of several dozen rooms-cere- n apparatus consisting of central government and monial and sacral ones, the private chambers of the -| local officials responsible for collecting taxes (mostly king, the queen and members of their household; _ in the form of metal-gold and bronze, but also in vast storerooms for keeping grain, wine, olive oil, ^ the form of various agricultural products). They also and various utensils; and numerous closets. An im- §. controlled metalworking in the districts under their portant part of the palace was an arsenal with great $ supervision.
stores of weapons. There was a smoothly functioning 5 Slaves formed the lowest stratum of Achaean
199
society. They were relatively few and mostly Achaean states began to tear the coming of some
belonged to the palace. Pylos documents show that terrible events. In many places, new defences were
most of the palace slaves were women. As a rule, built and old ones repaired, large-scale efforts were
they came from outside the Pylos kingdom. A char- made to build on the Isthmus (the bottleneck pas-
acteristic trait of society was the existence of several sage connecting the Peloponnese with central
categories of slaves differing in their position, as well Greece) a mighty wall intended to protect the whole
as the absence of a clearcut boundary between slaves of the peninsula. The Pylos palace archives also
and free men. An important social group consisted of point to some kind of military preparations,
formally free commoners who owned land and The presentiment of catastrophe was fully borne
houses but depended on the palace economically out. As shown by archaeological excavation, the di- and politically. There was no economic equality saster came at the very end of the 13th century B. C. among commoners either. The ruling stratum in- Nearly all the palaces and most settlements were eluded, first and foremost, members of the state’s destroyed. The agony of the Achaean civilisation bureaucratic mechanism, both local and central. continued for nearly a century. Late in the 12th cen- The state was headed by a wanax (king), whose func- tury the last of the Achaean palaces at Iolcos was tions were both political and sacral. The lawagetas or destroyed, and the palaces at Mycenae, Tiryns, and warlord played an important role. The higher no- Athens, where there had still been signs of life, were bility included priests of the principal temples and finally abandoned. The total number of settlements military leaders, above all commanders of charioteer in Greece also sharply fell at that time. For example, units which were the basis of the armed forces. 44 settlements were recorded at Argolis by archae- Little is so far known of the political history of ologists before the disaster, but only seven remained Achaean Greece. Some scholars believe that a uni- in the 11th century; the corresponding figures for fied Achaean empire under Mycenaean hegemony Messenia are 41 and 6; for Boeotia, 28 and 2; for existed, but it is more correct to assume that each Laconica, 30 and 1. No more monumental buildings palace was the centre of an independent state, which were erected, and the art of fresco painting therefore was often in military conflict with others. That did completely disappeared. A number of artistic crafts not, however, exclude the possibility of alliances of were lost, first of all those which satisfied the several Achaean states for joint enterprises. The Tro- demands of the higher strata of society-jewelry-mak- jan War described in the Iliad and the Odyssey was ing, ivory carving, glyptic. Links with the outer presumably one such campaign. It is not impossible world were almost completely severed, and ties that the war was only an episode in a powerful co- between the various parts of Greece waned. Writing Ionisation movement which began in the second half fell into disuse.
of the 2nd millennium B. C. Achaean settlements Thus perished the Achaean states in Greece. The
appeared on the western and southern coasts of Asia nuclei of these states, the palaces, were the first to be Minor; Rhodes and Cyprus were also actively col- destroyed. The population was also partly annihi- onised. The colonisation movement must also have lated, partly settled in areas least suitable for habi- been connected with the development of navigation tation, and partly emigrated. But society’s regress and sea trade. Achaean trading stations have been was not so much quantitative as qualitative: discovered in Sicily and southern Italy; an Achaean Greece’s population reverted to the primitive corn- settlement has been excavated at Ugarit. The ^ munal structure.
Achaeans’ naval activities were just as vigorous, a That fatal hundred years in the history of Greece They were involved in the powerful onslaught on the S has long attracted the attention of scholars, who Near Eastern countries that is usually termed the g keep looking for the causes of these events. Accord- movement of the Peoples of the Sea. Z ing to the traditional explanation, the Achaean civi-
i lisation was destroyed by the invasion of the Dor¬ as ians - related primitive Greek tribes that had lived in The Dorian Conquest and Its Consequences. “The Dark f the north of the Balkan peninsula. That theory has Age”. There are numerous indications that in the s recently been the subject of criticism. New solutions 13th century B.C., the powerful and flourishing I and modified variants of the traditional explanation
200
of the problem have been suggested. These can be
reduced to two principal explanations: an internal
social conflict in Achaean society and natural disas¬
ters. The former explanation is most popular, but it
does not take into account the appearance of Dor¬
ians previously unknown in Greece. To circumvent
that difficulty, it is suggested to view Dorians as the
indigenous population of Greece constituting the
bulk of the exploited masses, while the Achaeans are
regarded as the rulers. This is believed to be the rea¬
son why the Doric dialect was not recorded in the
written sources of the 2nd millennium B. C. The
Dorians are then said to have overthrown the
Achaeans and appeared in the foreground of history.
These explanations, however, are obviously artificial
and unsupported by the facts. At the present le¬
vel of historical knowledge, a modified traditional
explanation seems to be the most acceptable one. It
may be assumed that late in the 13th century Greece
was invaded by northern tribes not only the Dor¬
ians but also tribes of a different ethnic nature. That
incursion ended in the destruction of the principal
centres of the Achaean civilisation. There was no
mass migration, however, and only later did the
Dorians come in relatively small groups to the devas¬
tated and depopulated land and settled most of it.
The old Achaean population survived in some
regions only, of which Attica was the most important
one. The Achaean population ousted from Greece
spread eastwards, occupying some of the Aegean
islands, the western coast of Asia Minor and even
Cyprus.
The period between the 11th and 9th centuries B. C. is the least studied in the history of Greece. It is often referred to as “The Dark Age”. The prin¬ cipal sources of its study are archaeological materials and the epic poems Iliad and Odyssey. As we have pointed out above, the use of the poems as a histori¬ cal source involves considerable difficulties. As any epics, they comprise different strata traceable to dif¬ ferent historical periods. The poems describe the Achaeans’ Trojan campaign, the siege and taking of the city, and the vicissitudes of Odysseus, one of the heroes of the Trojan War, on his way back home. In their content, the poems should reflect the life of Achaean society at the very end of its efflorescence. But Homer himself apparently lived in the 8th cen¬ tury B. C., and must have had only a vague idea of many objects, and of the everyday life and relations
of the past times. On the other hand, he often per¬
ceived the events of the past in the light of the rela¬
tions of his own time. Finally, some general features
of epics must also be taken into account, such as the
use of hyperbole, of stereotype epithets and other
cliches in the description of characters and their eve¬
ryday life, as well as the intentionally archaic style.
In the period described here, farming remained the principal occupation of the population of Greece. Most of the cultivated land was apparently taken up by cereals. Horticulture, and wine-making continued to play a great role, and olives were grown on a large scale. Breeding of livestock (cattle, goats, sheep, pigs) also developed. Judging from Homer’s poems, cattle were used as a “universal equivalent”. Thus, according to the Iliad , a large tri¬ pod was valued at 12 oxen, and a skilful slave woman, at four.
Important changes took place at that time in the handicrafts, particularly in metallurgy and metal¬ working. The changes involved both techniques and organisation of production. It was in that period that iron began to be widely used. This fact had far- reaching consequences, revolutionising all spheres of life. The use of iron in the production of tools sharply increased labour productivity. As a result, it became possible for a single patriarchal family to cultivate an allotment of land without resorting to coop¬ eration with other families. The premises thus arose for the economic independence of the family as the basic production unit. Besides, the mining and cast¬ ing of iron were simpler than those of bronze. With the appearance of iron, there was no more need for expensive expeditions to far-off lands in search of metal; its centralised production, storage and distri¬ bution were no longer justified. The need for a cen¬ tralised bureaucratic mechanism characteristic of Achaean states also disappeared.
Compared to the Achaean epoch, the external links of the Greek world noticeably declined, and only towards the end of the period considered here were they somewhat extended. The sea seemed to the Greeks of those times to be a dangerous and alien force. The poets recounted the adventures of the half-pirates and half-traders that sailed the Mediter¬ ranean. Trading mostly took the form of barter.
The principal producers in ancient Greece were free farmers. The situation was somewhat different in the regions (typically illustrated by Sparta) where
the Dorian conquerors subjugated the local Achaean
population. Thus the Dorians occupied the fertile
valley of the Eurotas, subjugating the local popula¬
tion, but the degree of its exploitation was not great.
Polis as a special type of community was the basic form of societal organisation in Greece. Heads of patriarchal families constituting the polis were its citizens. Each family was an economically indepen¬ dent unit, which determined their political equality. Although the nascent aristocracy endeavoured to gain control of the community, the attainment of that goal was rather remote at the time. The polis community performed two most important func¬ tions-the defence of the land and of the population from the neighbours and regulation of the relations within the community. Only such poleis as Sparta, where there was subjugated population, developed some features of a primitive state structure then.
Towards the end of “the Dark Age” Greece was thus a world of hundreds of small and even tiny polis
communities uniting peasants cultivating their
lands. It was a primitive world, of which the basic
economic unit was a patriarchal family, economi¬
cally self-contained and practically independent of
the social environment, a world marked by a simple
mode of life and absence of external links, a world
where the upper section of society had not yet sepa¬
rated from the bulk of the population, and exploi¬
tation of man by man was only beginning. But the
Greeks had already mastered the technique of iron
production, which sharply increased labour produc¬
tivity. Given the primitive forms of social organisa¬
tion, there were no forces yet which could compel
the masses of producers to part with their surplus
product-it remained within the basic economic unit
and could be used for further expansion. But it was
here that the enormous economic potential of the
Greek world lay. It manifested itself in the next his¬
torical epoch, resulting in a rapid flourishing of
Greek society.
Chapter 12 Archaic Greece
8th to 6th centuries B. C. are usually referred to as
the archaic period in the history of Greece. Accord¬
ing to some researchers, it was at that period that
classical society developed most intensely. Indeed,
during these three centuries many important dis¬
coveries were made which determined the technical
basis of classical society. The socioeconomic and
political phenomena developed at that time which
determined the specificity of classical society in rela¬
tion to other slave-owning societies: classical slave¬
owning; a system of money circulation and markets;
civil community (polis) as the basic form of political
organisation; the concept of the sovereignty of the
people; and a democratic system of government. In
that period, the principal ethical norms, moral prin¬
ciples and esthetic ideals were worked out which in¬
fluenced the Graeco-Roman world throughout its
history - until the victory of Christianity. Finally,
the basic phenomena of classical culture-philoso¬
phy, science, the principal genres of literature,
theatre, architectural orders, and sport-all arose at
that time.
The dynamic character of society in the archaic period is clear from the following facts. C. 800 B. C., the Greeks lived on a very limited territory of the southern Balkan peninsula, Aegean islands and the western coast of Asia Minor, while c. 500 B. C. their settlements spread along all the coasts of the Medi¬ terranean, from Spain to the Levant and from Africa to the Crimea. C. 800 B. C., Greece was in fact a rural world, a world of self-contained small com¬ munities, whereas in 500 B. C. Greece was already a mass of small towns with local markets; coins were already powerfully affecting the economy, trading
links embraced the whole of the Mediterranean, and
not only luxury goods but also commodities of every¬
day consumption became objects of exchange.
C. 800, Greece had a primitive social structure
absolutely dominated by peasants, while the aristo¬
cracy differed but little from the peasants, and the
numbers of slaves were insignificant, whereas by 500
B. C. the Greek world had already lived through an
epoch of great social cataclysms, the slave of the clas¬
sical type had become one of the principal elements
of the social structure, different social and profes¬
sional groups existed side by side with peasantry,
and various forms of political organisation-
monarchy, tyranny, oligarchy, and aristocratic and
democratic republics-existed. In 800 B. C., Greece
had practically no temples, theatres or stadiums,
while Greece of the year 500 B. C. was a country of
countless beautiful public buildings of which the
ruins still delight us; lyrical poetry, tragedy, come¬
dy, and natural philosophy all developed in that
period.
These comparisons could be extended, but it should be clear already that the period of three hundred years indeed witnessed an extraordinary historical leap. This rapid advance had of course been prepared by the previous development. An exceptional role was played by the spreading of iron tools. Iron axes made forest clearance a much easier task; farmers now used iron ploughshares, picks, hoes, shovels, sickles, and spades, which improved the quality of land cultivation and increased the yields; iron garden shears were also used in olive¬ growing and viticulture. Iron tools now made it pos¬ sible to cultivate stiff soils and dig canals for draining
|
u.
a* a 8 -
C5 8 5
203
marshlands. Iron tools were also widely used in the include birth in an aristocratic family, possession of
handicrafts, increasing labour productivity. Im- land property (several times greater than the land
provement of melting furnaces brought about the in- allotment of an ordinary commoner), and finally a
vention of soldering and cored casting. Iron tools mode of life conforming to the norms of aristocratic
also made it possible to build roads in the moun- behaviour. The aristocrats’ domination of the sphere
tains, bridges, aqueducts, and large ships. The deve- of public life, especially of the administration of jus-
lopment of iron implements facilitated the dressing tice, was the bridgehead from which they began
of hard stone, which was now used in the construe- their offensive against peasants. This point is strik-
tion of city defences and temples. ingly illustrated in Hesiod’s remarkable epic poem
Progress in production had numerous conse- Works and Days written late in the 8th and early in
quences for the development of society. The growth the 7th century B. C. The aristocracy used its posi-
of labour productivity in agriculture and the crafts tion of the carrier and guardian of common law in its
resulted in increased surplus product. Increasing selfish interests rather than for the benefit of society
numbers of people could now be spared from farm- as a whole. The aristocracy’s privileged position was
ing, which led to a rapid growth of the crafts. Sepa- also determined by its military role. At the begin-
ration of farming from the handicrafts necessitated a ning of the archaic epoch the aristocracy constituted
regular exchange between them. The emergence of society’s main armed force. Only nobly born war-
markets entailed the appearance of a universal riors had heavy armour and fine weapons, so that
equivalent-minted coin, which rapidly spread battles were in effect a series of single combats
throughout Greece. Money, the new type of wealth, between aristocratic warriors. Ordinary citizens
became a rival of the old one-land property, under- made up a mass of soldiers armed with light weap-
mining the traditional relations. ons, who played only an insignificant role in the
That was the principal trend in the development hostilities,
of ancient Greek society. It led to a rapid disinte- Relying on their land property, dominance in the
gration of primitive communal relations and the social and ideological life and in military affairs, the development of new forms of socioeconomic and nobles endeavoured to establish control over the political organisation of society. That process rank-and-file members of society and turn them into
assumed various forms in different parts of Hellas, an exploited mass. Beginning with the 9th century
but there was also one common feature in them all- B. C., the links between Greece and the surrounding
the development of social conflicts. A more or less world were gradually restored. Of special signifi-
homogeneous society in which tribal aristocracy dif- cance were its ties with the East. Fine specimens of
fered but little from the peasant commoners evolved Oriental craftsmanship came to Greece as luxury
into a heterogeneous society consisting of different goods. Possession of them was regarded as pres-
social strata with conflicting interests. tigious and soon became a symbol of the aris-
The principal conflict of the epoch was between tocratic mode of life. The changing style of living the evolving aristocracy and the main bulk of the naturally demanded greater means. In its search for
rank-and-file population, in the first place the peas- these means the aristocracy turned to international
ant commoners. The conflict was complicated by the trade which was at that time combined with piracy,
involvement in it of other strata brought into being But the main source of income, as the nobles saw it,
by society’s economic progress, i. e., the de- ^ were the peasants, who had to be coerced into giving velopment of crafts and trade. ^ up part of their surplus product.
Greek aristocracy is usually believed to have 5 Modern researchers believe that the aristocratic emerged in the 8th century B. C. The aristocracy of ^ offensive against the rank-and-file citizens began in that time comprised a limited group of persons with n the 8th century B. C., reaching its peak in the 7th a specific mode of life and system of values obliga- | century. Although we know little of the details of tory for its members. Importantly, not only the aris- * that process, its main results can be seen from the tocrats themselves but other sections of society 1 example of Athens. The increased influence of the regarded them as the best part of it. The conditions = aristocracy was expressed here in the establishment of membership in the aristocracy were believed to | of a clear-cut estate structure. Athenian society was
204
divided into three strata: the eupatridai, or highly
born aristocrats, the zeugitai , or the mass of common
citizens, and finally peasants dependent on aristo¬
crats, whose position was sometimes compared with
that of slaves. The dominant position of the aristoc¬
racy relied in particular on its monopoly of public
magistracies; aristocrats were in fact the only mem¬
bers of the community permitted to manage their
affairs. Further development of that process resulted
in a gradual reduction of the stratum offree peasants
and an increase in the numbers of dependent ones.
In describing the state of Athenian society on the eve
of the reforms, i. e., at the time when the aristocracy
achieved its greatest successes, Aristotle wrote that
the people were in the position of slaves, and the
children and wives of the poor men were also en¬
slaved, not only the men themselves. They were
called pelates or “sixth-sharers”, for it was on these
terms that they tilled the lands of the rich. All land
was in the hands of the few. If the poor could not pay
the rental, they and their children could be en¬
slaved. A similar situation existed in many Greek
poleis. This naturally created a great inner tension
and gave rise to constant social conflicts.
The “Great Greek Colonisation”, a highly im¬ portant historical event, was also closely con¬ nected with this situation. Beginning with the mid-8th century B. C., the Greeks were compelled to leave their native land and migrate to other coun¬ tries. During three centuries, they founded a great number of colonies on the coasts of the Mediter¬ ranean. Colonisation proceeded in three principal directions-western (Sicily, southern Italy, southern France and even the eastern coast of Spain), north¬ ern (the Thracian coast of the Aegean, the region of the* straits connecting the Mediterranean and the Black Sea, and the Black Sea coast), and south-eas¬ tern (the north African coast and the Levant).
The causes and nature of colonisation have been a subject of controversy for decades. Modern re¬ searchers believe that the main cause of the coloni¬ sation was lack of land. Greece suffered both from absolute agrarian overpopulation (population growth due to a general economic rise) and from relative one (insufficiency of land in the hands of the poorest peasants due to concentration of land prop¬ erty in the nobles’ hands). Political struggle was also one of the causes of colonisation (those defeated in a civil war were often compelled to leave their native
land and migrate overseas). But political struggle
was mostly an expression of the principal social con¬
flict of the epoch, i. e., the fight over land. Trading is
also mentioned as a possible cause: it was important
to establish control over the trading routes leading to
the sources of raw materials, of metal in the first
place.
The cities of Chalcis and Eretria on the island of Euboea were among the pioneers of Greek colonisa¬ tion. In the 8th century B. C. these important centres of metallurgy were apparently Greece’s most advanced cities. Later Corinth, Megara, and the cities of Asia Minor, especially Miletus, actively joined in the colonisation.
The economic basis of the new cities was deter¬ mined by a number of factors-the natural condi¬ tions on the site of the colony, the nature of the neighbouring local communities, the nature of the economy of the parent city, etc. Some of them became major agricultural centres; in a number of cases they subjugated the local population and exploited it much like the helots of Sparta. That was the situation, e. g., in Syracuse, the major Greek city in Sicily, and some cities in southern Italy. The col¬ onies of Phocis, including the largest of them, Massa- lia (modern Marseilles), were mostly trading and handicraft centres. Most Greek colonies were inde¬ pendent of their homelands, although they kept up close contacts with them. In less frequent cases the parent state was able to exercise control over its col¬ onies. Such was the policy of Corinth, for instance. Finally, in very rare cases a colony would be founded as a typical trading station on the territory of a foreign state; a typical example was Naucra- tis-a Greek city planted in Egypt with the phar¬ aoh’s permission. The Greek trading station at A1 Mina in northern Syria was merely a separate block in that city.
Colonisation made a great impact on the develop¬ ment of ancient Greek society, particularly of its economy. Although most colonies endeavoured to build self-sufficient economies, the establishment of P contacts with the local population and the impossi- ? bility of organising all the handicrafts in the colonies ►S resulted in the establishment of very close economic ties with the old centres of the Balkan peninsula and |) Asia Minor. These exported on a large scale the products of Greek handicrafts, especially artistic s ones, and some types of agricultural produce (the
205
best wines, olive oil, etc.) to the colonies and the local peoples, receiving in return grain and other foodstuffs, as well as raw materials (timber, metals, etc.). This stimulated the development of Greek handicrafts, and Greek agriculture began to work mostly for the market. Thus colonisation on the one hand dampened the social conflicts in Greece, taking masses of landless peasants out of the country, and on the other hand facilitated a profound restructur¬ ing of the economic and social system of Greek society.
As has already been pointed out, the pressure of the aristocracy reached its peak in the 7th century B. C., but it was also a time of increased resistance to that pressure. The acute social struggle of that pe¬ riod is vividly reflected in the verses of Theognis, an aristocratic poet banished from his native city, full of hatred for his people:
He who has never yet known either justice or law, Never worn aught but a shabby goatskin on his back Grazing outside city walls in the woods like wild deer Has been ennobled, and men who were nobly born Have become lowly.
The peasants, who were the main object of aris¬ tocratic exploitation, now had strong allies. The literary monuments of the 7th and 6th centuries B. C. touch on a very curious phenomenon in their descriptions of severe social conflicts: the aristocrats’ greatest hatred was not for the peasants but for the people they called kakoi (“the bad ones”). An anal¬ ysis of the sources shows that a very specific social stratum evolved at that time-men who attained considerable wealth (mosdy through the crafts or trade) enabling them to live like aristocrats without the latter’s hereditary privileges.
Money enjoys universal respect. All the orders Have been confused by wealth,
bitterly wrote Theognis. The kakoi aspired to partici- pation in the management of society’s affairs, but I under the existing social structure all power 5; belonged to the nobles. The kakoi were therefore the ^ peasants’ ready allies in the struggle against the aristocracy. s
The first successes in this struggle were mostly g, achieved with the establishment of written laws, 1 which limited the abuses of the aristocracy. In the ? mid-7th century B. C., the laws of Zaleukos from |
Locron (south Italy; were adopted; in 624 the laws of
Drako of Athens; also in 624, the laws of Charondas
in Katane (Sicily), etc.
Several circumstances aided the fighters against aristocratic domination. C. 675-650 technical advances brought about a revolution in military affairs. Heavy armour became accessible to the com¬ mon citizens, and the aristocracy lost its superiority in the military sphere. Moreover, the type of battle order that best accorded with this type of weapons- the phalanx or compact formation of several ranks of heavily armed hoplites- demanded the greatest pos¬ sible number of warriors. The phalanx’s chances of success increased with its depth and length of line. War became a mass affair, the battle order making the nobleman and the peasant equals. The signifi¬ cance of this development was so great that some researchers even speak of the “hoplites’ revolution”.
Because of the scarcity of the country’s natural resources, the Greek aristocracy could never equal the aristocracy of the East in material wealth. Owing to the specific features of historical develop¬ ment, Iron Age Greece had no economic institutions (like the temple estates of the East) on which the aristocrats might rely in their exploitation of peas¬ ants. Basically, i. e., in the mode of their economic activities, aristocratic estates did not differ from those of the peasants. Even peasant households dependent on the nobles were economically self-suf¬ ficient. All of this largely predetermined the instabil¬ ity of aristocratic domination of society. Finally, the nobles’ ethics was also a force which undermined their positions. That ethics was essentially “agonis¬ tic” (competitive): in accordance with the ethical norms of that social stratum, each nobleman endeavoured to be first in everything-on the battle¬ field, in sports, and in politics. These ethical princi¬ ples had evolved in the previous period, when the forms of societal organisation had been rather loose and the noble’s whole life had focused on his estate (oikos ), which had to be constantly defended by force of arms. These were the formative factors in the evo¬ lution of the aristocrats’ ethics with its primary con¬ cern with their own interests, complete neglect for the interests of the society of which they were members, and constant readiness for rivalry and open struggle. The Greek aristocracy brought that system of values to the new historical period when a cohesion of all its forces was necessary to ensure its
206
dominant position, but that was not a goal it was Tyranny was not of course a necessary stage in the
capable of attaining. evolution of all the polises. It was most typical of
In most Greek cities, the growing acuteness of the those cities which became major handicrafts and
social conflicts in the 7th and 6th centuries B. C. trade centres already in the archaic epoch. - The for-
resulted in the establishment of tyrannies, i. e., sys- mation of this type of classical polis in Athens has
terns in which power was vested in a single ruler. been studied better (owing to the fairly abundant
The concept of tyranny did not at that time have the sources) than in other cities. As has been mentioned
negative colouring it has in modern society. Tyran- above, at the beginning of the archaic epoch politi-
nic regimes existed in Miletus, Ephesus, on Samos, cal power in Athens belonged entirely to the eupatri-
in Sicyon, Corinth, Megara, later in Athens and dai, the nobles who gradually reduced the ordinary
some other cities. Tyrants were as a rule active in citizens to serfdom. As early as the 7th century B. C.,
foreign policy, they built powerful armed forces, and social conflicts flared up here. In the 630s, Cylon, a
took great pains to improve and embellish their member of a family of the eupatridai, made an
cities. Polycrates, tyrant of Samos, united the whole attempt to establish a tyranny that ended in his
of the island in one state, built a powerful navy, death. Soon after, the laws were recorded. Decisive
erected city walls, and built a fine harbour and a changes, linked with the name of Solon, occurred
water-line into the city. He was active on the early in the 6th century B. C. After winning popular-
Aegean, endeavouring to establish his control over ity as the leader of a campaign against the island of
the major sea routes. The tyrannical dynasty of the Salamis, Solon was able to carry out a series of
Cypselidai which ruled Corinth for seventy years reforms. The most important of these was the so-
(7th and 6th centuries B. C.) implemented an active called seisachtheia, or the “shaking off of burdens”,
colonisation policy to ensure control over the trading The stones that marked the plots of indebted peas-
routes leading west. Handicrafts flourished at that ants were pulled down, and the land reverted to
time in Corinth, and Corinthian products spread their original owners. That was a powerful blow
throughout the western Mediterranean. It was here against the aristocrats, who were the principal credi-
that the trireme was invented at that time a fast tors. The peasants, who had been reduced to the
warship with three rows of oars, which for several position of tenants on their own land because of their
centuries became the principal type of warship in debts, were restored to their status of owners by that
the ancient Mediterranean. reform. Simultaneously it was absolutely forbidden
Similar processes were observed in many other to enslave Athenians for their debts. Moreover, mea-
Greek cities in which tyrants ruled. But early tyran- sures were taken to bring the Athenians sold for their
nies were not regimes that could exist for long - they debts abroad back to their homeland. Through
were doomed because of internal contradictions. legislative measures, Solon also endeavoured to stim-
The overthrow of aristocratic domination and the ulate agricultural and industrial production for the
struggle against the aristocracy were impossible market. Political reforms, which ultimately under-
without support from the popular masses and with- mined the political dominion of the nobles, were also
out economic revival of peasant economy. The peas- of great significance. According to the new laws, the
ants, who profited by that policy, supported the ty- extent of political rights was determined by the size
rants. But when the nobles became less of a threat, of property rather than by noble birth. All citizenry
the peasants gradually came to realise that tyranni- was divided into four property classes, and the Ath-
cal regimes were no longer necessary. The rise of the enian military organisation was restructured in
peasant economy entailed certain political conse- accordance with this division. The citizens of the two
quences: in the course of time, tyranny lost the sup- S upper classes served in the cavalry; the third class port of the masses and was thus doomed. The crisis ^ (the most numerous one, consisting mostly of peas- in the relations between the tyrant and the bulk of ^ ants) formed units of heavily armed hoplites, and the the citizenry ended as a rule in the downfall of the _ fourth and lowest category, of lightly armed war- tyranny, the establishment of a republican form of f riors. A new organ of government was set up-the government (oligarchic or democratic) and the for- - Council or Boule, and the role of the popular assem- mation of the classical Greek polis. 3 bly grew.
207
Despite the radical character of Solon’s reforms, of the traditions of collective ownership of land. By
they did not solve all the problems. Both the nobles, and by the Spartans expanded their military activity
who were deprived of most of their privileges, and and attempted to conquer Messenia (the western
the broad sections of the demos were disaffected by part of Peloponnese). The First Messenian War
the reforms. The demos was discontented because ended in the capture of part of the country; in the
the democratisation of the system was not radical 7th century, they started the Second Messenian War
enough; in particular, only the citizens of the two in order to conquer the whole of that land. It was at
highest property classes had effective political rights, that time, as recent research has shown, that the
that is, the right to fill magisterial posts of any degree latent internal social conflict erupted in Sparta. The
of significance. Spartan crisis resembled in its principal aspects simi-
After Solon’s reforms, acute social struggle in lar conflicts that were occurring at that time in the
Athens resulted in the establishment in 560 B. C. of other parts of Greece; essentially, it was a conflict
Peisistratus’s tyrannical regime. With interruptions, between the aristocracy and the rank-and-file citi-
the tyranny persisted here until 510 B. C. Peisistratus, zenry. During the war, the commoners rose against
who was a eupatrid himself, confiscated the lands of the nobles, and a long struggle between them
his eupatrid political opponents. These lands were resulted in a complete transformation of Spartan
distributed among the peasants. He also introduced society. A system was built in Sparta that was later
state credits for the peasants and simplified legal called Lycurgan, after the law-maker who estab-
procedures. Peisistratus conducted an active foreign lished it. The tradition simplifies the actual picture,
policy, consolidating the positions of Athens on the of course: the system was not created at a stroke, tak-
sea routes. Trade and the handicrafts flourished in ing considerable time to evolve, but its formation
the city, and many construction projects were was undoubtedly begun during the Second Mes-
started. Athens gradually became one of the major senian War. Having overcome its internal crisis,
economic centres of Hellas. In objective terms, how- Sparta was able to conquer Messenia, emerging as
ever, Peisistratus’s policy led to the undermining of the most powerful state of Peloponnese and probably
the tyrannical regime’s stability, as it increased the of all Greece.
importance of the democratic elements which in- The purpose of the new system was to attain abso-
creasingly resented the tyranny. Under Peisistratus’s lute equality among Spartan citizens. All land in
successors that regime fell, and this again increased Laconica and Messenia was divided into equal lots,
the social tensions. Soon after 509 B. C., a series of or kleroi. Each Spartan was given such a kleros, but it
reforms were implemented under Cleisthenes’s lea- did not become his property, and after his death the
dership which finally asserted the democratic sys- land reverted to the state. Other measures were also
tern. The most important of these reforms concerned taken to achieve complete equality among the Spar-
franchise. All citizens regardless of their property tans; these included a rigorous system of education
status were given equal political rights. The system intended to mould the ideal warrior; a strict regula-
of territorial division was changed so that the nobles’ tion of all the aspects of the citizens’ life, which was
influence in the rural areas was destroyed. The his- at all times very much the life of a military camp; a
tory of Athens in the archaic epoch was the history of strict ban on farming, crafts or trade as possible
the evolution of the democratic polis. occupations for Spartans, and on the use of gold and
The development of Sparta went along a different ^ silver (iron bars were used for coin in Sparta); and path. As has been mentioned, the Dorians captured ~ severe limitations on contacts with the external Laconica and, subjugating the local population, 5 world. The political system was also reformed, founded a state at Sparta as early as the 9th century ^ Besides the kings (who performed the functions of B. C. The state did not evolve here through the military leaders, judges and priests), the council of society’s internal conflicts but as a result of conquest; | elders or Gerousia, and the popular assembly, a new
having emerged at a very early stage, it retained a= organ was set up-a college of five ephors or “over-
many primitive structural features. One of these was | seers”, the most democratic institution in Sparta at
a dyarchy: there were two royal houses possessing ?; that time. The ephors were elected by the whole equal rights. Another such feature was the strength £ body of adult citizens; this college was the highest
208
control organ which saw to it that no one (not even the kings or the elders) deviated from the principles of the Spartan system, which was the object of pride for the Spartans who believed that they achieved ideal equality.
Historians traditionally view Sparta as a militarist state (these days, some specialists prefer the term “police state”), and there is a great deal to recom¬ mend that view. The basis of the “community of homoioi" or equals, that is, of the full-fledged Spartan citizens all having equal rights and doing no produc¬ tive work at all, were the helots or the masses of the subjugated population of Laconica and Messenia. Scholars have argued for years about the best way to define the position of that stratum of the population. According to the most widely accepted definition, the helots were state slaves. They had plots of land, labour implements, and a measure of economic in¬ dependence. But they had to hand over a certain share of their crops to the masters, the Spartans, thus providing their means of subsistence. According to modern calculations, that share equalled one-sixth or one-seventh of the harvest. The helots had no political rights at all. They belonged to the Spartan state (though not to any individual Spartan), which had absolute power over their life and limb, not only their property. Any sign of protest on the helots’ part was ruthlessly suppressed.
There was yet another social group in Sparta called perioikoior “dwellers around”. They were the descendants of the Dorians and formed no part of the Spartan citizenry. They lived in communities of their own, and had their own internal self-govern¬ ment (under the supervision of Spartan officials); their occupations were farming, the crafts and trade. They were obliged to contribute military con¬ tingents to the Spartan army. Sparta was represen¬ tative of one of the modes of the development of ancient Greek society; similar social conditions and political structure are found in a number of other Greek societies-in Crete, Argos, Thessaly, etc.
The Greek Culture of the Archaic Epoch. Greek culture,
like all the other aspects of life in Greece, went
through a series of turbulent changes in the archaic 5
epoch. First of all, the ethnic self-consciousness r-
evolved in that period, the Greeks coming to realise §
themselves as a single people different from the
others whom they began to call “barbarians”. There
was no sign yet of a superior attitude in this opposi¬
tion of the Hellenes to the barbarians, but a basis for
such an attitude already existed. The ethnic self-
consciousness manifested itself in certain social insti¬
tutions. According to the Greek tradition, the first
Olympic games, open only to the Greeks, were held
in 776 B' C.
During the archaic period, the principal features of ancient Greek society’s ethics took shape, includ¬ ing the combination of the nascent collectivist atti¬ tude and the agonistic (competitive) principle. The gradual moulding of the polis as a special type of community destined to replace the loose unions of the “heroic” epoch also called forth to life a new polis-oriented morality, essentially collectivist in nature, since the existence of the individual outside the polis was impossible. The military organisation of the polis (the phalanx battle order) also contrib¬ uted to the development of that morality. The citizen’s highest virtue was selfless defence of his native polis. But the new morality preserved certain principles of the ethics of the Homeric times with its basic element of competitiveness. Political reforms in the poleis were such that this morality lived on, as the reforms did not deprive the aristocracy of its rights but rather raised the common citizenry to the level of aristocracy as far as the extent of their politi¬ cal rights was concerned. Because of this, the tradi¬ tional ethics of the nobles spread in the masses, although in a somewhat changed form : the desire to serve the native polis best was the guiding principle now.
Religion was also going through a transformation. The unity of the Greek world that was emerging at that time despite all the local differences resulted in the appearance of a pantheon of gods common to all the Greeks. Greater order in the internal structure of society was reflected in greater order in the pan¬ theon, where the functions of the gods were more strictly delimited. The idea of an omnipotent deity was alien to the Greek religious consciousness, parti¬ cularly at that period of its development: an imper¬ sonal force, Fate or Ananke, towered above the world of the Olympian gods. A unified Greek religion had not yet arisen owing to political fragmentation and the absence of priesthood, but a great many ex¬ tremely similar, though not identical, religious sys-
209
14—344
terns already existed. As the polis worldview deve¬ loped, the conception of special ties between a certain deity and a polis of which it was a patron or patroness took shape. Thus the goddess Athena was closely linked with Athens; Hera, with Samos and Argos; Apollo and Artemis, with Delos; Apollo, with Delphi; Zeus, with Olympia, etc.
Characteristic of the Greek worldview at that time was not only polytheism but also the notion of uni¬ versal animatedness of nature. Each natural pheno¬ menon, each river, spring, mountain or coppice had a divinity of their own. In the Greek’s view, there was no insurmountable boundary between the world of men and that of gods; these two worlds were con¬ nected through the mediation of heroes. Such heroes as Heracles were included among the gods for their labours. Greek gods were anthropomorphous them¬ selves, they had human passions and could suffer like men.
The archaic epoch marked the beginning of the formation of Greek architecture. The primacy of social and, above all, sacral architecture is abso¬ lutely indubitable. The dwelling houses of that time were primitive; the society’s main resources were spent entirely on monumental edifices, and in the first place on temples. The temples of the com¬ munity’s patrons took absolute priority. The devel¬ oping feeling of the unity of a civic community expressed itself in the construction of such temples believed to be the dwellings of the gods. Early tem¬ ples repeated the ground plan of the megaron of the 2nd millennium B. C. The temple of the new type was born in Sparta, and that was only natural, for Sparta was in fact the most ancient polis of Hellas. A characteristic feature of Greek architecture was the use of orders - a special system of construction which emphasised the building’s architectonics and lent a particular expressiveness to the load-carrying and other elements of the structure, revealing their func¬ tion. A building in one of the orders usually has a ^ stepped foundation on which a series of columns are ^ erected-vertical load-carrying supports for the 5 entablature reflecting the structure of the beam ceil- 5 ing and the roof. Originally, temples were built on n acropolises or fortified hills, which were the ancient | centres of settlements. Along with the general j democratisation of society, the location of temples | later changed, too. They were now also built in the 5 lower town, mostly in the agora or main square, s
210
which was the centre of the community’s social and
business life.
The temple as an institution facilitated the devel¬ opment of various arts. The custom of bringing offer¬ ings to the temple became established very early. Part of the booty captured from the enemy, often their weapons, were brought to the temple; gifts were offered on the occasion of release from danger, etc. A considerable share of these gifts were works of art. Particularly important in this respect were tem¬ ples popular throughout Greece, of which the tem¬ ple of Apollo at Delphi was the most famous. The rivalry between aristocratic clans and later between poleis contributed to the concentration here of the best works of art, while the shrine’s territory became a kind of a museum.
During the archaic epoch, monumental sculpture, an art previously unknown in Greece, appeared. The earliest sculptures were effigies crudely carved out of wood, often with ivory inlays, covered with sheet bronze. Advances in the techniques of stone dressing did not affect architecture alone-they also resulted in the emergence of stone sculpture, while improvements in metalworking brought about the emergence of bronze sculpture. In the 7th and 6 th centuries B. C., two types prevailed in sculpture - the nude male figure and the draped female. The birth of the statuary type of a man’s nude figure was con¬ nected with the principal trends in the development of society at that time. The statue portrayed a hand¬ some and valorous citizen, winner at sports who made his native city famous through his victories. Statues on tombs and figures of deities also followed this model. The appearance of reliefs was mostly connected with the custom of erecting monuments over graves. Later reliefs developed into complex compositions of many figures, becoming an obliga¬ tory element of the temple’s entablature. Statues and reliefs were usually painted.
Unlike paintings on vases, Greek monumental painting is but little known. Vase paintings offer a better chance of tracing the principal trends in the evolution of art-the development of realistic princi¬ ples, and the interaction between traditional art and Oriental influences. In the 7th and early 6 th cen¬ turies B. C., Corinthian and Rhodian vases with par¬ ticoloured paintings of the so-called “carpet style” prevailed. They usually carried vegetable designs and various animals and fantastic creatures
arranged in rows. In the 6th century B.C., the
“black-figure style” was dominant in vase painting:
figures painted in black lacquer stood out sharply
against the reddish clay background. Most popular
in the black-figure style were mythological themes.
Athens became the most prominent of the cities
where these vases were made.
The greatest achievement of the Greek culture of the archaic epoch was the development of the alpha¬ betic system of writing. Transforming the Phoeni¬ cian syllabic system, the Greeks worked out a simple and economical method of recording information. Learning to read and write no longer required long years of hard work; the system of education was “democratised”, so that practically all free citizens of Greece gradually became literate. Knowledge was thereby secularised too, which, on the one hand, became one of the causes of the absence of priest¬ hood as the carrier of society’s bank of knowledge, and on the other, increased the intellectual potential of society as a whole.
The archaic epoch witnessed the emergence of philosophy - an event of extreme importance in the history of European culture. Philosophy was a fun¬ damentally new approach to the cognition of the world, basically different from that which prevailed in the Near East and in Greece of the earlier times.
The transition from religious-mythological concep¬ tions of the world to its philosophical interpretation signified a qualitative leap in mankind’s intellectual development. The posing of worldview problems, their formulation, emphasis on the human mind as the instrument of cognition, and orientation towards the search for the causes of all that happens in the world itself rather than outside it — these are the fea¬ tures that substantively distinguish the philosophical approach to the world from religious and mythologi¬ cal views. Two principal views of the emergence of philosophy are current in present-day literature. According to one school of thought, the birth of phi¬ losophy is derivative from the development of science, quantitative accumulation of positive knowledge resulting in a qualitative leap. According 5 to the other explanation, early Greek philosophy dif- f fered from the chronologically earlier mythological system of world cognition only in the mode of ^ expression. Recently, the view has been expressed |" which appears to be more correct than the other r two; it postulates the birth of philosophy from the |
211
social experiences of the citizen in the early polis.
The polis and the relations between the citizens
within the polis-that was the model in terms of
which Greek philosophers conceived the world and
the structure of the universe. This is borne out by the
fact that in its earliest form, that of natural philoso¬
phy (concerned above all with cognition of the most
general laws of the universe), philosophy emerged in
the poleis of Asia Minor, which were the most
advanced at the time (late 7th and 6th centuries
B. C.). It was here that the first philosophers -
Thales, Anaximander, and Anaximenes were
active. The philosophy that came into being there
was spontaneously materialistic. The search for the
material first elements of all that is was the principal
concern of the first philosophers. The natural philo¬
sophical theories of the first principles permitted the
construction of a general worldview and an explana¬
tion of the general picture of the universe without
resorting to the gods. Thales, the founder of Ionic
natural philosophy, believed that water in its perpe¬
tual motion was the element of nature; its transfor¬
mations created all things, which in their turn ulti¬
mately became water. Thales pictured the earth as a
flat disc floating on the surface of primordial water.
Thales was also believed to be the founder of mathe¬
matics, astronomy and various other sciences. Com¬
paring records on the successive solar eclipses, ht
predicted the solar eclipse of 597 (or 585) B. C. and
explained it by the fact that the moon stood in the
light of the sun. According to Anaximander, the first
element of all that is was the apeiron, or an indefinite,
eternal and endless substance in perpetual motion.
Anaximander gave the first formulation of the law of
conservation of energy and constructed the first geo¬
metrical model of the universe.
The materialism and dialectics of the Ionic natural philosophers were rejected by the Pythagor¬ eans-the followers of the teaching of Pythagoras who founded a religious-mystic society in southern Italy. The Pythagoreans attached paramount im¬ portance to mathematics, believing that it was not quality but quantity, not substance but form, that determined the essence of all that is. Ultimately they identified things with numbers, depriving them of their material content. The abstract number raised to an absolute was seen as the basis of the nonmater¬ ial essence of the world.
At the beginning of the archaic epoch, the epic
14 *
poems inherited from the previous times were the dominant genre. Under Peisistratus, Homer’s poems were recorded in Athens, and that marked the end of the “epic” period. As a reflection of the experiences of all society, epics had to give way to other types of literature under the new conditions. In that epoch of turbulent social conflicts in which men became con¬ sciously involved, lyrical genres reflecting the individual’s emotions and experiences began to develop. The poetry of Tyrtaeus, who inspired the Spartans in their struggle for possession of Messenia and dominance over the helots, was distinguished for its civic spirit. Tyrtaeus’s elegies praised military valour and set down the norms of a warrior’s beha¬ viour; they were sung during military campaigns in later times, too, and also enjoyed popularity outside Sparta as hymns in praise of polis patriotism.
The poetry of Theognis, an aristocratic poet who realised that the supremacy of the aristocrats had come to an end, and suffered from that realisation, was imbued with hatred for the lower classes and a passion for revenge:
Trample the empty-souled commoners hard with your
heel,
Prick them with sharp-pointed sticks, and fetter them
fast to a yoke.
Archilochus, one of the first lyrical poets, spent a life full of misfortunes and suffering. The son of a noble and a slave woman, Archilochus was driven by dire need to leave his native island of Paros for Thasos in the company of some colonists; he fought the Thracians, served as a mercenary, visited “beau¬ tiful and happy” Italy, but nowhere did he find happiness.
My barley bread is kneaded in my spear
And in my spear flows my Ismarian wine
Leaning upon my spear, I drink.
The work of another great lyric poet, Alkaios, re¬ flected the stormy political fife of the times. His themes were politics, conviviality, the joys of life, the sadness of love, and the inevitability of death. Merry-making was probably his favourite subject.
feus lets it rain, and terrible from heaven
Comes winter's breath; the streams are frozen fast
Let's flout the winter: fan the fire,
And mix sweet wine a-plenty in a mug,
And then, with ardent pleasure,
Upon a downy pillow lay your head.
There is also this exquisite line to Sappho, his great contemporary:
Sappho, violet-locked and pure, tenderly smiling... Sappho mostly wrote of women suffering from love and the pangs ofjealousy; of a mother’s tender love for her children. The tone of her poems is mostly one of sadness, which lends them special charm.
Blessed like the immortals to me seems He who is sitting so close at your side,
Tour sweet voice hears, and also your Laughter enchanting Can hear. Truly it sets in my breast My racing heart a-flutter.
Anacreon was a poet of beauty, love, and joy; he never wrote of politics, wars, or civil strife. These lines to Bacchus, translated by Thomas More, are typical:
“Oh, Bacchus! we shall sing to thee,
In wild but sweet ebriety!
And flash around such sparks of thought,
As Bacchus could alone have taught!
Then give the harp of epic song,
Which Homer's finger thrill'd along;
But tear away the sanguine string,
For war is not the theme / sing!”
The genius of Anacreon and the fascinating style of his verse made an enormous impact on European poetry, Russian poetry included.
Towards the end of the archaic epoch, prose emerged as a separate genre in the works of the logo- graphs who collected local legends, genealogies of aristocratic families, and stories of the founding of poleis. The art of the theatre was also born at that time, developing from the popular rites of the cults connected with land cultivation. The tyrants, who liked to have famous poets at their courts, did a great deal to encourage the development of Greek litera¬ ture. They patronised poets in much the same way as they embellished their cities with beautiful build¬ ings : poets were also ornaments that made the polis famous.
212
Classical Greece
According to the generally accepted periodisation,
the classical period in the history of Greece covers
the epoch from the end of the 6th and the beginning
of the 5th centuries B. C. to 338 B. C., when the bat¬
tle of Chaeronea put an end to the independent exis¬
tence of the world of Greek poleis. That was the
time of Greece’s efflorescence, many phenomena
that had developed in the archaic epoch, particu¬
larly in the field of culture, reached their peak. It
was the time of the supremacy of the polis as a speci¬
fic form of socioeconomic and political organisation
of society. In the view of many researchers, it is the
polis form of the organisation of society which
explains all the principal traits of the development of
ancient Greek society, including those of culture and
art. The polis evolved in the archaic epoch, and
some of its distinctive traits were fully expressed at
that time, but it really flourished at the beginning of
the classical period.
The polis is usually defined as a civic community. This definition stresses two elements-the communal character of this social organism and the specificity of this community, its difference from the other types of communities (clan, family, territorial community, etc.). The principal distinctive feature of the classi¬ cal civic community was its basis - the classical form of property, thoroughly studied by K. Marx who showed that this type of property differed from all the others in its diunal nature, the dialectic unity of the state and private principles of ownership. This feature of the classical form of property explains all the basic traits of the ancient Greek polis, in the first place the coincidence, in principle, of the political collective (the collective of full-fledged citizens) and
that of landowners, the interrelatedness of the civic
status and the right to own land. All the groups of
the population who had no civil rights were also
deprived of the right to own land. The reverse
dependence also existed, though it was not so clearly
expressed: in many poleis, the loss of a plot of land
signified the loss of political rights. The polis as a col¬
lective of citizens had the supreme right to own land.
The fact that the right to own land and the civic
status were mutually conditional, and the social and
the political structures basically coincided, ensured,
in the ideal, equal political rights for all the citizens.
The polis was run by various organs of government
(such as the Council and the magistracies), but the
popular assembly, which had the ultimate say on all
the most important issues, was the supreme organ
(even in poleis with obvious oligarchic tendencies).
That determined the general trend towards democ¬
racy in the development of ancient Greek society.
Another most important feature of the polis was the coincidence of the political and military organi¬ sations. Armed citizens formed the military force of the civic community. Being a warrior and fighting to defend the polis were the right, the privilege, and the duty of the citizen. The citizen and property owner was at the same time a warrior defending the polis and thereby his private property.
The economy of the polis was primarily based on 5 agriculture, which was the principal sphere of the 5 citizen’s activities. Even in the economically most 9 developed poleis, such as Athens, agriculture was § the main occupation of most citizens. In the public opinion, farming stood above all the other types of | activity. It was firmly believed that only a peasant
could be a good citizen and warrior, whereas trade advanced centres. Under classical slavery (best
and the crafts were less respected, if not downright known from Athens), the slave was not only entirely
disreputable. In some poleis, abandoning farming deprived of the implements and means of production
for the handicrafts or trade automatically entailed but was himself merely “a speaking tool” and as
the loss of civil rights. Even in such an advanced such the master’s absolute property. The slave-
polis as Athens, where these occupations were not owner’s right to his slave was without any limi-
regarded as disgraceful, the body of petty craftsmen tations. A thing and not a human being according to
and traders was made up by medcs-foreigners who the prevailing legal norms, the slave was deprived of
had moved to Athens from other poleis and had few legal protection; he was the object and not the sub¬
political rights. ject of law. Slaves had no family, and the children of
The idea of auttarkeia (autarky), or self-sufficiency, slave women also became slaves. In Greece, slaves of was the main economic principle of the polis. Autarky the classical type were not natives of the country in was the economic basis of freedom. Neither a separa- which they toiled; they were captured in other coun- te individual nor the polis as a whole felt entirely tries during wars or piratical raids and then taken to free if their means of subsistence depended on so- slave markets.
meone else. As far as the individual was concerned, In Athens, a decisive impetus to the development
autarcy implied the ideal of a peasant, the owner of of slavery in its classical form was given by Solon’s a homestead who derived his subsistence from it. reforms, which brought about an accelerated Autarky for the polis as a whole meant the sum of economic development of Athens and, accordingly, the autarkies of separate households. The polis a greater need for manpower. At the same time they system of values was worked out in accordance ensured the economic independence of the peasants with these basic principles and continued to exist and banned endogenous slavery. The polis became a and exert its influence even when the conditions of mechanism for ensuring the dominance of slave- life changed. The most essential elements of this owners over their slaves the polis’s yet another most system of values were as follows: the firm conviction important trait. At the beginning of the classical that the polis was the supreme value, that man’s epoch most citizens did not of course had slaves, but existence outside the polis was impossible, and that the number of slave-owners grew with the develop- the well-being of the individual entirely depended ment of the economy, and the deeper that process on the well-being of the polis; the idea of superiority went, the more obvious became the polis’s function of farming over all the other occupations; condem- as an instrument of slave-owners’ power over the nation of striving for profit, the desire to maintain slaves, whose increasing numbers presented a grow- the immutability of the economic basis and of all ing threat.
the other conditions of life, and the primacy of the Such was the picture of the Greek polis at the
tradition. Taken as a whole, the polis emerges as a beginning of the classical epoch. It evolved under
kind of “peasant republic” with all the traits the particular environmental, socioeconomic, and inherent in such a social organism. It should be political conditions prevailing in ancient Greece and borne in mind, however, that the “model” described was practically unknown in the early civilisations of here is somewhat generalised, whereas historical the Near East, sharply differing from the forms of reality was much more complex, the individual societal organisation existing there. But the forma- poleis often deviating from that model. tion and development of the polis was a pheno-
The classical epoch was characterised by yet i menon of world-historical significance, since the another important phenomenon, namely the begin- 5 polis world represented an entirely different civilisa- ning of the wide spreading in Greece of slavery of the tion, a new mode of the development of the slave- classical type, although there had been slaves in „ owning system. At the very beginning of its exis- Hellas in the previous epoch as well. There were two § tence, this world had to defend its own path of principal forms of slavery at that time: slavery of the j development in a severe test of its strength. The end helot type, which existed not only in Sparta but also | of the archaic and the beginning of the classical pe- in some other agricultural regions, and slavery of the ^ riod coincided with great changes in the Near East, classical type, most widespread in the economically | where the Achaemenid “world” empire arose. Its
westward expansion threatened the very existence of Persian army against the Greeks. Some of the
the polis civilisation. poleis, believing that resistance was useless,
Already in the mid-6th century B. C., the Greek accepted Achaemenid rule; others declared their
poleis of Asia Minor were subdued by the Achae- neutrality; and only some Greeks, led by Sparta and
menids. The Persians imposed tribute on the cities Athens, were firm in the resolve to fight for their
and in most of them changed the state structure by freedom. The first serious encounter occurred in the
thrusting on them tyrants loyal to themselves. In 500 Thermopylae pass leading from northern to central
B. C., the Greeks rose in revolt. The resistance lasted Greece. Here a unit of 300 Spartans led by their king
for five years, but in the end it was suppressed. The Leonidas heroically fought off the whole of the Per-
Greek cities of Asia Minor were terribly devastated, sian army for several days. A traitor led a Persian
and it took them many years to recover. force across the mountains. Surrounded, the Spar-
Under the pretext that some of the poleis of the tans all fell in the unequal battle. Later, a monu-
Balkan peninsula had supported the rebels, the Per- ment in the shape of a lion was erected on the former
sians increased their pressure on the West. Crossing battlefield. At the same time a naval battle was
the Hellespont, they established a bridgehead in fought off Cape Artemisium. It lasted for two days, Thrace. In their plans for a decisive blow against and its outcome was still undecided when it became
Greece, the Persians chose Athens as their prime known that the Persians had crossed the Thermopy-
objective. Using their powerful navy, the Persians lae; the Greek fleet retreated. The Persian army’s
captured a number of islands and in September 490 breakthrough into central Greece was a terrible
disembarked on the territory of Attica near the vil- blow. The population of Athens had to abandon lage of Marathon. It was here that a decisive battle their city seeking refuge on the island of Salamis and
was fought, in which the Athenian force and an aux- in the Peloponnese. After these defeats, serious dif-
iliary unit from the Boeotian city of Plataea engaged ferences arose among the leaders of the Greeks’ com-
a Persian army which far outnumbered them. The bined forces. The Spartans insisted on the navy’s
Persians could not stand the onslaught of the Athe- retreat to the Isthmus of Corinth, where the land
nian phalanx and were routed. The Marathon vie- forces had taken up their positions, while the Athe-
tory was proudly remembered by the Athenians for nians were in favour of a decisive sea battle. Themis-
many years to come. tocles tried to persuade the Greeks that a battle at
Although the offensive was repulsed, both the Salamis would be greatly to their advantage, as the
Greeks and the Persians realised that the fight would Persians would be unable to deploy their force in the
inevitably go on. True, owing to king Darius I’s narrow straits. This time again history proved the
death and other events, the Persians were only able Athenian strategist right. The Athenians were
to resume hostilities several years later. Most Greek resolved to fight to the last man.
poleis, however, made no serious preparations for Advance, ye sons of Greece, from thraldom save
rebuffing the Persian aggression. Only in Athens did Tour country, save your wives, your children
some significant changes occur. It was in those years save ,
that the Athenian state obtained for the first time The temples of your gods, the sacred tombs
considerable means from the exploitation, begun at Where rest your honoured ancestors; this day
that time, of the silver mines at Laurium. Themisto- The common cause of all demands your valour.
cles, the leader of Athenian democrats at the time, These lines, written by Aeschylus, who himself
proposed a plan for building a powerful navy with took part in the fighting, express the Athenians’ mood
that money. Despite aristocratic opposition, the plan __ in those terrible days. The Persian fleet suffered a was accepted, and 100 ships were built. The imple- 4 crushing defeat. The Battle of Salamis marked the mentation of Themistocles’s plan made a great im- 3 turn of the tide in the fortunes of war, but the pact on the subsequent destiny of Athens and of * decisive events happened in the summer of 479 B. C. Hellas in general, while at that particular moment it §= According to the tradition, the Persians were de- helped to beat off the Persian invasion. Later events g feated on the same day on land near the township showed the correctness of Themistocles’s policy. e> of Plataea and in a naval battle off Cape Mycale. In the spring of 480 B. C., king Xerxes led a vast The Persian armies left the territory of Greece,
215
and the Greek cities of Asia Minor were also libera¬ ted. Although the hostilities lasted for another 30 years, the events of the years 480 and 479 B. C. changed the entire situation. It was now clear that Greece could defend its independence, and that the Greek poleis had proved their viability.
The consequences of the Greek victory were manyfold. The psychological result was most impor¬ tant. The Greeks, particularly the citizens of those poleis who had fought the Persians from the begin¬ ning, were proud of their victory over the powerful Achaemenid empire; they believed that it was their freedom that had brought them victory, while the Persians’ defeat was explained by the fact that they were all slaves of a “great” king. The idea of a basic difference between the Greeks and all the other peo¬ ples developed during that war into the conviction of the Greeks’ superiority over the world of the barbarians.
The Graeco-Persian wars greatly affected the whole course of the socioeconomic development of Hellas. Although the Persian invasion had done great damage to the Greek economy, the results of the victory outweighed the damage. Particularly im¬ portant was the second phase of the war, when the Greeks won victories and made their numerous cap¬ tives slaves. After the victory at the Eurymedon alone they captured 20 thousand prisoners of war. As masses of captives were brought to the slave mar¬ kets, the prices of slaves dropped sharply, and people of modest means could now afford to buy them. The Graeco-Persian wars thus contributed to a wide spreading of slavery in Greece and its introduction in all spheres of economic activity.
The consequences of the Graeco-Persian wars were most far-reaching in Athens, which became the largest economic and political centre of Hellas. The subsequent period in the history of Greece was a time of undoubted ascendancy of Athens and its great influence on the destiny of the entire Mediter¬ ranean world. The rise of Athens should be consi¬ dered in terms of the development in three closely connected spheres: foreign policy (the founding of the Athenian naval power), economy (the develop¬ ment of Athens into the largest economic centre of Greece), and domestic policy (the consolidation of Athenian slave-owning democracy).
The first steps towards the establishment of Athens as a naval power were made in 478 B. C.
After the defeat of the Persians in Greece, the
alliance of Greek poleis was joined by those cities
which had previously been neutral or even subdued
by the Persians, including the Greeks of Asia Minor.
All of this tended to aggravate the relations, for the
Spartans, who headed the armed forces of the
alliance, took a very contemptuous attitude towards
those who had not participated in the struggle
against the Persians from the very beginning. As a
result of the frictions, the Spartans left the alliance,
and Athens assumed the command. A formal treaty
was concluded between the allies, and the sacred
island of Delos was declared to be its centre; here the
allied treasury was kept and the allied Council sat
(hence the name, the Delian Naval League). The
command of the League’s armed forces was
entrusted to the Athenians. It was decided that the
forces would consist of 100 triremes, 10,000 foot and
1,000 horse. The larger poleis had to contribute
warships and warriors, and the smaller ones, provide
the finances for their upkeep. The contributions
were apportioned by Aristides, an Athenian states¬
man nicknamed The Just, and were accepted by the
allies without demur.
The League, which was originally a union of equal poleis in the common cause of fighting against Persia, gradually fell under the control of Athens. The ascendancy of Athens, both economic and mili¬ tary, obvious from the beginning, later increased, partly due to the position of the allies themselves. Most of them preferred not to send warriors to the army or the navy, merely paying their dues. Athens encouraged this attitude, and soon only the largest of the poleis (like Samos, Mytilene and Chios) con¬ tinued to take part in the military operations against Persia side by side with the Athenians. The money contributed by the allies was used by the Athenians to build more ships, thereby consolidating their dominant position in the League. Plutarch, the ancient Greek historian, wrote that, constantly sail¬ ing the seas and never letting arms out of their hands, the Athenians, thanks to the allies’ unwilling¬ ness to serve, received military training in the cam¬ paigns, while the allies, having got accustomed to fear and flatter the Athenians, imperceptibly be¬ came their tributaries and slaves.
Originally, both democratic and oligarchic poleis were members of the Delian League, but gradually (often as a result of suppression of oligarchic upris-
216
ings), a uniform political system, following the Ath- had been set up had been achieved - the Greeks had
enian democratic model, was introduced in the won the war, the freedom of the Greeks in Asia
member poleis. At the same time the allied Council Minor was now ensured, and the Persians had no
gradually lost its rights, and the policy of the League right even to send their fleet to the Aegean. A move-
was increasingly determined by the Athenian popu- ment to dissolve the League began in many poleis,
lar assembly. Athens had complete charge of the but in the preceding years Athens had consolidated
allied treasury, which had been moved from Delos to the system ensuring its hegemony to such an extent
Athens; Athens alone determined now the amount that it was able to control that crisis,
of the allies’ contribution. Even their legal indepen- After the Persians had been driven away from
dence was restricted, and the most important legal Greece, the economy made rapid progress, particu-
cases of the allied poleis were now tried in the larly in Athens. There were changes not only in the
Athens court. crafts and trade but also in agriculture. In the first
After the suppression of a rebellion in a polis disaf- place, slave labour came to be widely used here, and
fected by the policy of Athens, it became customary although it did not oust the labour of free men,
to confiscate part of the rebels’ lands and distribute slaves now appeared in nearly every household. The
them among Athenian military settlers, the cleruchs. employment of slave labour did not result in a con-
Remaining Athenian citizens, the settlers formed a centration of land property. Large slave-owning
kind of garrison controlling the situation in a city estates were exceptional, and the middle peasant
where unrest was feared. Almost all the members of remained the most typical agrarian. But the nature
the confederacy were coastal or island cities whose of the economy changed radically: production was
economy was closely linked with the sea and with now chiefly intended for the market. The area under
maritime trade, and Athenian naval supremacy grain crops decreased, while vine- and especially oli-
made them dependent on Athens. Besides, the Athe- ve-growing expanded. Most of the agricultural
nians endeavoured to control all of their allies’ produce was sold, sometimes even exported; not
economic activities. They had control of all the sea only industrial products but also grain was now
routes to the Black Sea along which the bulk of grain bought in the market.
came to Greece from the Pontic coastal areas; not The handicraft industries underwent even great-
content with that, they passed a decision according er changes. Apart from the economic advances
to which all Black Sea grain had to be brought first achieved throughout Greece, the changes in Attica
to the Athenian port of Piraeus and only then could were also due to the special position of Athens as a
it be taken to other poleis. Athens concluded trade major city and the focal point for many Hellenic
agreements with its allies, which were often cities. The power of Athens rested on its navy, and
weighted in its favour. An attempt was even made to shipbuilding and related crafts therefore began to
forbid the allied cities to mint their own coin, but it grow rapidly. Merchant ships, as well as warships, failed. were built. The crafts servicing the military (produc-
The Delian Naval League thus gradually devel- tion of shields, swords, etc. ) also flourished. Finally, oped into the Athenian naval empire —the greatest Athenian democratic statesmen aspired to make
political force in the Greek world. In its heyday, it their city the most beautiful in Greece. A vast con-
embraced about 250 poleis. Using the League’s struction programme was in progress, which natur-
resources, Athens embarked on an imperial policy. ally stimulated fast growth of all the branches of the The empire evolved in a very complex situation; building industry, beginning with stone quarrying Athens was often compelled to suppress the resis- ^ and ending with ivory carving and the gilding of tance of its allies dissatisfied with their subordinate |" statues. It should also be taken into account that the position. Originally, the force that held the confe- - general standard of living had greatly improved in deracy together was the threat of Persian aggression w Athens, and that increased the population’s needs, and the need to fight it; the conclusion of the peace 9 An important branch of the Athenian economy was treaty with Persia in 449 B. C. brought about the | mining. The Laurium silver mines, so famous in most serious conflict in the League’s history. The 55 antiquity, were on Attica’s territory, officially recognised objective for which the alliance I Small workshops with two or three workers
217
predominated in Athens, but in some industries the Again, if some city was rich in iron, copper or flax,
nature of production and the degree of the division where was it going to market them unless it had the
of labour achieved required greater number of consent of those who dominated the seas? The
workers. A pottery usually had five to eight workers. expansion of international trade resulted in speciali-
According to modern scholars’ estimates, the normal sation of the various regions of the world. Miletus
functioning of the workshop processing the ore from was especially famous for its patterned woollen
the Laurium mines required an average of 33 fabrics, Phoenicia, for its purple dye, copper was
workers. Slave labour was much more widely used in brought from Euboea and Cyprus, metal wares,
the handicrafts than in agriculture. In small work- from Corinth, Argos and Chalcis (on Euboea), the
shops, the owner himself, a free man (citizen or best wines, from the islands of Chios, Lesbos, Phasos
metic) and one or two slaves worked. As far as we and Naxos; papyrus came from Egypt via Naucratis,
can judge, free artisans usually planned on buying a the medicinal plant, from Cyrene, etc.
slave boy and teaching him their craft, so as to live The appearance of the first forms of banks, the tra-
by his labour in old age. Slaves were inexpensive, pezitai, which grew out of money-changers’ establish-
and after two or three years the investment paid off. ments exchanging coins of different states, was a ref-
Only slaves skilled in some craft cost a great deal. lection of the fairly high level of development of
The larger workshops used slave labour only. The commodity-money relations.
mines and the workshops processing ore-that is, the Further development of Athenian democracy was
branches of the economy where the working condi- also linked with the successes of Athens in foreign
tions were worst-employed almost exclusively slave policy and its growing role as a major economic
labour. The sources mention Athenians who had centre. Athenian democracy was consistently suc-
hundreds of slaves whom they hired out for work in cessful in its continual fight against the aristocratic
the mines: Nicias hired out a thousand slaves, Hip- circles. Ephialtes and later Pericles, leaders of Athe-
ponax, 600, Philomonides, 300, etc. nian democracy, aimed at eliminating from the
The development of the crafts and the growth of Athenian constitution anything that ran counter to
the ratio of commodity output to total output stimu- the democratic principles, and at making these de¬ lated further development of exchange. The most mocratic principles really effective. The success of
important import items in Attica were foodstuffs that process was made possible by the growing mili-
(grain above all) and raw materials. The bulk of tary and economic role of the poorest citizens. The
grain came from the Pontic cities. Athens took great might of Athens lay in its navy, mostly manned by
care to ensure the security of the trade routes, estab- the poorest citizens. The payment they received
fishing control over the Bosporus, the Dardanelles during their service was a great help to them econo- and the coastal cities of Thrace, for it was along that mically, but much more important than that was route that grain came to Attica. Athens exported their growing social weight, for everybody realised
olive oil, wine, and products of the art crafts, espe- now that Athens’ might and prosperity depended on
daily the famous Athenian pottery. Evidence of them. The intense development of the crafts and
Athenian trade is found in the Athenian coins trade increased the economic well-being of the citi-
discovered throughout the Mediterranean region zenry. Under Pericles, stupendous construction pro-
and in Asia (as far as Afghanistan). Piraeus became jects were carried out in Athens, and these, too, pro-
a major Mediterranean port, and the Athenian civic ^ vided job for the poorest citizens. The need for a large community received great profit from the port a force of Athenian citizens to control the allies also duties. Generally speaking, the ascendancy of 5 benefited these strata of the citizenry. I he policy of Athens in the Mediterranean area and its control ^ founding cleruchies worked towards that end, too. over the sea routes brought considerable dividends. 0 Landless Athenian citizens received land allotments A certain oligarchically-minded author wrote that | outside Attica, becoming landowners, only the Athenians could have wealth, not the bar- g, Several political reforms implemented in that pe- barians. Indeed, he reasoned, if some city was rich in | riod contributed to further democratisation of the ship timber, where was it going to market it unless it ^ Athenian system. The Areopagus lost even the rem- had the consent of those who dominated the seas? | nants of its former significance; restriction on the fill-
218
ing of public offices by the poor citizens were finally tans feared that any changes in the internal and
lifted; laws were adopted which ensured the inviola- external conditions might result in the weakening of
bility of the democratic constitution; and election of Sparta’s positions and in the helots’ fresh uprisings,
citizens to various offices by drawing lots was widely The rise of Athens was therefore perceived as a chal-
practised. Just as important were the measures in- lenge. This attitude was reinforced when Athens tended to ensure the actual participation of all supported a helot revolt and later helped the rem-
citizens in the management of the polis affairs. The nants of the rebels to settle in the city of Naupactus.
most important of these measures was the introduc- Sparta regarded these acts as a direct threat from tion of payments for the performance of public Athens. Corinth also feared Athens’ growing duties (participation in court sessions, etc.). Thus a strength. Already in the archaic epoch, a kind of democratic system finally took shape in Athens un- division of “spheres of influence” between these der which the main body of the citizenry actually major economic centres had been established:
participated in the management of the polis affairs. Athens expanded towards the east and the north,
All these radical reforms were carried out in the Corinth, towards the west. In the 5th century B. C., years when Athenian democracy was led by Pericles. however, Athens gradually began to penetrate west- Son of Xanthippus, who commanded the Athenian wards as well, establishing control over the routes fleet in the battle of Mycale, and nephew of Cleis- leading to Sicily and southern Italy. Some old Cor- thenes, he was one of the noblest of the Athenian inthian colonies even became members of the Athe- aristocrats who linked their destiny with the victor- nian Naval League. Within the Peloponnesian ious demos. He realised the needs of the epoch and of League, Corinth was the most resolute opponent of his native city better than anyone else, and that was Athens, inciting Sparta towards a fight, l he position the ultimate basis of his authority in Athens. He was of Megara, another major centre of crafts and trade, a talented and well-educated person, a brilliant ora- was similar to that of Corinth, tor with a superb gift of persuasion. All these contradictions were gradually coming to
The consolidation of the Athenian naval confeder- a head, and sometimes led to conflicts, even armed acy gradually increased tension in Greece. The ones, but for a long time neither of the sides dared growing might of Athens caused anxiety in many declare war. The growing frictions finally made the poleis for various reasons. The oligarchic and aris- situation intolerable for all those involved, and in tocratic circles in the member poleis of the alliance 431 a war broke out which the Greeks called the were disgruntled at the Athenian policy of support- Peloponnesian War. It lasted until 404, and nearly ing democracies. The aristocrats and oligarchs of the all Greece was drawn into it.
poleis which did not join the League took a similar Both the Peloponnesian and the Athenian
attitude, feeling threatened by its continual expan- Leagues pursued extremely far-reaching goals, but sion. The democratic circles in these poleis, in their the methods of attaining them differed, depending turn, mostly endeavoured to preserve their indepen- on the nature and extent of the means at the dispos- dence. The very nature of the polis as a relatively al of each of them. The Athenian plan of war, self-contained social organism stimulated their worked out by Pericles, rested on the assumption opposition to Athens. that the land forces of Sparta and her allies were su-
Athens’ greater enemy was Sparta and the Pelo- perior to those of Athens, while Athenian naval supe- ponnesian League it headed. The League was not a riority was beyond doubt. The basic principle of uniform entity, comprising as it did both Sparta Athenian strategy, in Pericles’s view, must be avoid- with its agrarian economy and such economically _ ing at all cost any ground fighting with the Spartans, advanced poleis as Corinth and Megara, as well as jr even giving up, if need be, the territory of Attica, the poor small polei of Achaia and Arcadia. The 5 and sitting it out behind the mighty walls of the principal aim of that League, in the view of modern 5 double city of Athens - the Piraeus, while blockading researchers, was the preservation of a stable political g 3 the Peloponnese from the sea and strangling the ene- and social situation. The Spartan political structure | my in the coils of that blockade. The leaders of the rested on the exploitation of a vast mass of down- Athenian democracy were confident that their naval trodden helots ever ready for an uprising. The Spar- £ might and the huge financial resources of the Athe-
219
nian treasury would enable them to win the war. died in the epidemic. The struggle in Athens
The Spartan plan was not worked out in such fine between the proponents and opponents of the war
detail. There were several basic ideas underlying grew. The radical democratic wing became increas-
that plan. First, the Spartans were sure of their ingly active, advocating a vigorous campaign to
superiority over Athens on land and therefore in- achieve final victory, an all-out mobilisation of
tended to seek a decisive battle in the field. Second, forces, including increased financial contributions
they saw the vital importance of external economic from the allies, and a rigid imperial policy towards connections for Athens, especially of links with the them. This party was led by Cleon, owner of a tan-
Pontic regions, from which grain came to Attica; nery, frequently ridiculed by the great Athenian
hence the idea of trying to disrupt these links by cap- comedy writer Aristophanes, who was in favour of
turing the coastal cities through which vitally impor- peace.
tant routes lay. Third, the Spartans believed that the The radical democrats dealt Sparta a serious
Athenian Naval League was a rather fragile blow. Owing to Cleon’s energy and the military
organism, and they mounted from the start a broad talent of the strategos Demosthenes, the Athenian
propaganda campaign (supported financially and forces inflicted a crushing defeat on a Spartan unit
militarily), declaring their objective in the war to be on the island of Sphacteria, taking 120 Spartan hop-
the “liberation” of the Greeks from Athenian lites prisoner. The Athenians declared that in the
tyranny. event of further incursions into Attica all the Spar-
Although both plans on the whole proceeded from tan warriors would be executed. They also achieved
correct assumptions, in the event, neither of them some other successes, which, however, brought some
fully met the real situation. The leaders of neither of unexpected results. In Sparta, the positions of those
the Leagues could foresee the scope and nature of circles which insisted on a more vigorous prosecution
the war. It was fought with great ferocity, as in of the war also grew stronger,
many poleis it stirred up conflicts between demo- Led by the Spartan general Brasidas, a small
crats and oligarchs, the former looking towards Spartan unit, consisting mostly of helots to whom
Athens, the latter towards Sparta. Even slaves were freedom was promised, secretly crossed the whole of
sometimes involved in these confrontations. Greece and appeared on the Chalcidice peninsula.
The Spartans began the hostilities with an inva- Enlisting the help of the local opponents of Athens,
sion of Attica. In the first period of the war, Spartan Brasidas captured the city of Amphipolis, Athenian
forces appeared in Attica nearly each year during main stronghold in that region, and a number of
harvest time, plundering and devastating the rural other fortresses. The Athenians saw only too clearly
areas. This caused grave economic difficulties and what threat that posed for them. Cleon was sent to
badly affected the morale of the Athenians, who Chalcidice at the head of a large force. A fierce battle
were soon beset by fresh misfortunes. An epidemic was fought near Amphipolis, in which the Spartans
(most likely typhus) broke out among the crowded defeated the Athenians and both Cleon and Brasidas
population of Athens and Piraeus, taking away one- fell.
third of the Athenian army and navy. Although the As a result, the positions of pacifists were streng-
operations of the Athenian fleet along the shores of thened both in Sparta and in Athens. In 421 B. C.,
the Peloponnese inflicted damage on Sparta and her peace was concluded on status quo terms. True, allies, there were no signs yet that these operations _ neither side fully implemented the terms of the peace
might bring the Peloponnesian League to its knees, a treaty. The treaty excited discontent among many
In this situation, discord among the Athenian 5 Spartan allies, especially Corinth and Megara, since
citizens grew. The peasants, who saw only the seamy ^ none of the causes of the war had been resolved. In
side of the war and bore the main brunt of it, were ^ Athens itself, the radical democrats, recovering from
particularly dissatisfied with the trend of the events. | the defeat, wanted to resume the war. The militarist
As a result, Pericles was not elected to the college of g, party was led by Alcibiades, Pericles’s distant rela-
strategoi for the first time in many years; he was then | tive and ward. A talented military leader, a popular
tried, and a great fine was imposed on him. A year - orator, and an educated man, he employed all his
later, he was again elected a strategos, but soon after |- gifts in the service of an inflated ambition and was
220
ready to do anything to achieve power. Alcibiades endeavoured to persuade the Athenians that all problems could be solved by a drive west, against Sicily; all Greek cities of Sicily might be conquered at one blow, which would ensure absolute superior¬ ity of Athens over any enemy. The Athenian popu¬ lar assembly decided in favour of such an expedition, and a great fleet and army were gathered. Alci¬ biades was appointed leader of the expeditionary force. However, a few days before the fleet was due to sail, some unknown persons smashed the herms-the posts with the statues of Hermes that stood on many Athenian crossroads. Alcibiades’s opponents spread the rumour that the deed had been done by Alcibiades and his young friends who had no piety or respect for the religion of their fathers. Despite Alcibiades’s demand that the matter be con¬ sidered immediately, his opponents pressed the deci¬ sion that the fleet should sail at once, while the inves¬ tigation in Athens continued : Alcibiades’s opponents succeeded in casting suspicion on the military lead¬ er. A ship was sent to Sicily with orders for Alci¬ biades to return to Athens for the trial. Realising that he was marked for a frame-up, Alcibiades escap¬ ed to Sparta and betrayed all the Athenian military plans to the Spartans.
That aggravated the Athenians’ already difficult position in Sicily. With the arrival of the Athenian fleet, most Sicilian Greeks united in the struggle against the aggression. After Alcibiades’s flight, the Athenian forces were headed by men who did not believe in victory and therefore acted sluggishly and hesitantly. Following Alcibiades’s advice, Sparta decided to interfere in the Sicilian affairs and sent a task force there which inflicted a terrible defeat on the Athenians, destroying some 200 triremes, several thousand hoplites and cavalry, and 10 to 15 thou¬ sand sailors and lightly armed warriors. That catas¬ trophe echoed throughout Greece, where enemies of democracy and of Athens raised their heads. Another blow was struck by the Spartans in Attica. At Alcibiades’s prompting, Spartan forces captured the fortress of Decelea and became virtual masters of Attica. The Spartans also announced that they would free all Athenian slaves that would desert to their side. More than 20,000 slaves ran away from Athens. The Athenian crafts received a most severe blow. Taking advantage of the weakening of Athens, the oligarchic circles of a number of allied poleis
revolted and, seizing power, went over to the Spar¬
tan side. But that was not the end of Athenian disas¬
ters. Taking Alcibiades’s advice, the Spartans estab¬
lished contacts with the Persians, and getting gold
from them in return for a promise to restore Persian
rule over the Greek cities of Asia Minor, built their
own navy for the first time. When the Spartan fleet
appeared in the Aegean, several other poleis, mostly
insular ones, seceded from the Delian League.
All these heavy blows sustained by Athens brought about an oligarchic coup in the city. The democratic leaders had been compromised by the Sicilian disaster and Alcibiades’s betrayal; the masses of poor citizens, which formed the basis of demo¬ cracy, had suffered immense losses; and the popu¬ lar assembly was in the grip of despondency and confusion. Taking advantage of the situation, the oligarchs succeeded in changing in 411 B. C. the state system of Athens.
But the forces of Athenian democracy had not yet been crushed. The Athenian navy refused to recog¬ nise the coup and demanded a restoration of democ¬ racy. Alcibiades, who by that time had quarrelled with the Spartans, became a leader of the demo¬ crats. The oligarchic power was overthrown. Under Alcibiades’s leadership, a series of victories were won over the Spartans, including the triumph in the bat¬ tle of Cyzicus, in which the whole of the Spartan fleet was annihilated. With Persian help, however, the Spartans recovered. Their fleet was now headed by the talented military leader and diplomat Lysander, who succeeded in uniting the forces of oli¬ garchs opposed to Athens. The situation in Athens was one of confusion and vacillation. As a result, Alcibiades was dismissed from command, and later the strategoi who had defeated the Spartans in the battle of the Arginusae Islands were executed on a false accusation. The realisation that a catastrophe was imminent became increasingly stronger; in 405 B. C. Lysander completely destroyed the Athenian fleet, the city itself was besieged and in 404 B. C. sur¬ rendered. The surrender of Athens brought an im¬ mediate change in its political system; power again was seized by the oligarchs.
The defeat of Athens radically changed the situa¬ tion in Greece. The Athenian Naval League ceased to exist. Democratic regimes which had been estab¬ lished in most Greek poleis were replaced by oligar¬ chic ones, relying on Spartan garrisons. Sparta
became the unchallenged hegemon of the Greek world. Most modern researchers believe that the Peloponnesian War was the most important land¬ mark in the history of Greece in the classical epoch. It revealed all the internal contradictions of the polis world and signified the beginning of its crisis.
The Greek Culture of the Classical Period. The 5th cen¬ tury B. C. is regarded as the zenith of Greek culture. The polis with its distinct tendency towards democ¬ racy, and the viability of the aristocratic ethical norms, formed the ideological soil on which the Greek culture of the classical epoch flourished.
New tendencies were clearly expressed in town building. Most Greek cities retained the traditional chaotic system or rather lack of any system inherited from the earliest times, with narrow crooked streets and absence of any conveniences whatever. But the regular system of town planning, born in the epoch of the great Greek colonisation, gradually began to exert its influence on the theory and practice of town building in Greece. Hippodamus, the founder of the theory of regular town planning, apparently lived in the 5th century. Olynthus and Miletus, restored after its destruction by the Persians, were planned in accordance with the ideas of Hippodamus. His theory included more than the principle of gridiron town planning: it also contained the idea of zoning, i. e., the division of the city area into several districts differing in their functions (the public centre, the housing districts, the harbour, the trade centre, and the industrial zone). The democratic trend in urban construction was most fully expressed in the plan of Olynthus where not only the districts but the blocks within them were all of equal size. The structure of all dwellings was also absolutely identical.
The temple remained the main type of public building in that period. In the first half of the 5th century B. C., the most outstanding monuments of Doric architecture were created the magnificent temples in the city of Poseidonia (in southern Italy) and the temple of Zeus at Olympia. The temple of Zeus was regarded as the most remarkable of all Hellenic shrines, with its colossal gold and ivory stat¬ ue of Zeus sitting on the throne, by the Athenian sculptor Pheidias.
The Athenian Acropolis complex occupies quite a special place in the history of ancient Greek archi¬
tecture. Destroyed by the Persians in 480 B. C., it
was restored during the 5th century B. C. The Acro¬
polis ensemble is believed to be the summit of
ancient Greek architecture, the symbol of the high¬
est might and efflorescence of Athens. It included a
number of structures-the ceremonial gates (the
Propylaea), the temple of Nike Apteros (Wingless
Victory), the Erechtheion, and the Parthenon, the
main temple of Athens dedicated to Athena the
Virgin.
The Acropolis ensemble was built according to a plan worked out mostly by Pericles and Pheidias. The building of these splendid edifices provided jobs for the poorest Athenian citizens. Athenian states¬ men endeavoured to build a complex of major shrines which would not only make Athens famous but also become the religious centre of the entire Athenian Naval League. Hence the architectural syncretism, the combination in one edifice of the principles of the Doric and Ionic orders (e. g., in the Propylaea and the Parthenon). Groups of statuary were mounted on the pediments of the Parthenon: the birth of the goddess Athena on the eastern one and the argument between Athena and Poseidon over the possession of Attica, on the western. It was a symbolic theme: in those times, the goddess Athena was perceived as the patroness of democracy, and Poseidon, the patron of aristocracy. Behind the external colonnade of the temple a relief frieze ran along the upper parts of the walls of the inner build¬ ing, portraving a ceremonial procession during the great Panathenaic festival in which both the citizens of Athens and Athenian metics and delega¬ tions from the allies had to take part. Inside the tem¬ ple was an enormous gold and ivory statue of Athena by Pheidias.
The sculpture and painting of Greece in the 5th century developed the traditions of the previous epoch. Gods and heroes, the patrons of the poleis, ^ the ideal citizens remained the principal themes. ~ However, art made a great step towards realism, 5 which was largely due to the spreading of the idea of ^ “mimesis” or similarity as the basic esthetic cate- 515 gory. The frozen quality of figures and the schemat- | ism characteristic of earlier sculpture were over- == come. Statues became more realistic. Three famous | masters Myron, Polyclitus and Pheidias-made the greatest contributions to the development of sculp- 5 ture in the 5th century B. C. The most famous of
Mvron’s sculptures is the Discobolus. The sculptor pides. Although the protagonists of the tragedies
showed remarkable skill in conveying the sense of were, as a rule, gods and heroes, the issues treated in
motion in the figure of the athlete. Polyclitus’s them were usually highly topical. The mythological
favourite subject was figures of athletes perceived as plot merely served as a vehicle expressing the strug-
an embodiment of the highest qualities of a citizen. gle of ideas. For example, Aeschylus’s Oresteia de-
His best known works are the Doryphorus and the scribed events at Mycenae after the end of the Tro-
Diadumenus. Doryphorus is a powerful warrior with a jan War, but what was important for the Athenian
spear, quiet dignity personified. The Diadumenus is a spectator were the political ideas which the author
graceful youth tying on the fillet of the winner in a wanted to express. Thus he glorified the Areopagus,
contest. Solemn grandeur, a certain aloofness, and which, in terms of the political struggle of that time,
heavenly beauty were the characteristic features of indicated the playwright’s anti-democratic stance. Pheidias’s works. His statue of Zeus in the temple at Aeschylus, who lived in the times of the formation
Olympia was regarded as one of the seven wonders of democracy in Athens and fought in the Graeco- of the world. Persian wars, was the founder of tragedy with a civic
The same tendency towards a realistic portrayal message. His main themes were glorification of civic
of man is apparent in 5th-century painting, which courage and patriotism. One of the most remarkable
reached its peak in the works of Polygnotus and heroes of his tragedies was Prometheus, the implac-
Apollodorus of Athens. Polygnotus created composi- able theomachist, used by Aeschylus as a symbol for
tions of many figures, endeavouring to express the the upsurge of the Athenians’ creative power. He
perspective and to make his figures seem three- portrayed Prometheus as an inflexible fighter for the
dimensional. Apollodorus discovered the chiar- ideals and happiness of mankind, as an embodiment
oscuro effect, thereby laying the foundation of paint- of reason overcoming the power of nature over man,
ing in the, modern sense of the word. and a symbol of the struggle for the liberation of
Greek vase painting in the 5th century was mankind from tyranny embodied by the cruel and
dominated by the so-called red-figure style; the vengeful Zeus.
background was covered with glossy black lacquer The tragedies of Sophocles expressed the esthetic
while the figures were left unpainted and retained ideal of democratic Athens-the same ideal which
the natural colour of clay. Some of the vase painters was conveyed in plastic form in the sculptures of
of that time were influenced by Polygnotus, and Pheidias. His images were profoundly human, and their works give some idea of the style of that famous the spiritual life of his heroes was much richer than painter. in Aeschylus, who often portrayed conflicts between
Greek literature also flourished in that period. titanic forces. By increasing the complexity of the
Pindar, the last and most outstanding poet of the plot, Sophocles introduced greater variety in the
Greek aristocracy, composed solemn odes in honour emotions of his characters, showing various aspects
of winners at Panhellenic sports contests - Olympic, of their nature in different situations. His heroes
Pythian (at Delphi), and others. Pindar never de- were carriers of noble spiritual qualities, of greatness
scribed the contests themselves, the victory only in- combined with simplicity and mildness. But Aeschy-
terested him as a theme for glorifying the victor’s lus’s thinking was deeper, and his problems more
valour, which was not, in his view, the victor’s per- acute than those chosen by Sophocles. The signifi-
sonal quality but something handed down from cance of Sophocles for world literature lies in the
generation to generation in the aristocratic families artistic images that he created. The incomparably due to their divine origin. His epinician odes became monumental characters of Oedipus, Antigone, and
expressions of the aristocratic worldview. jT Electra later figured in many works of European
The 5th century B. C. was the time of the efflores- ' literature - the tragedies of Racine, Corneille, Vol-
cence of dramatic art. The most important dramatic ^ taire, and others.
genres were tragedies, based on myths about heroes Aeschylus and Sophocles created antique tragedy
and gods, and comedies, mostly political ones. The | in its classical form, with moral conflicts as their most famous names in the history of the ancient $ main theme. Conflicts between the state and the Greek tragedy were Aeschylus, Sophocles and Euri- | clan, between freedom and despotism, written and
223
unwritten law, suffering in the name of duty, the his comedies, The Acharnians, Dicaeopolis (“The Just relationship between man’s subjective intentions Citizen”) concludes peace with the neighbouring and the objective meaning of his deeds-that was the poleis and enjoys prosperity, while the boastful war- range of problems raised in the best tragedies of Aes- rior Lamachus suffers from the burden of war. The chylus and Sophocles. poet described the war as an unbidden guest: “hav-
The tragedies of Euripides expressed the crisis of ing burst riotously in upon us while enjoying all the traditional polis ideology and the search for the manner of good things, as a party of noisy roisterers, foundations of a new worldview. He was sensitive to after a /copog, might intrude upon some quiet res- the burning issues of political and social life, and his pectable party. And he did all the harm he could, theatre is a kind of encyclopaedia of the intellectual and began upsetting and spilling everything, and development in Greece in the second half of the 5th showing fight; and moreover, though I kept inviting century B. C. The works of Euripides posed diverse him, ‘Do seat yourself and join in the drinking, and problems with which Greek society was concerned, take this loving cup’, he went on all the more burn- and expounded and discussed new ideas. The critics ing my vine-props, and brutally spilling all the of antiquity called Euripides philosopher on the wine out of our vines”. Another peasant, Trygaeus stage. He was not, however, an adherent of some (“The Winegrower”), the hero of the comedy Peace, definite philosophical teaching, and his own views wins peace for all Greece. He leads the farmers of were not distinguished for consistency or per- all Greece, armed with picks and spades, to Mount manence. His attitude towards Athenian democ- Olympus, where they free from incarceration the racy, which he sometimes praised as an embodiment goddess of peace hidden by the god of war Polemos. of freedom and equality, was vacillating, for he was Aristophanes strikingly expressed the hopes and aspi- afraid of the indigent mob of citizens whose mood in rations of simple peasants anticipating the joys of the popular assembly was influenced by the dema- peaceful labour: gogues. All of Euripides’s work is permeated by an See, how their iron spades glitter and
interest for the individual and his subjective aspira- how beautifully their three-pronged
tions-yet another element characteristic of the crisis mattocks glisten in the sun! How
of the polis ideology. Euripides’s characters had regularly they align the plants!
nothing in common with the monumental prota- / also burn myself to go into the
gonists of Sophocles standing high above the every- country and to turn over the earth
day level-he portrayed men and women with their I have so long neglected.
desires and urges, joys and sufferings. This difference Changes in the political situation in Athens after
was pointed out by Sophocles himself, who said: “I its defeat in the Peloponnesian War affected the depict men as they ought to be, but Euripides por- spirit of Aristophanes’s comedies, which became less trays them as they are.” His characters, especially trenchant and topical. But Aristophanes continued female ones (Medea, Phaedra, Electra) are marked to tackle political and social problems in the carnival by an exceptional depth of psychological insight. forms typical of the early comedy. In Ploutos, the The spectators of Euripides’s tragedies were com- poor man Chremylus seizes blind Ploutos pelled to reflect on their place in society, their atti- (“Wealth”), cures him of blindness, and everything tude to life and fellow men. in the world changes for the better: all honest people
Politically the most incisive genre was the ancient __ become well-to-do.
Attic comedy. Its origin and social leanings made it §. Aristophanes satirised incisively, courageously, an art most congenial to the peasants. It is best 5 and often profoundly the political and cultural state represented in the work of Aristophanes, who did s of Athens at a time when democracy was going some of his best work during the Peloponnesian 1 through a crisis. His comedies portrayed extremely War. The comedies he wrote in those years give a § diverse strata of society-statesmen, military leaders, clear idea of the publicistic spirit of his work. Peace g> poets, philosophers, peasants, soldiers, ordinary city was the main theme of his comedies in those years. | dwellers and slaves. The caricatures and typical Aristophanes was a fierce opponent of war, and he ^ masks became generalised characters in his work, used his brilliant talent to fight for peace. In one of J Using the simplest devices, Aristophanes achieved
224
acute comic effects, combining the real and the fan¬ tastic and reducing the ideas he ridiculed to an absurdity. Aristophanes wrote in a flexible and lively language, ranging from everyday speech, often crude and primitive, to a parody of the elevated style; it was rich in unexpected comical coinages.
The ancient Greek theatre, especially Athenian theatre, was closely linked with the life of the polis.
It was in fact a kind of second assembly where the most burning issues, both theoretical and political, were discussed. The likeness was emphasised by the fact that theatrical performances were given on fes¬ tive days, and the spectators were expected to choose the winner on the artistic merits and message of a tragedy or comedy.
Herodotus and Thucydides, the two greatest Greek historians, both worked in the 5th century B. C. The work of Herodotus had been prepared by the activities of the logographs, who had recorded local legends and genealogies of aristocratic families.
A most important feature of Greek historiography of the classical epoch was its concern with the recent past. Herodotus’s main goal was the description of the Graeco-Persian wars, while Thucydides was mostly concerned with the Peloponnesian War. A strengthening of the rationalistic principles and a desire to study the real causes of events were charac¬ teristic of the development of historiography of that time, especially in its highest achievement work of Thucydides.
The philosophy of ancient Greece went through a complex evolution in that period. Heraclitus of Ephesus, whose work concluded the quest of the natural philosophers of the previous epoch, lived at the end of the archaic and the beginning of the clas¬ sical eras. Heraclitus asserted that the eternal pro¬ cess of motion and change is the highest law of nature. He was the first to arrive at the idea of the world’s dialectical development as a law inherent in matter.
Spontaneous materialism, born in the Ionic school of natural philosophy, continued to develop in the work of Empedocles and Anaxagoras. The material- ^ ist conception of the world reached its peak in the ? work of Leucippus and especially Democritus. 5 Democritus combined consistently atomistic views p with the idea of dialectical development. A charac- g teristic feature of the work of most philosophers of ^ the materialist orientation was a blend of pragmatic s
225
interests and studies with the working out of basic
theoretical problems of philosophy.
The sophist movement, which began in the mid-5th century B. C., was a reaction against the primacy of natural philosophy. The Sophists were mostly concerned with epistemological problems, the nature of human knowledge and the criteria of its truth or falsity. That was a major step forward in the development of philosophy, as these issues had not been considered by natural philosophers. Sophistry also arose from the practical needs of the polis: since power in the polis was ultimately vested in the popular assembly, each statesman had to be able to refute the arguments of his opponent by showing their falsity and to substantiate his own positions by proving their truth. In this way, the development of philosophy, combined with the demands of political practice, called to life the Sophist movement led by Protagoras and Gorgias “Man is the measure of all things,” insisted Prota¬ goras, an ideologue of democracy. But that proposi¬ tion, regardless of Protagoras’s subjective political sympathies, opposed the individual to the collective, introducing scepticism and relativism into ethics. With some justification, the bulk of Athenian citizens saw the political theories of Sophists and their rhetorical sophistication as tools for undermin¬ ing democracy and a means of deceiving the people. At the same time, out of the fight with the Sophist movement arose the idealist philosophy of Socrates, the ideologue of the Athenian oligarchic and aristo¬ cratic circles. He insisted that truth is born of argu¬ ment. He founded the so-called Socratic method of conducting an argument, in which the wise man, by asking some leading questions, compelled his opponents first to recognise the erroneousness of their positions and then to admit the correctness of his own thesis. In Socrates’s view, the wise man arrived at the truth through knowledge of himself and of the objectively existing spirit, i. e., objectively existing truth. Socrates strongly emphasised the need for professional knowledge, deducing from it the idea that a person not engaged in politics profes¬ sionally could have no judgements about it. That was a direct challenge to the basic principles of Athenian democracy, which wanted to make the management of the polis affairs the concern of all the citizens.
A most important development in the 5th century
15-344
was the separation of the individual sciences from tinually alienated the funds of wealthy citizens and
natural philosophy. Herodotus was not only the metics, spending them in nonproductive spheres,
founder of historiography but also, apparently, of Besides, the polis principles did not permit consider-
some branches of geography. Especially significant able sections of rich Athenian population (e. g., the was the progress in medicine connected above all metic trapezitai ) to engage in the most profitable
with the work of Hippocrates. The basic feature of forms of entrepreneurial activity because they could
Hippocratic medicine was strict rationalism; in the not accept land, the principal form of a citizen’s view of Hippocrates, all diseases were caused by property, as security. For the same reason, the natural factors. He insisted that the physician should metics could not exploit the mines in Laurium. All treat each patient individually, taking into account this was all the more important as the crafts, trade the disposition of the patient himself and of his and credit operations were the principal spheres of natural environment. the metics’ activities. All these conflicts were
Mathematics developed mostly under the impact brought about by economic advances and the conse- of Pythagorean teaching. During the 5th century, it quent changes in the character of property. Pre¬ ceased to be the Pythagoreans’ exclusive domain, viously, the predominant form of property in the becoming an independent scientific discipline stud- polis was the antique one, while now a new form, ied professionally by scholars who did not belong to approaching absolute private property, crystallised, any philosophical trend. Particular progress was The economic development and the growing role
achieved in arithmetic, geometry, geometric algebra of purely economic factors in society’s life entailed and stereometry. Astronomy also made considerable changes in the political sphere. The old division of advances in the 5th century. the citizenry into adherents of oligarchy and fol-
The heyday of Greek culture in that century was lowers of democracy was replaced by the division linked with the flourishing of the classical polis. The into groups with differing economic interests. The rise of democracy, participation of vast masses of free group headed by Demosthenes had interests in sea citizens in political life, fierce political and social trade, particularly with the northern Black Sea area conflicts demanding each individual’s self-deter- supplying Athens with grain; the Hyperides group mination, the progress of positive science, extension expressed the interests of those whose well-being of the geographic horizons, and realisation of the depended on the Laurium mines, etc. Each of these superiority of the Greek way of life over the modes of groups endeavoured to direct the policy of the Athe- life of other peoples-all this determined the features nian polis in a way most advantageous to itself,
of the Greek culture of the classical epoch. Although the ideologues of these groups declared
their adherence to democratic principles, the decla¬ rations often concealed a desire to change the exist- The Crisis of the Classical Polis. Modern students of ing structure, e. g., through limiting the number of antiquity define the 4th century B. C. as the time of citizens to property-owners only, or restricting the the crisis of the ancient Greek polis. The crisis was authority of the popular assembly and especially of most pronounced in Athens; it did not coincide with the court (Heliaea) - the principal defender of the
a decline in the economy, as earlier believed, but democratic foundations of the polis. In a word, occurred at a time of economic growth. The crisis Athenian slave-owning democracy was going manifested itself most clearly in the development of a _ through a crisis which undermined its organism like conflict between the polis’s traditional socioecono- “ a long-drawn-out illness.
mic structure and the nature of its economic evolu- 3 The crisis of the polis took a different form in tion. The polis, which had arisen as a community of y Sparta. Here, the Peloponnesian War also acted as a landed citizens, impeded the development of com- 1 . factor which pushed the polis towards a critical modity-money relations. The citizens’ yearning for | state. A polis with an archaic structure, which had land was truly ineradicable; part of the money s= diligently cultivated primitive equality of citizens, earned by practising a craft or a trade, was saved to | contempt for wealth, the spirit of a closed civic com- buy land. Through “liturgies” or voluntary offices, ^ munity, a polis which impeded in every way the extraordinary taxes and other means, the polis con- 5 development of commodity-money relations, sud-
denly became ruler over all Greece. In the years of nificant in this respect was the ethnic structure of the
the war the Spartans had seen something of the mercenary troops: for the most part, the soldiers
world, they had learnt the sweetness of luxury and came from the poor small poleis of northern Pelo-
had become accustomed to money-“the sinews of ponnese (Arcadia and Achaia). war”. The wealth that flooded Sparta fell into the It was in these poleis that the internal social con-
hands of men who were ready to use it. The war flicts were most severe. In Athens, the struggle
years had changed the psychology of the Spartiates among the citizens usually found expression in fierce
they had got rid of many traditional moral values debates in the popular assembly, court trials, and
that had stood in the way of winning the victory. banishment of political opponents, whereas in other
The wealth of all Greece, falling into the hands of poleis the conflicts often erupted in civil wars,
Sparta, very soon gave rise to extreme economic in- usually fought with great ferocity. The situation was
equality between different strata of that changed aptly described by Plato, who wrote that two hostile
society. The civic community swiftly broke down states existed in each polis-the state of the poor and
into the haves and the have-nots. That process cul- the state of the rich.
minated in the law, introduced by the ephor Epita- The social conflicts in Greece led to the revival of
deus, which permitted alienation of the kleroi, or tyranny in the 4th century B. C., which is called
land allotments. This destroyed the very basis of “younger tyranny”, to distinguish it from the earlier
Spartan equality. An immediate consequence of that one. There was one common trait in the system of
law was a sharp decline in the number of citizens tyrannic rule everywhere - the great role played by
enjoying full rights, since a Spartan who lost his mercenaries as a most important element in the
kleros also lost many of his rights. Concentration of power structure of the tyranny. Tyrants came to
land property also became a cause of Sparta’s mili- power in Corinth, Sicyon, on Euboea, in Locris,
tary weakening. It suffered crushing defeats at the Thessaly and other cities. Euphron, the tyrant of
hands of the Thebans and lost its power over Mes- Sicyon, relied on democrats and a 2,000-strong unit
senia, which further aggravated its internal difficul- of mercenaries. Although tyrannical regimes mostly
ties, since Messenia provided half of the lands distri- arose on the basis of democratic movements, oligar-
buted among the Spartans. chic tyrannies were not rare at all. The principal
The forms of the crisis of the polis are not, of weakness of tyrannical regimes was that maintaining
course, limited to the Athenian and Spartan models. a hired army required considerable means, which
That process took different courses in different the treasury was usually unable to provide. A polis
poleis, depending on the character of the polis, as could not keep a hired army for any length of time,
the examples of Sparta and Athens show. Tyrants were therefore compelled to resort to
The wide use of mercenaries became one of the extraordinary methods of getting money: campaigns
most striking symptoms of the polis crisis. Research against neighbours, confiscation of the property of
has shown that the 4th century B. C. saw a continual political opponents, etc. But all these sources were
growth in the number of mercenaries used both by extremely unreliable. The tyrants of Phocis found a
Greek poleis and Persian kings and satraps, and also way out by robbing the Panhellenic shrine at Del-
by the Egyptian rulers that revolted against Persia. phi. That wealth enabled them to maintain hired
There were dozens of thousands of mercenaries in army of 40,000 for many years. This fact throws in
such a relatively small country as Greece, and they relief not only the policies of tyrants but also the de-
were ready to serve for their daily bread only, which cline of religious feeling in Greece,
clearly shows that the bulk of the mercenaries were _ Not only poleis under tyrannic rule were per- poor men driven to risk their lives by hunger. It can j? manently in need of money-the situation was the
thus be assumed that the development of commodi- 5 same in most other poleis. The position became par¬ ty-money relations in Greece and economic progress 5 ticularly unbearable during wars. Citizens did not
did not mean that the relative stability observed in £ want to and could not fight, and the poleis’ armies
Athens existed everywhere else. In the small and g therefore mostly consisted of mercenaries who had to
economically weak poleis the crisis manifested itself c> be paid. A new principle was adopted: war had to
in the loss of land by many citizens. Especially sig- s feed itself. Enemy, and often allies’, territory was
227
15 *
constantly plundered. The population of captured height of the struggle against Athens, Sparta had
cities was commonly all sold as slaves. Mercenaries promised Persia to hand over to it the Greek poleis
were a striking indication of the crisis of the polis and of Asia Minor; now, after its victory, it was in no
one of their major problems, which figured pro- mood at all to honour that promise, which naturally
minently in all the projects for overcoming the crisis led to a conflict between the two countries. The
suggested at that time. Spartans became involved in the dynastic conflict in
The morality of society changed. The traditional Persia, supporting Cyrus the Younger, who was the
polis morality increasingly gave way to individual- satrap of the western parts of Asia Minor. Persia
ism, and patriotism, to profit-seeking. Money used that as a pretext for a war against Sparta,
became the main factor that determined the individ- which was waged in Asia Minor between 399 and
ual’s place in society. A comedy by an Athenian 394 B. C. Although the military operations were
author of the 4th century B. C. was very eloquent on sluggish, Persia was nevertheless able to deal Sparta
the subject: a powerful blow by using its tested weapon of subsi-
If you ask me, silver and gold dies to Sparta’s enemies. The money sent by the Per-
Are useful gods perhaps the only ones. sians helped the enemies of Spartan hegemony, the
You bring them to your house-and there, Boeotian League led by Thebes, and Athens, to arm
You have whale'er your heart desires: themselves. A Spartan punitive expedition against
Land, houses, maids and ornaments, Thebes ended in a defeat for the Spartan army and
Friends, witnesses and judges. Pay, the death of its famous leader Lysander. After that,
And e’en the gods will be your servants. the victors were joined by Argos, Corinth, Euboea,
These were the principal features of the crisis of Acarnania, Locris, Chalcidice, part of Epirus, and the polis system in Greece in the 4th century B. C. Thessaly. A long hard fight began. The Persian fleet, The crisis began during the Peloponnesian War and commanded by the Athenian Conon, destroyed the made a decisive impact on all the aspects of life in Spartan naval forces. It became clear that Sparta Greece, including the course of its political history. would not be able to retain its rule over Greece. In The victory of Sparta in the Peloponnesian War this situation, there was a sharp rise in internal polit- signified a radical change in the overall situation in ical conflicts in many Greek poleis, where demo- Greece. The Spartans promptly forgot their pro- crats supported the anti-Spartan coalition. The war
mises about freedom for all Greeks. Lysander, ended in 387 B. C. with the signing of the so-called
Sparta’s nauarchos, or commander of the fleet, estab- Peace of Antalcidas, after the Spartan ambassador fished a regime of terror throughout Greece, hand- at the congress, or the King’s Peace. Persia did not
ing over power in the poleis to oligarchs, mostly his want to weaken Sparta excessively, believing that its
personal friends, supervised by Spartan commanders best interests would be met by a divided Greece. It of garrisons (harmosts,). All democrats were cruelly therefore changed its orientation and supported the persecuted; frequent punitive expeditions were Spartans; a peace treaty was concluded which undertaken against recalcitrant poleis; the Spar- proved to be the highest achievement of Persian dip- tans imposed their taxes instead of the Athe- lomacy since the end of the Graeco-Persian wars, nian phoros. It seemed that the harsh Spartan rule An additional guarantee of Spartan hegemony in
over Greece would last a long time. However, two Greece was a ban on all alliances except the Pelo- circumstances-one domestic, the other internation- _ ponnesian League. Sparta paid for the support by al put an end to it. a ceding to Persia its power over the poleis of Asia
Lysander’s great influence and the fact that many 5 Minor.
Greek cities were controlled after the war by his ~ Sparta tried to restore its unchallenged hegemony friends inspired suspicions and fear in the Spartan - in Hellas and at first succeeded in it. The most im- government, which began to oppose the more deci- § portant Spartan achievement was the capture of sive actions by Lysander and his followers. Thus, it g, Thebes, the replacement of its democracy by an oli- permitted the restoration of a democratic system in | garchy, and the dissolution of the Boeotian League. Athens. s But that was the Spartans’ last success. Supported by
There was also the international factor. At the Athens, Theban democrats killed the oligarchs and
228
made the Spartan garrison surrender. Democracy rose in revolt. In the course of the Social War
was restored, as was the Boeotian League headed by (357-355), Athens was defeated, and that was the
Thebes. The Boeotian League was governed by a end of the Athenian League.
college of five boeotarchs, of which the most influen- Thus the middle of the 4th century B. C. found
tial were the well-known democratic statesmen Pelo- Greece weakened and disunited. All the major polit-
pidas and Epaminondas. Taking advantage of ical forces had been undermined, the leading
Sparta’s difficult position, Athens also revived its alliances had disintegrated, and no single state could
naval confederacy (378 B. C.). The Second Athe- claim hegemony. That process went on against the
nian League was much smaller than the first (as the background of an acute socioeconomic crisis which
poleis of Asia Minor, now ruled by Persia, could no showed that the classical polis with its basic princi-
longer participate), and it was founded on somewhat pies of autonomy and autarchy had outlived its use-
different principles. The allies remembered the fulness. The crisis involved increased social conflicts,
experiences of the past, and the treaty included the struggle between political groups, a severe finan-
guarantees against a renewal of Athenian imperial cial dislocation, and wide recourse to mercenaries,
poleis. The Athenians undertook not to establish Members of the Hellenic intellectual elite pro-
cleruchies, Athenian citizens were forbidden to pos- posed various plans for overcoming the crisis. Des-
sess land on the territory of allied poleis, and a great pite differences over particulars, these plans rested
role was intended for the synedrion (the council of on the conviction that all Greece’s problems could
representatives of the allied poleis), which con- be solved at the expense of Persia: a united Greece
trolled the League’s finances. The restoration of the could destroy the rich but weak Achaemenid
League enabled the Athenians to inflict a heavy empire. The intention was not only to plunder Per-
defeat on the Spartans, who were now obliged to sia but also to seize part of its territory. Poleis would
reconcile themselves to its existence and officially be built on conquered territory where indigent
recognised it. But the final blow to Spartan hege- Greeks would settle, while the local population
mony was dealt by the Thebans. The war between would be enslaved. These ideas found increasing
Sparta and Thebes, which had lasted several years, support in Greece, but a campaign in the East was
entered its decisive stage. In 371 B.C., the Spartan hardly feasible in view of the country’s extreme
army was routed by the Thebans in the battle of political fragmentation.
Leuctra. The consequences of that defeat were disas- In the meantime, a force was maturing in the
trous for Sparta. The Peloponnesian League disinte- north of Greece that was destined to carry out, to
grated, and the Spartans were now more concerned some extent, the plans worked out by the intellec-
with the defence of their city than with hegemony. tuals of Hellas but not in the way they expected. The
Messenia became independent, and the city of Mes- Macedonian kingdom came on the scene, and dur-
sene arose on the slopes of Mount Ithome. In the ing the 4th century B. C. it kept growing stronger,
north of the Peloponnese, several small Arcadian more and more vigorously interfering in Greece’s
poleis formed the Arcadian League, of which the affairs.
newly built city of Megalopolis became the centre. Under king Philip II (359-336 B. C), Macedonia
In the end, Sparta’s possessions were reduced to achieved power it had never known before. It was
Laconica, and its influence on the affairs of the Pelo- mostly an agricultural country; compared with the
ponnese became minimal. Greek world, class society and the state developed
But the Thebans’ great victories did not bring rather late here. For this reason, most of Mace- them hegemony over Greece. The long years of war ^ donia’s population in the 4th century B. C. were free had undermined Theban economy, while the The- ? peasants who usually served in infantry. Cavalry was bans’ former allies rose against them as soon as the : the aristocratic force. King Philip reformed the prospect of Theban hegemony became apparent. * army making it the strongest in the Balkan penin- Somewhat later, Athens also suffered a severe blow. g= sula. Philip’s army was hardened in countless cam- Seeing the weakening of Sparta and Thebes, Athe- g paigns, and there were many talented military nians thought it an opportune moment to revert to o leaders among the king’s associates. Capturing the their imperial policy, but their allies immediately | mines of Mt. Pangaeus, Philip began to mint his
229
gold coin and, unlike most Greek poleis, had no fiscation of property, and remission of debts, all of
trouble in financing his military and political moves. which was in the interests of the propertied sections
A sober politician with a fine grasp of the political of the population. Manumission of slaves for pur-
situation in the Balkans, Philip skilfully interfered in poses of political revolt was strictly forbidden. The
the affairs of Greece. Athens became the main foreign policy of the Greek League was entrusted to
opponent of Macedonia. In the long fight between king Philip. The affairs of the League were managed
them Macedonia gradually gained the upper hand, by an assembly of representatives of all the poleis.
consolidating its positions on the Thracean coast. Finally, war against Persia was declared on behalf of
Philip interfered in the so-called Sacred War, which Greece and Macedonia, and Philip was elected
raged for many years in central Greece, where Supreme Commander of all the allied forces,
numerous Greek poleis fought against Phocis. The Thus ended the most important period in the his-
rulers of Phocis had plundered the Delphi temple tory of Greece. From that moment, Greece found
and, hiring a considerable army of mercenaries with itself under a foreign power and lost its independ-
the money, repulsed the attacks of their opponents. ence.
In the course of that war, Philip subdued Thessaly, The period of crisis in Greece did not signify a
which added the famous Thessalian cavalry to his complete decline of its culture. On the contrary, it
army, then defeated Phocis and consolidated his was marked by many important achievements in
positions in central Greece. Finally, he destroyed literature, science, philosophy, and art. A number of
the alliance of the Greek poleis of Chalcidice and outstanding thinkers of antiquity, Plato and Aristo-
firmly established his presence on the Aegean coast. tie among them, lived and worked in that epoch.
Macedonia’s growing might and Philip’s increas- The crisis of the polis certainly led to great
ing interference in Greek affairs resulted in a certain changes in social consciousness and morality; the
polarisation of forces in Athens and many other growth of individualism and the decline of the tradi-
Greek poleis. With his enormous wealth, the king of tional collectivist morality of the polis became pro-
Macedonia was able to suborn a number of sta- nounced. But on the other hand, these phenomena
tesmen in different cities, but there were also quite a stimulated profound theoretical studies in the nature
few selfless supporters of Macedonia who hoped that of the polis, the causes of its evolution and decline, its
the establishment of Macedonian hegemony would typology and the possibility of creating a stable or
bring political and social stability, and later enable “ideal” polis. These problems were worked out on
Greece to start a war against Persia. an idealist basis by the pupils of Socrates, above all
Philip extended his activities to the Peloponnese. by Plato. Plato came from an aristocratic Athenian
Demosthenes managed to build a rather powerful family-his father Ariston was said to have traced his
alliance, including Athens, Corinth, Argos, Thebes descent through Codrus to the god Poseidon; he
and a number of other poleis. The allies raised an received an excellent education and was an out-
army of more than 30,000, which fought a decisive standing erudite. He was a major representative of
battle against the Macedonians near Chaeronea the idealist trend in ancient Greek philosophy and
(338 B. C.). Though the Greeks put up a stubborn the founder of the Academy-the philosophical fight, they suffered a crushing defeat. That meant school uniting his disciples. The basis of Plato’s views
the end of the freedom of the Greek poleis. In the was the notion of ideas-eternal and immutable pro¬
following year, Philip convened a congress in Cor- __ totypes of things, of which the objects of the real inth attended by representatives of all the Greek ~ world are weak reflection. This theory also served as poleis with the exception of Sparta. The congress £ a basis for Plato’s views on the polis. The idea of the proclaimed a Greek League (or League of Corinth) J polis also existed in the higher world, the world of under the hegemony of the Macedonian king. Uni- ^ ideas, and the task of the lawgiver was to build a real versal peace was declared, wars between poleis were | polis closely approaching the ideal one. Plato forbidden, as were the interference of poleis in gj worked out in detail a project for dividing the popu- the internal affairs of each other and any changes in | lation of the polis into three groups: farmers, the state structure which existed at that moment. A = craftsmen and traders engaged in production and ban was also imposed on redistribution of land, con- g exchange and having no rights at all; guards exclu-
230
sively engaged in military affairs, deprived of pro- one than Plato’s. He proposed to build Greek poleis
perty and family, and devoting themselves entirely on lands wrested from the barbarians, on which the
to the defence of the polis; and finally, wise men or citizens would live by exploiting the local popula-
philosophers concerned with the management of the tion. The wide spreading of slavery led to the emer-
polis and living the same harsh life as the guards. gence of the so-called “slave question” as a problem
Plato’s project echoed the ideals of a long-gone for sociological analysis. Expressing the very essence
era-the Spartan system of the time of Lycurgus, of the slave-owning system, Aristotle developed the
and naturally could not be implemented. Plato’s idea of “slavery by nature”, according to which all
attempts to realise it in Sicily with the help of the non-Greeks (barbarians) were intended by nature
tyrants of Syracuse nearly cost him his life. itself to be Greeks’ slaves. Aristotle’s economic ideas
There was a scholar among Plato’s disciples whose were extremely profound. He observed quite cor-
powerful influence went far beyond his time, his rectly that the polis mode of life was only compatible
country, and antiquity in general. That scholar was with a definite level of economic development, while
Aristotle. He was an encyclopaedist in the true sense excessive progress in commodity-money relations
of the word; his interests ranged over philosophy, resulted in the disintegration of the polis. Just as im-
history, mathematics, physics, zoology, botany, portant were his observations concerning the depend-
medicine, ethics, theory of art, literature and ence of politics on the economic interests of vari-
theatre, and rhetoric. He began his work as Plato’s ous groups of the citizenry. Aristotle’s influence
disciple but later broke with his teacher and founded on the subsequent development of antiquity and
his own school, the Lyceum. Aristotle’s natural phi- early Middle Ages was truly immense. Translated
losophy was close to materialism. According to Aris- into Arabic, his works were absorbed by Islamic
totle, matter and form are inseparable; they are not science, and later the originals of these works and
abstract concepts but two aspects of a single life pro- translations into many other languages became some
cess. The strongest aspect of Aristotle’s natural phi- of the most treasured possessions of European and
losophical system was his theory of motion, without world civilisation.
which there is neither time, space, nor matter. The In the second half of the 5th and the 4th centuries,
theory of the methods of thinking, or logic, comple- the art of oratory reached its peak. Legal eloquence mented that system. assumed the greatest importance; countless cases
Aristotle created an all-embracing scientific-phi- came to the courts, and this necessitated a knowledge
losophical system which synthesised all the achieve- of the laws and the art of persuasive speech. As a
ments of the Greek science of the classical period. result, the profession of logographers, or compilers of
Aristotle’s scientific views were inseparable from his court speeches, became established (both prosecu-
general philosophical principles. He worked on tion and defence rested with the litigants in the Athe-
mathematical problems and created a general nian court). The classic representative of logo-
theory of the qualitative changes and transforma- graphy was undoubtedly Lysias, who brought the
dons of bodies. Aristotle’s works on animate nature art to perfection; his style was simple, his arguments
are an important part of his scholary heritage. He sober and convincing.
described 485 species of animals and was the first Isocrates, the most famous teacher of rhetoric at
scholar to suggest a classification of the animal the time, was an unsurpassed master of solemn elo-
world. Aristotle’s work was continued by his pupils, quence. His whole activity as a political orator and
notably by Theophrastus. writer was inspired by a single idea an alliance of
Aristotle also developed a theory of the state in his , all Greeks for a war against the barbarians. Only a
remarkable work Politics a treatise based on 158 f united campaign would save Greece from all its mis-
studies, each of them devoted to the state structure 5 fortunes-civil wars, conflicts between poleis, the in-
and history of an individual polis and carried out * stitution of mercenaries, banishment of citizens,
either by Aristotle himself or his pupils. Aristotle’s f poverty and destitution. The wars engulfing Greece
analysis of the Greek polis (its essence, types, evolu- | should be taken over to Asia, and the riches of Asia,
tion, causes of decline, etc.) was unsurpassed; he also 53 to Europe. That Panhellenic idea permeated all of
worked out a project of an ideal state a more viable § Isocrates’s speeches-only the names of possible
231
organisers of such a campaign changed. Disap- endeavoured to solve difficult technical tasks. Espe-
pointed in his native Athens, Isocrates turned to the daily famous of Apelles’s paintings was Aphrodite
powerful rulers, first Dionysios, the tyrant of Syra- Anadiomena — Aphrodite rising out of the sea, her
cuse, and later the Macedonian king Philip. The lat- body seen through the water,
ter accorded with his ideal of a leader capable of The development of Greek science in the 4th cen-
pacifying the Greeks and heading an eastern tury B. C. was mostly determined by the work of
campaign. professional scholars (mathematicians, astronomers,
But the great and tragic figure of Demosthenes, and natural scientists) and, to a lesser degree, by the
one of the greatest orators of all times and peoples, efforts of philosophers. The greatest scholar of the
towers above all the Greek speakers. Demosthenes’s 4th century was Eudoxus of Cnidus. In mathema-
court speeches were numerous and important, but tics, he developed the general theory of proportions,
he acquired his fame mostly through his part in which was properly appreciated only in the second
political debate. Both for his contemporaries and half of the 19th century. He also invented 'the
later generations Demosthenes was above all a poli- method of exhaustion and applied it to the first
tician, fighter and patriot. He realised quite early rigorous proof of the volume of the pyramid. He
the danger of the Macedonian king Philip for the in- played a still greater role in antique astronomy,
dependence of the Greeks, and began a struggle becoming in fact the father of theoretical astronomy,
against him. The speeches of Demosthenes against Eudoxus calculated the orbits of planets, compiled a
Philip and in defence of the freedom of Athens raised catalogue of the stars, and built the first astronomic
him to the position of a leading statesman. Demos- observatory. His model of the cosmos based on the
thenes tirelessly endeavoured to stir up the citizen notion of concentric spheres uniformly revolving
body to vigorous activity, and to build a coalition of round the earth stimulated the development of
the poleis against Macedonian danger. His speeches spheric geometry and the kinematics of moving
combined brilliant oratory and great fighting spirit; points, circles and spheres. Eudoxus’s ideas were
his passionate conviction and the power of his argu- further developed by his disciples-the mathemati-
ments moved his listeners. He was the last outstand- cians Menaechmus and Dinostratus, the astronomer
ing master of public oratory in independent Greece. Polemarchos who, in his turn, became the teacher of
The new phenomena in 4th-century Greek society the outstanding astronomer Callippus.
were also reflected in the development of art. Many Ancient Greek culture occupies a very special
prominent sculptors were then active in Greece place in the heritage on which human civilisation,
Scopas, Leochares, Timotheus, Bryaxis, Praxiteles, and particularly European culture, relied in its sub-
Lysippus. All of them abandoned the simple and sequent development. In the esthetic sphere, the
strict principles of the epoch of “high classicism”. Greek heritage is not only a source of modern knowl-
The desire to convey the individual’s traits, emo- edge but also a living and fascinating spiritual force,
tions, and inner world became paramount. Scopas Antique culture is a constituent part of modern cul-
usually created sculptures on mythological themes, ture, not just its antecedent. Significantly, the turn-
but his types expressed stormy spiritual experiences ing point in the development of West European art
(see, for instance, his figure of a Maenad in the grip began with the epoch of the Renaissance, or the
of Bacchic frenzy, or the faces of wounded warriors, revival of antique art. As Engels wrote, “In the
expressing intense suffering, on the pediment of the manuscripts saved from the fall of Byzantium, in the
temple of Athena at Tegea). Hedonistic themes were 3. antique statues dug out of the ruins of Rome, anew strong in the work of Praxiteles, who loved to por- 5 world was revealed to the astonished West, that of tray Aphrodite, Dionysius and his companions. He y ancient Greece; the ghosts of the Middle Ages became especially famous for his sculpture of Aphro- f vanished before its shining forms.” 1 The images of dite of Cnidos. | antique mythology were treated in numerous paint-
The same features were inherent in 4th-century is ings by Leonardo da Vinci, Michaelangelo, Botti- painting, of which the major representatives were | _
Pausamas of Sicyon and Apelles. Pausanias invented ^ 1 Frederick Engels, Dialectics of Nature, Progress Publishers,
the technique of encaustic, or hot-wax painting. He J Moscow, 1972, p. 20.
232
If
rhelli, Titian, Rubens, Rembrandt, Watteau, Fra¬
gonard, Ivanov, Bruni, and in the sculptures of
Vitali, Kozlovski, Demuth-Malinovsky, and others.
The subjects of antique mythology were used by
many great writers and musicians Dante, Shake¬
speare, Pushkin, Mayakovsky, Haydn, Gluck,
Offenbach, Stravinsky, and others. It is hard to find
a single area where the influence of Greek culture
would not be felt, and therein lies its intransient sig¬
nificance for all mankind.
Alexander the Great. The epoch of Alexander the
Great was a transitional one from the classical to the
Hellenistic era. That short historical period (336-323
B. C.) was full of events which determined the course
of history during several centuries to come. The war
with the Persians was begun already under Alex¬
ander’s father, but the assassination of Philip II in
336 delayed for a while the fulfilment of the great
plans for a campaign in the East. On his accession to
the throne, Alexander ruthlessly exterminated the
assassins of his father and possible claimants to the
throne. But the greatest threat came from the out¬
side : in the north, Thracian and Illyrian tribes pre¬
pared to invade Macedonia, and in the south, the
Greeks were ready to rise in revolt. In this situation,
Alexander acted swiftly and resolutely. He led an
army into central Greece and camped outside
Thebes. Intimidated, the Greeks recognised Alex¬
ander’s claim to all his father’s rights. Just as swiftly,
the Macedonian army moved north and defeated
Thracians and Illyrians in several battles. At this
time, the false rumour of the death of the Mace¬
donian king incited the Greeks to revolt. Realising
the seriousness of this development, Alexander
returned earlier than the Greeks could have possibly
expected him, captured Thebes-the hotbed of the
rebellion, razed the city to the ground and enslaved
its citizens. He also showed himself as astute politi¬
cian: the decision to destroy Thebes was taken by
the allied Greek poleis.
The rebels thus brought to heel, Alexander turned to his principal task the campaign against the Per¬ sians. In spring of the year 334 B. C., the Mace¬ donian army and the allied Greek forces crossed into Asia Minor. The war was on. The Persian army was greatly superior in numbers, but Alexander’s force was remarkably well trained, disciplined and armed.
The first encounter with the forces of the satraps of
Asia Minor took place on the banks of the river
Granicus; the Persian army was routed in a fierce
battle. That opened the way to the conquest of Asia
Minor, which in fact did not go beyond capturing
coastal cities and establishing overall control over
the country. Officially, the war had been declared to
be in revenge for the desecration of the Greek shrines
during the Graeco-Persian war; Alexander was very
skilful at using Panhellenic slogans. He drove away
oligarchs in the Greek cities and established
democratic regimes, which ensured support from the
Greek population of Asia Minor.
While Alexander was busy conquering Asia Minor, the situation in the Aegean became unfa¬ vourable to him. The Persian commander-in-chief, the Greek Memnon, captured a number of islands and even threatened to disembark on the Balkan shore. His sudden death gave Alexander a respite. Having conquered Asia Minor, Alexander crossed Cilicia and entered northern Syria. Here again he met the Persian army, this time headed by King Darius III himself. In the battle near Issus in the autumn of 333 B. C., both sides suffered heavy losses, and the Macedonians only gained a victory by a supreme effort. Darius fled in such a hurry that he abandoned his family to its fate, and it was captured by the enemy. In Damascus, the Persian king’s tra¬ velling treasury was seized, which greatly relieved Alexander’s severe financial difficulties. It was apparently after the victory at Issus that he con¬ ceived the idea of conquering the whole of the Per¬ sian empire.
Alexander then occupied the Syro-Phoenician coast, where Tyre offered the greatest resistance. Relying on the insular position of their city and a strong fleet, the inhabitants of Tyre hoped to with¬ stand the siege. To take the city by storm, a dam was built to connect the island with the mainland. Tyre was stormed and harshly punished for its resistance. The capture of Gaza opened the way to Egypt, whose satrap surrendered as his army was not strong 4 enough to offer effective resistance. The Egyptians ' received Alexander as their liberator from Persian S" rule. During his stay in Egypt, Alexander founded a 9 city in the Nile Delta which he named after himself. | He made a pilgrimage to the Ammon (Amon) oracle ^ in the desert, and the priests there declared Alex- s ander to be Ammon’s son, thus recognising his
233
I
divine origin. In this way, his power in Egypt was aristocrats who entirely depended on him, and
sanctified by the religion. crushed it. Parmenio, one of the most renowned
In the spring of 331, Alexander moved north. military leaders and an associate of Philip II, his son
Crossing the Tigris and the Euphrates unopposed, Philotas and many prominent members of Mace-
he approached the village of Gaugamela, where a donian aristocracy lost their lives. Somewhat later
decisive battle, one of the greatest in antiquity, took Cleitus, one of Alexander’s closest associates who
place on October 1, 331. Although the Persian army had saved his life in the battle of the Granicus, was
was now stronger than at Issus, the Macedonians also killed. Then came the disclosure of the so-called
defeated it again. The central provinces of the Per- “conspiracy of the pages”-of young men from aris-
sian empire now lay defenceless. Ancient Babylon tocratic families who formed the Macedonian king’s
and Susa, where the Achaemenid treasury was kept, personal bodyguard. Finally, Callisthenes, Aristo-
were captured without battle. The enormous riches tie’s nephew and the official historiographer of the
accumulated by the Persian kings passed into the campaign, also fell a victim of the persecutions, as he
hands of the conquerors. Alexander devastated Per- had expressed the discontent of the Greek cam-
sepolis, the ancient capital of the Achaemenids. This paigners who saw that Alexander had no intention
fact has puzzled many researches, since at that time at all of sharing the gains of the campaign with the
Alexander was already actively conducting a policy Greeks, completely preoccupied with consolidating
of rapprochement with the Persian aristocracy. It is his personal power.
believed that the Macedonian king wanted to The conquest of the eastern satrapies, especially of
demonstrate to the Greeks his devotion to Panhel- the southern areas of Central Asia, proved to be the
lenism and the ideas of revenge upon the Persians. most difficult part of Alexander’s drive east. As dis-
The point is that an anti-Macedonian movement led tinct from the situation in the west, where the popu-
by the Spartan king Agis III broke out at that time lar masses viewed the change in authority with com-
in Greece. Not knowing yet that his governor Anti- plete indifference, a real people’s war against the
pater had already defeated the Greeks, Alexander invaders began in Central Asia, led by Spitamenes, a
wanted to win their sympathies. Sogdian chieftain. The struggle against Bactrians
The defeat at Gaugamela and Alexander’s occu- and Sogdians lasted for three years and took a great
pation of the entire western part of the Achaemenid deal of effort. Alexander had to reorganise his army,
empire did not signify a complete rout of the Per- adapting it to the new conditions of warfare. He sians. Darius still had the entire eastern part of the meted out mass reprisals to the rebels, and at the
empire in his hands, and he hoped to gather the same time tried to attract the local aristocracy to his
forces for a further struggle in Ecbatana, the capital side. He himself married Roxana, the daughter of
of Media. Alexander’s irresistible rush frustrated Oxyartes, one of the former leaders of the resistance,
those plans. Darius fled from Ecbatana. A conspir- and included Bactrian and Sogdian cavalry in his
acy was hatched by the Persian aristocrats in his army.
entourage during his flight, and he was assassinated. Alexander now dreamed of establishing his
During the Macedonian army’s march east, into dominion over the whole world; that dream could
regions practically unknown to the Greeks, there be realised if he conquered India. Although Alex-
were first signs of discontent with Alexander’s policy. ander was able to conquer large areas in the Indus
Alexander established ever closer links with the Per- ^ valley, inflicting a defeat on king Porus, he could not sian aristocracy, declaring himself the avenger of the bring his Indian campaign to a victorious conclu-
death of the Persian king. To increase his authority, 5 sion. The army, exhausted by the drive east beyond Alexander began to replace the old Macedonian tra- y all human endurance, resolutely refused to march ditions with new ones, borrowed from the Achae- ^ forward. Moving down the Indus towards the ocean, menids. The old Macedonian aristocracy, which saw | Alexander divided his force into two parts. The the transformation of their king’s power after the j larger portion marched overland to Mesopotamia, Oriental model as an infringement of their tradi- 1 the centre of Alexander’s new empire; the other part tional privileges, rose in opposition. In his struggle 5 ; sailed on ships, built on the spot, for the mouth of the against this opposition, Alexander relied on those Tigris. The return proved very difficult for both
234
forces, but at the beginning of 324 Alexander and
the remnants of his army came back to Babylon.
On his return, Alexander had to deal with a number of difficult problems. Many of the satraps that he had left behind never expected him to return from the Indian expedition; they built up armed forces of their own and spent enormous sums of money, behaving as independent sovereigns. Alex¬ ander took decisive measures to suppress these sepa¬ ratist inclinations.
Alexander’s policy in those years was aimed at a unification of his vast empire. He endeavoured to consolidate peaceful relations between Macedonians and Persians. Apart from other measures, he organised a great wedding party for ten thousand of his warriors who married local maidens on the same day. 30,000 Persian youths were enlisted in his army. He promulgated an edict concerning the return of exiles to Greece and restoration of their property which was a breach of the covenant of the Greek League. He also demanded that the Greek poleis deify him. Numerous new cities were founded on conquered territories; Alexander regarded them as strongholds of his power. He also made preparations for new campaigns, probably intending to conquer Carthage, Sicily, South Arabia. A new fleet was built and an army raised, but at the height of these preparations Alexander died of fever at the age of 33, in 323 B. C.
The scope of Alexander’s campaigns and con¬ quests, which opened up new lands to the Greeks, made a great impression on his contemporaries. The argument about Alexander continues to this day. Earlier historiography largely idealised the Mace¬ donian king, regarding him as a genius bearing the high Hellenic civilisation east and thereby carrying out a great historical mission. This kind of unre¬ strained idealisation has given way to a more sober approach. Alexander’s activities defy any simplistic appraisal. He was undoubtedly a major statesman and a great military leader. His campaigns de¬ stroyed the Achaemenid empire, which was already in a state of degeneracy at that time, but the Graeco- Macedonian army brought devastation, slavery and death to the conquered peoples. Towns and villages were destroyed, men died, and whole tribes were exterminated. Alexander’s empire, which was greater in size than the Persian state, united by force of arms extremely diverse countries and peoples-
highly advanced Greek poleis and Macedonia with
its survivals of the primitive communal structure,
the Nile valley and Mesopotamia with their thous¬
and-year-old culture and the nomadic tribes of east¬
ern Iran. A purely military entity, the empire had
no unified economic basis. The Macedonian con¬
quest largely took the form of capturing major cities
and strategically important strongholds. The state
that arose on the ruins of the Persian empire strongly
resembled the latter. Alexander was content with
recognition of his rule and the payment of taxes,
which were collected under the supervision of Mace¬
donians and Greeks. There were no major changes,
however, in the conditions of life, especially in areas
remote from the centre.
At the same time a stream of Greeks and Mace¬ donians flowed east both during the campaigns and especially after them, bringing new forms of social relations and culture. Some of the cities which Alex¬ ander founded became centres of political and economic life. The campaigns brought an extension of the geographical limits of the Greek world, new communication routes were established, and naviga¬ tion expanded. All of this facilitated the develop¬ ment of the economy and of trading links, the begin¬ ning of a new period in the history of the eastern Mediterranean regions, marked by complex and contradictory processes of interaction between Grae¬ co-Macedonian and local elements the Hellenistic period.
Alexander’s world empire could not stand the test of time, as it had no firm political or economic basis. But his campaigns affected the destinies of many peoples not only in Europe but also in the Near and Middle East. In the epoch of Hellenism, ethnic, polis and religious seclusion began to break up, new forms of state arose, exchange and commerce expanded, foundations of new faiths were laid, and at the same time the process of polarisation of an¬ cient societies continued, as the class struggle of the have-nots and slaves against slave-owners intensified. It was as a result of Alexander’s campaigns that the East and the West truly met, and this encounter affected many aspects of their life, initiating mutual cultural enrichment. Whatever the appraisal of Alexander’s personality and activity may be, his campaigns undoubtedly played an important role in bringing the European and Oriental civilisations closer together.
Chapter 14
The Epoch of Hellenism
The period that followed Alexander the Great’s
campaigns and the founding of the Graeco-Mace¬
donian empire is commonly referred to as Hellenis¬
tic. The term “Hellenism”, introduced by the Ger¬
man historian J. G. Droysen in the 1830s, is still
widely debated; there is no consensus among scho¬
lars neither on the chronological and geographical
boundaries of the Hellenistic world or on the signifi¬
cance of that period for the history of mankind.
Hellenism is often interpreted as a purely cultural phenomenon; accordingly, all areas in which the Hellenic and local cultures are observed to have in¬ teracted in antiquity are included in the Hellenistic world, some researchers stressing the fact of the in¬ teraction itself and the consequent syncretism of Hellenistic culture, others seeing it, above all, as a further development of Greek culture and the “crea¬ tive spirit” of the Greeks.
On a deeper plane, Hellenism is identified with Hellenistic civilisation. Apart from common cultural development, this concept covers the forms of politi¬ cal organisation and socioeconomic relations charac¬ teristic of that epoch (mostly in the eastern Mediter¬ ranean area). The historiography of Hellenism was greatly influenced in this respect by the theory of Michael Rostovtzeff (a Russian scholar who emi¬ grated to the USA), according to which the Hel¬ lenistic world (including the eastern Mediterranean and northern Pontic regions) should be viewed as a single political and socioeconomic system character¬ ised by stable internal economic links and political balance between the states of the region. In Rostov- tzefTs view, the basis of that system was the poleis and the “bourgeois class”. Owing to these elements,
the Greek urban (i. e., bourgeois) structure pre¬
vailed over the Oriental feudal one, and Greek cul¬
ture spread. Emerging as a result of the conquest of
the East, which opened up new markets and exten¬
sive spheres of entrepreneurial activity, especially for
the Greeks, the Hellenistic world achieved prosper¬
ity, which was, however, short-lived and was fol¬
lowed by a decline due to resultant political im¬
balance and the rise of the “Oriental reaction”.
RostovtzefFs theory, with its socio-political emphasis
and modern colouring (cf, e. g., the analogy
between Hellenistic and capitalist economy), is still
sometimes echoed in many modern works on the his¬
tory of Hellenism.
In their polemics with the trend towards moderni¬ sation of historiography, a number of Soviet histor¬ ians (S. I. Kovalyov, V. S. Sergeyev, A. B. Rano- vich, K. K. Zelyin, K. M. Kolobova and others) have proposed a fundamentally different interpre¬ tation of Hellenism. Pointing out some of the charac¬ teristic traits of Hellenism - the division of labour, the growth of export-oriented artisan industries, in¬ tense development of commerce and of money rela¬ tions, and the emergence of new centres of trade and ^ industry - they emphasise, quite rightly, that all a these processes unfolded within a society that was 5 basically slave-owning. In the Hellenistic period, --j eastern Mediterranean countries were going ' through different stages in the development of slave- ? owning relations. In the most advanced Greek sc states, the polis structure and its characteristic forms | of slave-owning relations were in a state of crisis; in - Macedonia and the poleis of north-western Greece, £ slave-owning grew and the political systems consoli-
236
dated; in Egypt and Near East, the antique forms of slavery and the polis structure spread, and various tribes within the Hellenistic world and in the outly¬ ing regions were undergoing the process of the for¬ mation of class society.
Soviet historians regard Hellenism as a concrete historical phenomenon within a limited geographi¬ cal areal, characterised by a combination and inter¬ action of Hellenic and local elements in the economy, socio-political structure and culture of the countries of the eastern Mediterranian and Near East in the late 4th-1st centuries B. C. Hellenism had been prepared by the interaction between the Greeks and the Near Eastern peoples in the previous period; the Graeco-Macedonian conquest lent it great scope and intensity. The new forms of culture and of political and socioeconomic relations arising in the Hellenistic period were the product of a syn¬ thesis in which the correlation of the local (mostly Oriental) and Greek elements was determined by the concrete historical conditions. The varying role of the local elements in the development of Hellenis¬ tic states affected the mode of social struggles within them, largely determining the historical fates of the diverse regions of the Hellenistic world.
The history of Hellenism falls into three distinct periods: the emergence of Hellenistic states (late 4th-early 3rd centuries B. C ); the moulding of the socioeconomic and political structure of these states and their efflorescence (3rd-early 2nd centuries B. C.); and economic decline, growth of social conflicts, and subjugation by Rome (mid-2nd-late 1st centuries B. C.).
The sources of our knowledge of the Hellenistic period are mostly works by such antique authors as Polybius, Diodorus, Strabo, Cicero, Pausanias, Appian, Plutarch, Justin (who recounted the work of an earlier author, Pompeius Trogus) and some other historians, rhetoricians, poets and comediogra- phers. These sources mostly provide information on the socio-political and cultural life of Hellenistic society and are complemented by inscriptions, papyri, cuneiform tablets and coins, which are some¬ times our only sources. Their number continually in¬ creases through regular excavations and accidental finds in Greece, Asia Minor, the Near East, Central Asia and Egypt. Recently, the so-called Qumran MSS, or Dead Sea Scrolls (1st century B. C.-2nd century A. D.) were found in caves near the Dead
Sea; they provided important information on the
religious and social movements in Judea during the
Hellenistic and Roman times.
The Emergence of the Hellenistic States. At the time of
Alexander the Great’s death, his empire embraced
the Balkan peninsula, the islands of the Aegean, Asia
Minor, Egypt, the whole of the Near East, the south¬
ern areas of Central Asia stretching as far as the
lower Indus. For the first time in history was such a
vast territory included within the framework of a
single political system. Communication and trade
routes between remote regions were established dur¬
ing the conquests through founding new towns, sta¬
tioning garrisons, sinking wells, etc. Broad oppor¬
tunities opened up for the surplus population of the
Greek poleis (and possibly of Phoenicia and Meso¬
potamia) to colonise and exploit the conquered ter¬
ritories, particularly the backward regions. How¬
ever, the peaceful exploitation of the new lands was
preceded by several decades of fierce conflicts
between Alexander’s generals or diadochoi, as they
are usually referred to.
The army was the most important political force and the mainstay of state power in Alexander’s empire. The army eventually determined the state’s fate after his death. A short struggle between the in¬ fantry and the Horse Guards ended in an agreement according to which the empire was to exist as a sin¬ gle whole, while the imbecile Arrhidaeus, Philip’s natural son (the creature of the infantry, who adopted the name of Philip III on accession to the throne), and Alexander IV, Alexander’s son born by Roxana already after his death, were declared Alex¬ ander’s heirs. The actual power fell in the hands of a small group of Macedonian aristocrats who had occupied the highest military and court posts under Alexander. Perdiccas became regent; Craterus was appointed the prostates of the kingdom; Antipater remained ruler of Macedonia and Greece; Thrace was handed over to Lysimachus; Antigonus, satrap of Central Phrygia, was the most influential ruler of Asia Minor. The satrapies of Paphlagonia and Cap¬ padocia, which devolved on Eumenes, a Greek from Cardia who had been Alexander’s chancellor, still had to be conquered, in fact, as they were only nominally included in the Macedonian empire. Egypt was to be ruled by Ptolemy, son of Lagos,
237
while the eastern provinces remained under the decisions taken at Triparadeisos showed that, while power of the satraps appointed by Alexander. Cas- preserving the nominal unity of the empire under sander, son of Antipater, and Seleucus occupied im- the Macedonian dynasty, the diadochoi were in fact
portant command posts. tearing the state apart.
Alexander’s death and the strife between his In the two years that followed, Antigonus nearly
former close associates triggered off a resurgence of ousted Eumenes from Asia Minor, but in 319 Anti- the anti-Macedonian movement in Greece. It was pater died, handing over his authority to Polyper- initiated by the Athenian demos; later, Aetolia, chon, one of the old generals loyal to the Mace- Phocis, Locris and Thessaly joined Athens. Anti- donian dynasty, and the political situation abruptly pater was besieged in Lamia, whereupon the rebels changed again. Antipater’s son Cassander, sup- were joined by Argos and Corinth. With the arrival ported by Antigonus, opposed Polyperchon. In a of Craterus, however, the balance of forces tipped in retaliatory move, Polyperchon, on behalf of the favour of the Macedonians. The Greek fleet was kings, appointed Eumenes sirategos of Asia (replacing routed off Amorgos Island, and their land forces, in Antigonus) and commander of the regiment of the the battle of Crannon (322 B. C.). Greek resistance argyro asp ides, or Silver Shields, giving him the right was crushed, Athens, as the initiator of the war, was to use the royal treasury for recruiting an army, punished most cruelly: a Macedonian garrison was Eumenes soon raised a considerable army, and the stationed at Munychia, a constitution based on pro- war between the diadochoi flared up with renewed perty qualifications was introduced, and the leaders force. Greece and Macedonia became the principal of democracy were executed or fled the country. arena of that struggle, with the royal house, the
In the meantime, Perdiccas, playing on the mood Macedonian aristocracy, and the Greek poleis get- of the army that had grown accustomed to live by ting all involved in the conflict between Polyperchon
plundering conquered territories and therefore and Cassander.
retained to some extent its aggressive spirit, tried to To undermine Cassander’s position and win the
consolidate his autocratic rule in the eastern part of Greek poleis over to his side, Polyperchon promul- the empire but immediately ran into opposition gated an edict, in the name of Philip III Arrhidaeus, from the other diadochoi. His actions against Anti- announcing the restoration in Greece of the political gonus and Ptolemy, who had disobeyed his orders, status that had existed before the Lamian War, began a long period of strife among the diadochoi. which immediately entailed anti-oligarchic revolu- Our information about that period is extremely frag- tions in Athens and other cities. To increase his mentary and confused, and therefore only the main authority, Polyperchon invited queen Olympias, the trends of historical development can therefore be widow of Philip II and mother of Alexander the outlined. Great, who lived in Epirus, to move over to Mace-
Perdiccas’s unsuccessful campaign in Egypt in 321 donia. Olympias invaded Macedonia with a small B. C. caused discontent in the army, and he was force of Epiriotes and, supported by Polyperchon, killed by his own subordinates, one of whom was seized and executed Philip III Arrhidaeus, her step- Seleucus. At the same time Craterus fell in an son, his wife Eurydice and a number of Macedonian encounter with Eumenes in Asia Minor. A second aristocrats, including Cassander’s brother, to settle distribution of offices and satrapies therefore took old scores. Her actions compelled Cassander, who at place at Triparadeisos in Syria in 321. The regency ^ that time laid siege to Tegea in the Peloponnese, to of the empire passed on to Antipater, who ruled over I move against Macedonia. Surrounding Pydna, Greece and Macedonia, and soon the royal family 5 where Olympias took refuge, he pressed her extradi- was brought over to Macedonia. Antigonus became ^ tion in 316, after a long siege. Not daring to execute strategos autokrator of Asia in charge of all the royal n the old queen on his own authority, he had her tried forces stationed there. The rule of Ptolemy over the | by the army assembly, condemned and executed, recently captured cities of Cyrenaica was recog- j Alexander IV and his mother Roxana also found nised. Seleucus became satrap of Babylonia. The | themselves in the hands of Cassander as captives or conduct of the war against Eumenes and other Per- = hostages rather than the reigning family, diccas’s followers was entrusted to Antigonus. The £ Cassander’s successes in Macedonia and Polyper-
238
chon’s indecision and failures brought about a for the Greek cities, Ptolemy, to give up his claims to change in the orientation of the Greek poleis. Syria, and Lysimachus, to Hellespontine Phrygia.
Cassander’s lenient attitude to the poleis that had Although the name of king Alexander IV still
used to fight against him and his restoration of figured in the text of the treaty, the diadochoi already
Thebes destroyed by Alexander in 335 consolidated acted as independent rulers of the territories they
and expanded his power basis in Greece. His mar- had carved out for themselves,
riage to Thessalonice, daughter of Philip II and A new phase in the war between the diadochoi
Alexander’s half-sister, opened a legitimate path to began in 307. By that time, the last vestiges of formal
the Macedonian throne for Cassander, but the situa- links between the parts of Alexander’s former empire
tion in the eastern part of the empire kept him from had disappeared, as Roxana and her son were assas-
taking the last decisive step to royal power. sinated at Cassander’s orders. Apparently aspiring
The struggle between Eumenes and Antigonus to seize Macedonia, Antigonus began to prepare a
shifted east, to Persis and Susiana. Eumenes com- bridgehead in Greece. The Greek poleis played an
bined his forces with those of the eastern satrapies, important role as strategic strongholds, and also as
but the alliance was extremely fragile, as the allies’ arsenals of weapons and sources of reinforcements
interests differed. Eumenes himself entirely depen- for the army:
ded on his army, and only his skill as a military The relationship between the diadochoi and the
leader enabled him to hold out for several years poleis also had a socio-political aspect, since the
against Antigonus. After the first failure, he was armies largely consisted of Greek mercenaries. Play¬ handed over to the enemy by his associates the ing on the socio-political conflicts within die poleis
argyroaspides in exchange for the army transport and their traditional aspirations towards political in-
(their property, their wives and children) seized by dependence, the diadochoi proclaimed “freedom” for
Antigonus, and then the troops themselves went over the Greek cities. The demagogic nature of the mani-
to Antigonus’s side (late 317-early 316 B. C.). The festoes proclaiming the liberation of Greek poleis is
satraps, Eumenes’s former allies, ceased resistance, clear from surviving inscription from the city of
recognizing Antigonus’s authority as the strategos of Scepsis containing Antigonus’s message on the occa-
Asia. sion of the peace treaty of 311, in which the agree-
Antigonus took pains to consolidate his power ment between the diadochoi was presented as a proof of
over the most important Near Eastern satrapies. By Antigonus’s solicitude “for the freedom of the Hel-
316, he was the most powerful of the diadochoi, with lenes, to which we (i. e., Antigonus) have made con-
vast financial resources that could be used to main- siderable concessions”. The diadochoi supported now
tain a great army. The threat arose of an expansion the demos, now the oligarchs, using these levers to
of his rule to other satrapies as well, which made gain the consent of the poleis to station their garri-
Seleucus, Ptolemy and Cassander conclude an sons on their territory. Political revolutions were
alliance against Antigonus. The alliance was joined accompanied by confiscations, banishments and exe-
by Lysimachus, who, preoccupied with the expan- cutions, and conflicts between the diadochoi over pos-
sion and consolidation of his possessions in Thrace session of the poleis entailed harsh reprisals and
and the western Black Sea coast, had not interfered plunder.
in the struggle of the diadochoi. A new series of fierce In 307, Antigonus’s son Demetrius led a powerful
battles began on land and sea, all over Syria, ^ fleet to Athens and announced the “liberation” of Phoenicia, Babylonia, Asia Minor, and Greece. -| Greek poleis. He drove Macedonian garrisons out For several years, the war between Antigonus and of Megara and Athens, but success in Greece largely
the coalition was in the balance, and only in 312 did depended on naval superiority; here, Ptolemy was
Ptolemy win an important victory near Gaza in S' the most serious opponent, with his powerful fleet
Syria. In 311, a truce was concluded between Anti- -S’ and the harbours of the dependent and allied Greek
gonus, Ptolemy, Cassander, and Lysimachus, but it poleis. The principal battles were therefore fought was quite unsatisfactory to all the parties: Antigonus ^ near the islands of the Mediterranean and Aegean,
was compelled to recognize Cassander as the strategos j? In 306, Demetrius defeated Ptolemy s fleet off
of Europe, Cassander had to agree to independence | Salamis in Cyprus. After that major victory Anti-
239
gonus assumed the royal title, conferring the same
dignity on Demetrius; he thereby claimed the Mace¬
donian throne. In response, Ptolemy and the other
diadochoi did likewise. A campaign against Egypt
which Antigonus undertook proved a failure; he
then delivered a blow against Rhodes, one of Pto¬
lemy’s most important allies, strategically and
economically. After a two-year siege (305-304 B. C.)
by Demetrius, who was nicknamed Poliorcetes
(“Besieger”), Rhodes was compelled to take the side
of Antigonus. Only after that could Demetrius
achieve major successes in Greece: he drove Mace¬
donian garrisons out of several cities of the Pelopon-
nese, restored the Corinthian League, proclaimed all
Greece “free”, and moved on Thessaly. The threat
to Cassander and Lysimachus became imminent.
At that time Seleucus, taking advantage of Anti- gonus’s preoccupation with the affairs of the west, went on a campaign through eastern satrapies as far as India, and returned to Babylon with sufficient means and military forces to go to war with Anti¬ gonus. Again all Antigonus’s enemies united against him. In a decisive battle near Ipsus in 301, the com¬ bined forces of Lysimachus, Seleucus and Cassander routed the forces of Antigonus; Antigonus himself fell in battle, and his possessions were divided, mostl) between Seleucus and Lysimachus.
The battle of Ipsus in a way marked the beginning of one of the major Hellenistic states, the kingdom of the Seleucids which included all the Middle Eastern and some Near Eastern satrapies of Alexander’s empire and some areas of Asia Minor. The boun¬ daries of the Ptolemy kingdom had been defined somewhat earlier: it included Egypt, Cyrenaica and Coelesyria. In 297/6, the kingdom of Bithvnia emerged, and in 297 the Pontic kingdom.
Further peripeteias of the struggle between the diadochoi mostly took place on the territory of Greece, Macedonia and Asia Minor. After Gassander’s death in 298, the struggle for the Macedonian throne broke out. The throne was claimed by Cas- sander’s sons, as well as Demetrius Poliorcetes and Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, one of the most talented military leaders of the times. At first, Demetrius gained the upper hand, but already in 288, Lysi¬ machus and Pyrrhus saw their chance when Demet¬ rius’s despotic forms of government caused wides¬ pread discontent among Macedonians; they banish¬ ed Demetrius and divided Macedonia into two
So
a
parts. Soon, however, Lysimachus gained ascendan¬
cy over Pyrrhus and in 285 united Thrace and
Macedonia in one kingdom, continuing also to ex¬
pand his possessions in northwestern Asia Mi¬
nor.
Lysimachus’s rise led him to a confrontation with Seleucus. In the battle at Corupedion (in Lydia, not far from Sardis) in 281, Lysimachus suffered a defeat and was killed. Seleucus, whose power now extended nearly over all the Asian lands conquered by the Macedonians and the Greeks, could now claim the Macedonian throne and restore the unity of the empire built by Alexander. But that proved impossible. In 280, on his way to Macedonia Seleucus was killed by Ptolemy Ceraunus who apparently acted with the tacit consent of the Mace¬ donian aristocracy hostile to Seleucus and the politi¬ cal regime he established in his possessions. That is the only explanation for Ptolemy Ceraunus’s being proclaimed king of Macedonia.
Apart from the devastating dynastic wars, in the early 270s Macedonia and Greece suffered destruc¬ tive inroads by Celtic tribes, whose mass migrations had involved the whole of southern Europe late in the 4th century. In the first conflict with the Gala¬ tian Celts the Macedonians were defeated, and Pto¬ lemy Ceraunus was killed. The second wave of the Celtic invasion reached Delphi, and was only stopped by the united efforts of the poleis of the Del¬ phi Amphictionic League Boeotia and Phocis) and Aetolia. The Celtic invasion was finally checked only in 277 by Antigonus Gonatas, son of Demetrius Poliorcetes, who continued to hold sway over some Greek cities captured by his father and had a power¬ ful army and navy at his disposal. In the battle near Lysimachia in Thrace he inflicted a crushing defeat on a large force of the Galatians and thereby not only relieved Macedonia and Greece from the threat of Celtic invasion but also won access to the Macedonian throne. Soon he was proclaimed king of Macedonia, starting the new dynasty of the Anti- gonids, which united southern Thrace and Mace¬ donia under its rule. In this way, the third major Hellenistic state became a relatively stable territorial and political entity.
In the fifty years of strife between the diadochoi, a new, Hellenistic society with a complex social struc¬ ture and a new type of state evolved. The activities of the diadochoi, guided by selfish motives, ultimately
240
manifested certain objective tendencies in the histor¬
ical development of the Eastern Mediterranean and
the Near East the need for close economic links
between the hinterland and the coastal regions as
well as between the separate areas of the Mediter¬
ranean, and at the same time the tendency towards
preserving the existing ethnic community and the
traditional political and cultural unity of the separ¬
ate regions; the need for safe and regular trade links
and the development of cities as centres of trade and
handicrafts; the need for cultivating new lands to
feed the increasing population, and finally the need
for cultural interaction as the necessary condition for
further development of culture. The individual traits
of the statesmen competing for power, their military
and political talent or lack of it, political short-sight¬
edness, energy and unscrupulousness in the attain¬
ment of their goals, ruthlessness, contempt for
human life, greed, and so on all this made the
events highly involved, acutely dramatic, and to
some extent fortuitous. Still, certain common fea¬
tures of the diadochoi s policies are obvious.
Each of them endeavoured to unite under his rule inland and coastal areas and to ensure his domina¬ tion over the major routes, commercial centres and harbours. Each of them faced the problem of main¬ taining a strong army as the only real mainstay of power. The cadre of the army consisted as a rule of Macedonians and Greeks who had formerly served in the royal army or in the garrisons left in various fortresses during Alexander’s campaigns, and of mercenaries recruited in Greece. In part, the armies were paid and kept out of the booty of Alexander or the diadochoi themselves, but collecting taxes or trib¬ ute from the local population was also a vital prob¬ lem necessitating the organisation of the adminis¬ tration of conquered territories and of well-ordered economic life. These issues apparently proved deci¬ sive for the consolidation of the positions of the diado¬ choi. For instance, Antigonus, who seized the whole r? of the royal treasury in Asia, apparently did less than | the other dmdochoi for the economy and adminis- Z. tration of the lands under his control, and that ulti- mately determined the outcome of the struggle, to * some extent.
In all the regions except Macedonia, each of the jT' diadochoi faced the problem of the relations with the t local non-Greek population. Two tendencies ? became apparent in its solution: (1) continuation of §
241
Alexander’s policy of rapprochement between the
Graeco-Macedonian and local aristocracy, and the
use of the local traditional forms of social and politi¬
cal organisation; (2) a harsher policy towards the
conquered local population, deprived of all rights,
and introduction of the polis structure. In their rela¬
tions with the remote eastern satrapies all the diado¬
choi had to follow the practices established under
Alexander and probably going back to the Persian
times: the power was vested in the local aristocracy
on conditions of vassalage and payment of tribute in
money and in kind. Peithon’s attempt to interfere in
their internal administration ended in failure.
Seleucus, who campaigned in the eastern satrapies,
merely achieved a recognition of his supreme power
and the payment of tribute. As later documents
show, Ptolemy Lagos left the socio-political structure
of Egypt without any essential changes, adapting it
to suit his interests. Seleucus apparently acted in the
same way in Babylonia.
Founding new poleis was one of the means of economic and political consolidation of power in the conquered territories. That policy, begun by Alex¬ ander, was vigorously continued by the diadochoi. The new poleis were founded both as strategic strongholds and as administrative and economic centres. Some of them were laid out on empty lands and settled by newcomers from Greece, Macedonia and other regions; others emerged through volun¬ tary or forcible union of two or several impoverished towns or villages; while still others arose from the reorganisation of deserted Oriental cities where Graeco-Macedonian migrants settled. New poleis appeared throughout the Hellenistic world, but their number, location and mode of origin reflected the historical circumstances and the features of the various regions. In the densely populated and highly advanced areas of Egypt and the Near East, the dia¬ dochoi founded only isolated poleis at strategically important points (Ptolemais in Upper Egypt, Seleucia on the Tigris, etc.); in northern Greece and Macedonia new harbour towns arose (Demetrias, Thessalonice, Cassandria, Lysimachia). The great¬ est number of poleis were founded in the coas¬ tal regions of Asia Minor and Syria (Antioch on the Orontes, Seleucia Pieria, Apamea, Ptolemais in Coe- lesyria, Smirna, Nicaea, etc.), which was apparently due to the strategic and economic significance of these formerly thinly populated areas.
16-344
The Eastern Mediterranean Region in the 3rd Century B. C. the war, Ptolemy retained southern Syria and south-
The tendencies that first evolved during the strife ern Phoenicia and somewhat expanded his posses-
between the diadochoi became more apparent in the sions in Asia Minor, but Cyrenaica won its indepen-
3rd century B. C. By the mid-270s, the boundaries of dence from Egypt.
the Hellenistic states were largely fixed, and a new Antigonus Gonatas did not take part in that war,
stage in the political history of the eastern Mediter- as he had to fight over the Macedonian throne with ranean and the Near East began. The Seleucids, the Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, who had returned to Greece
Ptolemies and the Antigonids began a long- from his bootless campaigns in southern Italy and
drawn-out struggle for hegemony over the indepen- Sicily. Antigonus won a victory at Argos (where dent cities and states of Asia Minor, Greece, Coele- Pyrrhus fell in battle), re-established his rule over
Syria, and the islands of the Mediterranean and the Macedonia, and began to expand his possessions in
Aegean. The means employed in that struggle were Greece. The danger of Macedonian conquest caused
not only open military conflicts between the rivals an upsurge of patriotic feeling in Athens and Sparta,
but also diplomatic intrigues and clever use of the Ptolemy II, anxious to curb Antigonus’s expansion
political and social frictions within the poleis. in Greece, supported that mood, concluding
In the 3rd century, Ptolemaic Egypt, which beca- alliances first with each polis separately and then
me established as an independent state somewhat with Athens, Sparta and all its allies collectively,
earlier than the other Hellenistic powers and was the- The Lacedaemonian coalition was headed by Areus,
refore economically stronger, had an advantage over king of Sparta, and the Athenian people’s prostates
its rivals the Seleucid kingdom and Macedonia. were the democratic statesmen Chremonides and
The interests of Egypt and of the Seleucid empire Glaukon. The war that soon broke out was called
mainly clashed in southern Syria and Palestine, as after the first of the prostates, who was apparently the
possession of these territories brought a vast income initiator of the alliance.
from revenue and ensured a dominant role in the The chronology of the Chremonidean War has
trade with Arab tribes. Besides, that region was stra- not been firmly established; some historians date its
tegically important both geographically and because beginning to 270-268 B. C., while most point to
of its cedar timber, the main building material for 266-262. According to Pausanias, Antigonus moved
warships and merchant ships alike. The same causes on Athens at the head of his army and fleet, laid
brought Egypt, the Seleucid state and Macedonia waste on Attica and surrounded the city. Despite
into conflict over Asia Minor. But here the aggres- Athens’ loss of the leading position among Greek
sive tendencies of the major Hellenistic states cities, Macedonian kings desiring to establish their
brought them into collision not only with one rule over Greece always endeavoured to subdue
another but also with the evolving local Hellenistic Athens first both by force of tradition and because
states aspiring to independence. The bone of conten- Athens still remained a major centre of trade and in-
tion between Egypt and Macedonia was the islands dustry. The Egyptian fleet, which Ptolemy had sent
of the Aegean and Greece-industrial producers, to succour Athens, lay off Cape Sunion and could
consumers of farming products and sources of mili- not offer any decisive help to Athens, not having any
tary reinforcements and skilled manpower. The land troops. Concentrating all his forces against the
political and social strife within the Greek poleis Lacedaemonians, Antigonus defeated them near
offered ample opportunity for the Hellenistic states ^ Corinth and, after a long siege, seized Athens to interfere in their internal affairs. & (263/262 B. C.). The Chremonidean War thus in-
The conflict between Egypt and the Seleucid 5 creased Antigonus’s influence in mainland Greece, kingdom over Coelesyria began in 274. Not long s while Ptolemy retained his positions in the Aegean
before that, Egypt lost Cyrenaica; Ptolemy II’s half- I, and Mediterranean seas and in Asia Minor. The
brother Magas, who ruled there, proclaimed himself | Seleucids were at that time trying to subdue the king and turned to Antiochus, Seleucus’s heir, for i rebellious Pergamum.
help. Our information about the course and out- | Though he had lost his influence in Greece, Ptole-
come of the First Syrian War is still imprecise; most = my II did not give up an active foreign policy in the
scholars assume that it lasted until 271. As a result of J Aegean and the Sea of Marmora. The kingdoms of
242
Bithynia and Cappadocia, and the Greek poleis decided on war and peace, passed laws affecting the
Heraclea and Byzantium saw him as an ally in the whole League, and elected the high officials a stra-
fight for independence from the Seleucids. Ptolemy’s tegos, who was in charge of military affairs and diplo-
interference in Bithynia’s internal affairs resulted in macy, his deputies-a hipparchos and a chancellor,
a fresh conflict with the Seleucids. and a college of the apokletoi. All the poleis of the
Our data on the Second Syrian War are even League retained their internal political system and
more scanty than on the First. Historians mention a autonomy and had equal rights and obligations to-
joint siege of Ephesus by Antiochus and a Rhodian wards the union (with the exception of the poleis
force, a sea battle between the Egyptians and a Rho- that joined in later; these were in a subordinate posi-
dian fleet, and the fact that Ptolemy II, in his desire tion); all of them had to contribute military con-
to put an end to the exhausting war, gave his tingents and pay dues that went to the League’s
daughter Berenice in marriage to Antiochus, provid- treasury. The Aetolian League was mostly hostile
ing her with a fabulous dowry. Egypt sustained con- towards Macedonia and supported democratic ele-
siderable territorial losses as a result of that war; in- ments in other states.
eluding the poleis of Asia Minor, the islands of In 284 B. C., the Achaean League emerged, and
Samos and Samothrace, the possessions in Pamphy- by the mid-3rd century it already included such
liaand Cappadocia, and, temporarily, the Cyclades. major poleis as Sicyon, Corinth, Megara; in 230 the
Annexation by Macedonia offered Greek poleis Achaean League had a membership of some 60
no special economic or political advantages. Besides, poleis and covered much of the Peloponnese. The
the centuries-old traditions of autonomy and members of the Achaean League also retained their
autarchy were particularly strong here. Macedonian political regimes and internal autonomy, they con-
expansion therefore met with stubborn resistance, tributed contingents to the League’s armed forces
especially from the demos, as the stationing of Mace- and finances to the League treasury. The League
donian garrisons was usually accompanied by the had a unified system of weights and measures and
establishment of oligarchic regimes. The continued minted its coin. Its centre was the city of Aegium.
existence of small poleis independent from the sys- The supreme organ of power were the assemblies of
tern of Hellenistic monarchies became, however, all the citizens of the League the synkletos, where
impossible. Besides, the tendencies of the socioe- issues of war and peace were considered and the
conomic development of the poleis themselves League’s officials elected, and the synodoi, which
demanded the setting up of broader state unions fe- handled current affairs. Persons elected on the basis
derations of poleis. Characteristically, the initiative of age and property qualifications played a much
to found such federations came from the relatively greater role in the Achaean League. For instance,
backward areas rather than from Greece’s old Aratus of Sicyon, whose efforts brought that polis
economic and political centres. into the League, was elected strategos 16 times and
The Aetolian League, which arose out of an guided the League’s policy for nearly 30 years. Both
alliance of Aetolian tribes, achieved some impor- within the poleis and in the framework of the
tance already in the early 3rd century B. C. The League power belonged to the richest citizens,
Aetolians’ authority grew after they had defended and that determined the Achaean League’s domestic
Delphi against the Galatians’ invasion and became and foreign policy.
the leaders of the Amphictionic League. Towards rj Emerging as an organisation of poleis defending the end of the 3rd century, the Aetolian federation -§ their independence, the Achaean League played a comprised nearly all of central Greece, Elis and significant role in the opposition to Macedonian
Messenia in the Peloponnese, and some Aegean expansion on the Peloponnese. A particularly im-
islands. Some poleis joined in voluntarily, while ^ portant act was the expelling of the Macedonian others, like Boeotia, were conquered. The supreme -I 1 garrison from Corinth in 243 and the capture of organs of power in the Aetolian League were the ^ Acrocorinth a fortress on a high hill controlling the assembly of all the League’s citizens which was con- 4 Isthmus. That operation increased the political vened annually at Thermum, and the council of | authority of the Achaean League, which was joined representatives from all the poleis. The assembly 1 at that time by several major poleis. It coincided
243
16 *
with the Third Syrian War, and, apparently, that coincidence was not fortuitous: Aratus, the League’s strategos and initiator of the capture of Acrocorinth, kept up contacts with the Ptolemies and was sub¬ sidised by them.
The pretext for the Third Syrian War (246-241 B. C.) was the accession to the throne of Seleucus II, son of Antiochus II by his first wife. Ptolemy III took this as a violation of the rights of Berenice and her son and led his army to assist his sister. There seemed to be no unity in the ruling circles of the Seleucid empire. Some supported Seleucus II and his mother Laodice, while others favoured closer ties with Egypt and backed Berenice’s claims. That is the only explanation for the grand reception of Ptolemy III in Seleucia Pieria and in Antioch. But Berenice and her son had apparently been killed not long before the arrival of the Egyptian force at Antioch. Ptolemy III responded to the assassination by a punitive expedition into the country’s interior. War was simultaneously waged on the coast of Asia Minor, in the Aegean, and in the inner regions of the Seleucid empire. As a result of his military successes, Ptolemy III took a vast booty back to Egypt, returning to the temples the treasures once taken to Persia by Cambyses. Egypt’s former possessions in Asia Minor, including Miletus, Ephesos and the island of Samos, were returned to it; the new acqui¬ sitions included Chersonese in Thrace and the island of Thasos. Egypt’s possessions in Syria expanded: Seleucia Pieria remained under the Ptolemies’ power until the campaigns of Antiochus III.
Ptolemy Ill’s success in the Third Syrian War was apparently due to some extent to the internal in¬ stability of the Seleucid empire. C. 250, Diodotus and Euthydemus, the governors ofBactriaand Sog- diana, broke with the Seleucid empire, and several years later Bactria, Sogdiana and Margiana formed an independent Graeco-Bactrian kingdom. Almost simultaneously, the governor and the Seleucid garri- ^ son in Parthia were destroyed by the local tribes of §. the Parni-dai led by Arsaces, who founded the new, 5 Parthian dynasty of the Arsacids, which according s to the tradition began to rule in 247 B. C. 1
The balance of political forces in the relations | between the states of the Hellenistic world which =o emerged from the Third Syrian War remained | essentially unchanged in the subsequent decades, 5 but at the end of the 3rd century B. C. the situation g-
altered drastically, and the reason for that change
lay in the previous socioeconomic development of
the Hellenistic states.
The Formation of the Socioeconomic and Political Structure of the Hellenistic States. The most characteristic fea¬ ture of the economic development of Hellenistic society was the growth of trade and commodity pro¬ duction. Despite the frequent military conflicts, regular sea routes were established between Egypt, Syria, Asia Minor, Greece and Macedonia. Trading across the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf as far as In¬ dia became regular. Trading links between Egypt and the Pontic region, Carthage and Rome came into being. Major trading and industrial centres emerged, such as Alexandria in Egypt, Antioch on the Orontes, Seleucia on the Tigris, Pergamum and others, whose industrial production was largely intended for export. The Seleucids built several poleis along the old caravan routes linking upper satrapies with Mesopotamia and the Mediterrane¬ an. The Ptolemies founded several ports on the Red Sea coast. With the appearance of new trad¬ ing centres in the eastern Mediterranean, the trad¬ ing routes in the Aegean shifted, the role of Rhodes and Corinth as transit trade ports grew, while the importance of Athens diminished. Money cir¬ culation and money operations were intensified by the minting of coin from the precious metals from the treasuries of the Persian kings and temples.
The numerous poleis which emerged in the Orient attracted artisans, traders and other profes¬ sionals. The Greeks and Macedonians that settled in the East brought with them their customary mode of life, and that increased the number of slaves. The need to supply food for the traders and craftsmen necessitated an increase in the agricultural produce intended for the market. Monetary relations began to spread even in the Egyptian village, the koma, un¬ dermining the traditional relations and increasing the exploitation of the rural population.
The fact itself of the development of trade indi¬ cates a significant growth in the economic potential of the Hellenistic states. Both the volume of handi¬ craft production and its technical level rose. The scope of agricultural production also increased through expansion of the areas under cultivation as well as their more intensive exploitation. Evidence of
244
this is found in papyri and archaeological excava- with 40 banks of oars built on Ptolemy IV’s orders; tions at Fayum: land melioration began already un- its size staggered the contemporaries’ imagination, der Ptolemy I Soter, and new farming centres but it proved little suited for navigation, l he ton- emerged at that time. There are no reasons to nage and speed of the merchant navy increased, har-
believe that that phenomenon was exceptional or bours were better equipped, and piers and ligh-
characteristic of the kingdom of the Ptolemies only. thouses were built. The Pharos lighthouse in Economic and technical progress was greatly sti- Alexandria, built by Sostratos of Cnidus in 285-280,
mulated by the interaction in the field of material was the greatest such structure in antiquity,
production between Greeks and non-Greeks, Continual wars during the strife between the dia-
between the local population and the newcomers, dochoi and later stimulated the development of siege
exchange of experiences and skills in farming and and defence techniques. Such complex machines as
the crafts, as well as exchange of plants for cultiva- battering rams, various types of catapults and balistai
tion and scientific knowledge. Settlers from Greece (throwing arrows and stones), siege towers ( helepo - and Asia Minor brought to Syria and Egypt their lis), invented already in the 4th century, became skills at olive- and vine-growing, and in their turn standard equipment in the Hellenistic period; their borrowed from the local population the cultivation power and variety were increased and construction of date-palms. Papyri report that attempts were improved. Simultaneously, fortifications improved, made to acclimatise the Miletan breed of sheep at too, as the techniques of town-building developed. Fayum. This kind of exchange of breeds and culti- The practice of founding poleis, to which all Hel-
vated plants must have occurred before the Hellenis- lenistic rulers resorted, created favourable condi- tic period, but now the conditions for it became tions for the development of construction skills and
more favourable. It is difficult to identify changes in of architecture. New towns were built in accordance agricultural implements, but the large-scale irriga- with the principles of town-planning worked out tion systems in Egypt, mostly built by the local already in the 5th century by Hippodamus of Mile- population directed by the Greek “architects”, can tus on the gridiron plan, the streets aligned on the be seen as a combination of the techniques and cardinal points where the terrain permitted. The
experiences of both peoples. One of the irrigation main street, the broadest of all, was adjoined by the
devices used in Egypt was improved by Archimedes agora surrounded on three sides by public buildings
(the Archimedean screw or pump). and the porticoes of traders; the most important
In the handicrafts, the combination of the tech- temples and gymnasia were usually erected not far niques and skills of local craftsmen and newcomers from it; theatres and stadiums were usually built on
(both Greeks and non-Greeks) and increased suitable grounds outside the housing area. The cities
demand for industrial products resulted in a number were surrounded by defensive walls with gate-and of important inventions which gave rise to new types watch-towers; besides, a citadel was built on the of handicrafts, a narrower specialisation of the highest and strategically most important site. Exca- craftsmen and the possibility of mass production of vations of Priene and Nicaea in Asia Minor and of some objects. Dura-Europos on the Euphrates provide models of
Already the first decades of the Hellenistic epoch the planning of Hellenistic cities. According to an- witnessed an intense development of the technique tique authors, the plan of Alexandria in Egypt was of shipbuilding and navigation, production of mili- n worked out by the architect Deinocrates of Rhodes, tary equipment and town-building. Along with the ■§ Its two intersecting main streets were 30 metres triremes and pentremes which were the navy’s main ’ broad. Water supply, regularity of construction in the force under Alexander the Great, Athenian, Corin- " housing areas, and drainage were objects of special thian and Phoenician shipbuilders began to build on ? concern in town building. In the 3rd and 2nd centu- orders from Demetrius Poliorcetes, powerful and > ries B. C., the type of a rich private residence with a swift warships with 13 and 16 banks of oars. War- f peristyle and painted walls evolved which later ships with 20 and 30 banks of oars were built at the ^ spread to the south of Italy. At the same time houses warfs of Alexandria in the 3rd century, the tendency ? &f several storeys intended as flats for the poor appe- culminating in the famous tessaraconter-a ship 1 ared in Tyre, Aradus, Alexandria and other cities.
245
There were technical advances in other crafts, too. the migration of the most vigorous and enterprising
A type of mould was invented in metallurgy which sections of the population to the Oriental countries,
permitted the casting of many objects, say bronze but also a different socio-political structure and a
statues, from the same mould. The Greeks learnt to different character of the social processes. At the end
use an improved type of a loom that was in use in of the 4th century B. C. the Greek polis, as a form of
Egypt and the Near East, and workshops appeared socioeconomic and political organisation of antique
producing figured fabrics (in Alexandria) and gold society, was in a state of deep crisis. The polis was a
brocade (in Pergamum). In Egypt, mass production drag on further economic progress, as the autarchia
of papyrus was organised, and later, in the 2nd cen- and autonomia inherent in it imposed constraints on
tury, of parchment (in Pergamum). Jewelers discov- the expansion and consolidation of the economic
ered the amalgamation process, that is, the tech- links. Neither did it correspond to the needs of socio-
nique of covering objects with a thin layer of gold political development, for, on the one hand, it did
from a solution of gold in mercury. The methods of not ensure the reproduction of the civic community
producing mosaic, two-colour cut, engraved and as a whole (since its poorest sections inevitably faced
gilded glass were discovered. The artifacts thus pro- the threat of losing civil rights), and on the other, it
duced were regarded as luxury objects, and some of did not guarantee the external security or the stable
them were real objects of art. Relief pottery became domination of that community, torn by inner strife,
widespread, the ware covered with dark varnish over slaves and non-citizens,
with a metallic sheen, imitating in form and colour The historical events of the late 4th and early 3rd
more expensive metal vessels (the so-called Megara centuries led to the establishment of a new form of
cups). This ware was mass produced owing to the socio-political organisation-the Hellenistic monar-
use of small cliches whose combinations permitted chy combining elements of an Oriental despot-
numerous variations in the ornament. Split moulds ic state (the monarchic form of power relying on a
were now used in terracotta production just as in the regular army and a centralised administration) and
casting of bronze statues; this permitted the making some features of the polis structure (cities with rural
of objects of more intricate design in numerous territory attached to them, retaining their organs of
copies. In this way works by artists and craftsmen internal self-government largely subordinated, how-
became objects of mass production intended not ever, to the king). The size of the territory handed
only for the very rich but also for citizens of modest over to the polis depended on the king, and so did
means. the economic and political privileges of the poleis;
Against the background of flourishing new eco- the polis had no right to an independent foreign
nomic. centres in the Seleucid empire, Egypt and policy; in most cases the polis organs of self-govern-
Asia Minor, the state of the economy in Greece and ment were controlled by a royal official, the epis-
Macedonia is seen by many researchers as stagnat- tates. The loss of independence in foreign policy by
ing or even declining. But that is an erroneous view. the polis was compensated for by greater security,
In these areas, too, new trade and crafts centres social stability and stable economic links with the
Thessalonice, Cassandria, Philippopolis-arose. The other parts of the state. In its turn, the city popula-
fast ships and siege equipment for Demetrius Polior- tion became the necessary social basis of royal
cetes were first built at Greek cities and ports, like power, a source of contingents for the army and the
Corinth and Athens. Shipbuilding and production ^ administration.
of military equipment apparently continued to de- a Agrarian relations on the polis territory followed velop in Greece and Macedonia, as in the second 5 the usual pattern: the citizens owned their allot- half of the 3rd century Macedonian kings had a navy j ments, the city, the lands that were not divided capable of competing with that of the Ptolemies. 1 between the citizens. A complication arose here:
The economic development of Greece and Mace- I lands could be handed over to the polis together donia proceeded, of course, at a slower rate than with villages whose inhabitants did not become elsewhere. The reason for that is not only the debili- 1 citizens of the polis but continued to own their allot- tating wars of the diadochoi and the struggle of the - ments, paying tribute to the city or the private per- Greek poleis against Macedonian domination, or ~ sons that had received these lands from the king and
246
later given them to the city. All land that was not though the more primitive forms (enslavement for
divided between cities belonged to the king. Accord- debts, self-selling, etc.) continued to exist. Presuma-
ing to the Revenue Laws of Ptolemy II Philadelphus bly slave labour in Hellenistic cities (mostly in the
and some other Egyptian papyri, royal land fell into household and probably in the urban handicrafts)
two categories: royal land proper and “conceded” played no less a role than in the Greek poleis. On
lands. The latter included temple lands, lands given the whole, however, slave labour in agriculture, par¬ away to members of his retinue, and lands given in ticularly on royal lands, could not, to any consider-
small allotments ikleroi) to the warriors, kleruchoi or able extent, oust the labour of the local popula-
katoikoi, as reward for service. There might be vil- tion-“king’s peasants” in Egypt, “king’s people” in
lages on all these categories of land, whose inhabi- the Seleucid empire whose exploitation was just as
tants continued to own their hereditary allotments, profitable. On large estates received by aristocrats
paying tribute or taxes. from the king, slaves performed administrative func-
This complexity of agrarian relations condi- tions or did unskilled work. However, the growing
tioned the multi-layer social structure of the Hel- role of slave-owning in the overall system of socio-
lenistic states. The royal house with its court staff, economic relations entailed a strengthening of non-
the higher military and civil officials, the more pros- economic forms of coercion of the rural population
perous citizens and high priests constituted the and disintegration of forms of communal organisa-
upper stratum of the land- and slave-owning aristoc- tion, which had ensured the economic stability and
racy. Their well-being was based on lands (belong- independence of small peasant holdings,
ing to the city or received as gifts from the king). The principal form of economic organisation in
profitable offices, trade, farming of the taxes (telonia) Egyptian agriculture was the petty holdings of
and usury. “king’s” or “state” peasants. The quantity of land
The middle classes were more numerous; here suitable for cultivation was restricted to the area irri-
belonged urban traders and craftsmen, the royal gated by the Nile’s floods or artificially. Beyond that
administrative personnel, farmers, kleruchoi and narrow strip lay a stony desert hardly suitable even
katoikoi, local priests, professionals (architects, physi- for grazing. Cultivation was impossible without irri-
cians, philosophers, artists and sculptors, etc.). The gation; the construction of canals and dams, their
upper and the middle strata, with all the differences repairs and maintenance demanded joint and coor-
in the size of their wealth and direction of their inter- dinated efforts of all the villagers dwellers of a
ests, constituted the ruling class which was termed in koma - and, consequently, of definite forms of organi-
Egyptian papyri “Hellenes” not so much from the sation of that labour. Commodity-money relations
ethnic membership of the individuals as their social were but poorly developed, and the koma' s demand
position, which set them apart from all the “non- for industrial products was mostly met by local
Hellenes”, i. e., the indigent urban and rural popula- craftsmen. All this would seem to offer the necessary
tion or laoi (the people, the mob). conditions for the stable existence of the rural com-
The laoi were mostly dependent or semi-depen- munity, but Hellenistic documents indicate only
dent peasants who tilled the lands of the king, the traces of community organisation in the Egyptian
aristocrats and the citizens as lease-holders or tradi- koma.
tional tenants. Here also belonged hypoteleis -the One of the principal elements of the community
workers of the royal monopolies (i. e., the workshops structure - a combination of communal ownership of in those industries which were the state’s monopoly), i land and the commoners’ private ownership of land All of them were considered to be personally free but )) allotments-was transformed in Hellenistic Egypt they could only live and work in those residential into ownership of the koma' s lands by the crown and areas and workshops where they were registered. « the renting of separate plots by the commoners. The Only slaves stood lower on the social ladder. -3? reservation must be made that this was only the legal Graeco-Macedonian conquests, the wars of the ^ form of the agrarian relations brought by the Graeco- diadochoi, the spreading of the polis structure —all of ^ Macedonian conquest. In actual fact, however, this gave a strong impetus to the development of I? Egyptian peasants continued to own their allot- slave-owning relations in their classic antique form, § ments, they could hand them down to their heirs,
247
divide them between joint owners, or give them Hellenistic papyri do not mention any assemblies
away as dowry. The king could only take away the of koma peasants (or even “the king’s peasants”), allotments from their owners if they failed to pay There are some data on their collective actions,
taxes. Each koma had a territory traditionally though-e. g., mass anachoresis or taking refuge in
attached to it, but this might include, besides allot- temples in protest against pressure from the royal
ments of the king’s peasants, estates belonging to administration. One of the inscriptions found on the
temples or kleruchoi, and estates given to the aristo- territory of Fayum contains, however, the tradi-
cracy by the king. Grazing lands and those which for tional formula concerning the decision of a mee-
some reason became barren and unprofitable and ting of the kometai to set up a gymnasium in their
were abandoned by their owners were in the hands koma.
of the local administration. Formally, these lands Having transformed the organs of the koma self-
were similar to community lands not divided among government into an administrative mechanism, the
the commoners, but their use was determined by the state made obligatory the commoners’ former res-
interests of the treasury rather than the needs of the ponsibilities before the community: the peasants
koma’s people. were obliged to properly cultivate their plots of land
In the 2nd century B. C., when lands were aban- in order to pay taxes regularly; the maintenance and
doned on an alarming scale and the royal treasury extension of the irrigation network became an obli-
suffered heavy losses, the king ordered the local gatory “liturgy” or duty; the commoner’s bond with
authorities to forcibly distribute abandoned lots the community changed into his customary or legal
among villagers for cultivation, or rather for collect- duty to toil where he was born and at the trade he
ing taxes. Again, on the formal side, this forcible dis- was born into.
tribution of land, or epibole , was similar to the divi- During the Hellenistic period, the koma' s popula-
sion of communal land among commoners, while in tion was not uniform either ethnically or socially,
actual fact-in its purpose and significance for the Besides “kings’s peasants”, military colonists
peasants of the komas -it was a form of exploitation. katoikoi, kleruchoi, machimoi ), citizens of poleis, offi-
Papyri mention the common “king’s threshing- cials, farmers, priests, craftsmen, traders, day-
floor”, where all villagers threshed their wheat. This labourers, and slaves lived in the komas permanently
practice must have arisen within the community in or temporarily. There were Egyptians, Greeks, Jews,
remote antiquity because of scarcity of unflooded Syrians, and tribesmen from adjacent territories
land. That custom, too, was used by the state in its among them. In the course of time, the ethnic ditfer-
own interests: the threshing was done under the ences were gradually erased, whereas the differences
supervision of a king’s official, and no one could take in the economic and legal position increased, giving
away their grain until they had paid the taxes. rise to conflicts between different social groups. All
Another important element of the communal these factors state interference, the influx of
structure, the organs of self-government, also went migrants, and social differentiation within the koma -
through considerable changes. The names of the weakened the links within the community and
offices involved in the life of a koma, preserved in changed the nature of its institutions.
Hellenistic papyri, possibly originated in the com- Thus the socio-political structure of the Hellenis-
munal organisation, but under the Ptolemies they no tic states took shape during the 3rd century with a
longer denoted elected officials but, in most cases, system of management of the state or crown
representatives of the local royal administration who ^ economy; the central and local military, administra-
were remunerated, in one form or another, by the 5 five, financial, and legal apparatus; a system of taxa-
king’s treasury. The main concern of the koma y tion, farming and monopolies; relations between
administration was ensuring the flow of revenue to 1 cities and temples on the one hand and the royal
the royal treasury; for this purpose, the necessary | administration on the other; the social stratification
irrigation work was done, and land cultivation, sow- > of society and the corresponding legislation defining
ing and harvesting were controlled. The purpose, | the privileges of some strata and the obligations of
motives and forms of the activity of officials had thus r others. The social conflicts inherent in that structure
changed. e~ also became apparent.
248
Aggravation of Social Conflicts in the Hellenistic States in In the 3rd century social differentiation in all
the Late 3rd-Early 2nd Centuries B. C. The study of the Greek poleis increased. Indigent citizens continued
social structure of the eastern Hellenistic states shows to lose their land and incur debts while riches and
that the main burden of maintaining the state lands accumulated in the hands of the polis aristoc-
apparatus was borne by the rural population. The racy. In the mid-3rd century B. C., these processes
cities were in a more favourable position, which were most acute in Sparta, where most Spartans had
must have been one of the main causes of their rapid virtually lost their land allotments. The need for
growth and efflorescence. social reform made the Spartan king Agis IV
The social development in Greece and Macedonia (245-241 B. C.) propose a cancellation of debts and a
took a different route. Macedonia also evolved as a redistribution of land, to increase the number of
Hellenistic state combining the elements of monar- citizens. These reforms, framed as a restoration of
chy and of polis structure. But, although the land the laws of Lycurgus, were fiercely resisted by the
possessions of the Macedonian kings were relatively ephorate and the aristocracy. Agis fell a victim of
great, there were no masses of dependent rural that conflict, but the social situation in Sparta
population (with the possible exception of the Thra- remained tense. Several years later, king Cleomenes
cians) that could be exploited to provide the cost of III (235-222) proposed the same reforms. Remem-
maintaining the administration personnel and large bering Agis’s fate, Cleomenes began by consolidat-
sections of the ruling class. The burden of maintain- ing his positions through successful operations in the
ing the army and building warships was equally car- war against the Achaean League that started in 228.
ried by the urban and rural population. Differences Enlisting the support of the army, he liquidated the
between Greeks and Macedonians, rural and city ephorate, banished the richest citizens from Sparta,
dwellers were determined by their economic posi- and then cancelled debts and redistributed land, in-
tion, the principal class division being between free creasing the number of citizens by 4,000. The events
men and slaves. The principal trend in the develop- in Sparta incited unrest throughout Greece. Man-
ment of the economy was towards further spreading tinea left the Achaean League and joined Cleo-
of slave-owning relations. menes; disturbances began in other Peloponnesian
In Greece, the Hellenistic epoch did not bring any cities. The war with the Achaean League flared up
essential changes in the socioeconomic system as it again, Cleomenes occupied several cities, and Cor-
existed at the end of the 4th century B. C. The most inth went over to his side. Frightened by these devel-
tangible change was the migration of the population opments, the oligarchic leadership of the Achaean
(mostly young and mature warriors, artisans, and League appealed for help to Antigonus III Doson,
traders) eastwards, to the Near East and Egypt. This king of Macedonia. The balance of forces now went
should have had a dampening effect on the social against Sparta. Cleomenes then let some 6,000 helots
conflicts within the poleis. But the nearly continual buy their freedom, including 2,000 of them in his
devastating wars of the dmdockoi, the devaluation of army. But in the battle near Sellasia in 222 B. C. the
money due to the influx of gold and silver from Asia united forces of the Macedonians and the Achaeans and the corresponding rise in the price of consumer destroyed the Spartan army, Cleomenes lied to
goods ruined the indigent and middle strata of the Egypt, a Macedonian garrison was stationed at
population. The problem of overcoming the econo- Sparta, and Cleomenes’s reforms were annulled,
mic isolation of the poleis remained unsolved. Antigonus III founded the Hellenic League under
Attempts were made to resolve that issue in the -I Macedonia’s hegemony, which included the framework of confederacies (cf., e. g., the intro- ^ Achaean League, Sparta and other Greek poleis,
duction of a unified system of weights and measures * with the exception of the Aetolian League and
and minting of coin in the Achaean League). In the ? Athens.
poleis dominated by Macedonia, oligarchic or ty- ■§* Cleomenes’s defeat could not stop the growth of rannical regimes were set up, the freedom of interna- ^ social movements. Already in 219, Chilo again tried tional relations was restricted, and Macedonian gar- ^ to eliminate the ephorate in Sparta and to imple- risons were stationed at strategically important | ment a redistribution of property; in 215, the oli- points. | garchs were driven out of Messenia, and a redistri-
249
bution of land was carried out; in 210, the tyrant The social situation in Egypt became especially
Machanidas seized power in Sparta; after his death tense in the last decades of the 3rd century. In 219, in the war with the Achaean League, the Spartan the war with the Seleucids over Coelesyria flared up
state was headed by the tyrant Nabis (206-192), who again. One of the first acts in that war was the cap-
implemented even more radical reforms, redistribut- ture in 219 of Seleucia by Antiochus III through
ing the lands and property of the aristocracy, freeing suborning the commanders of the Egyptian garrison
helots and giving land to th e perioikoi. In 205, an which defended it. In 218 Antiochus invaded Coele-
attempt to cancel debts was made in Aetolia. Syria and, conquering one city after another by bri-
The growing acuteness of the social struggles com- bery or siege, approached the borders of Egypt. The pelled the aristocracy of the Greek poleis to seek decisive battle between the armies of Ptolemy IV
support from a stronger state authority, which was and Antiochus III took place in 217 near Raphia.
favourable to the expansion of Macedonian in- The forces of the two sides were well matched, and,
fluence. However, an attempt to subdue the Aeto- according to Polybius, Ptolemy won the victory only
lian League during the so-called War of the Allies due to the success of his Egyptian phalanxes. Antio-
(220-217) proved unsuccessful. Then Philip V, in- chus retreated, and many cities of Coelesyria
tending to consolidate his positions in the Adriatic, reverted to Ptolemy. But the latter did not have suf-
formed an alliance with Hannibal (215 B. C.) and ficient strength to pursue the enemy and recapture
dislodged the Romans from their possessions in his possessions in Syria; besides, soon after the batde
Illyria, acquired in 229. That was the beginning of near Raphia, troubles apparently broke out in
Philip’s first war against Rome (215-205) which was, Egypt; he was compelled to begin peace negotia-
in fact, Philip’s war against his Greek opponents tions and accept Antiochus’s conditions, retaining
which joined Rome-Aetolia, Sparta and Perga- only part of Coelesyria adjoining the borders of
mum and ended favourably for Macedonia. The Egypt.
last years of the 3rd century witnessed the peak of The unsuccessful war and the hardships it brought
Macedonia’s political and economic power. Her rise caused unrest among the masses, first in Lower
was facilitated by the overall political situation in Egypt and then throughout the countiy. The trou- the eastern Mediterranean. bles apparently began among Egyptian warriors and
Towards the end of the 3rd century B. C., internal then spread to the rural population. The thoroughly
conflicts in the socioeconomic structure of the Hel- Hellenised areas of Lower Egypt were fairly quickly
lenistic states became apparent, particularly in the pacified by the government of Ptolemy IV, whereas
state economy in Egypt. The entire organisation of the unrest that had started in the south of Egypt had
the royal estates was aimed at extracting the greatest grown into a broad popular movement by 206 B. C.
profit from lands, mines and workshops. As Egyp- Thebes seceded from the Ptolemies, and local tian papyri clearly show, the system of taxes and dynasts ruled there for more than two decades, tributes, worked out in great detail, swallowed most Their names, Anhmachis and Armachis, are men-
of the harvest, exhausting the economic potential of tioned in private documents from those times. Ptlole-
the small holdings. The expanding royal administ- mais remained the Ptolemies’ only stronghold in
ration, as well as farmers and traders, added to the Upper Egypt.
exploitation of the local population. One of the more Some works concerned with that period stressed
common forms of protest against oppression was ana- ___ the “nationalist” anti-Hellenic aspects of the move- choresis, sometimes on a mass scale, and, in the case of 2. ment. It should be borne in mind, however, that by slaves, running away from their masters. Later, the 3 the end of the 3rd century the term “Hellenes” had popular masses resorted to more active forms of y come to denote a social rather than ethnic concept, struggle. Thus it was civil unrest in Egypt that made r During the Greeks’ more than a century-long Ptolemy III Euergetes hurriedly conclude peace | domination of Egypt, significant changes occurred during the Third Syrian War. In the Seleucid * in the population’s social and ethnic structure. In empire, the secession of Parthia and Bactria was also | Alexandria and Ptolemais, Graeco-Macedonians brought about by an uprising of the local population jr were more or less able to maintain their ethnic isola- against increased social oppression. g; tion and retain the polis customs and laws, whereas
250
in the chora mixed marriages became quite common. lenistic world changed, too. Small Hellenistic states
Judging from testaments from the 3rd century B. C., like Pergamum, Rhodes, Cappadocia and Pontus
cleruchoi often lived with their slave- or freed-women, began to play an increasing role in the international
Egyptian or Syrian, and later adopted the offspring. relations, while the political influence of the Ptole-
The new generation learnt the local customs and maic kingdom, which was weakened by the con-
beliefs from their mothers and at the same time tinual popular movements and acute political strife
could be educated in the Greek style at gymnasiums within the ruling circles, decreased,
which existed at Alexandria, Naucratis, Ptolemais, In the last years of the 3rd century, taking advan-
and, towards the end of the 3rd century, in the tage of the internal instability of Egypt, Philip V
centre of nomes and even some komas of Fayum. and Antiochus III seized the Ptolemies’ external
In the south of Egypt, Greek colonisation was possessions. Macedonia now controlled all the
much less thoroughgoing than in the Delta and poleis that had formerly belonged to the Ptolemies
Fayum, and the old pre-Ptolemaic traditions were on the Hellespont, in Asia Minor and on the
more stable. But here, too, the local aristocrats that Aegean, while Antiochus occupied Phoenicia and
had survived the Graeco-Macedonian conquest and Coelesyria after his victory at Panion (200
now strove to retain their positions in the temples B. C.). Macedonia’s expansion infringed upon the
and the administration increasingly became Hel- interests of Rhodes and Pergamum; this caused a
lenised, learning Greek and absorbing Greek cul- war (201 B. C.), in which Philip V began to gain the
ture the necessary prerequisites of membership in upper hand; Rhodes and Pergamum then turned for
the privileged strata. For this reason, the movement help to the Romans. This was a convenient pretext
in Thebes may have been to some extent a protest for Rome to begin a war against Macedonia, as after
against foreign oppression, but the sources clearly the successful conclusion of the Second Punic War
show its social colouring. Some Egyptian priests may Rome had subdued all western Mediterranean and
have joined the rebels the temple of Horus at Edfu shifted the direction of its aggressive intentions east,
was in the rebels’hands for twenty years), but on the In this way the conflict between the Hellenistic
whole the priesthood was loyal to the ruling dynasty, states developed into the Second Macedonian War
and many temples suffered from the “impious” and (200-197 B. G.).
the “apostates”. The Romans’ demagogic campaign, in which the
Against the background of endless uprisings in the traditional slogan of “freedom” for the Greek poleis
south of the country, the struggle in the court circles figured prominently, attracted the Aetolian and
never subsided either. With the accession to the Achaean Leagues to their side; this was especially
throne of the six-year-old Ptolemy V in 204, a true of the propertied strata, which saw Rome as a
vicious fight for the regency broke out among the force capable of protecting their interests without
various groups of the court aristocracy. Relying imposing the monarchic form of rule, so odious to
mostly on mercenaries, they also often resorted in the demos. After the defeat near Cynoscephalae Phi-
their strife to such a terrible weapon as the anger of lip V had to conclude a peace according to which
the Alexandrian mob. Macedonia lost all its possessions in Asia Minor, the
The end of the 3rd and beginning of the 2nd cen- Aegean, and Greece. Having solemnly declared free-
turies B. C. can be viewed as a landmark in the his- dom for the Greek poleis during the Isthmian
tory of the Hellenistic world. In the previous period, g Games in 196, Rome went on to disregard com- the contacts between the countries of the eastern and ■§ pletely the interests of its former allies, setdng state western Mediterranean were mostly economic and 7. borders, stationing its garrisons in Corinth, Deme- cultural, while political (primarily diplomatic) links '. trias and in Chalcidice, and interfering in the poleis’ were very irregular; in the last decades of the 3rd ? internal affairs. The Romans robbed Greece of im- century, however, there was a tendency towards a -J mense numbers of bronze and marble statues, and of more active political interaction, as shown by the ^ vast quantities of gold and silver in the shape of alliance between Philip V and Hannibal during the ^ objects of art, bullion, bars, and coins. The “libe- Second Punic War and the so-called First Mace- j? ration” of Greece was in fact the first step in the donian War. The balance of forces within the Hel- | spreading of Roman domination in the eastern
251
Mediterranean and the beginning of a new stage in gradual subjugation of one country after another by
the history of the Hellenistic world. Rome. The premises of the process lay, on the one
Macedonia’s defeat in the war against Rome and hand, in the demands of the economic development
internal conflicts in Egypt created a favourable sit- of antique society as a whole, including the Hellenis-
uation for the growth of the political might of the tic states, for the establishment of closer and more
Seleucid kingdom. Its rise began with Antio- stable economic links between the western and the
chus Ill’s eastern campaign in 212-204 B. C., which eastern Mediterranean, and on the other, in the
partly followed Alexander the Great’s route. In the external conflicts and internal socio-political insta-
course of the campaign, Antiochus III subdued bility of the Hellenistic states. The unification of the
Sophene and Greater Armenia, made the Parthian western Mediterranean under Roman power intro-
king Arsaces II and the king of Bactria Euthydemus duced significant changes in the traditional trading
recognise their allegiance to the Seleucids, and links between Greece and Sicily and other western
renewed friendly relations with the local rulers of Greek colonies, and in the links, consolidated in the
north-western India, receiving from them gifts of 3rd century, between Egypt and Syria, on the one
elephants and food supplies. Having consolidated his hand, and North Africa and Italy, on the other,
positions in the east and annexed Coelesyria after The trading links and economic centres shifted
the battle of Panion in 200 B. C., Antiochus seized, again, the Romans continued their drive east, and
during Philip V’s war with Rome, the cities of Cili- the eastern economic centres adapted to the new sit-
cia, Lycia and Caria, which had previously uation. The Roman military and economic expan-
belonged to the Ptolemies, and then began to reduce sion was accompanied by an intense development of
the poleis of Asia Minor and Thrace liberated by slave-owning relations in Italy and in the conquered
Rome from Macedonian rule. Foreseeing an inevi- lands.
table conflict with Rome, he settled his relations All these developments affected the internal situa-
with his neighbours in Asia Minor and tried to win tion in the Hellenistic states. Those groups of the
allies in Greece, but only Aetolia and Boeotia joined aristocracy, mostly urban, which were interested in
him. the expansion of commodity production, trade and
The war with Rome, which began in 192 on slave-owning, more and more came into conflict with
Greek territory, ended in a defeat of Antiochus’s the strata of Hellenistic society linked with the royal
army at Magnesia at Sipylus in Asia Minor (190 administrative apparatus and temples and deriving
B. C.), as a result of which he had to renounce all their income mostly from traditional forms of exploi-
Seleucid claims in Europe and north of Mt. Taurus tation of the rural population. These clashes of inter¬ in Asia Minor. For diplomatic reasons, the Romans est manifested themselves in palace coups, fierce
handed these territories over to their allies, Rhodes dynastic wars, uprisings in the cities, and the persis-
and Pergamum. Antiochus’s defeat stirred separatist tent attempts by the poleis to win complete inde¬ movements within the kingdom : recently subdued pendence from royal authority. The strife within the
Greater Armenia and Sophene seceded, and unrest ruling class was aggravated by the struggle of the
in the eastern provinces renewed. The victory of the popular masses in the chora, komas and the cities
Romans and their allies over the greatest of the Hel- against the tax burden, usury and enslavement,
lenistic states, the Seleucid kingdom, radically which sometimes developed into virtual civil wars
changed the political situation. Now none of the __ that exhausted the economy and the states’ military Hellenistic states could claim hegemony over the §. potential.
eastern Mediterranean. The threat of further 5 Private ownership of lands increased during the Roman expansion became very real, but conflicts ^ 2nd century. Land was acquired in various ways,
between Hellenistic states ruled out any chance of 2 but mostly through direct purchasing of escheated,
their joining forces. I abandoned or confiscated allotments. The lands of
j, temples and kleruchoi gradually passed into private 1 hands. The sale, resale, division and ceding of land, The Hellenistic World and Rome. The subsequent po- ? dowry settlements and bequests of privately owned
litical history of the Hellenistic world was one of |- land are recorded in numerous Egyptian papyri.
252
Despite the diversity of these deeds, they show a ten- honours and riches to the courtiers. Bv the beginning
dency towards concentrating privately owned land of the 2nd century B. C., the situation had changed,
in the hands of the more privileged individuals in the The interests of large sections of the court aristocracy
royal administration in the nomes and toparchies, of which headed the administrative mechanism
garrison officers, the higher echelons of the kleruchoi became increasingly interwoven with those of the
( katoikoi ) and priests, rich farmers, traders and higher nobles of the nomes, who wanted to increase
craftsmen from nome centres, and well-to-do peas- their incomes by cutting expenditure on foreign
ants who usually held administrative posts in the policy ventures, the maintenance of a powerful navy
komas. There is no evidence, however, of the forma- and large contingents of mercenaries. Already in the
tion of large estates. Even the lands of major owners last decades of the 3rd century B. C., the first clash
were always divided into small lots for renting out. occurred between these court circles and Alexan-
Of the settlers from Greece, the Aegean islands, dria’s rich traders and manufacturers over Ptolemy
Asia Minor and other Greek areas who came to V’s regency. Against the background of court strife,
Egypt at the end of the 4th and first half of the 3rd the role of mercenaries stationed in Alexandria and
centuries, some got richer, profiting from trade, of their commanders grew.
farming, and official or priestly posts, while others The self-seeking officialdom exempt from all con-
failed to retain their membership in the ruling class, trol or punishment, beginning with the lowest offi-
becoming common craftsmen and peasants, part of cials and ending with the strategoi, undermined the
the laoi. Towards the end of the 3rd century the liv- system of the state economy from within. The local
ing conditions of the laoi deteriorated so much that administration, rigorously organised and, under the
the government of Ptolemy V had to cancel tax first Ptolemies, entirely dependent on central
arrears and reduce taxes, but life remained very authority, became an uncontrolled independent
hard in the 2nd century as well. The burden of taxes force completely preoccupied with personal enrich-
and tributes was aggravated by the abuses of the ment. The government had to issue special decrees
local aristocracy. Complaints about officials’ abuses to protect peasants and craftsmen connected with
and oppression on the part of rich and influential the royal estate against their greed, and to get its
people poured into the king’s and strategoi 's offices, share of the income.
but the higher royal administrators were already un- But the decrees could only temporarily slow down
able to take any effective measures against these the restructuring of socioeconomic relations. Cor-
abuses. porate ownership of land, of which the most pro-
The court had to reckon with the united and minent feature was the preponderance of crown land
economically strong body of the local military, bu- providing income accumulated in the state treasury
reaucratic and priestly aristocracy, on which the in- and then distributed among the courtiers, officials,
come of the royal court and the higher royal priests and the army in the form of upkeep, salary or
administration largely depended, as did supplies of gifts, was giving way to private ownership of land
foodstuffs and raw materials to Alexandria. Towards and of the income yielded by this land, the state
the end of the 3rd century B. C., the local aristocracy economy being reduced to a size sufficient only for
itself apparently realised its economic and political the maintenance of the royal court, mercenaries and
importance and began to actively interfere in the the state mechanism in the narrow sense,
court intrigues at Alexandria. g Towards the end of the 2nd century, the dynastic
Under the first Ptolemies, the aims of the court i strife in Egypt increasingly became interwoven with
aristocracy, which occupied the most important Z. that in the Seleucid kingdom, and relations with
military and bureaucratic posts, and of Alexandria’s Rome assumed ever greater importance. Roman
rich traders and owners of workshops more or less diplomacy played a considerable role in fanning the
coincided, as both were interested in getting maxi- § dynastic conflicts within and among the Hellenistic mtim income (in the shape of grain, raw materials, 0 states.
and money) from the Egyptian chora and in conduct- 3 . Roman diplomacy was particularly effective in ing an active foreign policy, which extended the |= the conquest of Macedonia and the states of Asia
sphere of Alexandria’s trade and brought new | Minor. On the eve of the Third Macedonian War
253
(171-168), Rome achieved an almost complete isola- ruptions, for more than a hundred years. The
tion of Macedonia. Despite the attempts of the economic situation in the Egyptian chora was very
Macedonian king Perseus to attract the Greek grave. Considerable tracts of land lay fallow, and the
poleis to his side through democratic reforms (he government had to introduce compulsory rentals to
announced cancellation of state debts and the return make people till these lands. The greater part of the
of exiles), he was joined by Epirus and Illyria only. laoi were destitute even in the eyes of the royal
After the defeat of the Macedonian army near administration. The official and legal documents of
Pydna, the Romans divided Macedonia into four the end of the 2nd century point to anarchy and
isolated districts and prohibited exploitation of abuses of power in Egypt during the dynastic wars,
mines, salt-works, export of timber, purchase of real Anachoresis, refusal to pay debts, seizure of other peo-
estate, and marriages between the inhabitants of dif- pie’s lands, vineyards, houses and property, appro-
ferent districts. In Epirus, the Romans destroyed priation of temple and state incomes by private indi-
most of the cities and sold more than 150,000 people viduals and enslavement of free people occurred on a
into slavery; in Greece, they revised the boundaries mass scale. Records of economic activity, petitions,
between the poleis. royal decrees (the so-called “decrees ofphilanthropia"
While Rome was busy conquering Macedonia, published in times of reconciliation between the fac-
the conflict between Egypt and the Seleucids over tions) point to decline in the state economy, decrease
Coelesyria flared up again. By that time, the Seleu- of cultivated areas of land, disintegration of the royal
cid kingdom had recovered from the damage done monopoly on the crafts and trade, devaluation of
by the war with Rome and the payment of indem- money, abuses of officials in charge of collecting
nity, and Antiochus IV again tried to increase the taxes and customs. The officials’ abuses gave rise to
territory of his kingdom. In 170, and later in 168, he the phenomenon of “protection”. More or less well-
campaigned successfully in Egypt, capturing Mem- to-do peasants, craftsmen, traders and farmers
phis and besieging Alexandria, but Roman interfer- enlisted the support of influential persons in order to
ence compelled him to give up his conquests. Addi- dodge payments of taxes or other duties to the state;
tional taxes imposed in connection with prepa- on the other hand, sometimes whole korrns appealed
rations for a war with Egypt caused an uprising in to higher officials to protect themselves against the
Jerusalem. Antiochus crushed the rebellion, built abuses of the lower officials and tax farmers,
the Acra fortress in Jerusalem and left a garrison Social struggles also grew more acute in the Bal-
there. Power in Judea was handed over to the “Hel- kan peninsula where they took the form of an anti-
lenists”- that part of priestly aristocracy which was Roman movement. The reprisals against Macedonia
interested in closer ties between Judea and the and Epirus and crude interference in the internal
Seleucids. Judaism was banned, and the cults of affairs of the Greek poleis gave rise to open rebel-
Greek gods were introduced. These measures caused lions against Roman domination in Macedonia (in
a new uprising in Judea (in 166), which developed 149-148) and the Achaean League (146), suppressed
into a popular war against Seleucid domination. In with customary Roman ruthlessness. Macedonia
164, the insurgents led by Judas Maccabaeus cap- was declared a Roman province, all leagues of Greek
tured Jerusalem and besieged the Acra. Judas Mac- poleis were dissolved, and oligarchies were estab-
cabaeus adopted the title of high priest, distributed fished everywhere. The population was sold in great
priestly offices regardless of nobility of birth, and numbers into slavery outside the country, and Hellas
confiscated the property of the Hellenists. In 160, I was impoverished, depopulated and generally in a Demetrius I routed Judas Maccabaeus and sta- 5 state of desolation. Rhodes suffered, too, for its neu-
tioned his garrisons in Judean cities, but the Jews did s trality during the Third Macedonian War. The
not cease to fight. 0. Romans deprived it of territories in Caria and Lycia
After Antiochus’s campaigns, popular movements | received after the defeat of Antiochus III, and de- began again in Egypt in the nomes of Middle a- dared Delos a free port, which made that small
Egypt, headed by Dionysius Petosarapis (suppressed | island a major centre of transit trade and slave-
in 165), and in Panopolis. Simultaneously, acute - market, undermining Rhodes’ trade importance dynastic strife began, which lasted, with brief inter- | Having subdued Greece and Macedonia, Rome
254
began an offensive against the states of Asia Minor. That crisis expressed itself in a hitter dynastic
By spurring conflicts between Pergamum and its strife accompanied by military clashes, urban rebel- neighbours, the Romans exhausted their military lions, and bloody massacres of opponents. Twelve strength. At the same time Roman traders and pretenders succeeded one another on the throne in usurers penetrated the economic systems of the states just 35 years, and sometimes two or three kings ruled of Asia Minor, increasingly subordinating the simultaneously; the pretenders relied on rival groups domestic and foreign policy of those states to the in- of the aristocracy. The territory of the Seleucid king- terests of Rome. Pergamum’s position was worst; the dom kept shrinking until it included only the lands social situation there was so tense that king Atta- of Syria proper, Phoenicia, Coelesyria and part of lus III (139-133), despairing of the stability of the Cilicia. Major cities strove for autonomy or even in- existing regime, bequeathed his kingdom to Rome. dependence (cf. the tyrannies in Byblos, Tyre, But neither that act nor the reform which the aris- Sidon, etc.). Between 83 and 69, most Syria fell un- tocracy endeavoured to carry out after his death der the rule of Tigranes, king of Armenia. In 64, the could prevent a popular movement against the -Seleucid kingdom was annexed by Rome as the
Romans and the local nobles which enveloped the province of Syria. A year later, Judea, where fierce
whole country. For more than three years (132-129), social and dynastic conflicts were in progress, was the insurgent peasants, slaves and the underprivi- also added to the Roman state, leged urban population led by Aristonicus stub- In the 1st century B. C., Roman aggression was
bornly resisted the Romans. After the suppression of most stubbornly resisted by the Pontic kingdom, the uprising, Pergamum was erected into a Roman which under Mithridates VI Eupator extended its
province under the name of Asia. rule over almost the whole of the Black Sea coast. In
The situation in the Seleucid empire grew more 89, Mithridates began a war with Rome, and his act and more unstable. Following Judea, the eastern was enthusiastically supported by the masses in Asia satrapies also showed separatist tendencies, leaning Minor and Greece. Hatred for the Romans, who towards Parthia. The attempt of Antiochus VII shamelessly plundered the territories under their Sidetes (138-129 B. C.) to restore the unity of the sway, was so great that at a call from Mithridates, all empire ended in his complete failure and death. Romans in Asia Minor were massacred on the same
That was followed by the secession of Babylonia, day. In 88, he occupied almost the whole of Greece Persia and Media, which fell under the sway of without much difficulty. But Mithridates’s success Parthia or of independent dynasts. Early in the 1st was shortlived. His advent brought no significant
century B. C., Commagene and Judea became inde- improvement in the life of the Greek poleis; the
pendent. The aggravation of the domestic strife in Romans inflicted several defeats on the less disci-
the Seleucid kingdom and the separatist tendencies plined Pontic army, and the social measures later in its provinces stemmed from the differences implemented by Mithridates cancellation of debts, between its eastern and the western regions. The redistribution of land, and the granting of citizen- western provinces, profoundly Hellenised (with the ship to the medcs and slaves-cost him the support exception of Judea) gravitated towards economic of the well-to-do citizens. In 85, Mithridates had to
links with the Mediterranean, whereas the eastern admit defeat and give up his conquests. On two
satrapies were more closely linked with caravan- more occasions, in 83-81 and 73-63, he tried to stop
route trading, economic development of the Caspian 0 the Roman drive into Asia Minor, relying on the and Central Asian regions and trading across the i anti-Roman mood of the masses, but the alignment Persian Gulf. Their Hellenisation was fairly superfi- * of the social forces and the tendencies of historical cial: even those cities which were most Hellenistic in ' development determined the defeat of the Pontic their appearance and political organisation largely S' king.
retained their traditional social structure and ide- 7 Early in the 1st century B.C., Roman possessions ology. Parthian rule apparently offered them greater ^ extended already as far as the borders of Egypt. In economic and political advantages than that of the 7 96, Cyrenaica, which had seceded from Egypt two
Seleucids, whose empire was in the grip of an acute |= decades before, fell under Roman sway. The Ptole- socio-political crisis. § maic kingdom was still shaken by dynastic strife and
2 55
popular movements. C. 88, a mass uprising flared of Oriental despotic states and the pofis organisation
up in the Thebes region, and it was suppressed only of the cities. The Hellenistic polis is, however, rather
three years later by Ptolemy IX, who destroyed different from the classical Greek one. The earlier
Thebes, the hotbed of the rebellion. In the next 15 principles of the polis structure -eleutheria (freedom,
years, there was also unrest in the nomes of Middle political independence), aulonomia and autarkia- un-
Egypt in Hermopolis and, twice, in Heracleopolis. derwent considerable changes both in the old poleis
Although the Roman Senate debated more than and those newly founded by the Hellenistic rulers,
once the annexation of Egypt, the internal and Poleis that formed part of the Hellenistic states lost
external situation did not permit Rome to begin an their political and economic independence; they
open war against this state, comparatively strong were no longer free agents on the international
and virtually inaccessible in strategic terms. Only in arena, and had to obey the laws promulgated by the
48 B. C., as he pursued Pompey, did Caesar lead his head of state. The independence of the polis organs
troops into Alexandria. After eight months of hard of self-government-the popular assembly, council
fighting with the Egyptians, mostly Alexandrians, he and appointed officials-was restricted. The position
too merely included Egypt in the Roman sphere of and the socio-political role of the Hellenistic polis
influence as an allied kingdom. Only two decades place it between the classical Greek polis and the
later, Alexandria, that major centre of handicrafts, Roman municipium.
science and art, probably the most important port In the Hellenistic period, essential changes took
on the Mediterranean of those times, and the capital place in the ethnic and social stratification of the
of one of the richest countries, reconciled itself to the population. The ethnic distinctions between Greeks
inevitability of Roman domination. In 30 B. C., from different parts of Greece and even between
after his victory over Antony, Octavian subdued Greeks and Macedonians lost their former signifi-
Egypt almost without resistance. The last Hellenistic cance, for they were all Hellenes in the eyes of the
state fell. conquered peoples of the Near East and north-east-
As a political system, the Hellenistic world was ern Africa, their language and culture differing from
swallowed up by the Roman empire, but elements of those of the local population. In the course of time,
the socio-political structure which took shape in the however, the ethnic term “Hellene”, as we have
Hellenistic epoch made a great impact on the eas- mentioned, acquired social signification as well: the
tern Mediterranean’s later history, largely determin- “Hellenes” were now those sections of the popula-
ing its specific features. First of all, a new step in the tion whose social position permitted them to recei-
development of productive forces was made during ve an education after the Greek model and to live in
the Hellenistic epoch. The area of cultivated land an appropriate style, regardless of their ethnic
was significantly expanded, irrigation systems were origin.
extended and improved, and the mining of mineral That socioethnic process was reflected in the
deposits became more intense. Noticeable progress moulding and spreading of a common Greek lan-
was achieved in some handicrafts, particularly in guage, the so-called koine , which became the lan-
construction techniques and production of luxury guage of Hellenistic literature, the official language
goods. A number of new cities, major centres of of all the Hellenistic states, and later, side by side
trade and industry, emerged; some of them have with Latin, the official language of the eastern half of
survived from the Hellenistic epoch to this day (cf., ^ the Roman empire.
e. g., Alexandria in Egypt, Laodicea (modern s All these changes in the economic, social and po-
Latakia) in Syria, Thessalonice (modern Salonika) 5 litical spheres were accompanied by a restricting of
in Greece, etc. Trading and navigation intensified; j the socio-psychological makeup of the man of the
new caravan and sea routes appeared, and old ones Z, Hellenistic epoch. The instability of the foreign and
functioned more regularly. There was a distinct ten- I domestic political situation-continual wars between
dency towards a unification of the monetary system j states, internal domestic strife, political revolutions
within definite regions. ( in the poleis, and social movements on the local and
A new type of state emerged in the Hellenistic ? national scale-brought about the impoverishment,
epoch - Hellenistic kingdoms combining the features £ ruin and enslavement of some and the enrichment of
256
others, development of slave-owning and slave-
trade, migration of the population from one locality
to another, from the rural areas to the city and from
the city to the chora. All this, in its turn, undermined
the links within the civil communities of poleis and
the communal links in villages, intensifying indivi¬
dualistic attitudes. The polis could no longer guar¬
antee the freedom and material well-being of the
citizen; personal ties with members of the royal
administration and patronage of the powers that be
assumed greater importance. From generation to
generation, psychological attitudes changed, and the
former citizen of the polis became the king’s subject
not only in formal status but also by political convic¬
tion. The same process somewhat later occurred in
the Roman empire.
Hellenistic culture. The most important heritage of the Hellenistic world was the culture that it created, which spread to the outlying areas of the Hellenistic world and made a great impact on the development of Roman culture (particularly of the eastern Roman provinces) as well as the culture of the other peoples of antiquity and of the Middle Ages.
Hellenistic culture was not uniform throughout the Hellenistic world. In each region, it was moulded by the interaction between the stable, tra¬ ditional local elements and those brought by the conquerors and migrants, Greeks and non-Greeks.
The particular combinations of these elements, and the forms of their synthesis, were determined by many concrete factors - specific for each given locali¬ ty- the size of the various ethnic groups (local and newly arrived), the level of their culture, social organisation, conditions of economic life, political situation, etc. Even if we compare the major Hel¬ lenistic cities-Alexandria, Antioch on the Orontes, Pergamum, etc., where the Graeco-Macedonian population played the leading role - distinctive fea- ^ tures of cultural life in each of them stand out quite ■§ clearly. They are naturally more distinct in the in- * terior regions of the Hellenistic states, such as the Thebaid, Babylonia, or Thrace. ?
Still, Hellenistic culture may be regarded as some- ■|’ thing integral and original, since all its local variants have certain common traits determined, on the one 5 , hand, by the obligatory presence of elements of |= Greek culture in the overall synthesis, and on the |
257
other, by analogous trends in the socioeconomic and
political development of society throughout the Hel¬
lenistic world. The development of cities, commodi¬
ty-money relations, and commercial links in the
Mediterranean countries and the Near East largely
conditioned the moulding of the material and non¬
material culture in the Hellenistic period. The emer¬
gence of Hellenistic monarchies, which absorbed
some features of the polis structure, facilitated the
formation of new legal relations, of a new socio-psy-
chological makeup of man and society as a whole
and of novel ideology. Compared with classical
Greek culture, the content and nature of Hellenistic
culture manifested more clearly the differences
between the Hellenised upper strata of society and
the indigent urban and rural population, which
retained its cultural traditions more tenaciously.
Evidence of interaction between Hellenic and local elements in the material culture is found in the development of handicraft techniques, in arma¬ ments, shipbuilding, town planning, and applied arts. The same phenomena were observed in other areas of artistic creativity, above all in architecture. The architecture of the Hellenistic poleis continued the Greek traditions, but side by side with temple construction civil engineering-the building of theatres, gymnasia, bouleuteria, and palaces-now played a major part. The interior and exterior deco¬ ration of buildings became more varied and sump¬ tuous; porticoes and columns, mostly of the Ionic and Corinthian orders, were widely used; colon¬ nades were built to frame separate edifices, the agora, and sometimes the main streets (cf. the porticoes of Antigonus Gonatas, of Attalus on Delos, or those in the main streets of Alexandria). Kings built or restored cities and numerous temples dedicated to Greek and local deities. The projects were stupen¬ dous and the means insufficient, so construction sometimes lasted dozens and hundreds of years. The most magnificent and beautiful of these temples were believed to be Sarapeum in Alexandria, built by Parmeniskos in the 3rd century B. C.; the temple of Apollo at Didyma near Miletus, the construction of which began in 300 B. C., lasted nearly 200 years and was never completed; the temple of Zeus in Athens, designed by the architect Cossutius, begun in 170 A. D., and finished at the beginning of the 2nd century A. D., under emperor Hadrian; and the temple of Artemis in Magnesia on the Meander,
17 — 344
designed by the architect Hermogenes (begun late in
the third or early in the 2nd century, finished in
129). The temples of the local deities-the temple of
Horus at Edfu, of the goddess Hathor in Denderah,
of Khnum in Esnae, of Isis on the island of Phylae, of
Esagila in Babylon, or the temples of the god Nabu,
son of Marduk, in Borsippa and Uruk-were built
just as slowly. The temples of the Greek gods were
built according to classical canons with slight devia¬
tions. The architecture of the temples of the Oriental
deities also rigorously followed the traditions of
ancient Egyptian and Babylonian architects, and
the only traces of Hellenistic influences are found in
separate details and in inscriptions on temple walls.
A novel development of the Hellenistic period was the construction of new types of public buildings - li¬ braries (in Alexandria, Pergamum, Antioch, and other cities), the Museum (in Alexandria), the light¬ house of Pharos, the Tower of the Winds in Athens. The Pharos lighthouse, erected by the architect and builder Sostratos of Cnidus and believed to be one of the seven wonders of the world, was the most magni¬ ficent and complex of these structures. Its tower crowned with a statue of Poseidon rose to the height of 120 metres. Its base was a square, with the sides aligned on the cardinal points; it narrowed down towards the central part, an octahedron with sides aligned on the directions of the prevailing winds; and the upper part was a cylindric lantern equipped with metal mirrors. The fuel for the lighthouse was carried by donkeys up a winding staircase or path within the building. The Pharos lighthouse was at the same time an observation post, a sort of weather station, and a fortress, presumably with a garrison and supplies of provision and water (in a tank in the underground part of the tower). The octagonal Tower of the Winds in Athens, with a weather-vane in the shape of a Triton figurine on the roof, appar¬ ently played similar meteorological functions. It also had sundials on the walls and a water clock within for bad weather.
The Alexandriana Library was believed to be the largest library of antiquity. Books were brought here from all the countries of the classical world, and in the 1st century B. C. it possessed, according to legend, some 700,000 scrolls. We have no description of the building in which the Library of Alexandria was housed; it must have adjoined or been part of the Museum complex (the temple of the Muses).
The Museum itself was part of the palace complex.
Besides the temple, it included a large house with a
common dining-hall for the scholars attached to the
Museum, and an exedra- a roofed gallery with seats
for work-and a place for walks.
The construction of such public edifices, which served as centres of scholarly work or application of scientific knowledge, may be regarded as a symptom and a material expression of the growing role of science in the practical and spiritual life of Hellenis¬ tic society.
The knowledge accumulated in the previous epoch in the Greek and the Oriental world, and the possibility of bringing them together necessitated the classification of the available material and some kind of summing up. Differentiation began in the syncre¬ tic body of scientific concepts, as mathematics, astronomy, botany, geography, medicine and phi¬ lology became separated from philosophy and estab¬ lished as sciences in their own right.
Eucleidean Elements (or Principles) can be seen as a synthesis of mathematical knowledge of the ancient world. For centuries, its postulates and the deductive methods of proof formed the basis of textbooks on geometry. The works of Appollonius of Perga on conic sections laid the foundations of trigonometry. Archimedes of Syracuse, who worked for a while at Alexandria, discovered one of the principal laws of hydrostatics, worked out the basics of infinitely large and infinitesimal calculus, formulated some impor¬ tant propositions of mechanics and invented many technical devices.
The Babylonian centres of stydying astronomical phenomena, which existed long before the Greeks took up these observations, and the works of the Babylonian fourth-century scholars Kidenas and Sudines had a great influence on the development of astronomy in the Hellenistic period. Aristarchus of Samos (310-230 B. C.) formulated the hypothesis that the earth and the planets revolve around the S* sun along circular orbits. Seleucus of Chaldea tried 5 to substantiate that proposition. Hipparchus of -i Nicaea (146-126 B. C.) discovered (or repeated I Kidenas’s discovery of) the phenomenon of equinoc- s tial precession, measured the duration of the lunar jo month, compiled a catalogue of 805 stationary stars | with their coordinates, and divided them into three - classes according to their brightness. He rejected, |. however, Aristarchus’s hypothesis on the grounds
258
that the orbits he suggested did not accord with
observed planetary motions, and his authority
helped to assert the geocentric system in antique
science.
Alexander the Great’s campaigns considerably extended the Greeks’ geographical horizons. On the basis of this extended knowledge, Dicaearchus drew up a map of the world (c. 300); he also calculated the height of many mountains in Greece. Eratos¬ thenes of Cyrene (275-200), an extraordinarily eru¬ dite scholar who for some time was in charge of the Alexandriana Library, assumed the earth to be a globe and calculated its circumference at 252,000 stadia (approx. 39,700 kilometres), which practi¬ cally coincides with the actual circumference (approx. 40,076 kilometres). He also insisted that all seas form a single ocean, and that it is possible to arrive in India by sailing round Africa or west of Spain. His hypothesis was supported by Posidonius of Apamea (135-51), a scholar with wide-ranging in¬ terests who studied the tides of the Atlantic and vol¬ canic and meteorological phenomena, and proposed the division of the earth into five climatic zones. In the 2nd century, Hippalus discovered monsoons, and Eudoxus of Cyzicus showed their practical im¬ portance by sailing to India across the open sea. Numerous geographical descriptions, later lost, formed the foundation for Strabo’s overview, Geogra¬ phy, which he finished C. A. D. 7. It contains the des¬ cription of the whole world known at that time, from Britain to India. Along with purely geographical data, Strabo included in his Geography a considerable body of historical information and legends about the countries and peoples described.
The study of nature and man made considerable advances. Theophrastus, Aristotle’s disciple and suc¬ cessor in the Peripatetic school, wrote his History of Plants after the model of Aristotle’s History of Animals, systematising all the information accumulated by the beginning of the 3rd century B. C., including the data gathered during Alexander’s campaigns. Later works of antique botanists made some significant additions only to the knowledge of medicinal herbs, which was connected with the development of medi¬ cine. There were two trends in medical knowledge in the Hellenistic epoch-the “dogmatic” or “book¬ ish”, pursuing the task of speculative cognition of the nature of man and the causes of diseases concealed in it, and the empirical one, aimed at the study and
treatment of each concrete disease. Herophilus of
Chalcedon (3rd century B. C.) made a great contri¬
bution to the study of the anatomy of man. He wrote
of the existence of nerves and established their con¬
nection with the brain. He also expressed the
hypothesis that human cognitive abilities were con¬
nected with man’s brain; he believed that it was
blood, and not air, that circulated in the veins and
arteries, that is to say he arrived in fact at the idea of
blood circulation. His conclusions apparently rested
on personal experiences in the dissection of corpses,
and on those of Egyptian experts in medicine and
mummification. Erasistratus of Chios (3rd century
B. C.) was just as famous; he distinguished between
motor and sensor nerves and studied the anatomy of
the heart. Both of them performed difficult ope¬
rations and had their schools of disciples. Herac-
leides of Tarentum and other empirical physicians
paid great attention to the study of medicines.
This short account of the scientific achievements of Hellenistic times should show that science as a whole became one of the most important forms of social consciousness. Other indications of this de¬ velopment were the museums and libraries estab¬ lished at the courts of Hellenistic kings, to increase their prestige, and their patronage of scholars and poets, who were provided the necessary facilities for work. The material and moral dependence on the royal court imposed, however, a definite imprint on the form and content of scientific and artistic creati¬ vity, so that Timon the Sceptic had every right to call the scholars of the Alexandrian Museum “capons in a chicken coop”.
The literature of the Hellenistic epoch was ext¬ remely extensive and varied; the sources mention more than a thousand names of writers and poets, including scientists and philosophers. The tradi¬ tional genres-epics, tragedy, comedy, lyrics, rhetor¬ ical and historical prose-continued to develop, but q new types of works also emerged, such as philologi- •I cal studies (cf. the work of Zenodotus of Ephesos on _ the true text of Homer’s poems), dictionaries (the first Greek lexicon was compiled by Philetas of Cos S' c. 300), biographies, poetic versions of scientific ■S’ treatises, epistolography, etc. Splendiferous and
- sophisticated poetry abounding in mythological im-
•L agery but devoid of sincere feeling and divorced
s from real life flourished at the courts of Hellenistic
£
| kings. Its highest achievements were the idyls and
259
17 *
hymns by Callimachus of Cyrene (310-245 B. C.), by his works - Court of Arbitration, The Samian Woman,
Aratusof Soli (3rd century), the epic poem Argonau- Crop-head, Grumbler, The Shield, The Man from Sicyon,
tica by Apollonius of Rhodes, and other works. Brief The Hateful One, and others-have survived in the
and expressive epigrams, a genre in which all poets papyri of the 2nd-4th centuries found in remote
were active, particularly in the 2nd and 1st centuries cities and komas of Egypt. Menander’s works proved
B. C., were more intimate and had greater vitality. to be so viable because he stressed the best traits of
Epigrams evolved from dedicatory inscriptions and his characters, typical of his times, and asserted the
epitaphs and varied greatly in content, expressing new, humanistic attitude to each individual regard-
brief appraisals of works by poets, ardsts and archi- less of his position in society, to women, foreigners,
tects, portraying certain individuals, or describing and slaves.
scenes of everyday life and erotic ones. The epigram The mime, just as the comedy, has existed in
expressed the poet’s feelings, moods and thoughts, Greece since remote times. It was frequently an inl¬ and only in the Roman epoch did it become mostly provisation performed in a square or at a feast in a
satirical. In the late 4th and early 3rd centuries private house by an actor (or actress) without a
B. C., most popular were the epigrams of Ascle- mask who used facial expressions, gestures and tones
piades, Posidippus, and Leonidas of Tarentum, of voice to portray various characters. That genre
and in the 2nd and 1st centuries, those by Anti- became particularly popular in the Hellenistic
pater of Sidon, and Meleager and Philodemos of epoch. But no texts of mimes have survived except
Gadara. those of Herondas (3rd century), and these were in-
Theocritus of Syracuse (born in 305 B.C.) was a tentionally written in the Aeolian dialect that had
major lyrical poet, author of bucolic idyls. That become obsolete by that time, and were not meant
genre arose from the Sicilian competitions of she- for the broad public. Still, they give some idea of the
pherds ( boucoloi) in the performance of songs, distichs style and content of such works. Scenes written by
or quatrains. Theocritus’s bucolic verse abounded in Herondas pictured a procuress, a keeper of a
vivid realistic descriptions of nature and graphic im- brothel, a cobbler, a jealous mistress torturing her
ages of shepherds, while in other idyls, similar to slave lover, and other characters. In a vivid scene
mimes but with a lyric colouring, he painted scenes laid at a school, a poor woman plaintively described
of urban life. how hard it was for her to pay tuition fees, and asked
Epic poems, hymns, idyls and even epigrams the teacher to give a sound thrashing to her son, an
mostly appealed to the taste of the privileged strata idler who played dice instead of studying which the
of Hellenistic society, whereas the interests and tastes teacher did willingly, aided by the other pupils. Un-
of the broad masses were reflected in such genres as like the Greek literature of the 5th and 4th centuries,
comedy and mime. Menander (342-291 B.C.) was Hellenistic literature was not concerned with the
the most popular of the authors of the New Comedy, major socio-political and ethical problems of those
or comedy of manners, which flourished in Greece in times, its themes being limited to the interests, mora-
the late 4th century B.C. and was concerned with lity and everyday life of the narrow social group to
citizens’ private rather than public life. which a given author belonged. Many of these works
Menander wrote at the time of the formation of therefore quickly lost their social and artistic signifi-
the Hellenistic states. Political instability, frequent cance and were forgotten, and only some of them left
changes of oligarchic and democratic regimes, the a trace in the history of culture,
ravages of frequent wars on Greek territory, ruin of I The themes, images and moods characteristic of some people and enrichment of others-all this 5 fiction were paralleled in sculpture and painting, brought confusion into the citizens’ moral and ethi- s Monumental sculpture, intended for squares, tem- cal notions and undermined the foundations of the j. pies and other public edifices, continued to develop, polis ideology. Uncertainty about the future and f Its characteristic features were mythological themes, beliefin destiny and chance grew. These moods were j vast scale, and complexity of composition. Thus the reflected in the New Comedy. An indication of | Colossus of Rhodes, a bronze statue of Helios created Menander’s popularity in Hellenistic society and - by Chares of Lindus (3rd century B. C.), rose to a later in the Roman epoch was the fact that many of |- height of 35 metres and was believed to be an artistic
260
and technical wonder of the world. The battle of the an adherent of Cleomenes’s reforms (late 3rd cen-
gods and titans on the famous frieze, more than 120 tury). Another trend in historiography, biased
metres long, on the altar of Zeus in Pergamum (2nd though it might be, followed a dryer and more
century B. C.), consisted of a great number of figures rigorous method of presenting facts. That was the
and was marked by dynamism, extraordinary style of the history of Alexander’s campaigns written
expressiveness and dramatism. In early Christian by Ptolemy I (after 301), of which only fragments
literature the Pergamum altar was called “the tern- have survived, the history of the struggles between
pie of Satan”. Schools of sculpture at Rhodes, Perga- the diadochoi written by Hieronymus of Cardia
mum and Alexandria, which continued the tradi- (mid-3rd century), and other works. Polybius, a
tions of Lysippus, Scopas and Praxiteles, evolved in major historian of the 2nd century (198-117), was
this period. The statues of the goddess Tyche (Des- the author of the Universal History in 40 books, which
tiny), patroness of Antioch, of Nike from the island dealt with the events of 221-146, i. e., the period
of Samothrace, Aphrodite from the island of Melos when Rome emerged as a Mediterranean power and
(Venus de Milo), and Aphrodite Anadyomene of Cy- subdued Greece and Macedonia. Following Poly-
rene are believed to be masterpieces of Hellenistic bius, universal histories were written by Posidonius
sculpture. The emphatic dramatism, characteristic of Apamea, Nicolaus Damascenus, Agatharchides of
of the Pergamum school of sculpture, later degener- Cnidus, and Diodorus Siculus. But research in the
ated into cold theatricality characteristic of such history of separate states continued : chronicles and
sculptural groups as Laocoon or the Famese Bull. decrees of Greek poleis were studied, and interest
Portrait sculpture (as illustrated, e. g., by for the history of Oriental countries grew. In the
Polyeuctus’s Demosthenes, c. 280) and portrait paint- early 3rd century, Manetho, an Egyptian priest,
ing (cf. the Fayum portraits) achieved a high level of wrote a history of pharaonic Egypt in Greek, and
skill. Apparently the same moods and tastes that Berossos, a Babylonian priest, a history of Babylonia,
engendered Theocritus’s bucolic idyl, epigrams, the also in Greek; later, a history of the Parthians was
New Comedy and mimes, were reflected in realistic written by Apollodorus of Artemites. Historical
sculptural images of old fishermen, shepherds, works in local languages also appeared, as, e. g., the
numerous terracotta figurines of women, peasants Books of the Maccabees about the revolt of Judea
and slaves, in the portrayal of comic characters, in against the Seleucids.
depicting everyday scenes and rural landscapes in The choice of topics and presentation of events
mosaic and wall painting. The influence of Hellenis- were undoubtedly affected by the political struggles
tic art can also be traced in traditional Egyptian and political and philosophical theories of that
sculpture (reliefs on tombs and the statues of the Pto- epoch, but these are often difficult to detect, as most
lemies), and later in Parthian and Kushan art. historical works of the Hellenistic period have sur-
Art and literature mostly reflected the worldview vived only in fragments or accounts of later authors,
aspects of man’s private life and inner world, Only the relatively well-preserved work by Polybius
whereas historical and philosophical works revealed permits an investigation of the methods of historical
his attitude to society, and to political and social research and some historico-philosophical concepts
problems of the times. Historical works mostly dealt characteristic of the times.
with events of the recent past and current events. In Polybius, a prominent statesman of the Achaean
form, the works of many historians bordered on fic- „ League, was taken, after the defeat of Macedonia in tion: the presentation was skilfully dramadsed, and 4 168, to Rome as one of a thousand hostages. There,
rhetorical devices were used to produce an emo- _ he became an associate of Scipio and absorbed tional impact on mass audiences. That was the style " Roman ideology, particularly the idea of the provi- in which the history of Alexander the Great was r dential mission of Rome. Polybius’s work was in- written by Callisthenes (end of the 4th century) and -f tended to show why and in what way the entire Clitarchus of Alexandria (mid-3rd century); the his- ^ world known at that time found itself under Roman tory of the Greeks of the western Mediterranean, by t. domination. In his view, the history of the world was Timaeus of Tauromenium (same period); the his- |= determined by destiny: it was Tyche who forcibly toryofGreece between 280 and 219, by Phylarchus, | brought together the histories of separate countries
261
to start world history, and it was Tyche who gave view, man was no longer a citizen of the polis but of
the Romans world domination. The power of Tyche the cosmos; to achieve happiness, he must learn the
was manifested in the causal links between all natural law of phenomena predetermined by the
events. At the same time Polybius insisted on the supreme force (destiny) and live in harmony with
great role of man, of outstanding personalities. He nature. The eclecticism and ambivalence of the
endeavoured to demonstrate that the Romans had Stoics’ principal propositions ensured their popular-
been able to create a powerful empire due to their ity in various strata of the Hellenistic and later
perfect state structure, which combined elements of Roman society, permitting the merging of Stoic doc-
monarchy, aristocracy and democracy, and due to trines with mystic faiths and astrology, paradoxi-
the wisdom and moral superiority of its statesmen. cally combined with certain elements of mate-
idealising the Romans and their state structure, rialism, mostly in ontology.
Polybius tried to make his compatriots reconcile The philosophy of Epicurus was a further step in
themselves to inevitable subordination to Rome and the development of Democritus’s materialism (the
the loss of political independence by the Greek doctrine of spontaneous deviation of atoms from rec-
poleis. The appearance of such views showed that tilinear movement), but it also focused primarily on
the political attitudes of Hellenistic society had basi- man. Epicurus’s main task, as he saw it, was to free
cally departed from the polis ideology. man from the fear of death and of destiny: he
This was even more evident in philosophical doc- asserted that the gods had no influence over the life trines. The schools of Plato and Aristotle, which ref- of nature and man, and endeavoured to prove the
lected the worldview of the civic community of the materiality of the soul. Man’s happiness lay in
classical city state, lost their dominant position with achieving tranquility and undisturbed peace of the
the decline in the political significance of the polis. soul ( ataraxm ) through cognition, self-perfection,
Simultaneously, the influence of the schools of Seep- and avoidance of passions, sufferings, and vigorous
tics and Cynics, which had been born of the crisis of activity.
the polis ideology in the 4th century B. C., in- Gradually joining forces with the followers of
creased. But the most popular teachings of the Helle- Plato’s Academy (the so-called Middle Academy),
nistic period were those of the Stoics and of Epicu- the Sceptics levelled their criticism mostly against
rus, which emerged late in the 4th and early in the the epistemology of Epicurus and the Stoics. They
3rd centuries B. C., absorbing the principal features also identified happiness with ataraxia, but the latter
of the new epoch’s worldview. The Stoic school, was interpreted as the realisation of the impossibility
founded in 302 in Athens by Zeno of Cyprus to cognize the world (Timon the Sceptic, 3rd cen-
(c. 336-264 B. C.), included many major philoso- tury B. C.), which signified a renunciation of the
phers and scholars of the Hellenistic world, such as cognition of the surrounding reality and of social
Chrysippus of Soli (3rd century), Panaetius of activity.
Rhodes (2nd century), Posidonius of Apamea (1st Although they reflected certain general traits of
century), and others. These were men of different the worldview of their epoch, the doctrines of the
political orientation and stature, ranging from kings’ Stoics, Epicurus and Sceptics were intended for the
advisers (like Zeno) to inspirers of social reform more cultured and privileged circles. Unlike any of
(Sphaerus was Cleomenes’s tutor in Sparta, Blossius, them, the Cynics conducted their talks, or diatribes ,
the tutor of Aristonicus at Pergamum). The Stoics ^ before crowds in the streets, squares, at harbours, mostly concentrated on man as personality and on I proving the unreasonableness of the existing order ethical problems, leaving problems of the essence of 5 and preaching poverty not only in word but also in being in the background. The awareness of the insta- a deed by their mode of life. The best-known Cynics of bility of man’s social and economic position at a time ^ the Hellenistic times were Crates of Thebes when links with the polis or rural community weak- | (c. 365-285) and Bion Borysthenites (3rd century
ened and military and social conflicts were rife, was g> B. C.). Crates came from a rich Theban family, but, interpreted by the Stoics as man’s dependence on a | absorbing the ideas of Cynicism, he dismissed his supreme benevolent force (logos, nature, god) dir- y slaves, gave away his riches and, like, Diogenes, ecting all that is in accordance with reason. In their c began to lead the life of a mendicant philosopher.
262
Sharply criticising his philosophical opponents. Crates preached moderate cynicism and was renowned for his humaneness. He had a great number of pupils and followers, including Zeno, the founder of the Stoic school. Bion was born in the northern Black Sea region, a son of a freedman and a hetaera, and in his youth was sold into slavery. Receiving on the death of his master freedom and a legacy, he came to Athens and joined the school of Cynics. It was Bion who introduced the genre of dia¬ tribes -speeches and talks preaching Cynical philoso¬ phy, full of polemics with their opponents and acute criticism of generally accepted views. But the Cynics did not go beyond criticism of rich men and rulers, searching for happiness in the renunciation of needs and desires, in the “beggar’s bag”, and opposing the mendicant philosopher not only to the kings but also to the “foolish mob”.
The element of social protest reflected in the phi¬ losophy of the Cynics was also expressed in the social Utopia that emerged in the Hellenistic epoch. Euhe- merus (late 4th-early 3rd centuries B. C.) in his fan¬ tastical story about the island of Panchaea, and Iam- bulus (3rd century B. C.) in his description of a voyage to Sun Islands created the ideal of a society free from slavery, social vices and conflicts. Unfor¬ tunately, their works have only survived in an account by the historian Diodorus Siculus. Iambulus drew a picture of life on Sun Islands, where people of high spiritual culture lived in exotic surroundings without kings, priests, family, property, or division of labour. These happy people worked together, per¬ forming public duties in rotation. In his Sacred His¬ tory , Euhemerus also described a happy life on an island lost in the Indian Ocean, but the population of that island was divided into priests and men of in¬ tellectual occupations, farmers, shepherds, and war¬ riors (there were no landowners). There was a “Sacred History” on a column of gold on the island describing the deeds of Uranus, Chronos and Zeus who once arranged the life of the islanders. In expounding the History, Euhemerus actually explained his views on the origin of religion: the gods were merely outstanding personalities that once existed, organisers of social life who proclaimed themselves to be gods and established their own cult. The appearance of this hypothesis was undoubtedly connected with the spreading of royal cults in the Hellenistic states.
Hellenistic philosophy was created by the privi¬
leged, deeply Hellenised strata of society, and it is
difficult to trace the influence of Oriental elements
on it, whereas Hellenistic religion was the product of
the broadest strata of the population and its most
characteristic feature was syncretism of many reli¬
gious faiths, with the Oriental heritage playing a
great role.
The gods of the Greek pantheon, identified with ancient Eastern deities, acquired some new features. The forms of their worship changed. Some Oriental cults (of Isis, Cybele and others) were adopted by the Greeks in an almost unchanged form. Tyche, the goddess of destiny and patroness of Antioch, the capital of the Seleucid kingdom, achieved the eminence of a principal deity. The cult of Sarapis, established in pursuance of the religious policy of the Ptolemies, was a distinctly Hellenistic phenomenon. Apparently life itself at Alexandria, with its multi¬ lingual population with their different customs, faiths and traditions, prompted Ptolemy I the idea of founding a new religious cult that could unite this motley foreign crowd with the indigenous Egyptian population. The atmosphere of spiritual life in those times demanded that such an act should take a mys¬ tic form. According to the sources, an unknown deity appeared before Ptolemy in a dream; that dream was interpreted by the priests, a statue of a deity in the shape of a bearded youth was then moved from Sinope to Alexandria, and that youth was proclaimed Sarapis-the god that combined the traits of Osiris-Apis of Memphis and the Greek gods Zeus, Hades and Asclepius. Ptolemy’s principal assistants in the shaping of the cult of Sarapis was the Athenian Timotheus, a priest from Eleusis, and the Egyptian priest Manetho, from Heliopolis. Appar¬ ently they succeeded in lending the new cult form and content that accorded with the spiritual needs of the times, for the worship of Sarapis fairly quickly spread through Egypt, and later Sarapis and Isis became the most popular Hellenistic deities; their cult existed until the triumph of Christianity.
The local differences in the pantheon and cult forms in various regions of the Hellenistic world con¬ tinued to exist, but certain universal divinities com¬ bining the functions of the most worshipped deities of various peoples gradually became widespread. Zeus Hypsistes (the Highest) emerged as one of the primary gods, identified with Phoenician Baal,
263
Egyptian Ammon, Babylonian Belus, Judean Jeho- the face of religion and mysticism, while mysteries,
vah and many other principal deities of various magic and astrology became widespread. At the
regions (such as Zeus Dolichenus of Asia Minor). same time, signs of social protest increased-social
His numerous epithets-Pantokrator (Omnipotent), Utopias and prophecies gained popularity again.
Soter (Saviour), Helios (Sun), etc.-point to an unu- Papyri have preserved numerous magic formulas
sual expansion of his functions. Zeus’s rival in popu- with which men hoped to make gods or demons
larity was Dionysus, whose cult, with its mysteries, change their destiny, cure diseases, destroy an
was close to that of Osiris in Egypt and Sabasios and enemy, etc. Initiation into mysteries was seen as
Adonis in Asia Minor. Of the female deities, the offering a chance of direct communication with the
Egyptian Isis, who embodied many Greek and Asian gods and freedom from the power of fate. The Tales
goddesses, and Mother of the Gods of Asia Minor, of Khamuas, a wise man of Egypt, described his
became the principal and almost universally wor- search for the magic book of the god Thoth, which
shipped divinities. The syncretic cults which ori- made its owner exempt from the power of the gods;
ginated in the East spread to the poleis of Asia the transfiguration of an ancient powerful magician
Minor, Greece and Macedonia, and later to the into Khamuas’s son; and the miraculous deeds of the
western Mediterranean. boy magician. Especially curious among these deeds
Relying on the ancient Oriental traditions, Hel- was Khamuas’s voyage into the next world, where
lenistic kings did their best to spread the royal cult. the boy magician showed his father the ordeals of a
That phenomenon was engendered by the political rich man and the blissful life of the righteous poor
needs of the newly formed states. The royal cult was men next to the gods.
in fact one of the forms of the new Hellenistic ideo- Attempts to put the social Utopia into practice
logy combining the ancient Oriental notions of the were made by the Judaist sects of the Essenes in
divine origin of royal power, the Greek cult of heroes Palestine and therapeutai in Egypt, which appeared in
and oekistai (the city founders), and the philosophi- the 2nd and 1st centuries B. C. and combined reli-
cal theories of the 4th and 3rd centuries B.C. on the gious opposition to Judaist priests with the assertion
nature of state power. The cult of kings embodied of alternative forms of socioeconomic existence,
the idea of the unity of the new Hellenistic state, According to such ancient authors as Pliny the
magnifying the king’s political authority through Elder, Philo of Alexandria, and Josephus Flavius,
religious rites. Just as many other political institu- the Essenes lived in communities, jointly owned
tions of the Hellenistic world, that cult was inherited property and worked together, producing only the
by the Roman empire and further developed in it. things that were necessary for consumption. Entry
The decline of the Hellenistic states and the begin- into the community was voluntary, the internal life,
ning of the Roman aggression, accompanied by management of community affairs and religious rites
aggravation of social conflicts, impoverishment of were strictly regulated, the younger members
the population, and mass enslavement of war cap- obeyed their seniors in age and seniority; some com-
tives, brought in its wake significant changes in Hel- munities prescribed continence. The Essenes
lenistic culture. Throughout the Hellenistic epoch, rejected slavery; their moral, ethical and religious
works in local languages were written which views were marked by messianic and eschatological
retained the traditional forms (religious hymns, features and the opposition of community members
funeral and magic texts, instructions, prophecies, to the surrounding “world of evil”. The therapeutai
chronicles, and fairytales) but reflected to some I may be regarded as an Egyptian variety of the extent the features of the Hellenistic worldview. 5 Essenes. They, too, jointly owned property, rejected From the end of the 3rd century B. C., the role of 5 riches and slavery, limited their needs to the vital these works in Hellenistic culture began to grow. ones, and were extremely pious and ascetic. They
Ecclesiastes , one of the books of the Bible, written at 5 also had many traits in common with the Essenes in the end of the 3rd century B.C., is permeated with a, religious rites and the community’s internal organi- profound pessimism. Wealth, wisdom, work were all | sation.
“vanity of vanities”, according to its author. 2 The discovery of the Qumran texts and archaeolo- Rationalistic elements in the worldview receded in |- gical research have given unquestionable proof of
264
the existence in the desert of Judea of religious com- literature, art and philosophy. Adaptations of
munities related to the Essenes in their religious, themes from Menander and other authors of the
moral, ethical and social principles of organisation. New Comedy by Terence and Plautus, the flourish-
The Qumran community existed from the middle ing of the Stoic, Epicurean and other philosophical
of the 2nd century B. C. to A. D. 65. Along with Bib- schools on Roman soil, and the spreading of Orien-
lical texts, a number of apocryphal works were found tal cults to Rome were only some of the more
in its “library”, and, most importantly, a number conspicuous signs of the influence of Hellenistic
of texts which were created within the community culture.
itself Rules, hymns, comments on Biblical texts, and Not only these but also many other features of the
texts of apocalyptic and messianic character, which Hellenistic world and its culture were inherited by
gave a notion of the ideology of the Qumran com- the Roman empire. They were most fully manifested
munity and its internal organisation. The Qumran in the last centuries of its existence in its eastern half,
community had many features in common with the But the immense significance of the Hellenistic
Essenes but opposed itself more sharply to the sur- epoch in the history of world civilisation goes far
rounding world, which was reflected in the doctrine beyond this. It was at that time that, for the first
of the opposition between the “kingdom of light” time in the history of mankind, contacts between
and the “kingdom of darkness”, of the struggle Afro-Asian and European peoples became stable
between the “sons of light” and the “sons of dark- and regular rather than temporary and accidental,
ness”, in their preaching on the “New Alliance” or involving cooperation in creating the economy, cul-
the “New Testament”, and in the great role of the ture and new modes of social life within Hellenistic
“Teacher of Righteousness” - the founder and pre- states, and not just military campaigns or commer-
ceptor of the community. cial relations. Social and ethnic antagonisms natu-
The significance of the Qumran manuscripts is rally imposed their imprint on this cooperation, in
not, however, limited to evidence of the Essenes as a which some parties proved to be in a dependent
socio-religious trend in Palestine in the 2nd century position while others, in a privileged one. But suc-
B.C. and 1st century A. D. Comparison of these cesses in the development of agriculture and the
manuscripts with early Christian and apocryphal crafts and in creating perennial works of art were
works shows the similarities in the ideological con- undoubtedly achieved by the joint efforts and com-
cepts and principles of organisation of the Qumran bination of production and artistic skills of Balkan,
and early Christian communities. There was also a Near Eastern, and Egyptian craftsmen, peasants,
significant difference between them: the former was builders, architects, artists and sculptors,
a closed organisation keeping its doctrine secret in This interaction in material production was re-
the expectation of the Messiah’s arrival, whereas fleeted, in a mediated form and in varying degrees,
Christian communities, which regarded themselves in the nonmaterial culture of the Hellenistic epoch,
as followers of Christ the Messiah, were open to all, It would be an oversimplification to see it merely as
spreading their doctrine among the broadest masses. a development of the Greek culture. It is no accident,
The Qumranite Essenes were merely the forerunners for instance, that the most important discoveries in
of the new ideological trend, Christianity, which the Hellenistic period were made in those branches
emerged later, in the times of the Roman empire. of science where knowledge previously accumulated
The subordination of Hellenistic states by Rome, n in the ancient Oriental science clearly interacted accompanied by the extension of Roman forms of | with that of Greece (astronomy, mathematics, medi- political and socioeconomic relations to the coun- * cine). Hellenistic religious ideology was a particu- tries of the eastern Mediterranean, had as its reverse * larly vivid manifestation of joint creativity of the side the penetration of Hellenistic culture, ideology ? Afro-Asian and European peoples. It was ultimately and elements of the socio-political structure into j? on this same basis that the politico-philosophical Rome. Art objects, libraries (e. g., the library of Per- 3 idea of the universe, of the world as a single whole, seus brought to Rome by Aemilius Paulus), and edu- ^ arose which was reflected in the creation of Universal cated slaves and hostages taken to Rome as booty |= History (Polybius and his followers), in the Stoic made a great impact on the development of Roman \ theory of the cosmos and the cosmopolitan, etc.
265
The areal of the spreading and influence of Hel¬
lenistic culture, syncretic in its nature, - was ex¬
tremely extensive, including Western and Eastern
Europe, the Near East and Central Asia, and North
Africa. Hellenistic elements can be traced not only
in Roman but also in Parthian, Graeco-Bactrian,
Kushan and Coptic cultures, and in the early medie¬
val cultures of Armenia and Iberia. Many achieve¬
ments of Hellenistic science and culture were inheri¬
ted by the Byzantine empire and the Arabs and
became part and parcel of human culture as a
whole.
Chapter 15
From the Origin of Rome to the Unification of Italy
The Problem oj the Emergence of Rome and the Epoch of the
Kings. Until recently, the early history of Italy and
Rome was only known from accounts by classical
authors, often contradictory and unreliable, since
Greek writers had little interest for Italy, and works
by Roman historians date from later times (mostly
from the 2nd century B.C. and later), while earlier
ones are only known in fragments. Their accounts of
the history of Rome and Italy echoed myths and
legends that were hard to separate from descriptions
of real events. Most early Roman historians, or
annalists, belonged to aristocratic families and laid
special stress on the exploits of these families.
Besides, with rare exceptions, we only have Roman
versions of the historical events. There are only brief
and muffled reports of what the conquered peoples
thought of Rome, and Roman sources are thus prac¬
tically unverifiable. jp
As a result, many modern historians, particularly 1 in the 19th and the first half of the 20th century, a believed early Roman history to be almost com- 51 pletely unknowable. This sort of hypercritical atti- ^ tude has been revised in recent times, when rigor- ? ously scientific archaeological excavations were £ conducted on a vast scale, and linguistic methods, in “ particular analysis of ancient Italic languages, were ^ vastly improved. Archaeological and linguistic data 1 have extended our knowledge of ancient Italy; they s have showed that what was earlier believed to be * complete myths, absorbed by the Roman historical ^ tradition, were founded on real historical facts, and | that events later embellished by legend actually § occurred, though in a way rather different from the ^ myth. For example, according to a fairly late <!■
Roman tradition, Greeks from Arcadia led by king
Evander settled on the Palatine hill already before
the Trojan War, teaching the local population to
cultivate land and establishing the Lupercalia festi¬
vities in honour of the Arcadian god Pan, identified
with Italic Faunus, to increase the fertility of the
flocks and to protect them from wolves; returning
from Spain, Hercules visited Evander and fought the
Cacus monster; Evander was an ally of the Trojan
hero Aeneas, son of Anchises and Venus, who, after
the fall of Troy, disembarked with his men and son
Julus in Italy, fought the Latins, conquered them,
married Lavinia, daughter of king Latinus, founded
the city of Lavinium (which shows that he was a
forebear of Romulus and Remus, founders of
Rome), and was deified after his death, while his son
became the forefather of the gens Julia.
Recent archaeological and linguistic studies have shown that there was an Arcadian settlement in c. 12th century B. C. on the Palatine hill, that the name Evander (Euandros) is an Arcadian name, and that the Lupercalia rites have a great deal in common with the rites of the cult of the Arcadian god Pan. 6 th- or 5th-century B. C. figurines were also discovered portraying Aeneas carrying Anchises from burning Troy on his shoulders; other finds in¬ clude a sanctuary (the so-called heroon, i. e., the place of the cult of a Hero) dedicated to Aeneas in a very ancient tomb ( 8 th century B. G), and an in¬ scription in which he was called “Lar Aeneas”. A connection has been established between the legends about Aeneas, and the sacred penates he had brought from Troy, and the arrival in Italy of Thra- co-Illyrian tribes, since it was believed that Aeneas
267
came from the family of Dardanus, king of the Ulyr- of Indo-Europeans) coming from the north, seem to
ian tribe of the Dardans, and Romans themselves be the most ancient inhabitants of Italy (to be pre¬
linked their penates with the mysteries in honour of cise, of its north-western part). The regions of Ve-
the Cabeirian gods performed on the island of rona and Padua were inhabited by the Rhaeti, who
Samothrace. In Lavinium, remnants of 9th- and were shepherds and hunters; next to them lived the
8 th-century settlements have been found. These and warlike Veneti, who made the conquered popula-
other coincidences between linguistic and archaeo- tion their helots, and killed slaves during the funeral
logical data, on the one hand, and the Roman tradi- of their master. The much more advanced Umbro-
tion, on the other, have increased the faith in the lat- Sabellic tribes inhabited central Italy. Linguisti-
ter, although it is still believed by many historians to cally, they were divided into two groups. One group
be unreliable on many accounts, and many issues of included the Falisces, the Marsi, the Aequi, the
the early history of Italy and Rome are either moot Volscians, the Hernici, the Vestini, the Peligni, the
or completely unexplored. Frentani; the other, the Samnites, the Herpini, the
It has become clear that ancient Italy, and in par- Fucani, the Brutii, the Osci. The warlike Samnites, ticular the Tyrrhenian coast of Fatium, earlier who lived in the Appenines, were the least believed to be inhabited by primitive tribes isolated advanced. The Adriatic shores were inhabited by from the external world, came into contact with the the Picenes and Iapyges who had come from Illyria. Mediterranean world at a rather early stage. The A great role in the migration of the tribes was
Achaeans maintained links with this area in the played by the so-called “sacred spring” custom,
Mycenaean epoch. The founding of such important when the redundant younger generation set forth in cities in the south of Italy as Metapontum, Sybaris, search of new places of settlement. According to
and Croton was attributed to them. They exported legend, the path that they took was pointed to them
the metals and alum found in Toscana, imported by some deity: Mars showed the way to the Marsi
handicraft products, and they also spread their cults, and the Mamerci; the goddess Ops, to the Osci;
as for instance the cult of Artemis. The Rhodians, Vesta, to the Vestini; Vulcan, to the Volscians; or who probably founded Paestunt and Naples, also else it could be some animal dedicated to a deity: the kept up links with Italy. They also made an impact bull showed the way to the Boviani; the wolf, to the on Fatium, where the cults of Dioskouroi and Her- Herpini, and the woodpecker, to the Picenes. cules flourished, and objects brought from Greece Fatium was inhabited by Fatin tribes (30 in
have been found. The ties with Greece were not in- number, according to Pliny the Elder) united in a
terrupted after the fall of Mycenae either, but they league which had its cult centre, dedicated to the were particularly intensified at the time of the great goddess of the forest and maternity, Diana, on Fake Greek colonisation. In 706 B. C., the Spartans Nemi near Aricia, and the one dedicated to Jupiter founded Tarentum in Apulia. The cities previously Fatiaris with a shrine on Mount Alba near the city founded in Fucania and Calabria acquired new sig- of Alba Fonga, where representatives of the tribes nificance; Paestum and Cumae flourished in Cam- annually met in council and to celebrate the festivi- pania. Excavations on the island of Pithecusa in the ties in honour of the god.
Bay of Naples have shown that in the 8 th century Most of the tribes inhabiting Italy lived in consan-
B. C., all Greek cities in Italy, and some cities of guine or neighbourhood communities, villages and Fatium, had links with all the centres of Greece, so-called pagi , which had territories of their own, with Syria, Egypt and Phoenicia. The Greeks made a partly divided among the families, partly remaining considerable impact on the local population, with 5 in common use. The communities were headed by which they traded both by sea and by land, through ^ elders. Some of the communities united round a the rather extensive network of roads leading inland. n more significant and well-fortified urban-type settle- The indigenous population was rather varied- § ment; here, rites were performed, the council of ethnically, linguistically, socioeconomically, and j, elders gathered, craftsmen settled, and products culturally. Genetically, it was in part Indo-Euro- | were exchanged. Such a city was governed by pean. The non-Indo-European pastoral tribes of the 5 elected magistrates. We know from the tablets with Figurians, who later mixed with the Celts (a branch 1 ritual texts from the F T mbrian town of Iguvium that
268
the territory of the city was considered to be sacred; ived, as well as clients-people who had lost their
annually, special priests went on a ceremonial round links with their own clan or came in search of the
of the territory, offering sacrifices to the gods and patronage of a strong local clan. We know from later
reciting the proper prayers. More or less identical sources that clients received land allotments on the
myths were connected with the founding of cities. clan’s lands from the patron, and they were obliged
Thus Praeneste was founded by Caecula. The city of to accompany them during war and help them in
Cures was founded by the son of the god Quirinus every way. The bonds within the clan and the clien-
and a maid that fell asleep in his temple. The legend tele gradually changed in character, but they always
of the founding of Rome belongs in the same cate- played a great role in Rome’s social life. However,
gory. Romulus and Remus were descendants of even before the unification of separate settlements in
Aeneas, the sons of Rhea Silvia, daughter of Numi- one city, the clan community was gradually ousted
tor, king of Alba Longa, driven from that city by his by the neighbourhood one. Members of clans mi-
brother Amulius, and of the god Mars; or, according grated, and the clans themselves became divided
to a different version quoted by Plutarch, they were into large families, each headed by the father, the
the sons of a slave woman and the hearth deity. pater familias. But members of stronger and older
Thrown into the Tiber on Amulius’s orders, they clans continued to play the leading role in territo-
were found by a she-wolf who suckled them under a rial communities.
fig-tree that afterwards became sacred; later they At the time of the emergence of Rome, Italy was
were found and brought up by the herdsman Faus- largely dominated by the Etruscans, who inhabited
tulus and his wife Acca Larentia. When the children the territory of modern 1 uscany and were gradually
grew up and learnt the truth about their origin, they moving towards the valley of the river Padus
reinstated their grandfather as king of Alba Longa (modern Po), where their centres were Arretium
and, together with a crowd of runaways from var- and Perusia, and towards Campania, where Capua
ious places, founded Rome. In a quarrel, Romulus on the lands of the Osci rose to greatest prominence,
killed Remus and became solitary ruler of the new The origin of the Etruscans was a matter of debate
city. He invited to a feast his neighbours, the already in antiquity, and scholars still argue about
Sabines, who were unwilling to give their daughters it. According to some authorities, they were
in marriage to the disreputable Romans. During the migrants from Asia Minor or from the north;
feast, Romulus’s warriors abducted the Sabine according to others, they were autochtonous. It is
maids, which led to a war with the Sabines, but it not yet clear to what group the Etruscan language
ended at a plea from the women. The Romans and belonged, and there are therefore no linguistic
the Sabines became one people, populus Romanus pointers on their origin. But a general outline of
Quiritium, ruled at first jointly by Romulus and Titus Q their history and culture can be drawn from the in- Tatius, the king of the Sabines, and after the latter’s formation we find in antique authors and from
death, by Romulus alone. 5 materials yielded by archaeological excavations.
Roman scholars believed Rome to have been 5 , The Etruscans had a highly developed metallurgy, founded in 753 B. C., on April 21, the day of the fes- i with centres at Populonia and Vetulonia. Here, var- tivities in honour of Pales, the ancient goddess of she- « ious objects were made of iron mined on the island of pherds. Although the story of the founding of Rome S? Ilva (modern Elba), and of bronze, lead, zinc, and is a myth, excavations have shown that it was in the 3 precious metals. Tarquinii, Arretium, and Perusia middle of the 8 th century B. C. that the settlements ^ were centres of textile industry. Other cities were which had originally arisen on the Palatine hill and § agrarian rather than industrial. Shipbuilding was a later on the other hills were united. Such settlements s- major craft. Etruscan warships and merchant ships formed communities or pagi, whose traces continued S' were built by skilled craftsmen, and Etruscan mer- to exist on Roman territory until the 1st century J chants could therefore compete with Greek and B. C. At some time in the past a pagus may have been | Carthaginian ones, combining sea trade with piracy, inhabited by members of one clan, which sometimes § They traded with the cities of Greece, with Sicily, included several hundred descendants of one com- ^ Corsica, Sardinia, Spain, and raided the islands of mon ancestor from whom the clan’s name was der- | the Aegean, capturing slaves and other booty. Con-
269
struction techniques were highly advanced. Roads cans. Presumably they had a powerful aristocracy,
crossing Roman territory linked Tuscany with Cam- and in some cities aristocratic republics were estab-
pania. The cities were built strictly on the gridiron lished with elected magistrates or warlords (Mastar-
plan with two main streets crossing at right angles, na), others were ruled by kings (the Lucumones).
and the streets running parallel to these two dividing The royal insignia, later borrowed by the Romans,
the city into regular rectangles built up with one- were the golden crown, the sceptre, the gold-embroi-
and two-storey houses. dered purple toga, the double axe in a bunch of rods,
The Etruscan alphabet, together with the Greek the fasces, and seats ornamented with gold and
one, formed the basis of the script used by the Italic ivory. The kings were at the same time supreme
tribes. Etruscan art, which we know from the paint- judges and priests. There was a considerable number
ings of rich tombs and vessels, from figurines, clay of household slaves. The common people were free
and metal masks, ornaments on mirrors, etc., was artisans or peasants dependent on the nobility,
moulded by Oriental and Greek influences, but Together with mercenaries, these made up the
gradually it worked out its own style. Religion Etruscan army. Later, in the 4th and 3rd centuries
mostly involved ideas about the nether regions inha- B. C., violent but unsuccessful democratic move-
bited by monstrous daemons, where the dead person ments occurred in some Etrurian cities,
continued, as it were, his earthly life. Etruscans Etruscan cities formed leagues the focus of which
believed that a person of noble origin must depart was a common cult centre (one such league had its
for the next world in a chariot, provided with all the centre at the temple of Voltumna), but they retained
everyday objects that he might need; tombs were complete autonomy. Links between the Etruscans
replicas of houses complete with all the furniture, and Carthage were particularly close. A bilingual
and necropolises were built on the usual city plan. gold plate was found at Pyrgi, the harbour of the city
Gods and goddesses of heaven were also worshipped of Tarquinii, with a dedication in Punic and Etrus-
like Tinia, portrayed with lightning in his hands, can to Phoenician Astarta, whom the Etruscans
Uni and Mnerva, corresponding to the Roman identified with their goddess Uni. It may be assumed
Jupiter, Juno and Minerva (it is a matter of debate that a Carthaginian settlement and temple were
whether they were borrowed by the Romans from situated there. The alliance of the Carthaginians
the Etruscans or vice versa); the god of war and fer- and the Etruscans was based on their enmity tow-
tility Voltumna, and the great mother Turan. Aplu ards the Greeks, their chief rivals in sea trade. It is a
(Apollo) and Herkles (Hercules) were borrowed fact that there were even major military conflicts
from the Greeks. The Etruscans had various ways of between the Greeks, on the one hand, and the Etrus-
divining the will of the gods from numerous pheno- cans and the Carthaginians, on the other. At the end
mena lightning and thunder, the flight of birds, of the 6th century the Etruscans were routed by
and the entrails, in the first place the liver, of sacrifi- Aristodemos, tyrant of Cumae,
cial animals. The haruspices (who divined the will of Thus Rome emerged amidst extremely diverse
the gods from animals’ entrails) and augurs (who tribes and peoples. Its convenient geographical
foretold events by the flight of birds) were believed situation on the bank of the navigable Tiber and
to have received the very complex rules for the inter- on the roads leading from Etruria to Campania
pretation of divine omens from the revelations of a brought an influx of migrants and stimulated the
certain divine being called Tages, which rose from ^ development of crafts, commodity exchange and a the earth; other revelations were ascribed to the a rise in agriculture, along with livestock-breeding nymph Vegoia and to Cacus, who was apparently 5 practised here from the earliest times. The valley of connected with the cult of fire. Augurs divided the the Forum, and the hills - Palatine, Velia, Esquiline
sky into definite areas with their rods; the liver was and Capitoline-were settled. The villages and pagi
divided into 16 parts. Each area or part were § still retained a certain autonomy, but their com- devoted to a definite deity and were believed to be munity lands were already merging to form the nu-
either favourable or unfavourable. All this wisdom f cleus of the future Roman public land -ager publicus. was later absorbed by Rome. s The cults of the separate settlements merged, too,
We know little of the social structure of the Etrus- s the pastoral deities of the hill dwellers being identi-
270
fied with the agricultural gods of the valleys. The dence, in the Forum, where all the principal sacred
ancient cult colleges were doubled; thus there were objects of Rome, the pledge of its prosperity, were
now two colleges of the Luperci, the priests of Pan- kept: Mars’s spear, the shield that fell from heaven
Faunus, and two of the Salii, priests of Mars and and 11 other shields, replicas of the first one, which
Quirinus. The Palatine, Velia, Subura, Caelius and were made to prevent the enemies from stealing the
others were the first to be united in the Septimon- original, and the penates brought by Aeneas,
tium, which was probably the first name of the city According to legend, Numa introduced the cult of
and later the name of a festival including a cere- loyalty to the oath, or fides, which formed the basis of
monial procession and sacrifices to the Tiber. That the relations between citizens, patrons and clients,
was the ancient Roma quadrata divided into four parts and later between the Romans and their allies,
by the roads crossing in the Forum. The population Numa also compiled a calendar, fixing holidays and
was divided into three bodies each called tribus business days, lucky and unlucky days (no undertak-
(apparently tribes) — Ramnes, Luceres and Tities— ings could be started on unlucky days), and priestly
and 30 wards called curiae, each of which was subdi- books for the colleges oiflamines, pontifices and others,
vided into 10 clans or gentes. That artificial division Putting aside the issue of the reliability or other-
was later ascribed to Romulus. The curiae had com- wise of the tradition concerning the first kings of
mon lands, their own cults, and an elected head, the Rome, we can now reconstruct the principal features
curio', each contributed a contingent of 100 foot, of its life in this period. The main fact was an in-
which formed a legion, and 10 horse from the most creasingly close unity of the population-the Roman
aristocratic and richest families, who formed the people or the Quirites (the word quirites, just as the
king’s bodyguard. According to the legend, word curia and the name of the god Quirinus, appar-
Romulus founded the city in the way prescribed by ently derives from co-viria, or “gathering of men”),
the Etruscan ritual, marking its boundaries with a At the head of the people stood an elected king, com -
plough drawn by a bull and a cow and lifting the bining the functions of supreme priest, judge, legisla-
plough where the gates of the city wall would be built. tor and military chieftain. The king consulted the
The land thus circumscribed was sacred territory Senate, or council of elders, presumably consisting of
“within the pomerium" (later, the pomerium was the heads of the gentes, but the most important
extended many times). There could be no armed sol- issues were settled by the popular assemblies of the
diers or temples of foreign gods on this territory. curiae, or the comitia curiata. After the king’s death, his
Each year, a procession of the priestly college of the functions were performed by senators elected by
Arval brothers (Fratres Armies, “brothers of the casting lots, who ruled in rotation. They also pro-
field”) marched along its boundaries, purifying the posed the candidacy of the new king, who was then
city through sacrifices in the sacred coppice of the 5 approved by the people. The gens continued to play Dea Dia and prayers to the spirits of the ancestors, j an important role (we know, for instance, that in Lares and Mars, begging them to remove all evil p; later times, in the 4th century B. C., gens Fabia, 306 from the city and help the people. > strong, counting clients and slaves, went to war
The traditions about the first kings of Rome are 3 against the Etruscan city of Veii), but the principal accepted by some historians (with the exception of ? socioeconomic cell was the family the property and the legends about Romulus) and rejected by others, js the people in the power (potestas ) of the father: his Thus, according to Roman historians, Romulus 5 wife, sons, grandsons and greatgrandsons with their (who suddenly disappeared after 30 years of rule, £ wives, unmarried daughters, clients, slaves, and and was deified under the name Quirinus) was fol- | freedmen. The father’s power was absolute. The lowed by the Sabinian Numa Pompilius, who added 5 life and death of the family’s members were in his to Romulus’s political and military institutions the ? power, he could sell any of them, and he appro- principal religious establishments, including the .£ priated their labour. None of them could have any priestly college of theflamines and the college of Ves- | property of their own, everything they acquired tal virgins, who tended the eternal fire in the temple 5 belonged to the father alone, and only the father ofVesta, the goddess of the city’s sacred hearth, built ^ could be a party to a contract. The father was also by Numa. He also built the regia, or the king’s resi- •! the supreme priest of the family cult, of which the
271
focus was the cult of ancestors, or Lares, who pro- himself officiated as the priest of Janus. There may
tected the house, the estate, the family, and saw to it have existed a myth concerning the origin of men
that justice was observed in the relations within the from trees, which were still worshipped (cf., e. g.,
family: thus, a slave or a younger member of the the sacred fig-tree, and the oaks dedicated to
family appealed to the altar of the Lares to protect Jupiter). Coppices dedicated to various gods and
him from the excessive cruelty of an irate father or goddesses were regarded as sacred, as were springs
master. After the death of the father who was also in- inhabited by nymphs, and fire, worshipped as Vesta,
eluded among the ancestor gods, his sons became in- the guardian of the community hearth, and as the
dependent individuals (sui juris), heads of their fami- god Volcanus. The most ancient form of banishing a
lies; they either continued to work together or person was his “interdiction from fire and water”,
divided the father’s legacy. According to the tradi- the symbols of communal unity. Numerous legends
tion, Romulus gave two jugera of land (half a hec- were connected with the wolf, dedicated to Mars,
tare) to each head of the family; these were, pre- During the Lupercalia, the naked priests, the
sumably, the homesteads. For the main part, Luperci, whipped women with belts from the skin of
Roman land was public. Everyone could occupy a a sacrificial goat, which was supposed to increase
plot and begin to cultivate it, becoming its owner, their fertility. The dead were worshipped as Manes,
but the Roman community remained the supreme the gods living underground. They had to be propi-
owner of land. If an owner ceased to cultivate his tiated with gifts on the days of remembrance of the
plot, the land reverted, as it were, to the common dead, when they were believed to be present at the
stock, and could be occupied by any other citizen a meals of their families, after which they were driven
rule that was effective throughout Roman history, as underground by incantations,
was the law that the head of the family was obliged The triad of the most ancient principal gods in¬ to till his land well and to increase his property. It eluded Jupiter, the god of heaven, thunder, light-
was believed that a city was rich when its citizens ning, and rain; Mars, who protected the community
were rich, and, vice versa, the citizens prospered of the descendants of his son Romulus from dangers
when the city was powerful and rich. Most of the coming from the outside as well as from internal mis-
land was pasture in common use it could be used fortunes; and Quirinus, the god of communal unity,
both by members of the curiae and those of the pagi. Many other gods were also worshipped. The most
We know little of the earliest Roman religion. important of these were Saturn, probably the god of
Later, it experienced a strong Greek influence, and a sowing, although his original function is not clear;
great deal was forgotten and distorted, becoming in- the goddesses of the earth, differently known as
comprehensible to the Romans themselves. Most Tellus, Telumo, Ops; the deities of growing plants
modern scholars see the Roman religion as a very and those that protected cereals and fruit-Ceres,
dry one, based on pettifogging regulation of rites and Liber, Libera, Pomona, Flora, Robigus; the shep-
formulas of addressing the deity. It is pointed out herds’ goddess Pales, whose festival the shepherds
that the Romans had no mythology, which is seen as celebrated by leaping over bonfires and sulphurat-
a sign of their inability to perceive the world emo- ing sheep to cleanse themselves and their livestock of
tionally and poetically. Other researchers attempt to all things unclean, begging the goddess to forgive
identify elements of a primordial Roman mythology them their sins and to protect the health of their
similar to that which existed among other primitive flocks, their dogs, and themselves; the god of the un¬ tribes. Indeed, there are echoes of this mythology in ~ derground granary Consus; during his festival, the
the work of later writers. Thus it may be assumed * Consualia, shepherds staged competitions, and
that the two-faced god Janus (later the god of any horses and mules were crowned with garlands,
beginning, of entry and exit), was worshipped in the n According to the legend, the Sabine maids invited
earliest times as the creator of the world from chaos, | by Romulus were abducted during the first Consua-
the builder of the metal firmament (a double arch g> lia. There were many other gods and goddesses
covered with bronze was erected in his honour in the 1 whose significance was later forgotten, while the fes-
Forum, allegedly by Numa), and as the god who ^ tivals and rites dedicated to them remained. Myths
encouraged the human species to multiply. The king s: may have existed about sacred marriages between,
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a
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ds
rs.
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of
ise
es,
Pi-
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he
en
in-
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- ers
ais- ity. lost dof
- ar;
i as ints
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lep- erds irat-
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give their
- un-
, the and inds. vited lsua- lesses e fes- lyths veen,
say, slave women as priestesses of the hearth and the
god of the home fires, and about the birth of heroes
from such marriages - heroes like Caecula, Romulus
and Remus.
For a long time, researchers attached great signifi¬ cance to the influence of the Etruscan religion on the Romans. At present, however, more emphasis is placed on the Italic beliefs that had taken shape before the rise of the Etruscans.
Military campaigns against their neighbours played the decisive role in the life of the Romans. They began in March and ended in September. War was declared and peace concluded with special cere¬ monies and set formulas by priests of the college of Fetiales. At the beginning and conclusion of cam¬ paigns a horse was sacrificed to Mars, weapons and war trumpets were ritually cleaned, and the Salii, singing hymns, performed warlike dances in honour of Mars, carrying his shields and shaking his spear. Lands seized from the enemy were partly divided among the citizens, and partly added to the common stock.
Despite the continued independence of the separ¬ ate communities, the unity of the city grew stronger. That process was especially intensified in the 6 th century B. C. under the three last Roman kings Tarquinius Priscus, Servius Tullius, and Tarquinius Superbus. All of them came from Etruria, which was then in the zenith of its strength and glory. Some scholars believe that Rome (Ruma, later Roma) was given its name by the Etruscans. They settled in con¬ siderable numbers in Rome, where an Etruscan quarter, mostly inhabited by craftsmen, arose. The f Etruscans introduced the custom of according a vie- 1 torious military leader a triumphant reception-a s custom that assumed particular importance in later 5 ! history. The organisation of the gilds of jewellers, * carpenters, blacksmiths, potters, dyers, fullers, cobb- ? lers, and trumpeters was ascribed to Numa, but in ? the first centuries of the city’s existence crafts re- " mained household occupations, and only under the Etruscan kings did they become independent I branches of the economy. ^
Trade expanded, as indicated by great numbers of » imported objects from Etruscan and Greek cities f found during excavations. The Romans traded with | Carthage, among other cities. In 509, a treaty was S concluded between Rome and Carthage which ^ divided the maritime spheres of influence: the •§-
Romans undertook not to enter Spanish waters, as
the Carthaginians exported most of their metals
from Spain. Construction techniques in Rome were
improved; the facing of buildings with tiles with
stucco mouldings was borrowed from the Etruscans.
The Etruscan kings were said to have built an exten¬
sive system of drainage (the so-called cloaca maxima ),
cobbled the streets, and erected a great number of
buildings, including the circus, where games in
honour of the gods (competitions of charioteers and
athletes) were introduced, and the famous temple on
the Capitoline dedicated to the new triad of gods-
Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva, which also emerged un¬
der Etruscan influence. The Capitoline hill became
the centre of Rome and a symbol of its power and
glory. The greatest sacrificial ceremonies were held
there; it was to the Capitoline that the triumpher’s
procession went, and here the triumpher, wearing
the robes of Etruscan kings, put his golden crown at
the feet of Jupiter and brought the thanksgiving sac¬
rifices. The city’s territory was expanded. The popu¬
lation grew to such an extent that Rome could now
arm 600 equestrian warriors and 6,000 infantry,
i. e., two legions, which now fought on the model of
the Greek phalanx. After a number of victories over
neighbouring communities, Rome became head of
the Latin League, which now included 47 communi¬
ties. The Diana cult was moved to Rome, and a tem¬
ple of Diana was built on the Aventine.
The most striking figure among the Etruscan kings was the second of them, Servius Tullius, remembered by the Romans as a great reformer and the people’s benefactor. According to the legend, he was born of Tarquinius Priscus’s slave woman and the Larfamiliaris. Tanaquil, the king’s wise wife, fore¬ seeing the exceptional gifts of the child, a special favourite of the goddess Fortune (he later built several temples in her honour), brought him up and helped him in his rise to eminence. After Tarquinius Priscus’s death, he became king against the will of the Senate due to the support of the people, as he gave them land to make them free and independent of the aristocracy.
Servius Tullius was said to have introduced many important institutions, the most important of these being the introduction of census and the organisa¬ tion of territorial tribes. Citizens were divided by the property qualifications into property classes that formed the army and the popular assembly (comitia
273
18-344
centuriata) which replaced the old (comitia curiata). clan organisation gave way to the territorial one. The richest and most aristocratic families formed 18 True, the tribal aristocracy remained influential eno- centuries of equites or knights. Then came 80 cen- ugh. The rural tribes were known by the names of turies of men who could afford to buy heavy arms. the aristocratic gentes-Cornelii, Claudii, Fabii, Ho- Next followed 95 centuries of four property classes ratii, Sergii, Papirii, etc., who had the greatest pos- who could only afford light arms. To these were sessions on the tribe’s territory. The urban tribes were added two centuries of trumpeters and two centuries named after the city blocks. As Rome conquered
of craftsmen. Last came the century of the proletar- new lands, new tribes were organised, and their
ians, who did not serve in the army as they could not number ultimately rose to 35. buy arms at all. Later, when minted copper coins Servius Tullius’s activities were fiercely opposed
were introduced in Rome, the property qualifica- by the Senate, which was behind the king’s assas; tions were computed to asses (the time of the intro- sination. But his son-in-law and successor Tar- duction of minted coins is uncertain; the 5th, 4th quinius Superbus continued his policy of developing
and even 3rd centuries B. C. are mentioned as possi- crafts, trade and construction advantageous to the
bilities). Members of the first class had to have not common people. He added some members from the less than 100,000 asses; of the second, 75,000; of the less prominent families to the Senate. He was even third, 50,000; of the fourth, 25,000; and of the fifth, accused of disrespect for the Senate, and of excessive 12,500 asses. Each century had one vote in the expenditure on labour-consuming construction pro- popular assembly, and decisions were taken by a jects. Servius Tullius’s and Tarquinius Superbus’s simple majority of the centuries. It is frequently policies were apparently similar to those imple- stressed in scholarly literature that Servius Tullius’s mented by contemporary tyrants of Greece, the reform was plutocratic in character, since citizens of south of Italy and of Sicily installed by democratic the first class, by forming a bloc with the equites, parties, were always in the majority. The well-known French historian C. Nicolet has shown, however,
that the reform had a more profound significance. The Establishment of a Republic and the Formation of the introducing what Nicolet (citing Aristotle) calls pro- Roman Civic Community. The Conquest of Italy. In 510 portionate or “geometric” equality; the sum of the B. C., Tarquinius was banished by the insurgent citizens’ rights equalled the sum of their duties. The defenders of “freedom”, that is, of the power of the richer the citizen and the nobler his family, the more Senate, led by Junius Brutus, and the monarchy was he had to contribute to the commonwealth in terms replaced by an aristocratic republic,
of money and effort. For instance, when the city had The reign of the last Etruscan kings saw the for-
to resort to a loan (the so-called Iributum) in case of mation of the orders of patricians and plebeians, of war, each gave in accordance with his property qua- the aristocracy and the common people-a process of lification. In later times, the census was taken every the greatest importance for the subsequent history of
five years, and in dividing the citizens into classes, Rome. By the time of the expulsion of the kings,
the censor took into account not only their property these two orders had taken definite shape, and the
but also their services to society. The Romans them- overthrow of the monarchy was a triumph for the
selves saw Servius Tullius’s reform as a democratic patricians. Later, all political leaders defending the one, for it gave a chance of promotion not only to the ^ interests of the plebs, beginning with Spurius Cassius nobly born but also to gifted men, who could move =• (early 5th century B.C.) and Manlius Capitolinus on to a higher property class if they made a fortune 5 (early 4th century B. C.), who proposed to divide through their industry and talent. Servius Tullius among the plebeians the public lands seized by the himself became a symbol of a worthy man attaining r patricians and to cancel the plebeians’ debts to the
high status despite lowly birth. The division of the | patricians, and ending with the Gracchi and Julius
citizens into classes somewhat weakened the influen- a= Caesar, who acted as leaders of the people, were in- ce of the tribal aristocracy. A still greater effect in f variably accused by the Senate of aspiring to royal this respect had the division of the entire Roman ter- ? power and tyranny, and the Senate brought about ritory into tribes-4 urban and 16 rural ones. The 5 their destruction by fair means or foui.
274
The banishment of Tarquinius, who had support¬ ers both in Rome and outside it (such as Lars Por- senna, king of the Etruscan city of Clusium, who began a war against Rome), was aided by the decline of the influence in Italy of the Etruscans defeated by the Greeks. The final defeat of the Romans over Porsenna and the expulsion of the Etruscan garrison from Rome became possible when Aristodemus, ty¬ rant of Cumae, inflicted a crushing defeat on Aruns, Porsenna’s son, near Aricia. Tarquinius’s death in exile put a definite end to attempts at restoring royal power, and consolidated the republic.
The question of the original organisation of the republic is acutely debated in modern historiogra¬ phy. There is no doubt but that the king was re¬ placed by elected magistrates. According to Roman historians, these magistrates, the consuls, were elected for a year; the first consuls were Junius Brutus and Valerius Poplicola (i. e., “lover of the people”), his accomplice in the plot against Tar¬ quinius. The consuls had the highest authority ( im- perium) in times of peace and were supreme com¬ manders during a war. In cases of extreme danger to Rome from external enemies or internal distur¬ bances, the entire power was vested in a dictator elected for six months.
The priestly college of pontiffs, headed by the chief pontiff fontifex maximus), which eclipsed the flamines, had to perform the cult rites and aslo record annually the most important events and the names of elected consuls in the so-called fasti consulates, or the lists of consuls. Some modern scholars believe that changes were later introduced in the earliest fasti to please the aristocratic families. Others have greater confidence in them, stressing that in the first decades of the republic there were both patricians and plebeians among the consuls; that is to say, that magistracy was then accessible to the plebs. Soon, however, the patricians blocked the plebeians’ way to the consulate and to other magistracies added in the 5th century B. C.-that of praetor (who kept up order in Rome), quaestor (who was at first a consul’s assistant and later had charge of the treasury), and censors. Only the patricians knew what days of the calendar were favourable to convening the popular assembly, and only they knew the legal procedure, which gave them an edge over both the popular assembly and the individual plebeians compelled to appeal to the court. The patricians’ political
275
domination increased their economic supremacy,
and vice versa. They occupied more and more of the
public lands, while plebeians were ruined by the
constant wars, crop failures, murrain, falling domes¬
tic and foreign trade and decline in the crafts in the
wake of the expulsion of the Etruscans; debtors who
could not pay their debts were enthralled or sold
into slavery. The position of the plebeians is clear
from Pliny the Elder’s remark that, among the
ancestors, a man who killed his colon (that is, a
tenant), incurred the same liability as if he had
killed an ox, and not a human being. In the words of
another author, only patricians were regarded as
freeborn in those times. On the path that Rome fol¬
lowed, the orders were becoming classes of major
landowners and of dependent peasants and slaves,
and a state was formed in which political power was
in the hands of the dominant class. However, this
mode of development, characteristic of many primi¬
tive societies, was slowed down by the stubborn and
successful resistance of the plebeians against the pa¬
tricians. The conflicts centred on three main issues:
the plebeians demanded that newly conquered lands
should be divided amongst them, whereas the patri¬
cians wanted to add them to the public lands open to
their occupation; the plebeians insisted on cancel¬
ing debtor bondage and enslavement of insolvent
debtors, which the patricians refused to concede;
finally, in a bid to protect their rights, the plebeians
demanded greater authority for the popular assem¬
bly and access to the magistracies and priesthood,
whereas the patricians tenaciously held on to their
privileges.
This struggle, now dying down, now flaring up, was interwoven with Rome’s continual wars with the neighbours. It was partly the need to present a semblance of unity in the face of the enemy, and to avoid exciting the fury of the plebeians, who formed the basis of the Roman army, the infantry legions, that made the patricians satisfy the plebeians’ demands one after another.
The first episode in the struggle between the patri¬ cians and the plebeians occurred during the war with Latin communities that made an attempt to throw off Roman hegemony. The plebeians refused to fight and retreated to Mons Sacer (the so-called first secession of the plebeians in 494). They only agreed to return on winning the right to elect, at separate meetings, tribunes of the people, defenders
is*
of their interests, from their midst. Tribunes of the confirmed, but an article was introduced according
people could veto the orders of magistrates (with the to which a patron who cheated his client was cursed,
exception of a dictator’s orders), convene meetings The father’s authority was restricted by an article
of the plebs, and protect against injustice any pie- stipulating that he could sell his son into slavery
beian who took refuge in their house, which was three times, after which the son was no longer in the
open day and night. The tribunes themselves were father’s power. There was a very important interdic-
declared to be under the protection of the gods and tion on personal privileges to anyone. That affirmed
inviolable; anyone who hurt in any way the person the citizens’ equality before the law and ruled out
of a tribune of the people was cursed and became an the practice, very common among ancient societies,
outcast without any rights whom anyone could kill. of handing over a territory to some highborn
The reconciliation between the patricians and the individual who collected taxes from that territpry.
plebeians resulted in a splendid victory over the The entire territory of the Roman community was to
Latins at Lake Regillus and in the restoration of remain entirely under community control. Here also
Roman hegemony. An alliance was concluded with belonged the law forbidding the handing over of
the Latins which was called foedus Cassianum after the lands to temples, which precluded the emergence of
consul Spurius Cassius. Now the Romans would get an economically and therefore politically strong
half the booty won in a war waged jointly with the priesthood in Rome. The laws confirmed the
allies, while the allies divided the other half among citizen’s right to occupy abandoned plots, which
themselves. after two years of tenancy became their property.
But the struggle between the patricians and the That rule did not apply to foreigners-only a Roman
plebeians continued. The temple of the peasant dei- citizen could possess land on Roman territory. The
ties-Ceres, Liber and Libera, a triad opposed, as it ancient laws also regulated the procedure for the
were, to the patrician triad on the Capitoline-built alienation of the property of a pater familias. Objects
by Greek craftsmen from Campania, became the of the greatest importance for agriculture-land
centre of the plebeian organisation. Soon, the cult of allotments, cattle, and slaves-were alienated
the Greek god Hermes (named Mercury in Rome) through a complicated procedure of mancipation in-
as the god of trade was adopted in Rome, and a col- eluding the pronunciation of fixed formulas in the
lege of grain dealers associated with that cult was presence of five witnesses and a weigher who
organised. This was intended to stimulate imports of weighed the copper paid for the property. An estate
grain and thus stop unrest among the plebeians who usually passed on to the sons, to next of kin on the
suffered from bread shortages. male side, or to other members of the gens. If a per-
Relations between the orders again sharply dete- son wanted to make a will disinheriting a son, it had riorated in the middle of the 5th century B.C. The to be approved by the popular assembly. All these
plebeians demanded written laws to be able to fight are signs of the community’s rigorous control over
the patricians’ abuses. A board of ten, the decemviri, private as well as public property,
was elected in 451 B.C. to write down the laws The first committee of the decemviri was succeeded
approved by the popular assembly on ten tablets by a second one, of extreme anti-plebeian orien-
that were posted in the Forum and formed the basis tation. It added two more tablets of laws (that is why
for further development of Roman law. Judging by the first written Roman law is called the law of 12
surviving fragments of these laws, they were largely ^ tablets), forbidding marriages between patricians based on common law characteristic of other peoples and plebeians and abolishing the office of tribunes of
that stood on approximately the same stage of de- 3 the people, which led to the second secession of the velopment, but they also introduced some new fea- ^ plebeians. The situation was aggravated by food tures. They regulated the legal procedure and estab- 0 shortages and the plague. As a means of averting the lished penalties for various crimes (e. g., high | plague the temple of Apollo, the first Greek god to treason, arson, theft, sorcery, etc.), reserving the is be included in the Roman pantheon under his own citizen’s right to appeal to the popular assembly as | name, was erected in Rome. A new reconciliation the highest judicial organ, if he was under threat of ^ between the patricians and the plebeians was execution or banishment. Harsh laws on debts were jj achieved with the restoration of the power of the
276
tribunes of the people and the lifting of the ban on in external affairs but also of its laws and courts; it marriages between members of the two orders. To had to accept the laws and the courts of the Romans,
provide the plebeians with land, the Romans began to contribute contingents to the Roman army and to
to plant colonies on conquered territories. In the 5th pay the tributum\ its people became Roman citizens
century B. C., some 10 colonies were founded, and in with all the obligations that Roman citizenship
the 4th century, 15. The colonies were subject to entailed without the right to participate in the
Roman and Latin laws, but their inhabitants could Roman popular assembly or to vote in the elections
only become Roman citizens by moving to Rome or of magistrates. The victory over Caere and its allies
to the territory of one of its tribes. The colonies were gave the Romans access to the grain and metals of
meant to be Rome’s strongholds and bearers of Etruria and greatly consolidated their positions.
Roman influence but, unlike other ancient con- According to a census of the mid-4th century B. C.,
querors, Romans did not turn the conquered peoples there were already 255,000 Roman citizens at that
into helots-on the contrary, they abolished the time, and they could raise 10 legions. The new treaty
helot estate where they found one. This policy, along with Carthage, concluded in 348, again divided the
with expanding colonisation, largely ensured the sta- spheres of maritime influence, which pointed to a
bility of Roman power on conquered territories. revival of Roman trade. Judging from the introduc-
Internal strife receded into the background to tion of a tax on manumissions in 357, there were
some extent due to an outbreak of war for control already great numbers of slaves in Rome who were
over certain important trade centres of Latium. used in different capacities.
After a war that lasted ten years, the Etruscan city of The frequent wars necessitated further concessions
Veii bordering on Latium was destroyed, which con- to the plebeians. In 367 B. C., a new law was
solidated Rome’s influence both in Latium and in adopted after a fresh outbreak of disturbances, pro¬ file south of Etruria. But now a new and terrible posed by the popular tribunes Gaius Licinius Stolo
danger threatened Rome. The Celtic tribes, whom and Lucius Sextius. According to that law, one of
the Romans called the Gauls, had moved in on the consuls had to be elected from among the ple-
Italy’s north and by the year 390 reached Latium. beians; it was forbidden to occupy more than 500
They inflicted a major defeat on the Romans on the jugera (125 hectares) of public land or to graze upon
river Allia, then took Rome by storm and sacked it, them more than 100 head of cattle and 500 sheep;
burning down many buildings. Only the Capitol’s landowners were required to hire a definite number
garrison, commanded by Manlius, who was later of free men as labourers; the interest already paid on
named Capitolinus, held out for seven months, until debts was to be deducted from the principal. The
the Gauls, learning of attacks on their lands by the law of Genucius (341 B.C.) stipulated that both
Veneti, left with a large ransom in gold. A great jp consuls could be elected from among the plebeians, many buildings and the pontiff’s records were de- f The dictator Camillus erected a temple to the god- stroyed by the fires. The Gallic invasion remained in a dess of harmony between the citizens, Concordia, to the memory of Romans as a terrible misfortune, and $ mark the reconciliation of the orders that followed the Gauls, as Rome’s eternal enemies. a the introduction of that law.
The entire first half of the 4th century B. C. was ~ Soon the Romans had to fight other enemies, the taken up by wars with Etruscan and Latin cities, in ^ tribes of the Lucanians and Samnites, who spread which the Romans ultimately gained the upper 3 throughout Campania and Apulia after the decline hand. In 358 B. C., the city of Caere was taken. Pre- ^ of the Etruscans, seizing Capua, the richest city of viously, the conquered cities of Latium were in- | Campania, as well as Cumae, Nola, and Pompeii, eluded in the Latin League as allies, retaining their s Those Samnites who remained in the mountains autonomy. Caere, as an Etruscan city, was given a continued to raid the rich farmlands of the valleys, special status, which was termed ms Caeritum and ? In 343, Capua turned to Rome for help, and the later extended to many other conquered cities that | ensuing wars between the Romans and the Sam- surrendered unconditionally, i. e., recognised = nites, the Latins, the Etruscans, and Capua that Rome’s legal right to their lands, people and prop- ^ later betrayed Rome, lasted until 290. During the erty. Caere was deprived not only of independence 3- hostilities against the Samnites in the mountains,
277
where the phalanx battle order was unsuitable, smaller and more mobile units, the maniples were used, which ensured the success of the Romans. In the end, the Romans won a complete victory in these wars of attrition. For the Latins, it meant the end of the foedus Cassiamm. They were no longer allies but Rome’s subjects, citizens without a vote, like those of Caere. Many cities were given the status of munici- pia, that is, they were obliged to pay tribute; their lands were confiscated, and colonies of citizens were planted on these lands. The extremely fertile lands round Capua, the Falernian fields, became Roman public land. Victories over the Gauls still remaining in the north of Italy gave Rome the lands along the Adriatic coast and in the valley of the Padus. According to some computations, by the end of the 4th century B. C. the Romans had a territory of 20,000 square kilometres, which permitted them to establish new colonies and increase the army of peas¬ ants ready to fight hardily for new lands and booty.
Now the Romans found themselves face to face with the Greek cities of the south of Italy, which had previously had no fear of Rome, as she had no navy.
But in 312 B. C. the Romans elected special duumviri navales entrusted with the task of building warships, and began to consider seriously the need for achiev¬ ing supremacy on the sea. These pretensions led to a conflict with Tarentum, which turned for help to Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, who enjoyed the support of Egypt. Pyrrhus sent 3,000 soldiers to Tarentum commanded by Cineas, who knocked together an anti-Roman coalition of Greek cities as well as the Samnites, the Lucanians and the Brutii. Fifty battle elephants were received from Egypt. In 280, Pyrrhus himself came over to Italy and started the hostilities.
The Romans, who had previously never encoun¬ tered battle elephants, were defeated in the very first battle, but Pyrrhus himself suffered staggering losses (hence the expression “Pyrrhic victory”). In 275, Pyrrhus was utterly defeated and left Italy. In the next eight years Rome occupied all the cities of a Magna Graecia. They retained a certain measure of 5 autonomy but were obliged to supply Rome with ^ warships. The Samnites and the Etruscans were - finally subdued. |
Rome became an unchallenged head and master g> of the federation of Italic cities and tribes of ex- | tremely diverse levels of development-from the ^ agrarian, industrial and trading cities of Magna s:
278
Graecia and Etruria, with their very high culture, to
the Samnites, Marsi, and others who were still at the
primitive communal stage. The conquerors and the
conquered mutually influenced one another, the Ita¬
lic cities absorbing Roman political and socioeco¬
nomic institutions, language, and cults. In their
turn, the Romans also assimilated the cults of the
vanquished peoples following the ancient custom of I
evocation-inviting the deity of a hostile city to take
the side of the Romans and promising to build a
temple in its honour in return. Between the year of I
the founding of the republic and the end of the war
with Pyrrhus, more than 20 temples were built to
old and new deities.
Considerable changes also took place in Rome’s internal life. The plebs won one victory after another. In 326, the Poetelian law banned enslave¬ ment for debts. An insolvent debtor paid with his property, not his person. The torture or corporal punishment of Roman citizens were also forbidden. According to the law of Q. Publilius Philo of 339 B. C., confirmed by the law of Publius Hortensiusof 287 B. C. ( lex Hortensia), decisions taken at meetings of the plebs (the plebiscites) had the full force of laws. From then on, the comitia centuriata were re¬ placed by meetings of the tribes, where there were no census distinctions ( comitia tributa ). Open ballot was later replaced by the secret vote, lest patrons should influence the will of their clients. It was prohibited for patrons to demand payment of money from their clients. The law of 311 gave the people the right to elect 16 out of 24 military tribunes. By the lex Ogulnia of 300 B. C., the way to the priestly colleges of augurs and pontiffs was thrown open to the ple¬ beians. The office of the chief pontiff became an elected one. Censor Appius Claudius admitted sons offreedmen to the Senate; as for the freedmen them¬ selves, who had Roman citizenship but had pre¬ viously been included only in the urban tribes, they I were now distributed among all the tribes in an attempt to democratise the latter. The establishment of colonies, the setting of a limit to land property, the rich booty divided among soldiers, and the introduc¬ tion of salaries (stipends) for the soldiers - all this im¬ proved the position of the plebs.
Thus by the beginning of the 3rd century B. C., Rome evolved into an antique civic community, owing to the victories of the plebs, as had Athens through the triumphs of the demos. As the well-
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known British historian M. I. Finley shrewdly ob- who had to bring both the defendant and the wit-
served, Greece and Rome demonstrated a pheno- nesses to court himself, and after the trial, to carry
menon fairly rare in antique societies-the inclusion out the sentence. The heavy penalties for criminal
of peasants into an urban community as citizens offences envisaged by the laws of the 12 tablets were
having equal rights with town-dwellers. In Rome in gradually replaced by fines (or banishment, at
particular, the peasants-farmers and warriors-were most), and the triumvirs who punished criminals, as
for a long time regarded as the salt of the earth, one well as the duumviri who dealt with particularly grave
might say, and were held in higher esteem than offences, gradually lost their functions. Besides, a trib-
town-dwellers. It was this phenomenon which pre- une of the people could personally interfere in the
determined the development of Rome as a civic trial at any stage, imposing a veto or freeing the
community. Its principal features were the existence accused. Only the army was bound by iron disci-
ofboth collective and private land property, though pline: a commander could impose any punishment
community ownership was supreme, and private on the soldiers, including the so-called decimation,
plots did not differ from occupied public lands in the i. e., the execution of each tenth soldier in a unit
right of alienation, identical for both, but in the fact that showed cowardice or insubordination,
that private plots were exempt from rent while a The ideology that dominated society accorded
rental had to be paid for the occupied lands to the with the civic community system. It was based
Roman people’s treasury; the near identity of the above all on the concept of “the good of all” and on
concepts of landowner, warrior and citizen; the each citizen’s duty to spare neither property nor
right of every citizen to receive land and other labour nor life itself for the well-being of the citi-
means of subsistence; the equality of the citizens’ zenry as a whole. Everyone was expected to do their
political and legal rights; the supreme authority of duty in their appointed positions: patrician and the
the popular assembly on all issues concerning both richest of the plebeian families had to perform their
the body of the citizenry and each individual duties of magistrates free, arrange games and specta-
cidzen; and the principle of “geometric” equality, cles for the people at their own expense, and com-
which implied contributions from each individual to mand the legions; citizens of more modest means
the common good, understood as the good for each were obliged to fight bravely, to till their lands con-
citizen. scientiously, to bring up their children, and to take
As the chances for exploiting compatriots as serfs care of the well-being of their family. A sense of duty
or slaves sharply decreased, mostly foreigners were permeated the relations between the citizens and the
made into slaves and placed outside civic society. gods officially included into the Roman pantheon,
Distribution of the still not very numerous slaves between the members of a family and its deities,
among families, where they were supervised by the S between fathers and sons, and between the citizens masters who had absolute authority over the 5 and the magistrates. All these relations were covered members of the family and especially over slaves, a by the concept of pietas. The second basic concept and emancipation of clients and colons, who became ? was freedom, libertas, the freeborn citizen’s right to full-fledged citizens and owners of their land allot- 3 freely express his will, which distinguished him from ments, slowed down the formation of the classes of ' slave and even freedman, both of whom had to con- big landowners and dependent peasants, and of a | ceal their thoughts. The free man also had to have strong state mechanism that was necessary for the 3 certain virtues that set him apart from the slave- suppression of exploited strata. Rome returned, at a ^ courage, quiet dignity, stern reticence, incorruptibil- new and higher stage, as it were, to the community | ity, and honouring his word, or fides. Pietas, libertas , system, with its council of elders, elected officials, ? and fides, together with courage, or virtus, which and a popular assembly. In that period, just as in the ? became synonymous with all virtue, were the cor- next two centuries, the state apparatus did not yet s' nerstones of the Roman civic community. These take shape; the army, consisting of citizens, only | ideological attitudes, identical for all free Romans, served to suppress resistance from the outside; there 5 which grew even firmer with the establishment of was neither police nor organs of prosecution; taking ^ the equality of the orders, helped them to recover a case to court was the private affair of the plaintiff, f quickly from the worst defeats and to win new vic-
279
tories. The two centuries from the establishment of military discipline during a war with the Latins;
the republic to the achievement of equality between Furius Camillus, who took the city of Veii and
the orders formed the basis of the “Roman myth”, begged the gods to turn their wrath against him and
remaining in the memory of the subsequent gene- not the city of Rome, if its military successes were
rations as the ideal times of the ancestors who lived disagreeable to them (accused later of concealing
simply and modestly (which is incidentally sup- part of the booty, he was banished from Rome but,
ported by archaeological excavations, where finds of when the Gallic invaders came, he forgot the old
imported and expensive objects are few) and were hurt, returned to Rome, assumed command as dic-
renowned for their exceptional courage and patrio- tator and defeated the Gauls); Cincinnatus, whom
tism. A whole series of half-legends about the the ambassadors that came to offer him the dictator-
Romans of those times became part and parcel of the ship during the war with the Volscians, found walk-
Roman and later of European culture. The heroes of ing behind a plough, and who returned to his field
these legends are Mucius Scaevola, who slipped into after his victory; Curius Dentatus, who defeated the
Porsenna’s camp in order to kill him and on being Samnites and Pyrrhus and took as his reward only a
caught burnt his hand on the fire in the king’s tent wooden sacrificial vessel and a plot of land which he
to prove the courage of Roman youths; Horatius could cultivate with his own hands; he was cooking
Codes, who defended, together with two other war- turnips when the Samnites’ ambassadors came to
riors, the bridge across the Tiber against Porsenna’s him with great amounts of gold, but he rejected their
Etruscans, giving the Romans the time to prepare gifts saying that as long as he could be content with
for defence, and then destroyed the bridge and swam turnips, he preferred to have power over those who
across the river to his side; Manlius Torquatus had gold rather than gold itself. The memory of (given that name after he killed a Gallic chieftain in these models of “the virtues of the ancestors” was
single combat and took his torques, or neck orna- revered in later epochs, but gradually a moral de¬
ment), who executed his own son for a breach of dine set in in Rome.
Chapter 16
The Rise of the Roman Empire. The Crisis of the Republic
Roman Expansion in the Mediterranean Region. Changes in
the Socioeconomic Structure of Rome. The peoples and
tribes with which Rome was destined to come in
contact varied greatly in the level of their socio¬
economic, political and cultural development.
Macedonia, Greece, Asia Minor, Syria and Egypt
were ruled by Hellenistic kings; they were debili¬
tated both by internal social conflicts and by wars.
The western Mediterranean was dominated by Car¬
thage. Founded in the 8th century B. C. as a Phoeni¬
cian colony, it gained independence after the con¬
quest of Phoenicia by Assyria and grew rich and
powerful through transit trade and the exploitation
of the subdued, tribute-paying Libyan tribes. Power
was in the hands of big landowners whose estates
were run on principles of rationally organised slave
labour (worked out theoretically by a certain Mago
whose books were later translated into Latin), rich
shipowners and traders. The supreme organs were
the council of elders with 300 members, the council
of 30, a college of judges of 400 members, and
elected magistrates or suffetes ( suffetim). The com¬
mon people were in fact barred from participation in
politics and from serving in the army, which con¬
sisted of mercenaries. Taking possession of western
Sicily, with a stronghold at Lilybaeum, as well as
Corsica and Sardinia, and founding several colonies
on the Spanish coast, Carthage controlled sea trade
in the western Mediterranean.
The population of the Iberian peninsula was of extreme ethnic diversity. The peninsula was excep¬ tionally rich in metals, including precious ones, and this attracted Phoenicians, Carthaginians, and Greeks since very early times; trade in metals ac¬
celerated the development of the south of the penin¬
sula, where gold and silver were mostly mined. At
the end of the 2nd millennium B. C., the kingdom of
Tartessus arose in the south-west, which was famous
for its wealth. This kingdom with clearcut social dif¬
ferentiation and written laws kept up trade relations
with the entire Mediterranean. At the end of the 6th
century B. C., Tartessus disintegrated for unknown
reasons, but its culture made a great impact on the
Iberian tribes which lived on its territory. They were
also influenced by the Carthaginian and Greek col¬
onies founded on the peninsula. The Iberians built
cities ruled by aristocrats or kings, they had a writ¬
ing system of their own and highly advanced art.
The central and north-western parts of the peninsula
were inhabited by the aboriginal tribes of the Astur¬
ians, the Cantabrians, the Celts and the Celtiber-
ians. Some of them still lived in small village com¬
munities collectively owning their land, while others
already had fortified cities, such as Tarragona, Ter-
mantia, or Numantia, with their councils of elders,
popular assemblies, and warlords. The latter rec¬
ruited their warriors who pleaded allegiance to the
chieftains and believed it to be a disgrace to outlive
their commander killed in battle without avenging
his death. The Celts brought well-developed metal¬
lurgy and agricultural technology with them, but
the poor quality of soil on the uplands, suitable only
for livestock-breeding, forced the mountain tribes to
pillage the valley, fight one another, or serve as mer¬
cenaries in Carthaginian and Greek armies.
A considerable part of Europe (modern Britain, France, Switzerland, and Belgium) were inhabited by the Celts; their tribes also varied in social struc-
_
ture. In Britain, for instance, they were at a very low force, and it had to pay Rome one-tenth of the crops
level of development, while the Gallic tribes and grazing taxes, a total of 24 million denarii a
achieved a higher social and economic development year. The Greek communities of Sicily were de-
owing to a relatively high agricultural technology, dared free cities and paid no taxes. Soon, Rome
the skills of their metallurgists, and trade. Especially also seized Sardinia and Corsica, which became its
prominent among them were Druid priests and the second province.
tribal aristocracy. Highborn Gauls had extensive Roman losses in the war were enormous. They lost
land property and large clienteles, and the common a total of 600 warships. The 50 million denarii bor-
people became increasingly dependent on them. In rowed from rich citizens as a tributum could not be
some areas, royal power still survived, while among paid back from the booty and the indemnity. In 264-
other peoples it gave way to oligarchic rule. 233, the number of citizens fell from 293,234 to
Beyond the Rhine lived the Germans. They did 270,213. Still, in 229 the Romans were able to send not yet lead a settled life and had no private land 200 ships against the pirates of queen Teuta, seize
ownership. They elected their chieftains and settled the island of Corcyra and force the cities of Apol-
all their affairs at popular assemblies or tings. The Ionia and Epidamnus to recognise Roman protec-
eastern coast of the Adriatic was occupied by the torate. Between 225 and 218, they defeated the
Illyrians, skilled seamen and pirates. In the 3rd cen- Ligurians and the Celts in the north of Italy, took
tury B. C., they were temporarily united under their capital, Mediolanum, establishing a new pro¬ queen Teuta. vince - Cisalpine Gaul, and founded the colonies of
That was Rome’s environment in the epoch when Cremona, Modena and Placentia, connected with
it took steps to subordinate the Mediterranean Rome by the famous Via Flaminia. In the same per-
region. The First Punic War with Carthage was the iod, the popular tribune Flaminius promulgated a
first step in that direction. The conflict broke out law providing land allotments to all of Rome’s poor-
when the Oscian tribe of the Mamertines seized in est citizens; with his support, the Claudian law was
289 B. C. the city of Messana, established a democ- passed forbidding senators and their sons to possess
racy there and began to interfere with the shipping merchant ships capable of carrying more than 300
in the Messina Straits. Hiero II of Syracuse went to amphoras, i. e., 80 hectolitres. These laws suited not
war against them in 265. The Mamertines then only the plebs but also big businessmen among
turned to Rome for help, reminding her of their ori- Romans and Italics, as they got rid of the competi-
gin from Mars, the father of Romulus. For his part, tion on the part of the senatorial order, the richest of
Hiero II concluded an alliance with Carthage. The them all. The democratic reform of the comitia centur-
Roman Senate hesitated, but the comitia centuriata, iata was also in the interests of the plebs; 373 cen-
fearing a blockade of the Messina Straits, pro- turies were formed instead of the former 193, and the
nounced themselves in favour of war. The war, in proportion of the centuries of the equites and first
which the Romans now gained victories, now suf- class citizens to the rest of the centuries changed
fered defeats, lasted nearly 20 years. In the course of drastically - 88 to 258 instead of the former 98 to 95.
the war, the Romans mastered the art of naval war- Despite internal democratisation, Roman foreign
fare, in particular the tactics of grappling and policy was basically one of support for the aristoc-
boarding enemy ships (first used by the consul Gaius racy of all the tribes and peoples with whom they
Duilius). In 241 B. C., they defeated the fleet of the came in contact. Thus the Romans helped the aris-
Carthaginian admiral Hamilcar Barca off the 1 tocracy of the Etruscan city of Volsinii to suppress Aegates or Aegusae Islands, after which negotiations > an uprising of the enslaved population, began and a peace treaty was concluded according J In the meantime, Hamilcar moved to Spain and, to which the Carthaginians ceded Sicily to Rome supported by Carthaginian colonies and some local and had to pay an indemnity of 36 million denarii | kings and chieftains, made his way across the penin- during 20 years. All Sicily, with the exception of j sula, ruthlessly suppressing any resistance. In 229 he Hiero’s kingdom, came under the Roman rule. It 1 fell in action, and the army was headed by his son- became the first Roman overseas province ruled by a ^ in-law Hasdrubal, who founded the city of Carthago Roman governor who commanded the occupation s Nova, or Cartagena, which soon became a major
282
centre owing to the rich silver mines in its vicinity. also to diplomatic moves. In Greece, the Romans
When Hasdrubal was assassinated by a Celt slave, knocked together an anti-Macedonian coalition,
he was succeeded by Hamilcar’s son Hannibal. Han- Philip was forced to conclude peace with Rome,
nibal persistently gathered men and money, hoping After two years of siege, in 212, Syracuse was taken
to avenge the defeat in the First Punic War. The by Marcellus with the aid of the local aristocracy
pretext for the war was Hannibal’s destruction of the after a tunnel was dug leading into the city.
Greek colony of Saguntum, Rome’s ally, south of the Capua also fell. One by one, the Greek cities cap-
Ebro. Hannibal placed his hopes on an alliance with tured by Hannibal were won back. As a result, the
the Gauls and the secession of Roman allies in Italy; whole of Sicily became a Roman province, while
he also planned to form an alliance with king Phi- Capua was harshly punished, deprived of its lands
lip V of Macedonia, who feared the strengthening (now added to Roman public lands) and of its status
of Roman influence in the Adriatic. He failed to take as a city. In 210, an army was sent to Spain headed
into account, however, that the ruling circles of most by 26-year-old Publius Cornelius Scipio, later nick-
Italian cities were already closely linked with Rome named “Africanus”. Disembarking at the Greek city
and had a vested interest in its support and naval ofEmporion, an ally of Rome, Scipio showed excep-
supremacy. As for the Roman and Latin citizens of tional military talent, seizing Cartagena by a sudden
the colonies, they were ready to defend their land to assault the following year and capturing an enor-
the last. mous booty. A number of Iberian and Celtic tribes
The beginning of the war was exceptionally propi- went over to his side. In 206, he forced the Cartha-
tious for Hannibal. His great military talent and ginians to leave Spain, which then became a Roman
skill, and the differences between the Roman people province. In 204, setting forth with his army from
and the Senate on the tactics to be employed in the the Sicilian harbour of Lilybaeum, he disembarked
war, brought him victories over the Romans in the in Africa, where he concluded an alliance with
battles near the Ticino river, the Trebia river, Lake Masinissa, king of Numidia and an enemy of Trasimene and especially in the battle of Cannae, Carthage. Recalled from Italy, Hannibal fought Sci- where 50,000 Romans were slain. This seemed to pio’s army near the city of Zama Regia, was roundly
make the Roman position hopeless, but Rome again defeated and escaped to king Antiochus III of
recovered. Various measures were taken, beginning Syria. Much later, meeting Hannibal at that king’s
with numerous religious ceremonies intended to court, Scipio is said to have asked Hannibal whom
ensure the assistance of the gods and the cohesion of he believed to be the greatest general. Hannibal
the people, and ending with calling up slaves for ser- 5 placed Alexander the Great first, himself second, and vice in the army-a measure that appeared desper- 5 Scipio third. Amazed, Scipio asked Hannibal why ate to later Roman historians, as slaves were strictly 5 ; the latter believed himself greater than he, Scipio, forbidden to serve in the army. After the Cannae ^ after a defeat at his hands. Hannibal replied, “Had I defeat, the Samnites, the Lucani and the Bruttii, ^ defeated you, I would have been greater than who had not yet been Romanised deep enough, rose ' Alexander.”
against Rome. Capua, Rome’s old rival, took the ^ The Second Punic War ended in a complete side of the Carthaginians (except for the aristocracy, ^ triumph for Rome. Under the terms of the peace which remained loyal to Rome) and effectively | treaty, the Carthaginians had to pay an indemnity helped Hannibal. But the Greek cities and most * of 600 million denarii in 50 years, and to hand over allies remained loyal to Rome, as did Roman and -i to the Romans their elephants and all but ten war- Latin colonies. True, Hannibal managed to take ? ships, they would also have no right to wage wars Tarentum, Metapontum and Heraclea, and con- 5 ^ without the consent of Rome. Masinissa’s right to eluded an alliance with king Hiero of Syracuse, but Q most of Numidia was confirmed. Roman victory had the tide of war had definitely turned against Car- = been won at a very high cost. According to modern thage. Commanded by Fabius Maximus, nick- ^ computations, it cost them 200 million denarii- named Cunctator (“The Laggard”), the Romans 1 three times as much as the First Punic War. Hannibal adopted the tactics of skirmishing and avoiding deci- "I destroyed about 400 settlements' in the lands of sive battles. They resorted not only to military but ? Roman allies. During the war, when the Romans
283
had to maintain 36 legions and 150 warships, the
prices grew skyhigh. Many lands in Apulia and
Lucania were abandoned and became pastures,
although part of them was distributed among Sci-
pio’s veterans.
Hannibal’s supporters were harshly punished. 32,000 Tarentians were sold into slavery; the Bruttii were made state slaves; 40,000 Ligurians, who had taken the Carthaginians’ part, were driven from northern Italy to the Beneventum area. The colonies of Lucca, Bononia and Aquileia were founded in northern Italy, and the lands of the rural and tribal communities of those areas were added to the Roman public lands, which increased to 55,000 square kilometres. They were open to occupation for a rental of one-tenth of the cereal crops, one-fifth of fruit gathered, and a tax on grazing land. Colonies were founded in other areas, too. Colonists received from 5 to 50 jugera, and commanders in veterans’ colonies got as much as 100 to 140 jugera. Land-sur¬ veying went on all over Italy, and roads, bridges and cities were built. Colonisation and resettlement of the population stimulated the Romanisadon of Italy, the spreading of Roman technology and of the Latin language, and the organisation of cities after the Roman model, with elected magistrates and senates.
New sources of enrichment appeared. In the absence of a state mechanism, a system of tax-farm¬ ing was introduced; collecting taxes in the provinces and rentals from the public lands, construction work, and exploitation of Spanish silver mines, where more than 40,000 slaves were employed, were handed over to publicani. As all these enterprises required great capital investment and were thus beyond the means of individual publicani (e. g., the exploitation of the Spanish mines required 26 mil¬ lion denarii for buying slaves, five million a year for their upkeep, and 10 million in payments to the Roman treasury), the publicani and contractors set up companies which also included men of very modest means who later received dividens on their investments. Judging from Polybius’s account, nearly the whole of the Roman people was a kind of limited company exploiting the provinces and Italy itself. As a result, the Roman economy not only re¬ covered but also made rapid progress. Middle as well as major entrepreneurs were getting richer on dividends from capital they mostly invested in the
buying of private or occupation of public lands, as
agriculture was traditionally the most prestigious
source of income. To be a city magistrate, a person
had to own real estate. Thus, according to a statute
of the city of Tarentum (dating, however, from later
times), only a person owning a house on city terri¬
tory covered with not less than 1,500 tiles (a tile
measured 0.65 by 0.45 metre) could be a magistrate.
Men of substance bought estates or villas in different
areas of Italy. The growth of urban population'
created a market for agricultural produce. The
chase after profit became universal.
The demand for money, which was invested in various enterprises, stimulated usury. The interest rates paid by Roman citizens were limited by law, but usurers found ways to circumvent that law, lend¬ ing money to front men who had no Roman citizen¬ ship; in the provinces, the interest rates reached 48 per cent per annum. Usurers grew fabulously rich.
As a result of all these processes, medium-sized villas (100 to 250 jugera) and large tracts of grazing land became widespread throughout Italy. The former produced grain, wine, olives, fruit, and vege¬ tables; the latter, meat, milk, and wool that was spun, woven and dyed by artisans in the cities. A sin¬ gle family and a few slaves no longer sufficed to run such an estate. More manpower was needed. As we have mentioned already, in a civic community such manpower could not be recruited among exploited compatriots, and the only way out was to increase the number of slaves born on the estate or bought during sales of war prisoners. That period marked the beginning of extremely rapid development of the antique slave-owning mode of production, which soon reached its peak. Slaves and slave-owners became the two principal antagonistic classes of society.
A villa with 10 to 15 slaves was described by Cato in his treatise on agriculture. He had it all worked ^ out in great detail-the size and the organisation of a the labour force, the division of labour (still rather •s primitive), the meagre rations of the slaves, which ^ depended on their skills and capacity for work, the r production quotas, the duties of the villicus, the villa | manager, the conditions of hiring extra hands dur- g> ing harvest or construction workers, the advantages | of buying various tools in different cities. Cato’s s villa, selling its agricultural produce on the market, s; is often seen as a sort of analogue of a capitalist
284
enterprise and evidence of the birth of capitalism in and kept them accordingly, the slave’s human per-
Rome. We believe, however, that Cato’s treatise sonality was entirely suppressed. The position of
clearly shows the difference between simple commo- slaves in the cities was somewhat better; here, the
dity production in some branches of the Roman master sometimes gave them some small property,
economy and capitalist production. Accumulation the so-called peculium, that helped them to save
rather than acceleration of capital turnover and money with which to buy their freedom and with it,
expanded reproduction was its prime purpose. A Roman citizenship. Urban slaves mixed with free
good master, Cato taught, must not buy he must plebeians and attended spectacles, but here, too,
sell. An estate owner did his best to produce every- they were despised. It was taken for granted that a
thing that he could on his estate. Hoarding treasures slave was a thief, a scoundrel and a cheat. To quote
that might come in handy at a time of need or be a line from a contemporary comedy: if a slave does
expended on ostentatious display of wealth or on not lie, that is not unlike a miraculous omen,
public needs was the owner’s principal goal. Such a Although Romans often let their trusted slaves into
villa could hardly have been highly profitable - the private and political intrigues, and slaves had entry
profits of publicani, sea traders and usurers must have into all spheres of society, they remained outsiders in
been much higher. But slave-owners’ villas had a it. To be suspected of a slave’s vices was a terrible
number of advantages over small-scale peasant hold- disgrace for a freeborn person. The development of
ings. They practised simple cooperation and division slavery largely determined the subsequent history of
of labour, which increased labour productivity, and Rome and, with the spreading of slavery throughout
they were also able to buy better implements, like the provinces, of the Roman republic as a whole,
ploughs, presses for olives and grapes, etc., all of The advantages Rome derived from the wars with
which brought an upsurge in Italic agriculture. Carthage, incited it to further expansion east and
Slaves were also used in artisans’ shops, though not west, where new lands promised new profit,
on the same scale as in agriculture. Slaves’ marks Although wars demanded considerable financial
alongside of free craftsmen’s occur on pottery, tiles outlay (10 legions, 100 warships and 400 transport
and bricks. ships had to be permanently maintained), all
The growing role of slaves in production affected members of the “limited company” in the above
their position. Once, they had been to some extent sense had at first a vested interest in them. Both in
responsible for their acts and could even be guaran- the east and in the west the Romans succeeded best
tors in bargains; they had participated in acts of when they could play on their opponents’ external
worship (in household cults), while now they were n and domestic conflicts, supporting one state in the equated with cattle by the lex Aquilia (its precise date f fight against another or the aristocracy against the is unknown): damage done by a slave was the res- Z commons. They had great difficulty in conquering ponsibility of the master, who paid for it as if it had s tribes with little social differentiation. Vegetius, an been done by a quadruped—by handing over the ^ author of a treatise on military art who lived in the culprit to the injured party or by paying a fine. The jf 4th century A. D. and drew on a thousand years of master was responsible for robbery, theft, or murder ^ Roman military experience, wrote that even the committed by a slave at the master’s bidding, for the ? smallest people cannot be conquered if it is not torn slave could not disobey the master for fear of punish- jf by inner strife.
ment. The master or the villicus (steward and over- § In the east, directly after the victory near Zama seer of an estate) made a sacrifice to the Lares on the Romans interfered in the affairs of the Hellenis- behalf of the entire family, and ordinary slaves took 3 tic states, demanding that Philip V should stop no part in the rite. Kinship among slaves was not a waging war on Rhodes, Pergamum and other Greek recognised; a slave could only have a concubine, not p cities that had appealed to Rome for help. Winning a wife, and it was accepted that a slave had no | over to their side the Illyrians, the Achaean and the father. In Cato’s view, a slave must work so much as ^ Aetolian Leagues, the Romans, commanded by to be unable to think of anything but sleep. « Titus Quinctius Flamininus, defeated Philip. In the Although each landowner knew that his well-being I following year, Flamininus solemnly declared free- depended on the fitness of his cattle and his slaves, fe dom for the Greek cities during the Isthmian Games,
285
and was deified by the Greeks. A temple was built in
his honour. Flamininus brought to his triumph in
Rome the booty he had won in Greece: 18,270
pounds of silver, 3,714 pounds of gold, 14,514 gold
and 80,000 silver coins, 114 gold wreathes given him
by the Greek cities, and numerous works of art.
Soon after the end of the war with Philip, the war with Antiochus III began, this time in alliance with Macedonia, and in 189 B. C. Antiochus was defeated near Magnesia. In 168, Perseus, Philip V’s heir, was defeated. Seventy settlements were destroyed and 150,000 inhabitants were sold into slavery in Epirus, which had joined Perseus.
The “freedom” which the Romans had given to the Greek cities proved rather illusory, and the dominion of the pro-Roman oligarchy in the cities, exceedingly onerous. When Andriscus, who claimed to be Perseus’s son, led an uprising in Macedonia, many Greek cities joined him. In 148, the Romans suppressed the revolt and made Macedonia, Epirus and Illyria their provinces. In 146, Mummius crushed the democratic regime that had been estab¬ lished in the Achaean League, and destroyed Cor¬ inth, seizing a great number of slaves and objects of art as his booty. Only Athens, Sparta and Delphi retained their freedom, while all the other Greek cities were subordinated to the governor of Mace¬ donia. Finally, in that same year 146 B. C., after the short Third Punic War begun by the Romans out of fear of Carthage’s revival, Scipio Aemilianus, grand¬ son ofScipio Africanus, destroyed Carthage, cursing the very land on which Rome’s great rival had stood. Carthage’s possessions became the Roman province of Africa. Soon after, Attalus of Pergamum, Rome’s sincere friend, left his kingdom as a legacy to Rome, and it formed the province of Asia.
In the west, the Romans encountered the greatest difficulties in Spain, which was finally subdued only after 200 years of struggle. Several uprisings in the early 2nd century B. C. in the south and south-east of the peninsula, where the Romans relied on the a urban and tribal aristocracy were rather quickly 3 suppressed, but the tribes of the Celtiberians and the ~ Lusitanians, who lived on the territory of modern 1 Portugal, put up a stiff resistance. The Spainish wars | cost the Romans great losses, the soldiers unaccus- ^ tomed to the climate died of exposure, discipline | declined, and no one wanted to serve there. =
The conquests of the 2nd century B. C. brought |
about a decisive change in all spheres of Roman life.
Despite the great military spending, the profit in
booty and taxes was so vast (some 2,000 tons of silver
were brought to Rome between 200 and 150 B.C.)
that in the 170s the government no longer needed to
resort to the tributum. New market-places specialising
in the sale of cattle, vegetables, fish and meat were
built in Rome. Objects of luxury-delicacies, fine
clothes, ornaments, fine-looking and well-trained
servants-became highly fashionable. Well-to-dp
citizens were rebuilding their modest houses. New
public buildings - circuses and temples-were
erected in the cities. Laws against luxury promul¬
gated several times (not less than six), whose purpose
was to reduce inequality among citizens and the out¬
flow of precious metals to Greece and Asia, the
sources of imported luxury goods, were ineffectual.
At the same time, an increasingly narrow circle of
Romans —mostly generals, governors, and publicani-
profited from the conquests, while ordinary citizens
gained less and less.
The socio-political structure of Roman society changed, too. The nobility, which monopolised the magistracies, became established; senators no longer served in cavalry; and the second privileged order, that of the equites, evolved. This order included per¬ sons of noble origin (sons of senators or knights) who owned not less than 400,000 sestertia and partici¬ pated in no less than ten campaigns as cavalrymen. Military tribunes, and prominent citizens of Italic cities were sometimes included among the equites. Many of them had large tracts of land in Italy and the provinces, invested money in usury and com¬ merce, and played a leading role in publican ?s com¬ panies. There were orators and prominent lawyers among them.
Although the equites and the senators belonged to the same class of big property owners, and as often as not to the same aristocratic family, they competed with one another over the offices of publicani or gov¬ ernors of provinces which offered considerable opportunities for enrichment through exploitation or direct plunder. The office of governor was so pro¬ fitable that it was said that when a governor went out to his province, he was poor and it was rich, and when he returned to Rome, he was rich and the province was poor. The offices of consul and praetor, which opened the way to governorship, became more and more desirable. All sorts of manoeuvres
286
were resorted to during elections -secret pre-election transportation adversely affected the markets of both
agreements, agitation, bribes, and discrimination of agriculture and the crafts. Transportation by sea
rivals. Laws against abuses during election cam- was cheaper and promised great profit in case of suc-
paigns (of which not less than 12 were passed) were cess, but it required considerable capital outlay, and
unavailing. In 149, special senatorial courts were set the risk factor was rather great, as ships might
up to try cases of violation of these laws and consider founder, be seized by pirates, etc. The law therefore
accusations of abuses in the provinces, but the judges did not restrict the interest rates on credit to finance
of these courts were not as harsh as they used to be in sea trade, as the creditor shared the risk,
the times of the laws of XII Tablets. The penalties Borrowing money often resulted in loss of prop-
did not go beyond fines or banishment from Rome at erty, which meant expulsion from the higher order the most. Besides, the senators were inclined to or census class for the privileged, while for the ple-
acquit members of their own order and condemn the beians, especially rural ones, it meant debtor servi-
equites. tude, which was restored in circumvention of the lex
Differentiation among the plebeians increased, Petelia. too. The rural plebs, which frequently had to inter- Great changes had also been brought about in the
rupt its peaceful pursuits because of the constant culture of Roman society and its ideology by the in¬ wars, and suffered from the competition of the more ternal processes and Rome’s altered international
profitable slave-owners’ villas as well as from forcible position.
seizure of lands by rich neighbours who armed their Opposition to Rome was very strong in the con-
slaves, lost its allotments and was brought to ruin. quered countries. In Asia, it was prophesied that
The peasants’ ruin undermined the fighting effec- Rome would soon fall, the Romans would be made
tiveness of the Roman army despite the fact that the slaves and would have to atone twentyfold for the
property qualifications for the conscripts were low- evil they had done. Romans were said to be so
ered several times. Discipline in the army declined. bloodthirsty that, not content with wars and the in-
It grew more and more difficult to recruit soldiers. creasingly fashionable gladiator shows, they hired
The urban plebs, whose numbers swelled as more men who killed each other during their feasts, and
impoverished peasants came to the city and more they were said to be so vain that they were followed
slaves were freed, was mostly employed in the crafts, by a retinue of 20,000 slaves whenever they left their
petty trade, and construction work; it had little in- house. Fawning on the Romans in public, the
terestfor land, being mostly concerned with cheaper Greeks secretly despised them and believed them to
foodstuffs, lower rent, and more orders for the arti- 5 be barbarians. The most farsighted of the Roman sans and contractors that meant steady employment ■? politicians, amongst whom the Scipios and their cir- for them. Of great importance for the entire plebs 5 cle (the so-called Philhellenes) played the leading was winning greater powers for the popular assem- s role, realised that such a reputation was detrimental bly and tribunes of the people, the two institutions ' to Roman diplomacy, which was no less important that curbed the power of the magistrates and the S' in asserting their domination than weapons. They nobility. This became especially important in view ^ began to study intensely the Greek language, Greek of extreme rise in debts owed to big property-owners ? literature and philosophy, paying enormous sums of and usurers by the plebs and other sections of the § money for educated Greek slaves to teach their population. The senators needed money for pomp, s children (it is a well-attested fact, for instance, that for election campaigns, and sops to their numerous .§ the Greek grammarian Daphnides was bought for clients who supported them in the popular assembly. ? 700,000 sesterces, whereas an ordinary slave cost
The peasants needed money to better their position S about 2,000). Many of these slaves later became after crop failure or murrain, to buy labour imple- 9 freedmen and gained fame as rhetoricians, gram- ments, and to equip their sons for service in the § marians and writers, or opened schools where army. The urban plebs needed money to start work- ° children of the plebeians were educated. Literacy shops, to buy food and pay rent. But possibilities for ' became widespread among the people and even getting money were limited, except for publicani and among slaves. Rich people began to send their sons
usurers. The difficulty and expense of overland ? to Athens, Ephesus and other cities of Greece and
287
Asia Minor to listen to lectures by famous orators
and philosophers. Some of these moved to Rome;
thus the historian Polybius and the Stoics Panaitios
and Posedonios were warmly received in the Philhel-
lenes’ circle. Educated Romans were familiar with
the principal schools in Greek philosophy. Stoicism
became popular among the aristocracy, while the
middle strata were more inclined towards Epicu¬
reanism.
The art of oratory, which was particularly neces¬ sary for success in the popular assembly and the courts, made great advances. The ability to be per¬ suasive assumed a knowledge of human psychology. One school of oratory even insisted that the skill of rousing the listeners’ emotions was more important than a knowledge of law and custom. Attention to the psychology of persons of different sex, age, and status became a distinguishing trait of Roman es¬ thetic theories and Roman art. Roman nobles, who began to write a history of Rome in Greek, aimed in part at their readers’ psychology, hoping to persuade the Greeks that the Romans’ victories and their right to rule the world were rooted in their exceptional virtues. But the Roman virtues did not inspire much confidence among the vanquished. The Greek Poly¬ bius, who was close to the Scipios’ circle, ap¬ proached the problem in a different fashion. Taking into account the Greeks’ interest in the problem of ideal political order, he wrote the Universal His¬ tory-a. history of Roman victories intended to prove that these victories stemmed from and were justified by Rome’s perfect political system. Rome was the only state that proved able to combine the advan¬ tages of monarchy (as represented by the magis¬ trates), aristocracy (represented by the Senate) and democracy (represented by the popular assembly). An ideal political system uniting all citizens and ensuring everyone’s proper rights, provided they performed their duties, made Rome invincible and capable of founding a great state and of ruling it for the benefit of its people. Polybius’s theory, along with the Romans’ confidence in their mission to rule the world, intended for them from the beginning by destiny and the gods, formed the basis of Roman political thought and later of the official ideology of the Roman empire.
During the Second Punic War, to inspire hope for divine intervention among the citizenry, and to achieve closer unity with their allies from Greek
cities by stressing the common origin of the Greeks
and Aeneas’s descendants, the Romans, the Senate
commenced to include in the Roman pantheon some
foreign gods-Venus Erucina, so called after her
famous temple on Mt Eryx (Erice) in Sicily; Cybele,
the Great Mother of Gods worshipped on Mt Ida in
Pergamum; and somewhat later Aesculapius, the
god of doctoring. The Saturnalia, the festivities in
honour of the god Saturn, were now organised after
the model of the Greek Kronia and intended to
remind the people of the Golden Age of plenty and
freedom. The masters offered food and drink to their
slaves, who took part in the noisy, carnival-style
merry-making along with free men. Various new
games in honour of the gods were initiated. In 265,
during the funeral of the former dictator Junius
Pera, his grandsons replaced the custom of killing
captives, as part of the ceremony during funerals of
highborn citizens, by fights among these captives.
That was the beginning of gladiatorial fights, which
were soon moved to the circus and enjoyed great
popularity among all sections of the population.
Stage plays, after the Greek model, were also intro¬
duced in Rome, and a whole constellation of play¬
wrights immediately appeared. As a rule, they took
Greek tragedies and comedies as their material,
adapting them to the Roman public’s taste. Mere
fragments of their countless works have survived,
and only the works of Plautus and Terence have
been fully preserved. Terence (190-150 B. C.) was a
freedman, accepted, despite his past, in the Scipionic
circle. His comedies, copying Greek models, written
in refined language and full of moral dicta, bored
the general public, while the comedies of Plautus
(254-184 B. C.), who came from the lowest strata of
the plebs, were extremely popular. He also took the
plots of Greek comedies as his starting point, but he
filled them with numerous details borrowed from
Roman folklore, everyday life, or court cases, and
with funny jokes. The principal character in most of
§. his plays was a slave —dodgy, cunning and resource-
5 ful. With his inexhaustible supply of tricks, he
^ helped the son of his master, a stingy grumbler, to
make the father part with the money the youth
§ needed to buy the freedom of his beloved, a pimp’s
jj slave (who in the end proved to be a freeborn maid
| whom the young man could marry). Plautus’s com-
^ edies showed the spectators a whole range of types
5 they knew so well-citizens of modest means preoc-
288
cupied with their villas and commerce, boastful sol¬
diers, shrewish wives, toadies, swaggering major-
domo slaves, etc. Each actor had to wear a costume
and wig suitable to his character during the
performance, which was accompanied by flute-play¬
ing. The actors, recruited among the common peo¬
ple, freedmen, and slaves (the actor’s craft deprived
the man who practised it of a citizen’s honour), as
well as the musicians and the playwrights, were
organised in colleges attached to the Apollo temple.
Plays about life in Rome (the so-called togatae, as dis¬
tinct from the Greek palliatae) were also produced.
The rule was that a slave could be cleverer than his master in comedies about Greek life but not in the togatae. A genre of comedies arose on the Italic soil that were called atellanae (from Atella, a city in Cam¬ pania), with a set of masks (the Fool, the Glutton, the Scoundrel, the Stinger, the Gossip), but not even fragments of these comedies have survived.
Next to Plautus and Terence, their older contem¬ porary, Livius Andronicus, born in Tarentum, made into a slave and then freed, also enjoyed great renown. He was the first to begin writing plays, and he also translated the Odyssey into Latin. Naevius, a Roman citizen and veteran of the First Punic War, wrote besides comedies, an epic poem about that war, starting from Aeneas’s wanderings. Although only fragments of that work have survived, it can be assumed to have expressed the idea of Rome’s great mission and to have praised the virtues of the Romans. Ennius, a citizen of the Calabrian town q near Brindisium, sang the praises of the Roman aris¬ tocracy in works of extreme diversity-he wrote many tragedies, the Annals (a patriotic history of Rome in verse), and translated Euhemerus’s Sacred History, which endeavoured to prove that the gods were ancient kings and heroes deified for their deeds.
The poet Lucilius, who came from an aristocratic family and was close to the Philhellenes, wrote satires on various themes; thus he described, in jocu¬ lar style, a council of the gods convened by Jupiter to decide on punishment for a certain unworthy Roman. In Plautus’s comedy Amphitryon, Jupiter appeared as Amphitryon, the husband of Alcmene, the future mother of Hercules, in order to get into her bedroom, while Mercury assumed the guise of Amphitryon’s slave Sossius, which led to all sorts of funny situations in which the gods appeared ridicu¬ lous-something quite incompatible with the
Romans’ traditional solemn attitude towards the
gods. Those were the first cracks in the attitude of
the Roman community to the religion of their ances¬
tors, if not in the whole of Roman ideology.
Acquaintanceship with the Odyssey in Livius Andronicus’s translation and with statues and pic¬ tures brought from Greece and Asia Minor and placed in temples and squares made a decisive im¬ pact not only on the Philhellenes but also on all Romans. The Greek gods, given Latin names by Roman poets and playwrights (thus, Zeus became Jupiter; Hera, Juno; Athena, Minerva; Aphrodite, Venus; Demeter, Ceres; Cronos, Saturn, etc.), were identified with Roman gods and linked with Greek myths, which were already well known to the specta¬ tors of tragedies.
The poets and playwrights who wrote at the end of the 3rd and the 2nd centuries were mostly clients of aristocratic families and did their best to glorify their patrons and the ancestry of their patrons. Thus Scipio Africanus was said to have been the son of none other than Jupiter. Ennius dedicated to him verses that were full of rapturous praise. Roman generals became patrons of many provincial cities and tribes, which built temples in their honour (e. g., the temple of Flamininus). Contempt for the common people became widespread among the upper strata. Lucilius defined virtues as science or knowledge that was only accessible to an educated person. This view, adopted by the privileged strata, was later expressed in the brief maxim : virtue is wis¬ dom, of which the plebs has none.
The growing strength of the nobility incited a reaction among the higher strata as well as among the plebs. The opposition took various forms, includ¬ ing resistance against Hellenic culture spread by the Philhellenes. This resistance was led by Cato, one of the few plebeians who became a consul and a censor. He was famous among the plebeians as an inflexible guardian of the “customs of the ancestors”. His per¬ sonal and political rivalry with the Scipios was aggravated, particularly during his censorship, by his campaign against foreign excesses-luxury, effe¬ minacy, laziness, swagger, profit-seeking and a pen¬ chant for fame. The Greeks, Cato wrote, boasted of their heroes, while Rome’s greatness had been built by all Romans, who demanded no reward other than recognition of their deserts by the compatriots. The citizens’ stern virtue, courage, and modesty had
19-344
brought glory to Rome. Cato’s statue with a grateful peregrines. On coming into office, city praetors pub-
inscription was erected, at the people’s expense, in lished edicts defining their intentions in solving cases
the temple of Salus, the goddess of Salvation. Cato of certain types, and the sorcalled inter dicta, mostly
was particularly hostile to Greek philosophy and aimed at defending possession of property. All these
rhetoric. When the philosopher Carneades, who documents, together with senatus consulta, plebiscites,
arrived with a Greek embassy, made a speech prais- magistrates’ instructions and decisions of judges con¬ ing justice, so highly valued by the Romans, and on stituting the precedents, made law extremely com-
the next day, another speech proving that there was plex and chaotic, in Cicero’s words. A knowledge of
no justice whatever in the world, and, if there had law, along with the art of rhetoric, was one of the few
been, the Romans would have had to give up all ways of achieving eminence for those who, like
their conquered lands, Cato hastily expelled him Cicero, came from the lower classes. There emerged from Rome that he might not corrupt Roman youth. a theory of the rights of peoples, natural law, and
Later, the issue of justice became a burning one for civil law (which only applied to Roman citizens,
Rome. Cicero, who spent a great deal of effort on regulating the relations between them), of the differ- reconciling what is useful with that which is just and ence between natural justice and formal application
noble, finally found the solution, announcing that of literally interpreted law which might result in
usefulness and justice coincided when peoples or in- “supreme injustice”. All this accorded with purely
dividuals incapable of making reasonable use of Roman ideas and needs. On the purely theoretical
their freedom were subordinated to others. Some plane, the Epicurean interpretation of law as a result
senators supported Cato’s fight against foreign in- of “social contract” was borrowed from the Greeks,
fluences and innovations. Thus, when a man who and so was the Stoic one identifying the law of the
owned land on the Janiculum announced in 181 that city with that of the universe, the “supreme reason of
he had dug up Numa’s tomb and the books he had the divinity”,
written, expounding Pythagoras’s philosophy, the Senate issued an order to burn those books.
The spreading of “foreign excesses”, stimulated The First Stage of the Civil Wars. Conflicts between the
by objective changes in the life of society, could not different social strata of Roman society became par-
be stopped by agitation or forcible measures. By no ticularly exacerbated when slaves’ resistance began
means all elements of Greek culture were assimi- to assume extremely dangerous forms due to the in-
lated, though. For instance, the Sophists’ idea that tensification of their exploitation by big property-
the strong had the right to trample laws and mora- owners, and their degradation to the state of beasts
lity, placing himself beyond good and evil, was of burden from their former position of members of
never absorbed, as it was incompatible with the tra- the family in which two or three slaves worked
ditional Roman respect for the good of all. Neither together with the master and took part in the Lares
was there any interest for Utopian theories, so popu- cult. In the early 2nd century B.C., there were
lar in Greece, as the Romans believed that the ideal several outbreaks of unrest among Carthaginians
social structure had already been implemented in sold into slavery. In the 180s, the slave herdsmen of
the Roman republic. The Romans accepted the Apulia revolted. These movements were quickly
Greek cults only to the extent to which they did not suppressed, but the uprising of slaves in Sicily, begun
violate ancient morality. The cult of Dionysus, iden- ^ in 138, posed a real threat to slave-owners. The land-
tified with the Italic Liber, was permitted, but with- §. owners of that province, fleeced by Roman gover-
out the nocturnal orgies, the bacchanalia, banned & nors and publicani, tried to recover their losses by
by a special senatus consultum. harsh exploitation of their numerous slaves, most of
Roman law, which always played a significant I whom came from Syria and Asia Minor. Besides,
role in Roman society, developed on an independent | there were not only major landowners but also quite
basis. Compared with the laws of the XII Tablets, it a few very poor peasants there, who owned plots of
had grown quite complex, as had Roman society | one jugerum only. In the cities, numerous slaves toiled
itself. A special praetor was appointed to try cases of ? in artisans’ workshops that exported their products,
litigation between citizens and non-citizens, or the Driven to despair, the slaves rose in revolt; they were
290
led by the Syrian Eunus (who was regarded as a pro¬
phet and elected king under the name of Antiochus)
and the Cilician Cleo, who joined his force with that
of Eunus. The cities of Enna and Tauromenium
became the centres of the uprising. The numbers of
the insurgents swelled as they were joined by peas¬
ants. The Roman armies sent against Eunus and
Cleo suffered one defeat after another. They ma¬
naged to take Enna and Tauromenium only in
132, largely because of treason. Almost simul¬
taneously with that uprising began the revolt in Per-
gamum headed by Aristonicus, a pretender to the
Pergamum throne. He was joined by all opponents
of the passage of Pergamum under Roman domina¬
tion. Slaves and impoverished free citizens, who
dreamed of founding the just state of the Heliopo-
lites, or worshippers of the sun-god, Helios, were the
prime force of the uprising. Slaves also rebelled on
Delos, Chios and in Attica. The uprisings were only
suppressed at a great cost.
Slaves’ uprisings and the fall of the Roman army’s fighting efficiency threatened the stability of Roman power. Shrewd politicians realised the need for reforms that might revive the peasant army and unite the citizenry. One of these politicians was Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, a man of noble extraction, Scipio Africanus’s grandson on the maternal side, a disciple of the Greek philosopher Blossius, and a veteran of the Third Punic and of the Spanish wars in which he saw for himself the sad state of the Roman army. Elected a tribune of the p people in 133, he proposed a bill restricting public 4 land that could be occupied by citizens to 500 jugera ^ (plus 250 jugera for each of two grownup sons); the ^
surplus would be distributed among the poor in holdings of 30 jugera. The proposed law was in fact in 5 line with the traditional recognition of the civic com- ^ munity’s supreme ownership of land and its right to ~ dispose of it, but it was fiercely resisted by the great g majority of big landowners, who persuaded Tiber- 5 ius’s colleague, the tribune M. Octavius, to veto the 4 bill. Tiberius then asked the popular assembly if > someone acting against the people’s interest could be £3 a tribune of the people. The assembly, attended by p masses of peasants, divested Octavius of power, I which was an unheard-of violation of the Roman ' tradition that did not permit an elected official to be " recalled before his mandate expired, and voted for ■§ Tiberius’s bill. A committee of three was elected for ?
291
the implementation of the law - Tiberius himself, his
father-in-law Appius Claudius Pulcher, and his
brother Gaius. Tiberius proposed to use the treasury
of Pergamum to supply the peasants receiving land
with everything they would need for work, which
ran counter to the interests of the publicani and big
landowners. When Tiberius announced his intention
to run for the tribunate for the second year in succes¬
sion (which also contravened the tradition), his
opponents, mobilising all their forces, began an in¬
tense campaign against him, accusing him of royal
pretensions. On the day of voting, they brought all
their supporters and clients to the popular assembly.
It all ended in a massacre, during which Tiberius
and 300 his followers were killed.
His law was implemented very slowly in the face of desperate resistance of the owners of occupied lands (possessores). Scipio Aemilianus, who lent his authority to the opposition, proposed that the dis¬ putes arising in the implementation of the law should be considered by the Senate, which naturally slowed down the process. Soon Scipio Aemilianus was found dead in his bedroom, and the adherents of the reform were immediately accused of secret assas¬ sination of the famous hero. The affair was compli¬ cated by unrest among the Italic allies, who insisted that they had not been fairly compensated for the burden of the wars which they had shared with the Romans. They also demanded Roman citizenship for themselves, in order to gain access to land and all those rights and freedoms which Roman citizens enjoyed. A rejection of their demands caused an uprising in Asculum. The revolt was crushed, but the problem of the allies became a constant worry for the Romans.
In 124, Gaius Gracchus was elected tribune of the people. He saw himself as his brother’s successor, but, not content with merely repeating his agrarian law, he wanted to build a broad front of the various social strata opposed to the Senate. He promulgated the so-called lexfrumentaria (corn law), which bene¬ fited the urban plebs; by that law, poor plebeians were allowed to buy 60 modia of wheat at a reduced price (6.3 asses per modius). A new road-building project was intended to give employment to contrac¬ tors and workers. The law proposing to farm out the tithe in the new province of Asia, and another on the participation of the equites in the courts, benefited the publicani and the equestrian order. The peasants’
19 *
interests were to be met by a law limiting military
service to 17 years, providing them with arms at
state expense, and extending the right of appeal to
the popular assembly to include soldiers, to curb the
abuses of commanders. Besides, Gaius proposed to
found colonies for 6,000 in Capua, Tarentum and
Carthage, giving each colonist a land allotment of
200 jugera. Finally, he proposed to grant Roman citi¬
zenship to the allies. But this last suggestion was in¬
tensely disliked by the Roman plebs which did not
want to share its rights and privileges with the Ital¬
ics. The opposition again raised its head and started
an agitation against Gaius. He was accused of ne¬
glect for the curse on the land of Carthage. At a
popular assembly convened to discuss this issue,
fighting broke out between Gaius’s followers and his
opponents. In the end, the former occupied the
Aventine, but the consul Opimius, granted extraor¬
dinary powers, led his supporters and a mercenary
unit, the Cretan archers, against them. Three thou¬
sand Gracchans were killed, and Gaius himself com¬
mitted suicide. Later, Cicero accused the Gracchi of
being the initiators of civil wars that lasted a
hundred years, and of inciting the people’s unruli¬
ness. In his work on oratory he gave a list of argu¬
ments counsel for the defence could use to justify
assassination, citing Opimius as one of the examples:
in killing Gaius Gracchus, the latter saved the
republic. The people, however, revered the memory
of the Gracchi.
The Gracchi reforms were to some extent neutra¬ lised. In 119 B. C., the agrarian commission was dis¬ solved (though it had granted land allotments to some 50 or 75 thousand families), and according to the law of 111, both land received from the commis¬ sion and land occupied in Italy and the provinces, regardless of the size of the holding, was declared private, i. e., rent-free and not subject to redistribu¬ tion. The lex frumentaria and the law on courts remained in force, and the participation of the equites in the courts made court trials an especially sharp weapon in the hands of the conflicting groups.
New conquests in Gaul, where the Allobrogi tribe was subdued and a new province, of which Tolosa was the capital, established, as well as the founding of the Narbo colony and of two colonies on the Balearic Islands, provided more lands for the pea¬ sants and satisfied the businessmen. For a while, peace was restored, but it did not last long, as the
most acute issues remained. It was, in fact, impos¬
sible to restore the Roman community of peasants
and warriors (which was the Gracchi’s ultimate
aim; under the conditions of developing commodity-
money relations, slavery, increasing social differen¬
tiation, and economic inequality.
The war with Jugurtha, a pretender to the Numi- dian throne, which began in 111 B. C., showed the extent of the corruption of the Roman army and its command. The soldiers cared for nothing but the booty. The commanders, including Opimius, the murderer of Gaius Gracchus, bribed by Jugurtha, lost battles to him. During that war, which was a dis¬ grace to Rome, two men rose to prominence, Marius and Sulla, who were destined to play an enormous role in the fate of the republic.
Gaius Marius came from a small village near the city of Arpinum; he began his military career in Spain, under Caecilius Metellus, the patron of Mar¬ ius’s father. Metellus’s patronage, Marius’s courage, and later his marriage to a woman of noble birth (Julius Caesar’s aunt) helped Marius in his career that was exceptional for a person of humble birth. Rising from one magistracy to another, he was finally elected consul in 107 and carried out an im¬ portant military reform. Now everyone could join the army regardless of their property qualifications; apart from salary and part of the booty, soldiers received a land allotment on retirement after 16 to 20 years of service. The agrarian question was now shifted to quite a different plane: land allotments were now a prize for the indigent plebeians serving in the army, and the army could fight for its interests much more effectively than the popular assembly. The veterans now expected their land allotments to come from their commander, who was, as it were, obliged to provide them, and not from the Roman people. The ties between the civic community and the soldiers weakened, while their links with the supreme commander grew stronger. He protected §. their interests in the government, and they sup- 5 ported him with their votes and, if peaceful means g were inadequate, with their arms.
2, Another traditional mainstay of the life of the 5 Roman civic community, the inalienable link io between the concepts of “warrior” and “citizen”, | was also broke; not all citizens were now obliged to s be warriors. All this signified the beginning crisis of g Rome as a civic community. It could no longer
292
remain such a community, as it had become the the capital of the insurgents. They won several vic-
centreofan enormous state where conflicts were rife tories, although they failed to capture any fortified
between slaves and slave-owners, big and small cities, especially because the urban slaves did not
landowners, Senate and plebs, citizens and Italics, support them. The uprising was suppressed, and
Italics and provincials, and in the provinces, Sicilian slaves were forbidden to carry arms on pain
between a handful of the pro-Roman aristocracy of death, even for hunting.
and all the other social strata. The civic community This uprising in Sicily, just as the previous one, in-
could not overcome these conflicts in the absence of cited unrest among the plebeians in Rome. In the 1st
a well-developed state apparatus. The army became century B. C., two parties in Rome’s political life
the only real force. Earlier, it was a force directed took shape th t populates and the optimates. The opti-
against the outside world. Marius’s reform made it a mates were supporters of the power of the Senate and
force capable of asserting itself within Rome as well. its monopoly of exploiting the provinces and the
Marius recruited an army, introduced iron disci- public lands; they opposed any reforms that bene-
pline in it, and changed its structure - the principal fited the plebs and any increase in the power of the
unit was now a cohort consisting of six centuries, so tribunes of the people. The populates supported such
that a legion was now made up of 10 cohorts and 60 reforms and appealed to popular assemblies and ral-
centuries. This army routed Jugurtha, who fled to lies of the plebs. Though they had no official status,
the Mauretanian king Bocchus. Lucius Cornelius these rallies played an increasing role in Rome’s
Sulla, Marius’s questor, was sent to conduct negotia- political life.
tions with Bocchus and secured the extradition of The question of whether the optimates and the
Jugurtha, thus laying the beginning of a dizzy populates were, in a sense, political parties, has been
career. debated in modern scholarly literature on several
Marius’s army also honourably acquitted itself in occasions. Apparently they were not parties in the
another hard test-the war with the Germanic tribes modern sense of the word; they had no orderly
of the Cimbri and Teutones, who invaded Gaul and organisation, Rules, or permanent membership, in¬
northern Italy and inflicted a number of crushing dividual politicians constantly changing sides. Still, defeats on the Romans, who lost 60,000 soldiers. they were sufficiently clearcut trends with their dis- Marius, now elected consul year after year, repulsed tinct programmes and ideologies, with which we are
the onslaught of the Germans after some hard fight- familiar from the works of the optimas Cicero and the
ing in 102 and 101, capturing 150,000 prisoners of populatis Sallust. Both admitted that Rome’s affairs
war, including Teutobodes, king of the Teutones. £ were in a bad way, and that the cause of that lay in In the same year 101 B. C., Marius’s colleague, H deviation from the customs of the ancestors, and consul Aquilius, suppressed another uprising of slaves ~ from the ideal republican system they had created, in Sicily, which had lasted for three years. The inci- s Cicero held that this deviation was due to the “unru- dent that started the war strikingly characterises the * liness” of the people and of the tribunes of the peo- position of the population of the Roman provinces g pie the demagogues who undermined the authority and vassal kingdoms. To fight the Germans, Marius 'A of the Senate and of the optimates, i. e., rich and asked the king of Bithynia to send auxiliary units, ^ noble citizens or simply the well-to-do who were not but the latter replied that he could not comply with s’ inclined to rebel. The government should be in the the request as most of his subjects had been sold into “ hands of those entitled to rule by their origin, slavery to various provinces by the publicani. The _| wealth, and education; the common people must Senate ordered an inquiry into the matter and the pursue their occupations, obey laws and maintain restoration of freedom for the unlawfully enslaved. S3 peace and tranquility. Cicero believed the attempts The governor of Sicily freed 800 slaves but then o to undermine the existing relations of property, to stopped the inquiry, bribed by the masters. The § redistribute land and cancel debts to be the greatest slaves rebelled, electing the Syrian Salvius, who took 'A evil contravening natural justice and all the norms of the name of Tryphon, their king. Another rebel » human intercourse. In Sallust’s view, all misfortunes army was commanded by the Cilician Athenion, ■§. came, on the contrary, from divesting the people of who later joined forces with Tryphon in Triocala, § power and from the abuses of the corrupt, suborned,
293
and decadent nobility. The people and the tribunes
of the people must occupy their proper place and
show the Senate and the magistrates that all their
laws and actions were powerless without the people,
as the plebeians’ secessions had once showed. After
its victory, the people would have to do away with
luxury, the power of money, and usury, becoming
again a people of peasants and warriors.
The populares, who were often scions of noble fami¬ lies, frequently spoke at rallies of the common people (the conciliaplebis), denouncing rich property owners who barred the access to public lands for the ple¬ beians, made their debtors work in fetters on their immense estates, and surrounded themselves with crowds of slaves, some of whom, being their masters’ favourites, were better off than many freeborn citizens. Their speeches apparently echoed the views of Poseidonius, who endeavoured to prove the perni¬ cious effect of excessive development of slavery, cit¬ ing the Sicilian uprisings as an example. The speeches of the populares found a lively response among listeners. Legends about Roman kings were very popular among the plebs, especially the one about Servius Tullius, who had given the people land liberating them from dependence, and had offered everyone a chance for promotion through ability rather than noble birth. Fortune, Servius Tullius’s beloved, who had humiliated the highborn and elevated worthy simple people, was worshipped, as were the Lares, guarantors of justice in relations between members of families and between neigh¬ bours. Colleges dedicated to their cult embraced ple¬ beians and slaves and were the broadest and the most active organisations.
In the late 2nd and early 1st centuries B. C., Marius, who enjoyed great popularity, was the recognised leader of the populares. His demand for land for his veterans was opposed by the Senate, and that threatened to bring to nought his military reform and to undermine his personal authority. ^ Marius was supported by the popular tribunes Apu- a leius Saturninus and Servilius Glaucia who, relying 5 on the votes of Marius’s veterans, promulgated in j 100 B. C. a law providing for the founding of colonies for veterans in Gaul, Sicily, Achaia, | Macedonia, and Africa, where each veteran would i get an allotment of 100 jugera. That made them I owners of villas similar to those of Cato. The next - year Marius was elected consul for the sixth time, |-
and Saturninus, tribune of the people for a second
term. But during the election campaign of Glaucia,
who was to be elected praetor, his supporters killed
Memmius, the optimates’ candidate, which resulted
in fresh disturbances. The supporters of Saturninus
and Glaucia occupied the Capitol. The Senate dec¬
lared a state of emergency and entrusted Marius
with the task of suppressing the rebellion, which the
latter did after some hesitation. The Capitol was
taken, Saturninus and Glaucia were killed, and their
followers banished from Rome. Marius’s betrayal
made his position insecure, and he was compelled to
leave for Asia.
The Social War and the Disintegration of the Roman Civic
Community. The optimates won a temporary victory,
but the unrest continued. The allies (socii) again
demanded Roman citizenship; when the Senate
refused to grant it, they rebelled. The war with the
allies, called the Social War, lasted from 91 to 88
B. C. and was fought with extreme ferocity'. In the
city of Asculum, where the uprising began, all
Romans were slaughtered. The Picenes, the Marsi,
the Samnites and other, poorer tribes joined the
rebels. Big landowners in Etruria, Umbria, northern
Italy, as well as Greek dues and Latin and Roman
colonies, remained loyal to Rome. The rebel army,
commanded by the Marsian Pompedius Silo and the
Samnite Papius Mutilus, was about 100,000 strong.
Capturing the colonies, the rebels killed the local
nobles and recruited in their army the common peo¬
ple and the slaves, who massacred their masters.
Rome resorted to recruiting units of Gauls, Numi-
dians and Spaniards, and still it could not achieve
success. All Campania fell into the hands of the
allies, and even Etruria and Umbria began to vacil¬
late. In the end, Rome had to make concessions. In
89 B. C., all Italy south of the Padus was granted
Roman citizenship, and in 88 B. C., Cisalpine Gaul
received Latin citizenship. In that same year, the
Roman army, commanded by Sulla, reoccupied
Campania and defeated the allies.
Although at first the new citizens were distributed only among eight or ten tribes, to diminish their in¬ fluence, the impact of the war was still quite consid¬ erable. Roman citizens, who now inhabited the whole of Italy, could not, practically speaking, take part in popular assemblies, so that the principle of
294
citizen participation in the government became powers of the tribunes of the people and of the popu-
void, as did the link between citizenship and owning lar assembly were curtailed and those of the Senate
land on community territory for now any inhabitant increased.
of Italy could own land in any part of its territory. However, as soon as Sulla left, at the head of his
Service in the legions became accessible to the new army, for the war against Mithridates, the populares
citizens, who received land for it, and the influence raised their head again. The consul L. Cornelius
of supreme commanders spread throughout Italy. Cinna revived the proposals of Sulpicius Rufus, but
Italy was thus completely Romanised. The influence Cinna’s colleague Octavius, an optimas, pressed his
of well-to-do citizens and owners of villas and slaves expulsion, and Cinna was forced to leave for Cam-
grew, as they were mostly elected to the offices of city pania, where the soldiers stationed there went over
magistrates and municipal councils. to his side. Marius returned from Africa. Disembark-
At the same time the situation in the provinces ing in Etruria, he began to gather his supporters and
further deteriorated. The war with king Mithrida- even promised slaves freedom. Slaves began to
tes VI of Pontus began. Concluding alliances with throng towards his camp, but that gave his
Nicomedes III, king of Bithynia, with Tigranes, opponents a reason to describe his actions as those of
king of Armenia, with the Thracians and the Scyth- a tyrant. Even his personal bodyguard (the Bar-
ians, Mithridates captured nearly all of the Pontic diaei) consisted of slaves. Combining their forces,
coast, Paphlagonia, and Galatia; in Cappadocia, he Cinna and Marius took Rome, cancelled Sulla’s
overthrew the Roman protege and installed a crea- orders and began to persecute his followers, killing
ture of his own. As he moved across Asia Minor, the them and confiscating their property. Together with
provincials everywhere received Mithridates as their Cinna, Marius was elected consul for the year 86 (his
liberator. In response to his call, the population of seventh consulship), but he soon died. Many of his
the province of Asia slaughtered on the same day followers resented the fact that Marius had armed
80,000 Romans, Italics, their freedmen and slaves slaves. One of these malcontents, Sertorius, led a
living there. On taking Delos, a major trade centre, unit of troops which surrounded at night the camp of
Mithridates massacred all the Italic businessmen Marius’s bodyguard and massacred them. Valerius
there. When he seized Athens, he drove away the Flaccus, who replaced Marius, and Cinna were
rich pro-Roman aristocracy and established a de- entrusted with command of the army in the war
mocracy. against Mithridates, but both of them were killed —
The Senate entrusted the prosecution of the war Flaccus in Illyria and Cinna, in Ancona, by rebel- against Mithridates to Sulla, who had proved him- g lious troops.
self a talented general and a confirmed optimas. That i In the meantime, Sulla, supported by the pro-Ro- decision roused discontent among the populares. (L man aristocracy, achieved major successes in the war When Sulla left for the army awaiting him at Nola, ^ against Mithridates. After a long siege, he seized they forced the Senate to hand the command over to ' Athens and let his soldiers sack the city; this was fol- Marius, who had by that time returned to Rome. ? lowed up by several other victories over the Pontic Simultaneously, the tribune Sulpicius Rufus pro- army in Greece. In an attempt to strengthen his
mulgated the law on distribution of the new citizens » party, Mithridates declared Greek cities free, can- among all the tribes and the return of all those g celled debts, announced his intention to redistribute banished after the rebellion of Saturninus and Glau- § land, granted citizenship to the metics, and freed cia. Sulla’s soldiers, fearing that Marius would re- 4 many slaves, which increased the aristocracy’s cruit a fresh army and they would be deprived of a 3 hatred towards him. The Romans won back Mace- chance of rich booty in Asia Minor, refused to obey 5 donia, Pergamum, and the islands of the Aegean, the decision of the popular assembly and demanded p Sulla, impatient to return to Rome, concluded peace that Sulla should lead them against Rome under the § with Mithridates in 85 B. C. Mithridates gave up plea of saving Rome from Marius’s tyranny. The ^ Asia Minor and had to pay an indemnity of 2.3 mil- city was taken, Sulpicius Rufus was killed, and his ^ lion talents. As punishment for its disloyalty, Asia laws were repealed. Marius, declared an enemy of -f had to pay 20,000 talents and tribute for five years, the people, fled to Africa. On Sulla’s orders, the |i In the spring of 83, Sulla led 1,600 ships to
295
Brundisium and disembarked 40,000 troops there. gave slaves a chance to take part in the fighting
Prominent optimates flocked to that city. A new civil among freemen. The lands of proscribed individuals
war began, in which Marius’s followers suffered were confiscated and handed over to the veterans at
several defeats. In 82, Sulla seized Rome. Marius’s the bidding of the head of the victorious group and
adherents were punished with extraordinary cruelty. not by sanction of the citizens’ body. Sulla’s absolute
The Samnites who had supported them were exe- and unlimited dictatorship contravened the princi-
cuted in the field of Mars. The cities of Samnium pies of the Roman constitution which, though un-
and Etruria were destroyed. The so-called proscrip- written, was sanctified by custom and tradition,
dons-a list of Sulla’s outlawed opponents-were Sulla’s personality was also far from the ideal of the
announced in Rome. Everyone who killed any of the ancestors-he claimed that Fortune and Venus were
persons proscribed, or informed on them, received a especially kind towards him, and called . himself
reward; if the killer or informer was a slave, the re- Felix, “the lucky one”. At the same time the war
ward was freedom. The property of outlawed between Marians and Sullans showed the signifi-
citizens was confiscated and sold at auctions. Forty cance and strength of the new army. On the whole,
senators and 1,600 knights were thus put to death. the social base of Sulla’s dictatorship was narrow.
Ten thousand slaves who had belonged to pro- The plebeians, the equites, the landowners who lost
scribed persons and who were set free by Sulla (they their estates, the provincials oppressed by their own
were named “cornelians”) formed his personal aristocracy and now fleeced without any checks by
bodyguard. 120,000 veterans received lands in Sam- the governors and their staff consisting of freedmen
nium, Etruria, and Campania. The popular assem- and slaves all were against Sulla. An excellent
bly appointed Sulla dictator. The number of sena- illustration of this fact is Cicero’s famous speeches
tors rose from 300 to 600, all the new members being against Verres, governor of Sicily. In Cicero’s words,
Sulla’s followers. To investigate various criminal even the name of Romans was hated in the prov-
offences, new permanent courts were set up, which inces. The war with Mithridates showed that the
were given the right to mete out punishment in population of the provinces was ready to rise at the
accordance with an emergency procedure. The first opportunity.
equestrian order was barred from participation in The inviability of Sulla’s measures became appar-
the courts. The number of questors and praetors was ent immediately after he gave up the dictatorship,
increased. The governors of provinces-two procon- for reasons still not clear, in 79 B. C., and died a year
suls and eight propraetors-were granted absolute later. Right after a ceremonious funeral, distur-
powers, and the publicani lost their most profitable bances broke out again. Aemilius Lepidus, the con¬ sources of income in Asia. Sulla introduced greater sul of 78 B. C., tried to abrogate Sulla’s laws, but the
order in the passage of officials through the magis- Senate declared him a public enemy. His army was
tracies and established the candidates’ minimal beaten by a force commanded by Pompey. The
age 30 years for a questor, 40 for a praetor, and 43 Marian Sertorius, invited to Spain by rebellious
for a consul. Tribunes of the people were forbidden Lusitanians, firmly established himself there. He was
to fill magistracies after their term of office. He pub- immensely popular among the tribes of Spain which
fished several laws which introduced harsh penalties believed him to be a favourite of the gods. At the
for criminal offences (murder, forgery, etc.), failure head of an army consisting of these tribesmen and
to obey the magistrates, power abuses, and bribery. ^ the Marians who had fled to Sertorius, he inflicted Sulla’s measures were an important stage in the a several defeats on Pompey sent against him. Only transformation of Rome into a state in the modern S after Sertorius’s assassination by a traitor was this acceptation of the term. -h movement crushed. In 73 B. C., however, a new war
Although Sulla’s dictatorship was supported by Z, with Mithridates began. The Roman forces were the optimates who proclaimed themselves champions § commanded by L. Lucullus. At first, he won several of the “customs of the ancestors”, it deviated greatly victories, taking Sinope, Mithridates’s capital, and a
from the norms of the old civic community. Just as | large booty, but his further progress was slowed Marius’s appeals to slaves, proscriptions under- = down by mutiny among the troops, mined the absolute power of the pater familias, and In74B. C., at a time of defeats in external conflicts
296
and at the peak of internal disturbances, a major dangerous to the Roman slave-owners than the
uprising ofslaves broke out; it was headed by Sparta- rebellions in Sicily, showed quite clearly that slaves
cus, a Thracian who had been made a gladiator for had become a numerous class hosdle to slave-
refusal to serve in the Roman auxiliary forces. Anti- owners, and that a strong state was needed to sup-
que authors described Spartacus as a very talented press it.
strategist and a brilliant organiser. The revolt began Despite the slave-owners’ victory, internal diffi-
with the escape of Spartacus and 70 other gladiators culties continued. The agrarian question again
from a gladiators’ training school in Capua. They became acute at that time, although it took some-
established a fortified camp on Mt Vesuvius, and what different forms from those of the past. Veterans
their numbers gradually increased as slaves and im- and poor peasants demanded land allotments and
poverished peasants joined them. A 3,000-strong guarantees from seizure of their holdings by rich
Roman unit barred the descent from Vesuvius, but neighbours. Big landowners demanded guarantees
Spartacus outmanoeuvred it. Using ladders made of against new agrarian laws and redistribution of
wild vines, Spartacus and his force descended Vesu- land. Sulla's followers, buying up the lands of pro-
vius on the opposite side, took the soldiers in the scribed owners for a song, had made immense for- rear and routed them. Praetor Varinius, sent against tunes. Their estates, often covering many thousand
Spartacus, was also worsted. The slave army grew jugera, were mostly tilled not by slaves but by
rapidly, and soon it was 70,000 strong (100,000, ac- tenants, the colons, who were often their clients,
cording to other sources). The movement spread Strabo mentions that some of Latium’s smaller
from Campania to other regions. Roman historians towns became villages on private lands apparently
believed that Spartacus’s goal was to lead the slaves inhabited by colons. The labour of enslaved debtors
across the Alps to free Gaul. Indeed, at first Spartacus was widely used on such estates. Extensive grazing
triumphantly made his way to the north of Italy. lands were very profitable. Among the richest men
Near Mutina, he defeated the army of the governor of the end of the republic, Pliny the Elder mentioned
of Cisalpine Gaul, opening the way to the Alps, but Cecilius Claudius Isidorus, a freedman who left in
then, instead of crossing them, he turned back. The his will 3,600 pair of oxen, 257,000 heads of other
reasons for that decision were not clear. Somemodern livestock, 4,116 slaves and 60 million sesterces. From
historians believe that discord began among the in- Varro’s work on agriculture we know that its organi-
surgents, while others hold that Spartacus had sation was vastly improved compared to Cato’s
intended to take Rome from the very beginning. In times. The improvement was brought about by
any case, he moved south and beat the army of £ accumulated experiences and knowledge, a well- both consuls in Picenum. The Senate then sent If thought-out placement of workers, division of labour against Spartacus the praetor M. Licinius Crassus, ^ among specialists in various branches of the granted extraordinary powers and assisted by Lu- ^ economy, a system of penalties and rewards, and cullus and Pompey recalled from Spain. Spartacus, ^ specialisation of the functions of the villa’s consi- however, went further south, intending to go across s derably increased administrative staff, which now to Sicily with pirates’ help and stir up rebellion A enjoyed various privileges. For instance, a villicus among slaves there. But he was deceived by the » was given not only a concubine but also a peculium, pirates and had great trouble extricating himself 3 which sometimes enabled him to rent part of the
from Bruttium where Crassus had invested him. a master’s land, contract for various jobs, etc.
For reasons unknown, two units, 12,000 strong, f Rational management of an estate, particularly one broke away from Spartacus’s army and were an- > planted with perennials, demanded capital invest- nihilated by Crassus’s troops. In 71, the insurgents S ment, but, as Cicero wrote, landowners did not want were destroyed by Crassus’s army in Apulia, despite $ to invest money in improvements on their estates for the desperate fight they put up, and Spartacus him- « fear of confiscations and agrarian laws. Guarantees self fell in battle. The remnants of Spartacus’s army A for small-scale and larger properties and optimal were mopped up by Pompey, and 6,000 slaves were ;; conditions for land cultivation were becoming vital crucified along the via Appia. f necessities for further development of the economy,
The Spartacus uprising, which was much more J which had by that time achieved a rather high level.
297
Craftsmen of all kinds were very numerous, parti¬
cularly in Rome. Fairly large workshops appeared.
Thus, up to 100 slaves were employed in some work¬
shops producing fine pottery. Jewellers, craftsmen
dying fabrics in purple, perfumers and others toiled
to produce luxury articles. Thousands of slaves and
plebeians worked on the construction of villas, city
residences, and public buildings. Household crafts
continued to exist, but urban craftsmen who worked
for the market or to fill clients’ orders played an in¬
creasing role. Not only luxury objects but also food¬
stuffs, clothes, and objects of metal and wood were
items of trade. Apart from wholesale merchants
there were small shopkeepers and pedlars. The level
achieved by agriculture, the crafts, and trade
became incompatible with the social system of old
peasant Rome.
The republic, which had arisen on the basis of the civic community, could no longer cope with the new social and economic tasks. Ruled by a fraction of the nobility, which grew rich by plundering the prov¬ inces, and by citizens who could attend popular assemblies (these were mostly urban plebeians fed and amused with money pumped out of the provin¬ ces), it could not build a broader social basis, either in Italy or in the provinces, for Roman domination, and neither did it see any need for such a basis. It was also unable to transform the army-the main force in the civil wars-into a part of the military and bureaucratic mechanism necessary to run the state. Realising that a strong army was needed to maintain sway over the conquered lands and to acquire new ones, the Senate at the same time con¬ tinually fought supreme commanders and thus the army over allotments for veterans. As for the com¬ manders, they had to rely on the popular assembly on this issue, in order not to lose their authority, and that meant concessions to the plebs.
The Fall of the Senate Republic. That was exactly what 5. happened in 70 B. C., when the optimas Pompey and -5 the Sullan Crassus, famous for his wealth acquired ^ during the proscriptions, gained consulships, with r the support of the plebs. They repealed Sulla’s laws, 1 removed 60 of the most loyal Sullans from the Senate, restored the powers of the tribunes of the | people, handed the courts over to committees of 5 senators, equites, and aerarian tribunes ( tribuni aera- 5
rii) elected by the tribes, and restored the offices of
publicani in Asia for members of the equestrian order.
After the consulship of Pompey and Crassus, the
populaces again became active. Gaius Julius Caesar,
Marius’s nephew and Cinna’s son-in-law, became
one of their leaders on his return from banishment.
During the funeral of his aunt, Marius’s wife, he
made a speech praising Marius’s services to the
republic, and when he became questor, he restored
Marius’s trophies in the Forum removed by Sulla.'
In 63, Julius Caesar was elected chief pontiff, and in
his term office as praetor he spent huge sums of
money on games and handouts for the people,
denouncing at the same time prominent Sullans at
court trials. Cicero also began his career at that time
with a speech against Sulla’s richest freedman, I
Chrysogonus, and Sicily’s governor Gaius Verres;
the pains Cicero took to gather the facts against
Verres, and his brilliance as a public speaker, imme¬
diately attracted general attention.
In the meantime, the situation called for a fresh reconciliation between the Senate and Pompey. In I 67 B. C., Pompey had been given extraordinary powers to exterminate piracy that endangered the I transportation of food supplies to Rome, and he had coped with that task in just three months. After that he had been granted the same extraordinary powers I to complete the war with Mithridates that had not I been finished by Lucullus. In 63 he triumphantly I ended that war and began to arrange things in Asia as he saw fit, appointing and removing the kings of I states conquered by Rome. Pompey founded about 40 poleis in the eastern provinces, handing over to the city magistracies the collection of taxes from the urban neighbourhood and thus consolidating the position of those magistracies.
Owing to Pompey’s conquests, the income of the Roman treasury increased by 70 per cent. He was a real hero in the eyes of the public. In Asia, even his favourite freedmen were honoured as kings. In 62, he returned to Italy.
The situation here was far from tranquil. In 64 B. C., Cicero was elected consul. His rival Catiline (Lucius Sergius Catilina), who was defeated at the polls and had earlier been suspected of underhand dealings, organised a conspiracy to overthrow the existing system, in which extremely diverse strata of the population were involved including both nobles and plebeians who demanded cancellation of debts.
298
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The conspiracy was joined by the enslaved peasants of Etruria, who organised armed groups com¬ manded by a certain Gaius Manlius. Some of Cati¬ line’s adherents also appealed to the urban slaves, who had small shops and workshops as their peculia or did odd jobs as hired hands with their masters’ permission, coming in close contact with free ple¬ beians, taking part in the colleges, and supporting the plebs at rallies.
Some antique authors believed, apparently with certain justification, that Catiline was backed by Crassus, an enemy of the Senate, and Caesar. Cicero knew about the conspiracy, but he had no sufficient evidence to proceed from speeches against Catiline to more decisive action. Finally a letter from some Catilinarians to the ambassadors of the Allobrogi who were at that time in Rome, calling on them to rise in revolt, fell into his hands. That was proof of high treason, and Cicero ordered the arrest of some Catilinarians. Catiline himself joined Manlius. The conspirators were tried in the Senate; despite Cae¬ sar’s protest, they were sentenced to death and stran¬ gled in gaol. Catiline himself fell Fighting the troops sent against Manlius. Cicero posed as the country’s saviour, singing his own praises.
What we know of Catiline comes from the writ¬ ings of his two worst enemies. Cicero described him in his speeches as an instigator of all rebellious ele¬ ments and enemies of law and order, ready to des¬ troy Rome to avoid paying their debts. The histo¬ rian Sallust saw Catiline as a typical representative 5 of corrupt and vice-ridden nobility, ambitious, self- f seeking, and shameless. It is therefore difficult to draw a true picture of Catiline and of his movement.
In any case, he undoubtedly had a following among ? certain sections of the plebs, and his failure was an =• indication of the latter’s weakness. The plebs was "S, even unable to counteract the dissolution of colleges ? ordered by the Senate. On the other hand, the | Senate’s ability for resistance also weakened. When = Pompey’s demand for land allotments for his JT veterans was rejected, and his desire to run for the office of consul thwarted, Pompey formed an ; alliance with Crassus and Caesar, who had just 9 returned from Spain, where he had been propraetor. £
That agreement was later termed the First Trium- ^ virate. It united the army, represented by Pompey, ^ big businessmen close to Crassus, and the populares §’ who recognised Caesar as their leader-all of them ?
opposed to the Senate. The triumvirs ensured the
election of Caesar as consul for the year 59. Despite
the Senate’s opposition headed by Marcus Cato,
greatgrandson of Cato the Censor, Caesar promul¬
gated the law granting land allotments for Pompey’s
veterans from the remaining public lands. At the
end of Caesar’s consulship, he was made governor of
Cisalpine Gaul and Illyria and granted the right to
recruit two legions.
By that time Caesar must have realised that only the army could be a real power base of a political leader, not the badly organised plebs. The move¬ ment of Clodius, elected popular tribune for the year 58, was an even more striking indication of the plebs’s weakness than Catiline’s failure. Clodius began his career by inciting Lucullus’s troops to mutiny; he then returned to Rome, where he joined Caesar’s party and gained notoriety by wearing women’s clothes to steal into Caesar’s house for an assignation with his wife during the festivities of the Bona Dea, at which no men could be present. Caught in the act, he was tried for sacrilege. Cicero spoke against him, but the judges, bribed by Crassus, acquitted him. Caesar, who appeared as a witness, spoke in favour of Clodius, and when the latter decided to become a tribune of the people, Caesar arranged his transfer from the patrician to the plebeian order, and Clodius was elected for the office. In the words of Cicero, Clodius acted as a demagogue and a candidate for tyranny. Restoring plebeian colleges which served the cult of the Lares and had been banned by the Senate, he recruited to these colleges masses of plebeians, freedmen and slaves, who terrorised the optimates and even Pompey himself. With their help, Clodius burnt down the temple of the Nymphs where the census archives were kept; he intended to make the slaves of the king of Cyprus, who had just bequeathed his kingdom to Rome, freedmen, and even to free all slaves, follow¬ ing the example of tyrants. Clodius promulgated a new lex frumentaria, according to which 300,000 ple¬ beians could receive grain free, and forced the banishment of Cicero, blaming him for the illegal execution of the Catilinarians, who had been deprived of the chance to appeal to the people. Cicero’s property was confiscated, his house de¬ stroyed, and on its site the temple of Freedom was erected. The optimates, frightened by all these events, surrounded themselves by bodyguards, buying glad-
299
1
iators for that purpose. Elections of magistrates were to surpass one another in the splendour of the specta-
often disrupted. cles they put on, so that the spectators learnt to
In practical terms, however, Clodius did not expect more and more expensive amusements. Next achieve much, although, as a populans, he went to comedies and tragedies, mimes, or amusing short much further than Caesar had believed necessary. plays, appeared. Publilius Syrus, a freedman, was Gradually Clodius retired from public life, and in 52 famous as an author of mimes, and his sayings B. C. he was killed by the slaves of Milo, his fierce became popular proverbs (sententiae). enemy. The plebs, divided into rural and urban, There were quite a few authors (often slaves and
with further subdivisions within the urban plebs, freedmen) who wrote works on history, linguistics,
which included both indigent citizens and owners of and literary criticism. Greek and Latin books were shops and workshops concerned that they might lose in great demand. The thirst for education became their property during disturbances, could no longer universal. In the view of Vitruvius, an author of a justify the hopes that populates like Sallust set on it. It treatise on architecture, an architect must be con- could only become a force again when organised as versant not only with construction engineering but an army. All these events and class shifts in society also with medicine, astronomy, philosophy, and radically changed the nature of Rome as a civic mythology. In Varro’s words, an estate owner and community. Rome was on the eve of major political his manager must know something of agronomy, and social changes. Certain developments that had medicine, veterinary matters, and astronomy. Varro begun to show in the 2nd century B.C., now stood himself was a scholar of wide-ranging interests-he out clearly in all the spheres of culture and everyday wrote on agriculture, Latin, the history of Roman life. cults and religious institutions, and many other sub-
Magnificent public and private edifices were jects. Another outstanding thinker was Lucretius
built. Having learnt the dome technique, the Carus, author of the famous poem De rerum natura
Romans could increase considerably the size of their written in the spirit of Epicureanism. Aspiring to
buildings. After the invention of concrete made from conquer man’s fear of the gods and the destiny of the lava, it became possible to paint large frescoes on soul after life, he formulated a natural explanation of walls, with outsize figures and landscapes. The villas the origin of the universe, the earth, plants, animals, and city residences of the aristocracy were sur- and the history of human society, an explanation rounded with gardens, and specially trained slaves that did not envisage any intervention from the gods became gardeners, a privileged group among house- and was entirely based on the theory of combination hold servants. Multistorey buildings were also and separation of eternally moving atoms. Society,
erected, where rooms were let to the poor that in his view, did not evolve at the will of the gods but
flocked to Rome, at a great profit for the landlords. owing to men’s observations of nature and a reason-
Roman sculptors followed Greek patterns, but they able idea of the good of all recorded in customs and
evolved a style of their own in portrait sculpture. laws which could change along with changes in the Unlike the Greeks, who often prettified the originals, conception of the good of all. the Romans did their best to achieve an exact por- The endless misfortunes brought by external and
trayal of the subject’s appearance and character. civil wars made men look for consolation and guid- Cicero, and later Horace in his Ars poetica, worked ance to teachings concerned with the question of out a theory of realistic art of which the principal how one could live when all the customary norms tasks were the study and representation of real life in I and concepts disintegrated and the evil reigning in all its diversity and precise deliniation of character, 5 the world raised doubts about divine and human habits and views of persons of different age and s justice. Various answers were offered, based on the status. They condemned deviations from the truth of 2, theories of diverse Greek philosophical sch&ols that life and opposed any embellishment of it. Cicero | had numerous adherents in Rome. Epicureans believed that even in architecture, ornaments with- g, advised to “live inconspicuously”, to avoid political out a purpose might appear pleasing at first but soon | strife, to be content with a circle of friends and men began to pall, like an excessively sweet dish. At the ^ of similar views, and to be moderate, lest excesses same time magistrates, in a bid for popularity, tried | should lead to suffering. Stoics believed that man
300
could be happy if he valued, above all other things, view. The main theme of the work of Catullus, one
virtue prompted by nature itself, did his duty by of the best Roman poets, was his love, happy at first
society, and set little store by the external circum- and miserable later, for P. Clodius’s sister, a well-
stances -wealth, status, honours, freedom and even known “society lioness” whom he called Lesbia. The
life itself. Pythagoreanism again became wide- world that surrounded him was largely eclipsed by
spread; its exponent in Rome at that time was Pub- the joys and sufferings of love which he described
lius Nigidius Figulus, famous for his learning. As- with extraordinary force.
trologv, philosophically substantiated by Marcus The development of individualism also manifested
Manilius, became extremely popular everyone itself in an acute interest for the lives of outstanding
believed in it, beginning with slaves, who turned to persons. Prominent political leaders, such as Sulla,
fortune-tellers infesting the Forum, and ending with Cicero and Caesar, wrote memoirs in which they
Marius, Sulla, or Pompey, who constantly resorted justified their actions (only Caesar’s Commentaries on
to astrologers’ advice. the Gallic and Civil wars have survived). Catiline’s
There was a revival of interest in various prophe- conspiracy and the war with Jugurtha were the
cies, such as the Etruscan tradition about a periodi- themes of Sallust’s works.
cally repeated sequence of ages and the imminent Cicero did a great deal for the development of cul-
comingof a new “Golden Age”. Returning from the ture of his times. His speeches, letters to his friends,
East, soldiers brought to Rome the cults of Egyptian later published, and other works are the principal
and Asian gods. Despite interdictions these cults source of our knowledge of the history, culture and
found great numbers of followers. The Dionysus cult ideology of those turbulent years,
and his mysteries were again revived. Many Romans Returning in 54 from exile as something of a hero,
in Greece were initiated in the Eleusinian and he began a vigorous literary activity. He wrote
Samothracian mysteries. several historico-philosophical treatises-the De
At the same time, neglect for the traditional republica, De Legibus- expounding his views of the
Roman religion grew among the upper classes. best possible state structure and of laws that must
Cicero’s treatise De divinatione mocked all the tradi- underly it. In his philosophical treatises, he also tried
tional ways of divining the will of the gods, and his to establish links between philosophy and a political
treatise De natura deorum (On the Nature of the Gods ) programme for the renovation of the republic, call-
expressed the view that religion and its institutions ing for the unification and harmony between all the
were obligatory for the common people, but believ- “good” people, that is, people loyal to the existing
ing or not believing in the gods was a matter of pri- p system; at the same time Cicero created the image of vate preference. Varroheld a similar opinion, divid- % a certain “ideal man” (whose prototype he saw in ing religion into that of the poets, who invented all g. Scipios, particularly Scipio Aemilianus, who had kinds of absurd myths, the religion of the philoso- __ fought against the Gracchi), a princeps capable of phers and religion obligatory for all citizens and ? heading the republic and establishing order in it in established by the society they lived in. Family mo- §■ the common interest in actual fact, in the intersts of rality, formerly so rigorous, declined. Divorces A the optimates. He saw no contradiction between abso- became more frequent. Sons were in fact less and less * lute personal power and the republic, which he dependent on fathers and had property of their own. | defined as the “property of the people”, in accor- Rich aristocratic women lived a life of ease and free- s dance with the traditional Roman views. Any form dom, indulging in numerous love affairs. JT of government-monarchy, aristocracy, democra-
All this was evidence of basic changes in the tradi- s cy was beneficial for the republic, provided they tional ideology of the civic community, and of the S functioned in the common interest and did not vio- development of individualism. Significant in this res- ^ late law and justice. Only the perverted forms of pect was the activity of the so-called Neoteroi (“new I government-tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy poets”), to which the poet Catullus belonged. Fol- A (the power of the mob) were pernicious for the lowing Hellenistic models, the Neoteroi wrote ’ republic, Cicero believed. In this way, he justified elaborate poems on mythological themes and were V ideologically the transition to absolute personal absolutely useless members of society, in Cicero’s power which had been prepared practically by the
301
dictatorship of Sulla, the extraordinary powers of
Pompey, and the rule of the triumvirs. Cicero saw
such an absolute ruler as an aristocrat of exceptional
merits. The plebeians awaited a successor to the
people-loving kings who had liberated the people
from the power of the Senate. The question was who
would become head of the republic. It was clear
from the overall situation that the choice would be
made in favour of a leader supported by the army
and capable of solving the acute problems of every¬
day life.
Pompey, whose links with the Senate again became closer, particularly after Crassus fell in the war with Parthia, was a possible candidate for dicta¬ torship. But it was precisely these links with the Senate that undermined Pompey’s popularity. Besides, he did not have the qualities necessary for a decisive break with the past. Caesar’s role at that time kept growing. He had the reputation of a popu- laris and great charisma, as even his enemy Cicero admitted, but his most important assets were his dip¬ lomatic and military talents that had brought him the victories in Gaul. It had taken 200 years to sub¬ due Spain, and 10, to conquer Gaul. Caesar began the war on the plea of liberating the Gauls from the forces of the German chieftain Ariovistus who had invaded their lands, although in his Commentaries on the Gallic War (De hello Gallico) Caesar recorded these words Ariovistus is supposed to have said during their conversation: whoever conquered anyone without declaring that he was bringing freedom? This fairly cynical idea was apparently Caesar’s own. Skilfully playing on the contradictions between various tribes and between tribal aristocracy and the people, suppressing any resistance to the Roman army, crossing the Rhine twice and moving on to Britain then unknown to the Romans (which pro¬ duced a great impression in Rome), he turned Gaul into a province and won a great booty and a million prisoners of war. Besides, Caesar’s gifts as military leader, his concern for the needs of his soldiers, with whom he shared all the hardships of the campaigns, and his talent for oratory, helped him to build a well-trained, disciplined and loyal army. He also won the favour of the Gallic aristocracy, granting it Roman citizenship, privileges and lands, and admit¬ ting its members to his army. When the Arverni tribe rose against Caesar at the end of the war, led by its king Vercingetorix, who tried to unite all Gaul
in a war against the Romans, the aristocracy of the
other tribes did not support him, and Caesar, despite
the rebels’ superior numbers and several victories,
was able to suppress the uprising, seizing the fortress
of Alesia in which Vercingetorix took refuge.
In the eyes of the Romans, Caesar was not only a conqueror of a vast new territory but also an avenger of Rome’s humiliation during the Gallic invasion of 390 B. C. True, the Senate, headed by extreme opti- mates like Cato, was disgruntled at Caesar’s rise to eminence, and it demanded that his army should be disbanded, threatening to withdraw permission to run for the office of consul. When the popular trib¬ une Mark Antony imposed a veto on that demand, the Senate disregarded it, and Antony fled to Cae¬ sar. The Senate now set all its hopes on Pompey, appointed “consul without a college”. The war became inevitable. On January 10, 49 B. C., Caesar, under the plea of defending the rights of the tribunes of the people, crossed the river Rubicon separating Cisalpine Gaul from Italy. One after another, Italic cities went over to Caesar’s side. It was rumoured that on seizing power Pompey intended to announce proscriptions, as Sulla had done. Even Pompey’s troops stationed in Italy joined Caesar. Pompey had no other choice but to flee. He went to Greece, accompanied by numerous optimates, including Cicero, who wrote to his friend Pomponius Atticus that, although he had no special liking for the Pom¬ peians, he followed the optimates out of habit, as an ox will follow oxen and sheep will follow sheep.
The civil war also spread through the provinces- Spain, Greece, and Africa. Pompey was supported by the local aristocracy loyal to the Senate, and Cae¬ sar, by urban landowners opposed to the aristocracy and the power of the Senate. Almost everywhere the cities went over to Caesar, who granted Roman citi¬ zenship to his adherents, sometimes to whole cities (e. g., Gades). It was the army’s loyalty and the alliance with the urban population that ensured S Caesar’s victory.
5 On occupying Italy, Caesar went over to Spain, y where some of Pompey’s troops were stationed. ^ Defeating them near the city of Ilerda, Caesar | moved to Greece, where Pompey’s main forces were gj concentrated. Caesar lost the Grst battle near Dyr- | rhachium in Epirus, but in the second battle, at s Pharsalus in Thessaly, Pompey was routed and fled | to Egypt, where he was killed on orders from king
302
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Ptolemy XI Dionysus, who feared Caesar’s anger. tent with half-measures. This antagonised many of
Following Pompey to Egypt, Caesar interfered in his followers but did not win him the favour of the
the dynastic strife there and, after a rather difficult Senate, although he included 600 new members in
campaign that was later called the Alexandrian it-military men with a fine war record, municipal
War, handed over the throne of Egypt to queen aristocrats and even provincials. All this seemed to
Cleopatra, who had become his mistress. the nobility an unheard-of violation of all norms and
After a speedy victory over Pharnaces, king of traditions. There were long delays in providing Pontus (the famous report to the Senate, Vent, vidi, veterans with land allotments. Only a few colonies,
via, referred to that victory), Caesar returned for a Carthage and Corinth among them, were founded
while to Rome and then departed for Africa, where for the poor. The plebs was disgruntled at the reduc-
the Pompeians had gathered significant forces and tion of grain dole and the new ban on colleges. A
concluded an alliance with Juba, king of Numidia. certain reduction of the plebs’s debts to usurers’ and
But here too the cities went over to Caesar’s side, landlords brought unified relief. Caesar’s measures
and the Pompeians’ position became hopeless. In the to extend the social basis of Roman domination in
battle of Thapsus they were defeated; Juba was the provinces were more consistent. Cisalpine Gaul
killed, and his kingdom, was made a province. Utica was granted Roman citizenship and ceased to be
was the Pompeians’ last stronghold. Here, Cato the regarded as a province. A special municipal law un-
Younger established his headquarters, but the Cae- ified the administrative system of colonies and muni-
sarean party gained the upper hand there too. Cato cipia, which now reproduced the structure of the
committed suicide and was later named Uticensis; Roman civic community. The popular assembly
his name became a symbol of a hero who would die elected magistrates out of those who had the neces-
rather than outlive freedom. The last and, as Caesar sary property qualification (apparently 200,000 ses-
himself admitted, the most difficult campaign of the terces); they made up the municipal council and
civil war was the second campaign in Spain against were called decurions. The city was given a territory
Pompey’s sons, Gnaeus and Sextus, who had gath- divided into private allotments and public lands,
ered considerable forces. In 45 B. C., the war ended The latter, just as the city’s treasury, were managed
with Caesar’s victory near the city of Munda. by the magistrates, who pledged their property as
Gnaeus was killed soon after, but Sextus escaped. they swore to manage the affairs conscientiously.
Caesar became an absolute ruler of the Roman Public lands, workshops, belonging to the city, and
state. He was granted an unlimited dictatorship and contracts to various projects were leased. It was the
tribunitian powers for life. He was named Impera- £ decurions’ duty to see to the correct performance of tor-a title usually conferred on a victorious general | the city gods’ rites, to the conduct of festivals and by troops on the battlefield, and was also granted the 5 spectacles, regular supplies of foodstuffs for the city, title of “father of the country”. Without consulting H the administration of justice, and census-taking on anyone, he could decide the issues of war and peace, ^ the city’s territory. In this way, a stratum of urban propose candidates for the magistracies, and look S' land- and slave-owners, bearers of Roman policy after the society’s morals. His insignia were a purple ^ and Roman culture, evolved; later, the decurions toga, a laurel wreath and a seat ornamented with ? became the third privileged order, next to the sena- ivory and gold. In May 45, his statue was erected in 1 tors and the equites, but during Caesar’s dictator- the temple of Quirinus in Rome. a ship that order was merely taking shape and could
But Caesar, who had exercised such talent, resolu- .J not be a great help to him. tion and even cruelty on his way to power, was un- s' The nobility took advantage of Caesar’s half-and- able to make use of it when it was in his hands. He j half policies. Rumours were circulated about his in- forgave Cicero, who returned to Rome, outwardly p tention to become a king, after the model of Hel- submissive but in actual fact full of hatred for Cae- 5 lenistic monarchs, and to move the capital to sar. “We are all Caesar’s slaves,” he wrote, “and ° Alexandria. His liaison with Cleopatra was con- Caesar is a slave of the circumstances.” Caesar for- ; demned. He was called a tyrant who had strangled gave Pompeian nobles, made them members of his ? freedom. The people recalled Brutus of the ancient retinue, and rejected the idea of proscriptions, con- ? times and appealed to his descendant Junius Brutus,
303
a friend of Cicero and a particular favourite of Cae- and given the provinces of Crete and Cyrenaica.
sar. Brutus, who hesitated at first, was involved in Sextus Pompey would be allowed to return to Italy
the conspiracy against Caesar headed by Cassius, a and to assume possession of his father’s property.
Pompeian forgiven by Caesar-a strong-willed and Dictatorship would be banned for all time to come,
vigorous man who had made a reputation for him- When Antony pressed the law on the handing
self during the war with Parthia. The conspirators over of Gaul to him, his relations with the Senate
were in a hurry to finish off Caesar, since the latter, deteriorated again. Cicero was especially fierce in his
sensing the weakness of his position, intended to denunciations of Antony. He made 14 speeches
leave Rome for the war with Parthia. He may have (which he called Philippics) purporting to prove
known of the conspiracy and believed death at the that Antony was a drunkard and libertine and that,
hands of the conspirators to be the best way out of like Caesar, he would consolidate his positions in
the situation. When asked what sort of death he pre- Gaul and then seize power. Cicero called on all the
ferred, he is said to have replied, “A sudden one”. In “best people” to unite against the new tyrant,
any case, on the day appointed by the conspirators During this conflict, which was daily growing
for his assassination, March 15, 44 B. C., he went to more fierce, Octavian, Caesar’s grand-nephew,
the Senate despite advice on all sides not to do so, adopted son (under the name of Gaius Julius Caesar
and was killed there. Octavian) and appointed heir, became a major
I his act of terrorism could not, however, save the force. Together with his friend Agrippa, 18-year-old
republic of the nobility. The conspirators believed Octavian was studying military art in the city of
that, when they announced the tyrant’s death and Apollonia in Epirus when he received news of the
the restoration of freedom, the grateful people would events in Rome. The youth’s mother and stepfather
declare them their saviours and throw the body of advised him not to go to Rome and not to interfere
assassinated Caesar into the Tiber. But for Caesar’s in the whirlwind events. But the soldiers of Caesar
veterans and for the people Caesar remained, des- and Agrippa stationed in Apollonia urged him to try
pite the inconsistency of his policy, a victorious his strength and to accept Caesar’s inheritance,
emperor, leader of the populates, a hero who fell at According to legend, a famous astrologer offered to
the hands of the Senate, like Servius Tullius. VV'hen tell the fortunes of Octavian and Agrippa. Aerippa’s
consul Mark Antony announced in his speech at the career appeared so brilliant that proud Octavian
funeral that Caesar had bequeathed 300 sesterces to refused to have his fortune told, for fear of being
each plebeian, and his rich gardens beyond the eclipsed by his friend. But when the astrologer drew
Tiber, to the whole of the people, the people’s indig- up his horoscope, after all, he went down on his
nation flared up with even greater force. The people knees before the youth who was destined, he said, to
started to sack the houses of optimates, and on the site become the ruler of the world. However that may
of Caesar’s funeral pyre sacrifices were made to him have been, Octavian arrived in Italy, where Cae-
as if he were god. It was believed that the comet sar’s veterans and rich freedmen thronged to his
which appeared in those days was Caesar’s soul that house inciting him to revenge. In Rome, Octavian
had ascended to heaven. The frightened optimates did went to Antony demanding Caesar’s treasury, that
not dare to appear in public, and the conspirators he might fulfil his father’s will. Antony rudely re¬ took refuge on the Capitoline. In the end, they plied that Caesar’s treasury was empty, and that
decided to settle the matter with Antony, who had ^ Octavian had only Antony to thank that he was not had time to take possession of Caesar’s treasury and - now the son of a disgraced tyrant. Octavian then papers (which enabled him to cite Caesar’s yet un- 5 began to play a game that was remarkably subtle for published instructions). At a session of the Senate at ^ someone of his age. On the one hand, he ingratiated which Cicero was present, a compromise was - himself with Cicero, calling him father and asking reached: Antony and his colleague Dolabella would ? his advice. Realising that Caesar’s son could be a restore order in the city; Caesar would not be de- gj great asset to the opposition to Antony, and taking dared a tyrant, and his orders would remain valid, | Octavian’s modesty for a sign of mediocrity, he but his assassins would not be punished either- ^ began praising Octavian everywhere as someone Brutus and Cassius would be sent off from Rome g sent by Jupiter himself to save Rome from Antony’s
304
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tyranny. On the other hand, in conferences with his
followers Octavian said that his relations with
Cicero were no more than a ruse to which he had to
resort in view of.Antony’s behaviour, and that he
would avenge Caesar’s death as soon as he felt strong
enough. He used the money he received from the
Senate through Cicero’s mediation to seduce
Antony’s soldiers with higher salaries.
At the end of 44 B. C., Antony went to Gaul. The Senate sent an army against him, which was joined by the troops recruited by Octavian. Antony was defeated in the battle of Mutina. The Senate then decided that it could now do without Octavian, and refused him the consulship it had earlier promised. Octavian then joined forces with Antony and Aemi- lius Lepidus, a Caesarean and governor of Gallia Narbonensis-allegedly at the insistence of the troops that grieved over discord among men who were closest to Caesar. The Second Triumvirate was concluded before the assembled troops. Rome was taken without much difficulty by the Caesarean army. Octavian was elected consul, and the popular assembly granted the triumvirs extraordinary powers to restore the republic. The amnesty to Cae¬ sar’s assassins, who were gathering armed forces and money in the eastern provinces, was cancelled, and it was decided to declare war on them. To punish Caesar’s assassins and their adherents, proscriptions were drawn up in which, at Antony’s insistence, Cicero was included among the first; he was soon killed by a centurion who recognized him. Distribu¬ tion of land among the veterans began. Eighteen cities of Italy were deprived of land, implements, and slaves in favour of the new owners. Optimates’ lands were confiscated. During the proscriptions, 300 senators, 2,000 equites and many other people died. That period remained in the memory of the Romans as a time of terror and chaos. Wives in¬ formed on their husbands, and children, on their fathers, slaves, on their masters, to get the reward or simply for revenge. The troops committed numerous outrages. Citizens cursed the “ungodly soldiers” that had deprived them of their lands and other property.
The situation in the eastern provinces, where Brutus and Cassius exacted money and men from the population, was no better. Both sides declared, however, that they were fighting for freedom (as the historian Appian remarked, the word “freedom”
was always attractive and always empty). The war
ended in a defeat for Brutus and Cassius, who com¬
mitted suicide.
Antony, the victor in the battle of Philippi, went east to settle the problems there. Lepidus was soon pushed into the background; Octavian, who received the western provinces, remained in Italy. Sextus Pompeius established himself in Sicily, where he recruited into his army the optimates and slaves that fled to him. His strong navy interfered with the transportation of grain supplies to Italy. The Parth- ians, taking advantage of Rome’s weakness, seized Syria. It took Ventidius Bassus a great effort to drive away the Parthians in 39 B.C. In 36, Agrippa eli¬ minated the threat from Sextus Pompeius, whose freedman Menas went over to Octavian, surrender¬ ing the fleet which he commanded. Octavian prom¬ ised to respect the freedom of the slaves that had fought on Sextus Pompeius’s side, but later sent them to different provinces and secretly ordered the governors of these provinces to disarm and seize them on the same day. Thirty thousand slaves were returned to their owners, and when it was impossible to establish who the slave’s master was, the slave was executed. That act marked the beginning of Octa- vian’s reconciliation with the propertied classes. He then stopped the proscriptions and, to consolidate his links with the senatorial aristocracy, he married Livia, the divorced wife of Tiberius Claudius Nero, an enemy of the triumvirs. Octavian and his retinue ~ began to encourage the prophecies, that were cur- "2 rent among the people, that the age of terrible mis- - fortunes and disturbances would soon come to an ^ end and a new Golden Age would arrive, owing to Octavian’s deserts-an age of plenty, happiness and ? peace. His popularity grew, and all the inhabitants of Italy pledged allegiance to him.
But the pacification could not be complete as long j as Antony remained ruler in the east. He became in-
3 volved with Cleopatra, changed the rulers of vassal
4 kingdoms at his will, and made gifts of land to his ' children by Cleopatra. Antony’s abuses of power
5 were played up by Octavian and his followers. Rumours were spread about Cleopatra’s intention to
e become queen of Rome, about Antony being tied to ^ her apron strings, etc.
War between Octavian and Antony became in- •f evitable. It began in 32 B. C. and ended in a defeat ~ of Antony and Cleopatra’s fleet in September 31 in
305
20-344
the battle of Cape Actium in western Greece.
Antony and Cleopatra sailed for Egypt, while
Antony’s troops, after waiting for him for several
days on the sea coast, went over to Octavian, who
promised to reward them as his own soldiers. In 30
B. C., Octavian arrived in Egypt and seized it with¬
out difficulty, making it a province subordinated
to him. Antony and Cleopatra committed suicide.
Octavian became absolute ruler of the empire. The vast Egyptian booty enabled him to buy rather than take by force lands for his veterans. Some 300,000 received land allotments. Virtually all lands in Italy were redivided. Octavian’s commanders and retinue received estates of several hundred jugera. In this way, large-scale estates, or latifundia, emerged. Medium- and small-scale holdings, based on the labour of slaves who were again beaten into submission, also grew stronger. The supreme right of disposing of land passed on to the head of the state, and land owners no longer feared new agrarian laws adopted by the plebs. Their ownership of land became just as solid as a master’s ownership of his slaves. It was at that time that a new legal term, dominium (from dominus “master”), appeared.
Octavian now decided on a switch from the policy
of terror to that of clemency (later called “satiated
cruelty” by the philosopher Seneca). Thus a new
period in the history of Rome began-the period of
absolute rule or empire. Modern scholars have often
discussed the question of whether this transition was
a revolution. Some historians believe that the events
that then happened can be regarded as signs of a
revolution, while others object on the grounds that
Roman society did not change its structure, remain¬
ing a slave-owning one. The Soviet researcher
S. L. Utchenko pointed out that revolutions have
occurred that did not involve a radical change of the
dominant mode of production (e. g., the 1848 revo¬
lution in France) but did bring about considerable
changes in the structure of the ruling class, in the
political system and general trend of policy. The
establishment of the empire was a victory for the
class of municipal land- and slave-owners, and in
part of the provinces, over the upper stratum of the
landed aristocracy, as later policy of Octavian and
his successors showed. From this viewpoint, the tran¬
sition to empire can be described, in a sense, as a
revolution.
Chapter 17
The Roman Empire
Augustus's Principate. Octavian became an undis¬
puted master of what was in fact an empire. Then, in
27 B. C., he solemnly resigned his extraordinary
powers and handed them back to the Senate and the
people. He always insisted (particularly in a list of
his services to the people) that the only things that
distinguished him from other magistrates were his
great moral authority (auctoritas) and the fact that he
came first in the lists of the Senate. Hence his official
title of princeps and the name “principate” for this
system of power. In actual fact Octavian wielded
absolute power-he was Imperator, i. e., supreme
commander, for life; each year he was granted tri-
bunicia potestas, i. e., the powers of a tribune of the
plebs; he had the right to propose candidates for the
magistracies (he himself stood for and received con¬
sulship many times); and he had control of the trea¬
sury. The Senate voted him the cognomen
“Augustus” (“exalted”, “sacred”), which lent his
power a sacral character. Since Caesar had been dei¬
fied already at the time of the triumvirs and a temple
had been built for him, Augustus was also son of the
god, which was part of his titulature: Imperator Caesar
Augustus divifilius “Emperor Caesar Augustus, son of
the god”. In the Eastern provinces, shrines were
built to him as they had been to Hellenistic kings.
Towards the end of his life, altars were erected to
him in Italy as well; the priests of his cult were called
“augustals”. Even before that, anniversaries of his
victories, his own birthday and those of his relatives
were marked in some cities by prayers to the gods
and to Augustus himself. After the death of Lepidus,
the triumvir who had been elected chief pontiff,
Augustus assumed that dignity as well. Thus
Augustus and his successors, who inherited all his
titles, wielded absolute civil, military and religious
power.
The official view was that the Roman people transferred to Augustus and his successors its “power and majesty”, thus handing over to them the supreme ownership of land and the right to dispose of it, and the power over the provinces which had previously been regarded the “property of the Roman people”. Augustus and his adherents insisted that the republic had been restored. In those times, the Romans associated the republic with any form of government that upheld justice and benefited all. Augustus’s rule was perceived as the end of the triumvirs’ extraordinary powers and a restoration of the traditional system of government, although in actual fact the latter had undergone a radical change. The people who had embodied their power in the personality of the princeps formally remained sovereign, but everything that they had formerly owed to the civic community they now owed to the princeps. Augustus appointed many of his ardent followers members of the Senate, and it was now completely subordinated to him, although it was outwardly respected as the supreme organ of govern¬ ment (in actual fact, only unimportant issues were submitted to the Senate for discussion) and senators remained the highest privileged order of the Roman state. Various newly created offices were filled with equites; in particular, Egypt was governed by an equestrian prefect. Cicero’s programme of uniting all the orders “for the benefit of all” was to all appearances implemented.
Augustus was a born statesman. Avoiding any dis-
307
play of power that might be construed as an insult to
the Roman traditions and stressing, on the contrary,
his modesty, moderation, and devotion to the
ancient cults and customs, he skilfully used his power
for the solution (however temporary) of the most
pressing issues, in the first place for the setting up of
a strong state apparatus. He organised the picked
Italian-born troops in nine praetorian cohorts com¬
manded by an equestrian prefect; these were the
Guards, stationed in Rome and around it and in¬
tended to maintain public security. Praetorians
served only 16 years, not 20, as all the other
legionaries; they received higher pay and were often
appointed centurions in the Roman legions. All this
ensured their loyalty to the emperor. Besides, he set
up three city police cohorts under the prefect of
Rome whose duty it was to keep slaves and the plebs
in check, and watchmen’s cohorts for putting out
fires and maintaining order at night. These units
were sufficiently effective instruments of enforcing
Augustus’s laws against mutiny, preventing the arm¬
ing of freemen and slaves as a preliminary to rebel¬
lions. After the provision of land for the veterans, the
army was reduced to 25 legions consisting entirely of
Roman citizens, which were stationed, together with
the provincial units (infantry cohorts and cavalry
alae) attached to them, along the empire’s frontiers
or in insufficiently pacified provinces. Legion com¬
manders of senatorial rank, who were simul¬
taneously provincial governors, were directly res¬
ponsible to Augustus. The “peaceful” provinces, in
which no troops were stationed, were formally under
Senate administration, although Augustus actually
controlled these, too. The prefects of the auxiliary
units were of equestrian rank, but ordinary soldiers
also had a chance of promotion, even to the rank of
centurion, and centurions who won special distinc¬
tion could be admitted to the equestrian order.
Upon discharge, veterans received a grant of land
and were exempt from taxes. In this way, men who
were formerly branded as “ungodly soldiers” were
tamed and made the basis of firm authority and
order.
Although the popular assemblies in Rome lost in fact any significance whatever and were later discon¬ tinued entirely, Augustus, who had begun his career as Caesar’s successor in the role of the leader of the populares, thought it expedient to win the favour of the plebs not only through largesses and spectacles
(of which the Secular Games were particularly
splendid) but also through certain laws. The lex Pete-
lia was revived, according to which an insolvent
debtor had to give up his property to the creditor
but remained free and retained possession of any¬
thing he might gain later. Permission was granted
again to organise in Rome and other cities colleges of
the Lares consisting of freemen, freedmen and slaves,
with the proviso that they would also practise the
cult of the genius of Augustus. In this way Augustus
wanted to ensure the support and loyalty to the
regime among the broad masses. A special permis¬
sion was required, however, each time a cultic or
craftsmen’s college was set up; these were called “lit¬
tle men’s” colleges, intended to provide decent bur¬
ial to their members. The organisation of an unau¬
thorised college was equated with armed seizure of a
public building. Rigid control was thus imposed
upon the plebs.
Augustus willingly promoted landowners from Italic cities to equestrian or even senatorial rank. The things they particularly liked about Augustus was his devotion to the ancient Roman virtues of pietas, aequitas, and dementia inscribed on a gold shield which the Senate presented to the princeps, and to the “customs of the ancestors”, which was re¬ flected, among other things, in his legislation aimed at consolidating the family ties that had grown weaker during the civil wars the strict laws against adultery and privileges for fathers of three children. The opposition of Roman citizens to all non-citizens (the so-called “peregrines”) was also in the spirit of the “customs of the ancestors”. His laws directed against slaves occupy a special place in Augustus’s legislation. The harshest of them was the so-called Silanian senatus consultum according to which, in the event of a master’s violent death, all slaves under the same roof or within call who failed to come to his aid were subject to torture and execution. A person who helped a member of a proscribed family to flee was tried as a murderer, while anyone informing on a runaway received a reward. Realising at the same time that it was dangerous to drive slaves to extremes of discontent, Augustus prosecuted masters who cruelly tortured their slaves, and permitted slaves to seek asylum as the last resort (the Caesar temple had the right of asylum), the case later to be tried by magistrates. Setting an example to other slave-owners, Augustus treated his slaves mildly. He
308
set a policy that was later continued and developed The Augustan age was the time of the flourishing
by his successors: suppression of slaves not only by of Roman culture, of literature in particular. The
the power of the master but also by that of the state, three great poets of that age-Virgil, Horace and
curbing at the same time the slave-owners’ abuses of Ovid-made an enormous impact on their contem-
their rights. In a way, slaves became subjects of the poraries and descendants. Virgil (70-19 B. C.) came
state, not just of their masters. To slow down the from Mantua. During the proscriptions he lost his
growth of the body of proletarian plebeians and to estate but was given another by Augustus and
check the adulteration of their ranks by unreliable became a member of the circle of the most talented
elements, Augustus regulated the manumission of authors under Maecenas, who was close to
slaves, setting the limit to the number of slaves that a Augustus. Virgil published a collection of poems
master could set free (depending on the size of his called the Eclogues , mostly devoted to love among
family), to the age of the master (not less than 20) shepherds and shepherdesses and showing some signs
and of the slave to be released (not less than 30). If a of the influence of Theorcitus’s Idylls. That was
slave had been branded or fettered for some offence, before the battle of Actium, but the poems of that
he received no Roman citizenship upon manumis- book already reflected Virgil’s admiration for Octa-
sion. On the other hand, Augustus forbade the vian as a beneficent divinity. Particularly famous is
enslavement of freedmen and reduced their obliga- the fourth eclogue prophesying the birth of a divine
tions to their former patrons. child destined to introduce a new Golden Age on
Augustus’s policy towards the provinces was of earth. (Despite the numerous attempts of both
great importance. The role of the publicani was signi- Roman and modern commentators to read the rid-
ficantly limited. In some places, the taxes were col- die of this mysterious child, it is still not known
lected, in accordance with the census taken in the whom Virgil meant.) In response to Augustus’s
provinces by Augustus’s agents-slaves or freedmen. desire to restore agriculture ruined by the civil wars,
Assemblies of highly placed provincials received the Virgil later wrote the Georgies, a poem on country
right to complain about the abuses of the governors- life. Advice on agriculture alternated in it with de¬ general, and their complaints were investigated. scriptions of Italian scenery, appeals to the country
Numerous colonies were founded in all the prov- gods, and profound meditations. Particularly inter-
inces. Old cities and individual provincials particu- esting are Virgil’s ideas on the Iron Age of Jupiter
larly loyal to Augustus were given various privileges. succeeding the Golden Age of Saturn. Under
In this way a class was consolidated that was able to Saturn, when nature itself provided everything that
ensure the stability of Roman domination in the pro- men needed, they led a carefree life; but Jupiter
vinces. A lasting peace was yet another factor benefi- decided that they must learn to toil, think and in¬ dent for Italy. vent the crafts and arts that would improve their
True, there were wars and rebellions in the pro- lives. Virgil’s most famous work was his Aeneid, vinces in Augustus’s times. In Spain, the Canta- recounting the wanderings of Aeneas and his son
brians and the Asturians rose; the suppression of lulus, Aeneas’s love for Dido, the queen of Carthage,
that uprising completed the subjugation of the Ibe- his abandonment of her at the orders from Jupiter, rian peninsula. It took a great effort to put down the who intended him to become the founder of Rome,
revolts of the Dalmatians and the Pannonians in Aeneas’s arrival in Italy, his war against the Latins
Illyria. The Romans were completely routed by and the other Italic tribes, his victory and marriage
rebellious Germans in the battle of the Teutoburg to Lavinia, daughter of king Latinus. The high poetic
forest, and they failed to establish their presence on |( quality of the Aeneid, the author’s thorough knowl- German territory beyond the Elbe. 5 edge of ancient traditions, beliefs and rites, as well
However, compared to the external and especially ^ as of the philosophical theories of the origin of the
civil wars of the past, all these were relatively minor ? universe, ensured its unprecedented success among
episodes, and Augustus proudly stated that with his * the poet’s contemporaries and later generations. But
rule the Golden Age of peace and prosperity came. 1 the main point of the poem was the merging of the
Augustus had numerous admirers who enjoyed his j*> “Roman myth” with the nascent “Augustan myth”,
patronage. f- With the aid of the Cumaean sybil, Aeneas descends
309
to the underworld to question his father Anchises and that the gods should grant Rome and Augustus wet e
about the future. Anchises reveals to him his own eternal happiness. num ,
destiny and that of Rome, which would be founded Ovid (43 B. C.-A. D. 17) was a younger contem- ■ publ
by Aeneas’s descendants and would rule all the peo- porary of Virgil and Horace. He won fame through I
pies, merciful to the obedient and harsh on the recal- his love poems and the Metamorphoses , a long poem I 3 ^
citrant. Anchises shows to Aeneas the souls of on the transfiguration of men into animals and I f unc
Roman kings and heroes awaiting incarnation, in- plants ending with the transformation of deified I A
eluding Augustus, the greatest descendant of lulus Caesar into a star. Ovid’s Art of Love, with its instruc- ou j
who will carry out and complete Rome’s mission. tions for courtship, seduction and strengthening the
Virgil died before he could accomplish the Aeneid, ties of love, incurred the displeasure of Augustus who
but even in this unfinished form it became the most saw it as a mockery of his marriage laws, but the ercc
popular work in Roman literature. young nobles, who found those laws very irksome,
Horace (65-8 B. C.) came from the family of a liked the poem very much. Augustus banished Ovid out(
freedman of modest means who managed to provide to the town of Tomis on the Black Sea. From Tomis,
an excellent education for his son. Having fought at the poet wrote sad epistles to Rome describing his Qj r
Philippi on the side of Brutus and Cassius, he was for hard life among the barbarians and pleading for H timt
a long time in disgrace, but later he was accepted, pardon, which never came. H a q U
through the good offices of Virgil, at Maecenas’s cir- The “Roman myth” was reflected not only in the V
cle and received the gift of a small farm. Horace’s classically perfect Aeneid but also in a history of f Ice i
work is noted for the extreme diversity of the style Rome written by Livy (Titus Livius) of Patavium p ea
and meter of his poems (he himself wrote that (Padua). Little of the History has survived, but even p OI
Romans surpassed in this respect their Greek from the extant text we can form a clear conception p,. a
teachers who had brought the arts to “rural of the authors’ intention to show that the Romans IU
Latium”) as well as of his subjects. Horace was a elevated their small town on the Tiber to the status p l(1
typical representative of his times, his work reflect- of the world’s ruler through their valour, patriotism, ,| 1( .
ing the complexity and contradictions of the spiri- resilience in recovering from their worst defeats, and | l)(1
tual life of that epoch. He sang the praises of the old through worshipping the gods and their patronage. H
times, of simple life in the womb of nature, and the In that same period, Dionysus of Halicarnassus, a \
unsophisticated rural festivals, but at the same time Greek living in Rome, wrote his Roman Antiquities, a , ( |
he acknowledged that he could not live far from the study of the first stages in the history of Rome in ll|s
Rome of Augustus, so different from that of which he endeavoured to show the community of |M |
Romulus, that he suffered whenever Maecenas Roman and Greek cults and institutions. Of the
failed to invite him, and that he craved fame. His great many other literary scholarly works of the
poems were a mixture of Epicurean appeals to enjoy Augustan age only a few have survived, including
the fleeting moments without a thought for the Vitruvius’s treatise On Architecture, Strabo’s Geogra- I ^u
future and of Stoic insistence on harsh virtue. He phy, containing a description of all the countries then I p U
also wrote Satires on the vices and fads of Roman known, the Bibliotheca historica by Diodorus Siculus, H
society. Horace held high the mission of poetry and and some others. The men who surveyed lands
poets, whose duty it was to correct the mores and to assigned to the colonies in Italy and the provinces MU
instruct and entertain the public. Combining talent ^ under Augustus, wrote books on the various methods fol
and erudition, the poet must incessantly toil and 5- of land surveying and measurement, the rules for the un
strive for perfection, for “neither the gods nor the 5 assignment of land to cities, villages dndpagi, and for
people nor booksellers could stand mediocrity” in ~ compiling inventories of private and public lands as
poetry. Just as other poets, Horace adulated - well as for drawing plans of cities marking the boun- su
Augustus, glorifying him as a deity. For the Secular | daries of lands of different categories. Agrippa, be
Games, he wrote a hymn, sung by choirs of youths Augustus’s closest associate and husband of his I wl
and maidens, in honour of Apollo whom Augustus | daughter Julia, took part in drawing the map of the I wj
worshipped particularly, imploring him that there ^ western provinces. Augustus highly valued educated be
should be nothing greater under the sun than Rome, jj persons, who were accepted at his court even if they
310
were freedmen, like Hyginus, the author of Agrippa, his son-in-law, his heir, and after the lat-
numerous works. Augustus was the first to establish a ter’s death, the sons of Agrippa and Julia. But these,
public library in Rome after the Greek model, where too, died before Augustus, and he had to adopt
disputations and public readings of books by their Tiberius, Livia’s son from her first marriage, whom
authors were arranged, apart from the usual library he disliked despite his reputation as a talented mili-
functions. tary leader. At Augustus’s death in 14 A. D. (on his
A great many construction projects were carried deathbed, he is said to have asked certain ex-consuls,
out in Augustus’s time. “I found Rome built of “Have I played my part in the farce of life creditably
bricks; I leave her clothed in marble,” Augustus enough?”, and when they assented, he told them,
boasted -quite justifiably. New temples were “Then send me off with a good clap”), Tiberius
erected, and the Forum was rebuilt. Augustus built became his successor. Augustus was deified, and all
himself a palace on the Palatine Hill. With money strata of society participated in his cult, as they did
out of his own purse, Agrippa raised the Pantheon, a in the cults of the later deified emperors. The office
“temple of all the gods”, which was later made a of a priest of the imperial cult was regarded as the
Christian church and has survived to the present height of a provincial or city politician’s career,
times. It was also Agrippa who built the Roman The beginning of Tiberius’s reign was inauspi-
aqueduct to supply water for the residencies of the cious. The legions stationed on the Danube and the
nobility and the public reservoirs. One of the magni- Rhine mutinied immediately on his accession,
ficent works undertaken at the time was the “altar of demanding land for the veterans and payment of sal-
peace” in honour of August, with splendid reliefs ary arrears. The campaigns of Tiberius’s nephew
portraying the goddess of the Earth, the goddess of Germanicus beyond the Rhine were failures. The
Peace, and various symbols of affluence and prosper- Gauls and later the Numidians rebelled. The revolts
ity. Indeed it might appear to both Romans and were crushed, but the Senate opposition, that had
provincials, who still remembered the misfortunes of not dared to move under Augustus, raised its head,
the civil wars, that Augustus, the beneficent deity, Tiberius was accused of haughtiness and of tram-
brought them peace and happiness for all time to pling freedom. Some senators could not reconcile
come. themselves to the loss of their former privileged posi-
There was, however, a great danger in this mood, tions, particularly in the provinces, or to the fact
a danger that became quite obvious under Augus- that the Roman treasury had ceased to be their
tus’s successors. All the aspirations of society seemed property. Tiberius responded with reprisals, relying
to have been satisfied, all the slogans under which its on the law of lese-majesle. People were now punished
various strata fought became the slogans of the offi- not only for mutiny or treason but also for words and
cial propaganda. The idea of the inevitability of the actions insulting to the princeps. Many senators
existing state of things that might change in detail were executed, and their confiscated property passed
but not in the essentials took root in the minds of the on to the emperor. The greatest atrocities were corn-
public, and that led to the loss of the realisation of mitted by Sejanus, prefect of the praetorians, but he
the collective social goals of the Roman community was later found guilty of conspiracy against the
by its members, to a sense of alienation, estrange- emperor, executed and thrown into the Tiber,
ment and disruption of links between individuals, That was the beginning of the fight, which lasted
followed by a feverish search for the lost integrity, throughout the 1st century A. D., between the sena- unity and harmony. 0 torial opposition and the emperors, first of the Julio-
4 Claudian dynasty of the relatives of Augustus and The Empire in the 1st and 2nd Centuries A. D. All this ' Tiberius, and later of the Flavian dynasty. Our data surfaced under Augustus’s successors, when it N about those times mostly come from the works of became clear that the system Augustus had built, 3 authors who either belonged to the senatorial oppo- whatever its advantages over the senatorial republic, §> sition or lived already in the 2nd century, when the was by no means as perfect as his close associates had 1 new, Antonine dynasty came to power, which broke believed. jp officially with the policies of their predecessors. The
Augustus, who had no sons, wanted to appoint g principal of these authors are the historian Tacitus,
311
Suetonius, the biographer of the first twelve Caesars, characters his closest associates. A conspiracy against
and the trenchant satirist Juvenal. Their positions him, betrayed by a slave, was used as a pretext for
determined, for many centuries to come, the attitude mass reprisals, executions and confiscations. Among
to the emperors and the society of the 1st century. the victims were Seneca, the poet Lucan, known for
The former were portrayed as despots whom abso- his praise of Julius Caesar’s enemies in his poem the
lute power corrupted to the point of madness, while Pharsalia, and Petronius, author of the Satyricon- a
society was described as consisting of servile and picturesque novel describing the adventures of three
adulating senators ready to inform one on the other rascals and a feast given by Trimalchio, a rich, vul-
in order to curry favour with the emperors, only a gar and extremely ignorant freedman, the whole
handful of the senators daring to signify their protest being, according to contemporary report, a parody
by silence. of Nero and his court. The adherents of the “ances-
According to that tradition, Tiberius, a cruel, vile tors’ customs” were particularly outraged by Nero’s
old man, was strangled in A. D. 37 by Macro, pre- passion for poetry, music, and the theatre. Nero
feet of the praetorians, and Gaius Caesar, nick- composed poems and songs, appeared on the stage,
named Caligula, one of the few relatives of Tiberius and went on a tour of Greece to take part in artistic
whom he had not executed, became emperor. That competitions there. The Senate made sacrifices in
bloodthirsty madman put to death many noblemen honour of his “divine voice”, while the people
without any guilt whatever, and was finally assas- applauded Nero’s performance and sang his songs,
sinated (A. D. 41) by Cassius Chaerea, a praetorian In the end, however, the provinces rebelled ruined
tribune who could no longer stand his taunts. The by the high taxes Nero exacted to pay for his amuse-
praetorians proclaimed Claudius, Germanicus’s ments and extensive construction projects, such as
brother, emperor. Tiberius had left Claudius alive the Golden House-a magnificent palace that he
because he had expected no danger from that quiet built for himself, and the rebuilding of Rome almost
crank completely immersed in the study of antiqui- completely destroyed by the fire of A. D. 64 (started
ties. As emperor, he became a plaything in the hands by Nero himself, according to some accounts). To
of his wives (first Messalina, notorious for her profli- stop the unrest caused by these rumours, the fire was
gacy, and then the imperious and ambitious Agrip- blamed on the Christians, then a new sect in Rome,
pina) and of his freedmen, who grew unbelievably who were thereupon subjected to harsh reprisals. In
rich and arrogant. Agrippina induced Claudius to the Christian literature, Nero figured as an impious
adopt Nero, her son from her first marriage with man, a servant of Antichrist or even Antichrist him-
Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus, married Nero to self. In 68, Gaul, Spain and Africa rose against Nero.
Claudius’s daughter Octavia and, after some pre- The Roman troops stationed in the provinces allied
paratory work, poisoned Claudius (A.D. 54). The themselves with the local population, proposing
praetorian guard proclaimed Nero, then sixteen, Galba, Otho or Vitellius for emperor. A mass upris-
emperor. At first, under the beneficent influence of ing broke out in Judea even before that, in A.D. 66
the philosopher Seneca, his tutor, he ruled in har- Vespasian, sent to suppress it, was proclaimed
mony with the Senate, but later his vicious nature emperor by his troops. Praetorians also deserted
asserted itself. Intent on marrying the beautiful but Nero. The Senate, taking courage, deposed him;
depraved Poppaea Sabina, he murdered Octavia Nero fled from Rome and ordered a freedman who
and sent assassins to his mother, whose domination ^ had followed him to kill him. he came to resent; but first he poisoned Claudius’s 3. A civil war began between the claimants to the son Britannicus. After the assassination of his 5 throne, each of which ruled for a few months only,
mother, he did not dare to leave his mansion for h The outcome was decided by the army on the
Rome for a long time, fearing that matricide would ^ Danube, which supported Vespasian (in full, Titus
make him odious to the Romans. But when the § Flavius Vespasianus). He took Rome, and the
Senate received him with great honours upon his gs Senate proclaimed him Imperator. His son Titus,
return, he exclaimed, “Before this, no princeps has | relying on the upper classes of Judea, which were
known just how far he might go.” His relations with s frightened by the extreme radical direction of the
the Senate deteriorated. He made all kinds of shady popular masses’ uprising, ended the Judean war
312
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seized Jerusalem, and got hold of immense spoils of war and great numbers of enslaved war captives. Simultaneously, Vespasian’s general, Q. Petillius Cerialis, suppressed an uprising in Gaul headed by Gaius Julius Civilis, chieftain of the Batavians. Roman historians treated Vespasian more favoura¬ bly than Nero or other emperors. Born in the Sabine country near Reate, of a humble family, he began his career in the army, ultimately becoming an experienced general and skilful administrator. Ves¬ pasian admitted Italic citizens to the Senate, and was commended for the modest life-style of these new senators and even of himself which set an exam¬ ple for the Roman aristocracy. But he, too, had to cope with some opposition, punishing certain philos¬ ophers who favoured the opposition circles, in parti¬ cular the well-known Stoic Helvidius Priscus.
Vespasian died in A. D. 79 and was succeeded by Titus, who only ruled for two years, being in his turn succeeded by Vespasian’s younger son Domitian- yet another tyrant in the eyes of the senatorial oppo¬ sition. Accusations of high treason, reprisals, execu¬ tions and confiscations again became the order of the day, especially after an attempt in 89 by Antonius Saturninus, legate of the army of the Rhine, to become emperor through rebellion. Informers, both freemen and slaves, were encouraged with high re¬ wards. Domitian, a haughty and gloomy man, in¬ sisted on being regarded as Minerva’s son and inces¬ santly glorified. Later, senator Pliny the Younger recalled that whenever the Senate convened, even if it were to discuss a minor question like the setting up of a firebrigade, it began its decree with an enume¬ ration of Domitian’s great merits and triumphs. Anyone not doing his share of the glorification was suspect. The opposition grew especially strong after the crushing defeat inflicted on the Romans on the Danube by Decebalus, king of Dacia. In 96, Domi¬ tian was killed by two of his freedmen, and Marcus Cocceius Nerva, a creature of the Senate, Avas pro¬ claimed emperor. A new epoch began, which was , known in the senatorial historiography as the f “Golden Age of the Antonines” (the dynasty was ~ named after emperor Antoninus Pius).
But were the Julio-Claudian and Flavian periods ? indeed as dark as they were painted ? The personali- g= ties of the emperors apart, it must be recognised that § the tendencies initiated by Augustus continued to jp develop in that epoch, and considerable progress 5
was achieved in various fields. Many accusations on
the part of the senatorial opposition were no more
than a reflection of its own conservatism. Thus the
opposition demanded a continuation of harsh poli¬
cies towards the provinces. Under Claudius, the
Romans conquered and made a province of the part
of Britain in which a pro-Roman party, nonexistent
under Caesar, emerged. But the atrocities of the
Roman military settlers at Camulodunum, and the
practice of enslaving debtors by Roman creditors (of
whom, incidentally, Seneca was one) led to an upris¬
ing of the lceni tribe led by the queen Boadicea
(properly Boudicca). The Senate demanded a war
to exterminate all the rebels, and was extremely in¬
dignant at the government’s concessions and offers
of peace to them. The government wanted to
Romanise at least the upper stratum of the Britons,
making them its supporters. As the Roman power in
the provinces lost its harshness, it gained in stability.
Vespasian gave Latin rights to the cities of Spain,
and now each occupant of a city magistracy there
received Roman citizenship. The influx of provin¬
cials to the equestrian and senatorial orders grew,
and the cities of Italy and of the provinces flouri¬
shed.
The Senate was also dissatisfied with the emperors’ foreign policy, finding it insufficiently rigid. When Tiberius recalled Germanicus from the Rhine, realising that further advance into German territory was impossible, and resorted to diplomacy, setting some German tribes against others and appointing kings ready to obey Rome, the senators declared that he was simply envious of the successes of his nephew. They also condemned the policy to¬ wards Parthia. Augustus concluded an honourable peace with Parthia, recovering the Roman eagles the Parthians had captured from Crassus, but under Nero war to influence strategically important Armenia broke out again. Carbulo, the Senate’s favourite, prosecuted the war with all the resolute¬ ness of the generals from the times of the “ances¬ tors”, but the government was in favour of a reason¬ able settlement here as well: Tiridates, a creature of Parthia, was recognised as the king of Armenia, but he received his crown from Nero’s hands, in Rome. The client kingdoms of Thrace, Mauretania, and Comagene were made provinces without much trou¬ ble, except for an uprising in Mauretania. The administration of Pannonia, Dalmatia, Moesia and
313
war
Noricum, formerly included in Illyria, was reor- could dispose of it in any way he pleased, as the city require
ganised. community had once been in a position to do. The ing the
Under Claudius and Domitian, service in the aux- old law, according to which abandoned land the wor
iliary units was regulated: provincials had to serve became the property of the person who began to till umella
for 25 to 26 years, whereupon they and the children it, regardless of who the previous owner had been, | produc
born by their concubines received Roman citizen- remained in force throughout the existence of the I skilled
ship, assignments of land and veterans’ privileges, all empire, but the emperor’s right was not challenged *
of which made service in the army attractive for either. True, the Senate believed that the “tyrants” I liable .
them. The veterans of the legions and of auxiliary exercised that right much too extensively. Indeed, I growe;
forces stationed in provincial cities reinforced the they could confiscate lands (mostly badly tilled or ' and dii
class of decurions, which was the carrier of Roman entirely abandoned latifundia), dividing them into I he hat
methods of economic organisation, Roman mode of lots granted to the emperor’s supporters. Sometimes i in the
life, and Roman culture; in short, decurions were the lands of major landowners (mostly in the prov-
the agents of the Romanisation of the provinces. The inces, it seems) were distributed among small worke
opposition also protested against the influence of farmers. A “good” emperor could not, in the I skills;
emperors’freedmen. But the empire’s administrative Senate’s view, act that way. Let the emperor own I of his
apparatus consisted in part of such freedmen as everything, said Pliny the Younger, addressing him-
well as slaves. Claudius set a number of departments self to Trajan, but those who possessed the lands I necess
to handle appeals to the emperor as the highest in- assigned to them must remain their owners. In a I swallc
stance, and to keep books, manage archives, etc. All word, the senators demanded that the emperor’s I duct,
these departments were run by freedmen and staffed authority as the suzerain, as head of state, should be B villicu
by slaves. Imperial freedmen and'slaves were also separated from his authority as the supreme owner H Colui
sent to the provinces, where they were mostly of land. edge
employed in the financial departments and But the emperors paid a great deal of attention to ■ his n
managed the crown estates, which constantly grew the agrarian policy, as can be seen, for instance, H come
through confiscations. The governors and their small from Vespasian’s decree that took away the public
staff did not stay in any one place long, being con- lands from rich men who had seized them and I en J°)
stantly transferred from province to province; they handed them over to small farmers. The right to use H famii
had but a poor grasp of the local situation and of the neighbouring grazing lands, to use sand and lime
administrative procedures. The emperors’ slaves and from neighbouring holdings, water cattle there, etc.,
freedmen, together with the veterans, were reliable was also established in the interests of small farmers,
proponents of Roman policies and official ideology. Support for small- and medium-scale farmers at the
Thus, they initiated various steps to demonstrate expense of the latifundia was part of the emperors’
their loyalty to the imperial regime, building statues agrarian policy. I desil
for the principes and organising the colleges of the Certain alarming symptoms appeared at that I g enl
cult of Augustus and the other deified emperors time in Italy’s agriculture. The Soviet researcher I P rui
(apart from Augustus, the emperors Claudius, Ves- V. I. Kuzishchin has shown that several types of I an t
pasian and Titus were deified in the 1st century), holdings evolved at that time: farms, or villas, in the I thai
and the cults of their Lares, Genii, etc. Many of neighbourhood of cities, often specialising in prod-
these freedmen used their position as a source of uce for the city market; farms remote from cities, eral
gain, becoming very rich men. Provincial I mostly engaged in mixed natural economy; latifun- I the
businessmen and governors also made fortunes. 5 dia, based on extensive economy and combining ■ I
Highly placed officials sent their freedmen and ^ land cultivation, livestock-breeding and the handi- I cer
slaves to the provinces, where they went into whole- ^ crafts (at potters’, fullers’, metal workers’ and other em
sale trade and usury, enriching themselves and their | workshops). The theory of rationally conducting a lab
patrons. j relatively large estate (not a latifundium, though) I tio
The government and the senatorial opposition | was developed by Columella, who endeavoured to gre
also differed considerably on the agrarian question. ^ prove that such a farm could yield a great income, no
Becoming the supreme owner of land, the emperor £ comparable to that from usury, provided all the inf
314
requirements of agronomy for the tilling and fertilis¬ ing the soil, cultivating the plants, and organising the work of slaves were satisfied. But the ideas of Col¬ umella’s treatise were mostly utopian. The level of production on such farms would demand highly skilled and attentive workers capable of initiative. In Columella’s view, however, such workers were unre¬ liable and inclined towards rebellion. A good vine- grower, costing 8,000 sesterces, was obstreperous and disobedient because of his skills and knowledge; he had to be driven to work in fetters and locked up in the house dungeon, the ergastulum, for the night.
It was only natural under these conditions that the worker had no desire to exercise his knowledge and skills; Columella complained that neither he nor any of his neighbours could make the vine-growers care¬ fully divide the vines into varieties. It was therefore necessary to increase the number of overseers, which swallowed up a considerable part of the surplus pro¬ duct. But that was not very effective either, for the villicus, an overseer of an estate, was expected by Columella to have not only a wide-ranging knowl¬ edge of agriculture but also an exceptional loyalty to his master-a commodity that would be hard to come by.
On farms remote from the market, where slaves enjoyed a relative freedom and had their own huts, families and a few head of cattle, the situation was better. On the latifundia, attempts to use the labour of hundreds of fettered slaves resulted in enormous expenditure on managerial staff. The use of some primitive machines like reapers and mowers saved labour but wasted a great deal of the harvest. The desire to save labour resulted in untimely and negli¬ gent performance of various operations, like the pruning of vines. All treatises of those times speak of an extremely wasteful use of land on latifundia, so that the emperors who confiscated and divided them into small lots proceeded from practical consid¬ erations that were as weighty as those of the times of the Gracchi.
It was not only the government that was con- .f cerned with the difficult economic situation in the ^ empire. It was now clear to many people that slave N labour, which had promoted progress when produc- 3 tion was primitive enough, became a drag on it as it ? grew more complex. These tendencies were observed 1 not only in agriculture but also in the crafts, increas- Ep ing with the growing specialisation of production f-
and higher demands of buyers and customers.
Large-scale enterprises using slave labour failed
Thus workshops using the labour of 100 to 150 slaves
in the production of ceramics folded after a short
while; large workshops producing brick and tiles,
that were concentrated in the hands of the emperors
at the beginning of the 2nd century, began to disin¬
tegrate into smaller units. Everything turned on the
need to carry the large expenses of overseeing the
slaves.
Sober, practical men looked for a way out in such measures as leasing part of their land to the villici or, in smaller lots, to colons for a fixed rent (in money or in kind) or part of the harvest; leasing parts of work¬ shops (such as kilns); forming associations whose members (often freedmen of one patron) divided the workshop among themselves; and offering incentives to the most skilled slaves by assigning a peculium to them in the form of shops or workshops together with tools and slaves, and letting them manage their business on their own.
Theoreticians like Seneca suggested the restruc¬ turing of the relations between masters and slaves after the model of the relations between patrons and clients; Pliny the Elder believed it necessary to revert to small holdings that could be tilled by small families. Poets and writers did their best to implant the ideas of mutual love between masters and slaves, invoking instances of loyalty of some slaves for their masters, whom they saved at the time of proscrip¬ tions and other misfortunes. But none of these appeals were very effective, for it was practically im¬ possible to offer incentives to all slaves. The leases merely increased production costs. Naturally, slaves continued to hate their masters, they ran away, and often killed their owners, despite the rigidly enforced Silanian senatus consultum.
The signs of crisis appeared first of all in the old slave-owning regions of Italy. On the contrary, Cisalpine Gaul, where there were many peasants, and where large estates were mostly tilled by colons, not slaves, flourished. By the end of the 1st century, most of the praetorians and legionaries, as well as senators, came from Cisalpine Gaul. The policy of the emperors of the 1st century thus marked the beginning of efflorescence of the provinces, which had fallen into decay under senatorial rule, and not of Italy itself.
The senatorial opposition constantly complained
315
about the loss of liberty, glorifying Cicero, Cassius, Brutus, and Cato Uticensis as real fighters for free¬ dom. At the same time Tacitus, Seneca and other ideologues of the opposition held that absolute rule was inevitable, and their one wish was to have a “good” emperor, a philosopher on the throne. Others believed that one should pray the gods to send a good princeps and bear with bad ones, as we endure thunderstorms or hail. In the 1st century, the reprisals mostly fell on the upper sections of the sena¬ torial order, while the citizens of Italic and provin¬ cial cities enjoyed greater freedom and willingly spent money on municipal needs, hoping for promo¬ tion for themselves and their children. At the same time the overall climate was one of tolerance. Even books by persons subject to reprisals were not de¬ stroyed. Anyone could believe in any gods whatever or follow no faith at all, provided he performed the rites of the imperial cult; anyone could adhere to any philosophical doctrine, provided it did not entail lese-majeste. But the general “spirit of freedom” was illusory. The decurion estate, which profited greatly from the establishment of the empire, believed that excessive freedom was conducive to unrest. Plutarch, who came from a small Greek city of Chaeronea, wrote in his instructions for city magistrates on the proper way to conduct the affairs that the emperors offered enough freedom for the cities, and there was no need for more. In his speeches to the people he insisted that it was better to remember the sad consequences of rebellions than to dwell on the great past of the Greeks. The plebs ousted from political life, lost its interest in such life entirely. When one princeps succeeds another, wrote Phaedrus, Tiberius’s freedman and fable writer who was very close to the people, nothing but the mas¬ ter’s name changes for the little man.
The painful awareness of lack of freedom was shared by various sections of society. It stemmed not so much from the policies of the emperors as from the absence of common goals, increasing depen- I dence of the upper strata on the emperors, of provin- 5 cials on governors and imperial officials, of colons on y landowners, of artisans’ and other colleges on the ^ patrons that now regulated all aspects of their lives, § and of each little man on his superior, who expected as him to be respectful and servile. The dependence § was both material and moral. The emperors ^ demanded that their subjects should praise their I
316
virtues and the happiness they brought to the peo¬
ple. City magistrates and patrons of colleges
expected the citizens to glorify their deeds and to put
up their statues with grateful inscriptions. Setting up
colleges in their homes and on their estates, the mas¬
ters demanded signs of loyalty and submission from
the members of these colleges-freedmen, slaves and
clients. The intellectuals were especially sensitive to
their dependence on their rich patrons, who were
often vulgar and ignorant.
Under favourable circumstances, there was a chance of promotion and enrichment for men of dif¬ ferent strata: thus a senator could become a gover¬ nor of a province and even member of the princeps’s council, after holding a number of magistracies; a knight could rise to be a prefect of Egypt or prefect of the praetorian guard; a decurion could become a knight; a time-expired peregrine soldier could become a Roman citizen and a decurion; a slave could receive a peculium, buy his freedom, get rich, and his children would be freemen. However, anyone who stood out in any way inspired suspicion and mistrust. Emperors were afraid of senators renowned for their wealth, talents, or education, as their probable rivals. In the cities, the rivalry and in¬ trigues among candidates for various magistracies were unending. The position of the common people is best described in the catchword: “It is dangerous for a lowly man to surpass others in any art.” Finally, no one could be certain of what the next day might bring. The disfavour of the emperor, the patron or master, litigation or denuciation could deprive a person at one stroke of everything that he had attained.
Men who rejected all this strove for ways to retain at least their spiritual freedom and a sense of inner independence and self-respect. These were the pre¬ cepts of the Stoics, of whom Seneca and the former slave Epictetus were the most outstanding pro¬ ponents. They wrote of the unity of the world im¬ bued with the supreme world reason, or world soul, uniting all that is; of the justice of the laws estab¬ lished by nature itself; and of the duty of each indi¬ vidual to follow the natural necessity reigning in the world, to bring one’s wishes in harmony with that necessity, to perform one’s duty to the fellow citizens and the entire mankind, and to play conscientiously one’s role in the “world drama”, condemning nothing and complaining of nothing. Things exter¬
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nal, they taught, are beyond our control, but they Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, and Marcus Au- have no significance; the only significant things are relius, all of them deified after death- resolutely con- the inner “I” and the inner virtue remaining immu- demned the “tyrants” that preceded them, giving
table in all the peripeteias of destiny. Epictetus up reprisals and achieving a reconciliation with the
stressed in particular that only a person independent Senate. By that time, the Senate itself and its claims from the material world could be free. He said that had changed. The majority of the Senate were no
he who could give us all we want and take away all longer members of the old aristocracy but new-
to which we are attached would always be master. comers from Italian cities and the provinces who However, he who despised riches and the body, and laid no claim to a share of the profit from the exploi- had neither desires nor attachments, could give up tation of the provinces, and who recognized the his body and life to the tyrant but would not permit monarchy without qualification. Significantly, the him to direct his ideas and judgement. The wise man emperors of that dynasty were born in the provinces: must entrust himself to the gods and live according Trajan and Hadrian in Spain, and Antoninus Pius to divine laws, and not for earthly pleasures; he in Gaul. The Antonines’ dynastic policy also satis- would not then be afraid of earthly rulers and fied the Senate: rather than leaving the throne to masters. chosen members of their family, they adopted as
In the 1st century A. D., some of the Stoics close to their heirs men that were popular in the army and the senatorial opposition were subjected to reprisals, approved by the Senate. Thus Nerva adopted Tra- but during the 2nd century the Antonines encour- jan (98-117), whom Roman historians regarded as aged Stoicism, and it became very popular. an ideal ruler. He routed Decebalus and made Epicureanism, on the other hand, lost its attrac- Dacia with its fertile lands and rich gold mines a
tiveness. Epitaphs in the Epicurean spirit, urging Roman province. His successful wars with Parthia
men to enjoy life, as there was nothing to be considerably extended Roman possessions in the
expected after death, became more and more pes- East. He was generous with all kinds of handouts to
simistic, stressing the ultimate utter destruction. At the plebs; he arranged splendid games that ran for the same time the faith in the immortality of the several days on end, and set up alimentary institu- soul, previously quite uncharacteristic of Romans, dons to help the poor-landowners needing money became stronger. There were more and more epi- mortgaged their lands, and then the state used the taphs expressing the hope that the deceased’s soul interest on the loans to help needy parents educate was alive, enjoying bliss, as a reward for his virtuous their children. Trajan went so far in his condemna-
life, in communion with the gods in Elysium-and tion of “tyrants” that, handing the sword to the pre-
that he himself might be a god. The cults and mys- feet of the praetorians, he said: “Use it to defend me
teries of Dionysus, Isis and Osiris, and later of the if I rule well, and against me, if I rule badly.” This Iranian god Mithra spread among the upper and apparently sanctioned the right to assassinate “tyr- middle classes. Those initiated in the mysteries ants”. Trajan’s successor Hadrian (117-138) was hoped to grasp the secrets of the universe and famous for his erudition, his patronage of philoso- achieve immortality. The common people remained phers, scholars, orators and writers, his love for true to the Roman gods but showed a preference for Greek culture and antiquities, his attention for the those which were least connected with the official provinces, which he kept touring, his extensive con- cult, such as the forest godlet Silvanus, who grew in struction projects, and democratic conduct in pub- the eyes of the plebs and slaves into a powerful god _ lie: he used to walk about Rome on foot and talk to the creator and at the same time great worker and the people he met without ceremony. Antoninus helper of workers. Hercules, included among the " Pius (138-161) was popular as a just ruler renowned gods for his labours for the benefit of the people, was " J for his piety (hence the cognomen). Finally, Marcus also very popular. The importance of religion grew, S Aurelius (161-180), the last Stoic of antiquity of any and the search for a god worthy of worship, to whom ? distinction, was seen as precisely that type ofphiloso- one might entrust one’s whole life, became more and 1 pher on the throne of whom both Greeks and more intense. g 1 Romans had dreamed.
The emperors of the Antonine dynasty-Nerva, 5 Under the Antonines, the empire reached the
317
peak of its economic development. Construction high posts, were provincials, too. Mathematicians, techniques were greatly improved. The Flavian astronomers, geographers and physicians were amphitheatre, or Colosseum, Hadrian’s mausoleum active in the famous scholarly institutions of Perga- and villa, Titus’s triumphal arch and other magnifi- mum and Alexandria. Such great men of antique cent edifices were built at that time. After the con- science as the physician Galen and the astronomer quest of Dacia, the architect Apollodorus built Ptolemy worked in that period,
a 1.5-km-long bridge across the Danube. The art The position of slaves improved under the
of mosaic ornamentation of public and private Antonines, although the Silanian senatus consultum buildings, and the production of glass ware deve- was not abolished, and under Trajan it was even loped. Agriculture, crafts and construction made extended to the murdered man’s freedmen. How- rapid advances in the provinces; education and art, ever, the masters were deprived of the right to exe- which followed Greek and Roman models, received cute slaves, lock them up in ergastula, fetter them for a fresh impetus. Road construction, well-organised life, or send them to the mines and gladiator schools, navigation and the building of harbours streng- The slaves of cruel masters could appeal to magis- thened commercial links between the provinces, as trates with a request to sell them to less harsh well as between the empire and other countries and owners. Slaves guilty of grave criminal offences peoples-Transrhenish and Transdanubian tribes, punishable by death or hard labour were tried by Arabia, India, and even China, to some extent. Both the courts. All this signified a further development of luxury goods and agricultural and craftsmen’s prod- the tendency, started by Augustus, to make slaves, to ucts intended for the mass market were imported some extent at least, the state’s subjects. The slaves’ and exported. Some areas specialised in certain com- rights to their peculia, and their actual legal capabi- modities. Thus Spain exported metals, olive oil, and lity (“in natural law”) to be a party to bargains were fishery products; Italy, wine and pottery; Africa, consolidated. Slaves’ family ties were also actually grain and olives; Asia Minor and Syria, fabrics, jew- recognized; some of the richer slaves married free elry, etc. Provincial cities received the status of col- women, and lawyers even considered suits involving onies and municipia, and the number of provincials dowries received by such slaves’ wives. Where there attaining Roman citizenship grew. There was a was doubt as to the slave’s right to freedom (an obs- great deal of activity in the cities. Magistrates, who cure will or other document or condition of had to pay certain sums for the honour of filling their manumission, etc.), slaves were given the benefit of posts, decurions, and rich freedmen (that were the doubt by decree. The exercise of the patrons’
members of the estate of seviri augustales, which rights to their freedmen’s various obligations (to
served the imperial cult) were those who paid for work for their former masters, to leave them part of the building of temples, circuses, theatres, market- their property in their wills, to maintain an impover- places, bath-houses, and aqueducts, paved streets, ished patron) was also controlled. The law especially and held games and feasts for the people; patrons of supported well-to-do freedmen and slaves who colleges gave the latter gifts of buildings for assem- owned large peculia and, without changing their
blies, money for treats and handouts on the birth- legal status, already actually passed into the class of
days of emperors, patrons themselves and their rela- owners of means of production and even of slaves, as tives. Festivals in honour of the gods were accom- the latter could be employed in th e peculia. Imperial panied by solemn processions which made, in the ^ bureaucracy was further consolidated under the words of Plutarch, the common people, even slave S Antonines. Although the state apparatus was still women, feel their own importance. Provincial intel- 5 staffed by the emperors’ slaves and freedmen, the lectuals also made a considerable contribution to the s principal offices were now entrusted to knights, with common Graeco-Roman culture. The poet Martial r salaries appropriate to their rank, was born in Spain; the writer and philosopher Apu- § However, processes were already maturing which leius, in Africa; the historian Appian, in Alexandria; gj ultimately put an end to this epoch of efflorescence, the famous satirist Lucian, in Syria; and the orator I The empire’s socioeconomic structure was not and philosopher Dio Chrysostom, in Asia Minor. = uniform, comprising as it did various social struc- Many prominent lawyers, who sometimes occupied 5 tures which developed in different ways and at dif-
318
ferent rates. In the last centuries of the republic and The third structure was associated with the enor-
the first centuries of the empire, the city communi- mous estates, often called saltus, of the emperors and ties, with their public and private lands, precisely provincial nobles, both native and newly come from
delimited and entered in land-survey records, with Italy and Rome. They were tilled by colons who
their slave-owners’ farms, well-developed crafts and rented the land from the owners or by tenants long
trade, with the underlying principle of the work of settled on lands belonging to tribal chieftains or tern- each citizen, to the extent of his means and abilities, pies. Impoverished peasants as well as slaves and
being aimed at the common weal, and with the an- freedmen given the status of colons swelled the
tique culture synthesising Greek and Roman tradi- numbers of those working on the latifundia. Since
tions, formed the dominant structure. The principal the exploitation of communities bound by mutual
antagonistic classes here were slave-owners and responsibility was more profitable than that of indi¬ slaves, whose relations determined the state of the vidual colons, saltus owners organised, in addition to
economy; owners of small holdings in the cities, of the existing communities, new communities of
craftsmen’s workshops, and shops also played a con- freedmen on the lands they rented out. The staff of a
siderable role, as a class. The cities varied in their saltus usually consisted of the owner’s slaves who
size, character, and importance. Apart from Rome regularly collected the fixed rent and the landlord’s
itself with its population of more than a million, share of the harvest, and sometimes supervised the
there were such large rich centres of trade, crafts and corvee on the lands the estate owners left unleased,
culture as Antioch and Palmyra in Syria, Alexan- They had their markets, temples, and workshops
dria and Carthage in Africa, Arelate, Nemausus, where slaves and free artisans worked. Their popula-
Narbo Martius, and Lugudumun in Gaul, Gades, tion had few ties with the external world, and only
Tarragona and Carthago Nova in Spain, Ephesus, the owner, or rather his trusted agents, sold the
and many others, where rich landowners and mer- produce at external markets. The principal anta-
chants lived. gonistic classes of this socioeconomic structure were
Another structure, not very prominent in the first landowners and colons, the latter depending in vary-
centuries, was represented by consanguine and rural ing degree on the former. The relations between
communities-villages, pagi, and neighbourhoods, them were not yet those of feudal societies, but ele-
which continued to exist even in the north of Italy ments of feudal relations could develop faster here
and were more or less numerous in various areas of than on the slave-owning villas of the cities,
the western and eastern provinces. These communi- In reward for distinguished service, saltus owners
ties collectively owned tracts of land within or out- were permitted to withdraw their estates from the
side city boundaries, which they divided among its city administration, so that neither they nor their
members; they were also collectively responsible for colons had any obligations before the city. In the
the taxes imposed on the members. The communi- middle or at the end of the 2nd century a law was
ties had their own popular assemblies, officials passed according to which all the lands of senators, (sometimes subordinated to the city magistracies), their sons and grandsons were withdrawn from the cults (partly surviving from the pre-Roman times city territories (the so-called exempt saltus), which and partly Romanised), and traditions, which the deprived the cities of their richest taxpayers, sacri- Roman authorities could hardly ignore. Some of fice-makers, and the bulk of buyers in the city mar-
these communities began to disintegrate under the kets. All lands belonging to the emperors were also
impact of the developing commodity-money rela- _ exempt in this sense. The towns, especially little tions. Rich individuals with special rights to their 4 ones, whose territories were often smaller than the lands (mostly veterans and Roman citizens) became ’ territories of the neighbouring saltus, were extremely prominent in the communities, while at the other N hostile to their owners, their imperial adminis- pole there appeared the exploited stratum of indi- ? tration, and their big lessees (or conductores), who gent community members and aliens. If the disinteg- subleased the lands.
ration of a rural community went far enough, it 1 All these socioeconomic structures interacted with received city status; but such communities were still J one another, forming various hybrids (e. g., large numerous, and their traditions, very tenacious, f- estates on city territory cultivated by colons, or
319
slave-owning farms on village territory), but they soldiers. Petitions have survived in which peasants
became increasingly isolated from and opposed to from Thrace, Africa and Asia Minor appealed to the
one another, the slave-owning socioeconomic struc- emperor to punish abuses, threatening to abandon
ture losing its dominant role. their lands and flee if their demands were not met.
Hadrian was compelled to cancel tax arrears to Peasants were again losing their independence as
the tune of 900 million sesterces incurred by provin- they became insolvent debtors and colons tilling the
cial cities but the arrears accumulated again. As the lands of landlords from whom they could not escape
slave-owning economy in the provinces developed, it until they paid off all their debts,
ran into the same problems that had arisen in Italy. The ruin of the peasants, who were the backbone
The slave-owning mode of production could only of the army, led to a fall in the numbers of Roman
partly develop through improving production im- citizens-and only Roman citizens could serve in the
plements: progress mostly had to be attained legions. Hadrian had to give up some of Trajan’s
through raising the workers’ skill and initiative, but conquests in the East, and he also began to recruit
the basic contradictions between slaves and masters peregrines from the provinces for the legions, grant-
impeded this mode of development. The same anta- ing them Roman citizenship. Giving up the offensive
gonism was the reason why large enterprises capable strategy, the emperor went on the defensive and
of the complex cooperation inevitably preceding the began to construct powerful fortifications, the so-
invention and integration in production of machines called Hadrian’s Wall, along the empire’s boun-
did not emerge. It proved impossible either to lower daries.
production costs or to increase labour productivity Despite the glorification of the Antonines who, in
to any significant extent. Besides, the well-to-do the words of Tacitus, succeeded in combining abso-
members of communities traditionally had to spend lute rule with freedom, certain alarming tendencies
considerable sums for the “public weal”, and these were becoming apparent in the mood of various
expenditures constituted a great part of the surplus social strata. The desire, conscious or unconscious, to
product. Even simple reproduction, not to mention go beyond the strictly regulated aimless routine gave
reproduction on an extended scale, became less and rise to a morbid interest in all things extraordinary,
less feasible. mystical and irreal. Works reflecting actual life were
Despite all the attempts of the Antonines to sup- superceded by popular tales of miracles, ghosts,
port the cities and city land-owning through cancel- vampires, daemons, spirits, statues coming to life,
lation of arrears, subsidies from the treasury, exotic peoples and animals, tales that flooded even
appointment of special curators supervising city works purporting to be scholarly. With the excep-
finances, and limiting expenditure on the most tion of Alexandria and Pergamum, science declined,
expensive spectacles like gladiator fights, the cities, increasingly becoming speculative and based on a
especially the smaller ones, grew impoverished, and chain of logical constructs and assumptions, often
city magistracies became an onerous burden rather arbitrary, rather than on observation. Losing its
than honourable and highly coveted offices. former ties with science, philosophy moved closer to
Some lands that brought no profit were aban- religion. On the other hand, practical application of
doned. Hadrian issued a decree offering various pri- the achievements of science was impeded by the
vileges to those persons who began to cultivate aban- growing contempt among the upper classes for any
doned lands, but the results were not encouraging. ^ sort of mundane activity. Seneca wrote that those On the other hand, land was increasingly concentra- ^ who believed that the wise men of antiquity had
ted in the hands of the richest individuals, mostly j3 taught men various useful things, and invented those
senators and the emperor himself, and these lands, y things, were wrong. If they had done so, they had together with their colon tenants, were no longer ~ not acted as befitted wise men, for invention was an under the jurisdiction of the cities. Small land- f occupation suitable for contemptible slaves, not phi-
owners, who paid large taxes and carried the gs losophers. Science and life increasingly diverged,
burden of all sorts of exactions, suffered more than 1 The physician Sextus Empiricus protested against the rest of the populace from the pressure and even s this kind of speculative and dogmatic scholarship, violence on the part of the provincial officials and jj- insisting that science could only be based on experi-
320
Dish with a picture of a hunter with
four dogs. Clay. 4th millennium B.C.
A. S. Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts,
Moscow
King Narmer’s palette. End of the 4th mil¬ lennium B.C. Egyptian Museum, Cairo
Knife made of a thin strip of flint. Flint, ivory. Late 4th-early 3rd millennium B.C.
The sphinx and the pyramid of Khefren (Kha-f-Ra) at Gizeh, Egypt. 27th century B.C.
A night view of the Sphinx and pharaohs’ tombs at Gizeh
The great pyramids. Gizeh. 27th century B.C.
Scarab. 16th-17th centuries B.C.
A sphinx of the Old Kingdom at Gizeh. 27th century B.C.
Relief from the tomb of treasurer Isi.
Limestone. Mid-3rd millennium B.C. A. S.
Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts
Statue of Pharaoh Amenemhet III. Basalt. 18th century B.C. A. S. Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts, Moscow
Head of a queen’s statue. Granite. 18th century B.C. A. S. Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts, Moscow
Relief from a scribe’s tomb. Limestone.
Mid-3rd millennium B.C. A. S. Pushkin
State Museum of Fine Arts, Moscow
Figurine of a scribe. Basalt. 18th century B.C. A. S. Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts, Moscow
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Model of a boat. Wood, paint. 18th cen¬
tury B.C. A. S. Pushkin State Museum of
Fine Arts, Moscow
Boat. Wood. 18th century B.C. A. S. Push¬ kin State Museum of Fine Arts, Mos¬ cow
Sarcophagus of a farmer. Wood, paint.
15th century B.C. A. S. Pushkin State
Museum of Fine Arts, Moscow
Scarab with a hieroglyphic text reporting the killing of 102 lions by Pharaoh Amen- hotep III. Steatite. 15th century B.C. A. S. Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts, Moscow
The Book of the Dead. Papyrus, paint. 13th
century B.C. A. S. Pushkin State Museum
of Fine Arts, Moscow
Relief from a Memphis tomb. Limestone. 13th century B.C. A. S. Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts, Moscow
Relief with heads of Hittites. Sandstone. 13th century B.C. A. S. Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts, Moscow
Statue of an Ethiopian queen. Basalt. 4th
century B.C. A. S. Pushkin State Museum
of Fine Arts, Moscow
Portrait of a man. From the Fayum oasis. Wood, paint. 2nd century B.C. A. S. Push¬ kin State Museum of Fine Arts, Moscow
Portrait of a woman. From the Fayum oasis. Wood, paint. 2nd century B.C. A. S. Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts, Moscow
Sculptured model of a bust. Limestone. 3rd
century B.C. A. S. Pushkin State Museum
of Fine Arts, Moscow
Portrait of a man from the Fayum oasis. Wood, paint. 2nd century B.C. A. S. Push¬ kin State Museum of Fine Arts, Moscow
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Statue of a ruler in prayer. Limes¬ tone. C. 3300 B.C. Bagdad Museum
Seal portraying a hero fighting ani¬ mals. Steatite. 3rd millennium B.C. A. S. Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts, Moscow
Statue of a man in prayer. Plaster. C. 2700 B.C. Bagdad Museum
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Statue of a goddess with a vessel from the palace of Zimri-Lim (Mari). Limestone. Early 18th century B.C. Museum, Aleppo
Ebih-il, an official from Mari. Alabaster.
C. 2400 B.C. Louvre, Paris
The Naramsin stele. Limestone. C. 2250
B.C. Louvre, Paris
Statue of King Ashurnasirpal II. Alabas¬
ter. 9th century B.C. British Museum,
London
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ELA AMORI ©
(Shanid
36
40
44
48
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Area of the Jarmo culture Archaeological sites ELAM Names of historical regions and states AMO RITES Peoples
® Significant centres of the Early Dynastic period (1st half of 3rd millennium B.C.)
(§) Centres of the important states (2nd half of 3rd millennium B.C.) O Other ancient settlements H Area of irrigation
— Ancient coastline and courses of the Tigris and the Euphrates (Shanidar) Modem names
Reconstruction of the Ishtar Gate. Baby¬ lon. Glazed brick. Early 6th century B.C. Berlin Museum
Offerer with a kid. Sargon II’s palace at Dur-Sharrukin. Painted plaster. End of the 8th century B.C. Louvre, Paris
Assyrian reliefs. Archers
Cuneiform tablets. Clay. 2nd millennium B.C. A. S. Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts, Moscow
Vase in the shape of a lion. Kanish (Anato¬ lia). 20th-19th centuries B.C. Louvre, Paris
Hittites. A seal.
Hittite god of the storm. Basalt. 9th cen
tury B.C. Istanbul Museum
Portrayal of a goddess in childbirth. Qatal
Hiiyiik, level II. Terracotta. 6th millen¬
nium B.C. Hittite Museum, Ankara
Hittites. The “Daemon’s Head” lead amu¬ let. The Hermitage, Leningrad
“Standard” mount from a royal tomb at Alaca Huy iik (Anatolia). Bronze and silver. C. 2300 B.C. Ankara Museum
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Statuette of a goddess giving benediction (Ugarit). Bronze. Mid-3rd millennium B.C. Damascus Museum
Vessels, dagger, plaque (Phoenicia). Gold, silver, lapis lazuli. 19th- 18th centuries B.C. National Museum, Beirut
Vessel in the form of a human head (Pales¬
tine'. Terracotta. 1 7th-16th centuries B.C.
Jerusalem Museum
Woman’s head in tall headgear (Ugarit).
Ivory, gold. 14th century B.C. National
Museum, Damascus
Figurines on a votive chariot fUgantj 13th century B.C. Louvre, Paris
NEAR EAST
NAIRI States and historical regions
ARAMAEANS Peoples
Capitals of states Other ancient cities
Old Bahylonian Empire under Hammurapi (18th century B.C.)
Hittite Empire in 14th century B.C.
Assur colonies
Assyrian Empire in mid-7th century B.C.
Kingdom of Van’ in the 7th century B.C.
Lydian Empire in the 1st half of the 6th century B.C.
Trade routes
Gold mines
Copper mines
Iron mines
Later names
Ancient coastline
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Carchemish
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Horse’s head. Mount on a chariot pole. Bronze. 8th century B.C. Museum of the History of Armenia, Yerevan
Dish with a cuneiform inscription from Teishebaini. Bronze. 8th century B.C. The Hermitage, Leningrad
Ornament on a cauldron. Bronze. 8th cen¬ tury. The Hermitage, Leningrad
Fragment of a wall painting with figures of bulls and ornament. 8th century B.C. Museum of the History of Armenia, Yerevan
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Erebuni. Armenian SSR
Erebuni. Reconstruction of the hall
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Gold necklace with turtle-shaped pen¬
dants. From excavations at Vani. (Geor¬
gian SSR). 5th century B.C.
Gold temple ornaments. From excavations
at Vani (Georgian SSR). 5th century B.C.
Urartu. Teishebaini. View of the excava¬
tions. 7th century B.C.
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in iA.vi».-u.J:..
Urartaean vessels from Erebuni
and Teishebaini. 8th-7th centuries
B. C. A. S. Pushkin State Museum
of Fine Arts, Moscow
Ariadne. Terracotta. 2nd-1st centu¬
ries B. C. (Georgian SSR)
Temple at Garni. The Hellenistic
epoch
Sculptured felt figurines of swans from the
5th Pazyryk kurgan (High Altai . 5th-4th
centuries B.C. The Hermitage, Leningrad
Heads of rams (saddle ornaments). From the 2nd Bashadar kurgan (High Altai). Wood, gold foil. 5th century B.C. The Her¬ mitage, Leningrad
Panther. Gold plaque on a shield from the Kelermes kurgan (Kuban Region ). 7th-6th centuries B.C. The Hermitage, Leningrad
Deer. Gold shield plaque from a kurgan near Kostromskaya village (Kuban Region). 7th-6th centuries B.C. The Her¬ mitage, Leningrad
Gold comb from the Solokha kurgan (North Black Sea coast). 4th century B.C. The Hermitage, Leningrad
-
Felt carpet (detail) from the 5th Pazyryk
kurgan (High Altai). 5th-4th centuries
B.C. The Hermitage, Leningrad
felt carpet (detail) from the 5th Pazyryk
kurgan (High Altai). 5th-4th centuries
B.C. The Hermitage, Leningrad
Felt saddle cover from the 1st Pazyryk kur- gan (High Altai). 5th-4th centuries B.C. The Hermitage, Leningrad
Figurines of eagles (saddle ornament).
From the 2nd Bashadar kurgan (High
Altai). Wood, gold foil. 5th century B.C.
Bridle ornament: browband in the shape'of an eagle. Wood. 6th century B.C. The 1st kurgan near Thekta, Altai
Pile carpet from the 5th Pazyryk kurgan
(High Altai). 5th-4th centuries B.C. The
Hermitage, Leningrad
Silver amphora from the Chertomlyk kur¬ gan (North Black Sea coast). 4th century B.C. The Hermitage, Leningrad
Silver vessel with a mythological scene
from a kurgan near Voronezh. 4th century
B.C. The Hermitage, Leningrad
Gold cover of a bowcase from the Cher- tomlyk kurgan (North Black Sea coast). 4th century B.C. The Hermitage, Lenin- grad
Gold pectoral from the Tolstaya Mogila kurgan (North Black Sea coast). 4th cen¬ tury B.C. Museum of Historical Treasures, Kiev
DYAKOVSKAYA / CULTURE
ANANYINSKAYA
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Kelermes
TASMOLIAN CULTURE
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Tagisken ^ ^
Cyprus
Nineveh’
Syro-Mesopotamian
Steppe /
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Ecbatana
Babylon!©
‘Persepolis>L
(Lake Baikal)
TAGAR
CULTURE*
Arzhan
IAN CULTURE
(Lake Balkhash)
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Ussyk Kul,
T'ai-yuan
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Hsien-yang
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ELAM
States and historical regions
SCYTHIANS
Peoples
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Significant ancient cities
□
Areas devastated by the Cimmerians in the 7th century B.C.
A
Barrows of 7th-6th centuries B.C.
Barrows of 5th-3rd centuries B.C.
—
Trade routes
(Volga)
Modem names
100
110
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Elamite’s head. Clay. 2nd millennium B.C. Louvre, Paris
Facade of the apadana. Persepolis. 5th cen¬ tury B.C.
Head of a Bactrian. Eastern staircase of the apadana. Persepolis. 5th century B.C.
Mede with a dagger. Eastern staircase of the apadana. Persepolis. 5th century B.C.
Figurine of a doe. Gold. 6th century B.C. The Hermitage, Leningrad
“Gate of All Peoples”. Built under Darius I and his son Xerxes. 5th century B.C.
Gold sword hilt. Ecbatana (Hamadan). Achaemenid epoch, 5th century B.C. Teh¬ ran Museum
i vLei,
Darius I’s tomb (522-484 B.C.) Bottom left'. Shapur I’s victory relief (241-272 B.C.) and the later Naksh-i-Rustam double relief
Frieze with Darius’s archers from Susa. Glazed brick. 5th century B.C. Louvre, Paris
Warrior’s head. Persepolis. 4th century
B.C.
Necklace with a lioness’s heads detail).
Gold, bronze. 6th century B.C. The Her¬
mitage, Leningrad
Medallion portrait of the Parthian King of
Kings. Silver. The Hermitage, Leningrad
Dish portraying a sacred bird taking a god¬
dess to heaven. Silver. 8th century B.C.
The Hermitage, Leningrad
Figurine of a galloping horseman. Gold.
The Hermitage, Leningrad
Figurine of an eagle tearing a swan to
pieces. Gold, enamel. The Hermitage,
Leningrad
Akina, From 5th c
Gold
meni
Heac
baste
Insti
of S
Akinakes scabbard. Ivory, relief, engraving.
From Takhti-Sangin (South Tajikistan).
5th century B.C.
Gold head of a bull from Altin-depe (Turk¬ menian SSR). The bronze epoch
Head of a Hellenistic ruler. Painted Ala¬ baster, polychrome. From Takhti-Sangin. Institute of History of the Tajik Academy of Sciences, Dushanbe
Votive altar with sculpture of Silenus.
From Takhti-Sangin. The altar is made of
limestone, the figurine is bronze;. 2nd cen¬
tury B.C. Institute of History of the Tajik
Academy of Sciences, Dushanbe
Machaira hilt portraying the struggle between Heracles and Silenus from Takhti- Sangin. 4th-3rd centuries B.C. Ivory, relief, engraving. Institute of History of the Tajik Academy of Sciences, Dushanbe
K run
Rhyton from Nisa. Carved ivory. 2nd cen¬ tury B.C. The Hermitage, Leningrad
Golden belt from a warrior’s tomb at Tillya- tepe (modern Afghanistan;. The plaques portray the goddess Cybele riding a lion. Late 1st century B.C.-early 1st century A.D. National Museum, Kabul
Two gold figurines of winged goddesses from Tillya-tepe. Late 1st century B. C.- early 1st A.D. National Museum, Kabul
Head of an old man (fragment of a vessel).
From Zar-tepe. Ceramics. lst-4th centuries
A.D.
Head of a prince from Dalverzin-tepe. lst-2nd centuries A.D.
Buddha’s heac
centuries A.D
“Game of Nard” frescoe from Panjikent.
7th century A.D.
Figurine of a female deity from Khorezm. Terracotta. lst-4th centuries A.D.
Carved capital of decorative pilaster. Buddhist religious centre at Kara-tepe hill in Termez. White limestone. 2nd-3rd cen¬ turies A.D. The Hermitage, Leningrad
“The Musicians” scene. Airtam frieze.
lst-2nd centuries A.D.
“The Musicians” scene. Detail. “The Drummer”. Airtam frieze
“The Musicians” scene. Detail. “The Lute Player”. Airtam frieze
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Figurine of a priest from Mohenjo-Daro.
Steatite. 3rd-2nd millennia B.C.
Seals from Mohenjo-Daro. Steatite.
3rd-2nd millennia B.C.
Queen in a garden. Fresco. Ajanta. 5th-6th centuries A.D.
“Leonine Capital” at Sarnath. 3rd century B.C.
•Aiv.nc.'/.'.'.".?’ si
it ilrtt.M T/o ■nli'iMk* y tat'llferA.'; ••ii.
Yakshinis. Bhutesar. Sandstone. 2nd cen¬
tury A.D. Indian Museum, Calcutta
Scene from Jataka of Mahakaji. Relief on
the Bharhut stupa. 2nd century B.C. In¬
dian Museum, Calcutta
Bas-relief. Nagarjunakonda. 2nd-3rd cen¬ turies A. D. National Museum, Delhi
Statue of Buddha. Sandstone. Archaeologi¬ cal Museum, Sarnath
North gate of the stupa at Sanchi. 2nd cen¬ tury B.C.
(Harappa)
Ahicchi
^Shravasti > Vi
K OS H ALA\
/4 •• I
f £ (Mohenjo-daro)
Kanauj^^
Mathurlr
.Vaishali
(Chanhu-daro)
Pattala
Kaushambi
MAG 4^
Campa
Va,anasi A
" / Gaya
AVANTI
monsoons)
Palura
‘Jy QCrangarone
Kaverip,
Lanka
360km
ANCIENT INDIA
PUNJAB
States and historical regions
®
Major ancient cities
Harappa culture area (3rd-lst half of
the 2nd millennia B.C.)
•
Excavated settlements of the Harappa culture
Route of Alexander the Great’s army
□ Ashoka’s possessions (273-236 B.C.)
VMMPPW* Gupta Empire in the 5th century A.D.
/ / / / Temporary dependencies of
/ // / the Gupta Empire
Centres of commerce with the
Mediterranean world (after the “Periplu
de Mare Erythraeum”)
Finds of Roman coins
Kumari
Chnstian communities in
the 4th-5th centuries A.D
Kushan Empire at its peak
Trade routes
(Mohenjo-
-daro)
Modern names
“Stone man” in the sitting posture. Stone. From the excavations of the Ju Hao tomb. Shang-Yin epoch. 2nd millennium B. C.
Cart drawn by an ox. Wood. From excava¬
tions in the province of Kansu Han epoch.
2nd century B.C.-2nd century A.D.
Bronze image of mythological winged
monster. From the excavations of the tomb
of the ruler of the state of Chungshan.
Chankuo epoch. 5th-3rd centuries B.C.
Man with broad-hilted weapon in his belt.
Nephrite. From excavations of the Ju Hao
tomb. Shang-Yin epoch. 2nd millennium
B.C.
ed
nb
in.
C.
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Figurine of a warrior from the tomb of emperor Ch’in Shihhuangti. Terracotta. From excavations near Sian. Ch’in epoch. 3rd century B.C.
Head of a warrior’s figurine from the tomb of emperor Ch’in Shihhuangti. Terra¬ cotta. From excavations near Sian. Ch’in epoch. 3rd century B.C.
Gown. From excavations near Changsha. Han epoch. 2nd centurv B.C.-2nd century A.D.
Painted wooden figurines. From excava¬ tions in the province of Kansu. Han epoch. 2nd century B.C.-2nd century A.D.
Ceramic moulds for casting coins. Wang
Mang epoch. 1st century A.D. The Hermi¬
tage, Leningrad
Cover. Lacquer. From excavations near
Changsha. Han epoch. 2nd century
B.C.-2nd century A. D.
Bronze galloping horses. From excavations in the Kansu province. Han epoch. 2nd century A.D.
Gold mines Copper mines Iron mines Lead mines Tin mines Salt-mines “Silk route” Trade routes Great Wall
(Tibet) Modem names
Monuments of the Shang Age
Excavations of the “Great city of Shang” 2nd half of the 2nd mil. B.C.
_ u ,_ t Major kingdoms before the emergence of the first '-'HU centralised state (5th-3rd centuries B.C.)
CHI Capitals of major ancient kingdoms
HSIEN-YANG Capital of Ch’in Empire CH'ANG-AN Capitals of Han Empire (2nd century B.C.-2nd century A.D.)
• Important trade and handicraft centres
Fortresses built in the 2nd-early 1st centuries B.C.
“Barbariari’invasions (2nd-lst centuries B.C.)
Areas of greatest population density in the 2nd century A.D. (after census data)
180
b=
0
ZEEfc
360km
- '>1 .'».*<
>***
Palace at Phaestos. Between 2000 and 1500
B.C.
So-called “La Parisienne”, fragment of a
frescoe from the palace of Knossos.
C. 1500 B.C. Heraclion. Archaeological
Museum
The Lion gate at Mycenae. End of the 14th-15th century B.C.
Funeral mask, so-called mask of Agamem¬ non, from the tomb V of the circle A. Gold. Second half of the 16th century B.C. National Museum, Athens
Mv
Uppe
tadel
and
palace
cenac
6 th
3th
centuries
OK
pie
1 Irra
H
mpi
cm
eraion
600
Selinus, Temple
550
340
imestone
Statues of Cleobis and Biton. Marble
590-580 B.C.
Kore 671. Marble. C. 520 B.C. Acropolis
Museum, Athens
Temple of Poseidon at Cape Sunion. Mar¬ ble. 450-440 B.C.
Parthenon on Athenian Acropolis. Marble.
447-432 B.C
Parthenon. Fragment of the
Equestrians. Western frieze
procession.
Erechtheion temple on Athenian Acro¬
polis. Marble. 421-406 B.C.
Myron. Discobolus. C. 450 B.C. Roman marble copy. Rome National Museum.
Syracusan decadrachma, so-called demara-
teion. Silver. C. 479 B. C. British Museum,
London
Statue of Poseidon. Bronze. 460-450 B.C.
National Museum, Athens
Head of the statue of a youth, the so-called
“fair-haired ephebus”. Marble. C. 480
B.C. Acropolis Museum, Athens
Praxiteles. Aphrodite of Cnidos. C. 350
B.C. A reconstruction in gypsum from
Roman copies. Museum of Moulds,
Munich
•' mm Wit\Wl^.dk j & V>| itY ' ‘ i^Vr 1 " ~^lti --’ Vvi^A^V/'Jl 1 -' 1 » >< ‘ ■ ? vf^
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V?
Vase from Dipylon (copy). Clay. Mid-8th century B.C.
Red-figure crater. “Gigantomachy”. Painted earthenware. 4th century B.C. Apulia. The Lycurgus Painter
Black-figure amphora with dancing maenads. Clay. 540s B.C.
Black-figure amphora. Clay. C. 530 B.C.
Attica.
Amphora. A Stag. Earthenware. Third quarter of the 6th century B.C. Clazo- menae. Enmann Class
Red-figure crater by the “master of Villa Giulia”. Clay. Mid-5th century B.C.
V
■
■i
i
NAPLES
OPompeii
OPosidonia
\Metapontum
O Thurii (Sybaris)
Croton
Messana
Zephyrium
f Catana /
l Megan Hyblaea
SYRACUSE
Historical regions
Major cities and political centres
Important cult centres
Other ancient settlements
Persian dependencies in the early 5th century B.C.
LYDIA
®
Delphi
Acroterion from Phanagoria. Marble. Mirror stand. Aphrodite with Erotes,
Third quarter of the 4th century B.C. Bronze. C. 480 B.C. Aegina
Sparta’s allies in the 5th century B.C.
A
Epidamnus
7 hasos
Samothrace
Thasos
THRACIAN SEA
Athos
m w’
Lemnos
lapygium
Kerkyrt
Dodona
Lesbos
Artemisium
PL Euboia
Skyroe /
Leukas
A E T 0 LI
Ithaka
r upactus
Kephallenia
Andros
Samos
Tenedos
Zakynthos
MEGALOPOLIS
Mykonos
^ Naxos
Paros
MYRTIUAN
Sphracteria "
Melos
■" Male a
Kythera
Thera
Taenarum
Cydonia
KNOSSOS
_ u u n
Phaistos p®
100km
—
Iron mines
Kerkvra
' ' <P f \ .
•6 HALICARNASSUS
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- a, %Cnid u»%
,%r Ik
of Athens in 5th century B.C.
routes
A iW.f ar —»
Man’s head, the so-called “Eubuleus”. Marble. Second half of the 4th century B.C. National Museum, Athens
Head of Dionysus. Marble. Early 3rd cen¬ tury B.C. Thasos Museum
Head of Epicurus. First quarter of the 3rd century B.C. Antique replica in marble. Metropolitan Museum, New York
Temple of Apollo at Didyma. Main facade. Marble. 3rd-2nd centuries B.C
Theatre at Pergamum. Basalt. 3rd century B.C.
Seated Woman. Marble. Second half of the 4th century B.C. Staatliche Museen, Ber¬ lin
I he Pergamum great altar. North-western
corner. Marble and limestone. First half of
the 2nd century B.C. Staatliche Museen,
Berlin
Zeus and Porphyrian. Detail of the eastern
frieze of the Pergamum altar. Marble.
180-160 B.C. Staatliche Museen, Berlin
Terracotta figurines from Tanagra and
Myrina. Clay. 4th-3rd centuries B.C.
Mi-
•VO: JLv
n
Facade of a rock tomb at Cyrene. 3rd-2nd
centuries B.C.
Intaglio. “Heron in Flight”. Carved chal¬
cedony and gold. Second half of the 5th
century B.C.
Mosaic floors at Pella. 4th-3rd centuries
B.C.
Statue of Demetrius I of Syria. Bronze.
C. 150 B.C. Capitol Museum, Rome
Black-figure kylix with horsemen. Clay.
4th century B.C. Corinth
■■ — ■
Dying Gaul. 220-210 B.C. Antique replica in marble. Capitol Museum, Rome
Head of a goddess from Alexandria. Mar¬
ble. 3rd century B.C.
Portrait of Antiochus III. C. 200 B.C.
Antique replica in marble. Louvre, Paris
Statue of Aphrodite. C. 250 B.C. Antique
replica in marble. National Museum,
Rome
The Victory of Samothrace. Marble. C. 190 B.C. Louvre, Paris
- X H Jfc a’aUU
Lekuthos. Sphinx. Painted earthenware.
Late 5th century B.C. Attica
Statue of Aphrodite (from the collection of Khvoshchinsky). Marble. Roman copy from a Greek original from the 3rd century B.C.
Statue of Aphrodite, the so-called Venus de Milo. Marble. End of the 2nd century B.C. Louvre, Paris
Panticapaeui
MACE
[Sinope
' OHeraclea,
BITHYNIA I
Corinth 1
Ttapezus
Rhodes
igranocerta'
Arbela
Cyprus
7 Palmyra ,
\Damascus /
Ecbatana'
Seleucia.
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Persepolis
Gerrha
Pattala
Meroe
Aromatifera Coast
Sokotra
500km
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MACEDONIA Historical regions and states IBERIANS Peoples
© Major cities
• Cities founded in the Hellenistic period
Cities of the Kushan period (lst-3rd centuries A.D.) t Route of Alexander the Great’s army
- - Roads and trade routes
3 Gold mines
Ag Silver mines
« Copper mines
^ Iron mines
(Tibet) Modem names
Lanka
Head of a satyr in pine wreath. Marble. Roman replica of 2nd century original
' 4<UA * S* • st'K- W,
L*V#;«rts
l# r ‘f#
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C*-:
She-wolf of Capitol. Bronze. Second quarter of the 5th century B.C. Palazzo of Conservatives, Rome
Wrestling scene. Fragment from painting on the Francois Etruscan tomb at Vulchi 2nd century B.C. Villa Albani, Rome
Appian way, near Rome: 312 B.C.
Fortune’s shrine at Palestrina. View from north-west. After 80 B.C.
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Statue of Augustus from Prima Porta.
Marble. C. 20 B.C. Vatican Museums,
Rome
Aqueduct in Nimes. End of the 1st century A.D.
As. Copper. C. A.D. 37-41. Ashmolean Museum, Oxford
Coin with the portrait of Domitian. A.D. 80-90. British Museum, London
Sesterce Aurihalk, C. A.D. 66. British Museum, London
y
U *■ \ i
Si
- '
The Flavii Amphitheatre, the so-called Colosseum. A.D. 80
Tombstone of the Vibius family. Marble. Second half of the 1st century B.C. Vatican Museums, Rome
Temple of Hadrian at Ephesos, 2nd cen¬ tury A.D.
Statue of the ruler of Gorgippia (from Ana¬
pa). Marble. 2nd century A.D.
Portrait of a Roman woman, the so-called Syrian. Marble, 160s-170s. The Hermi¬ tage, Leningrad
Helmet with a visor from Ribchester. Great Britain, Bronze. End of the 1st cen¬ tury A.D. British Museum, London
Portrait of Marcus Aurelius. Detail. Mar¬ ble. A.D. 170s-180s. National Museum, Rome
Portrait of a Roman. Bronze. Last quarter of the 1st century B.C. The Hermitage, Leningrad
Initiation in the mysteries of Dionysus. Fragment of wall-painting at the Villa of Mysteries, Pompeii. C. 50 B.C.
Sarcophagus with Dionysian scenes. Mar¬ ble. Early 3rd century A.D.
Sesterce. Aurihalk. Between A.D. 117-138
Sesterce. Aurihalk. C. A.D
119. Capitol Museum, Ro
Wall-painting from villa
Farnesi. C. 19 B.C. National
Museum. Rome
Portrait of Emperor Trajan.
Marble. Early 2nd century
A.D.
Head of a youth from Egypt.
Marble. Mid-1st century
A.D.
Roman city in Timgad, Al¬
geria. 2nd century A.D.
Ppnticapaeum
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Babylon
Palmyra
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Damascus
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Oxyrhyncl
Ammonium
Siwa Oasis
'Hermopolis
Myoshomu
Leucos Limen
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mcnt, observation, and method, and that it had bet¬
ter refrain from unsubstantiated assertions. His
works, however, could do little to stop the universal
craze for the fantastic.
The romances of that time described the incred¬ ible adventures of incredibly beautiful and noble heroes and heroines going through terrible priva¬ tions when captured by brigands, pirates, Persian satraps, overcoming all obstacles through their vir¬ tues and the assistance of the gods, and ultimately getting married. In the eyes of the people of those times, it was not outstanding political figures and military leaders striving for the glory of their country who were the greatest heroes but clairvoyant pro¬ phets always retaining their inner freedom and therefore towering head and shoulders above those who tried to subjugate them. The literary type of a noble outlaw also appeared at this time; he robbed the rich, and helped the poor, he was wise and virtuous despite his crimes, and met his death as befits a hero. All of this was a kind of “compensation”, an escape from the reality with its humiliations and inevitable compromises with one’s conscience.
Magic, astrology, and daemonology increasingly held sway over the people’s minds. Lucius Apuleius, the author of the novel Metamorphoses describing the adventures of a young man transformed into an ass, paid a great deal of attention to magic, developing a theory of various categories and functions of genii and daemons mediating between the gods and the world.
Stoicism no longer appeared satisfactory either.
The works of the last of the Stoics, the emperor Marcus Aurelius, are full of hopeless pessimism. He asserted that nothing in the world could be either changed or improved, all things had been, were, and would be the same through eternity. Baseness, flat¬ tery and falsehood would always exist. The glory of even the greatest of men was forgotten, and then, what use would glory be to them after death? In that chaos, the only important thing was to preserve the inner “I” and follow the path of virtue. But that vir- § tue could no longer serve as a guideline in life, as it 5 was not directed towards any goal.
The common people felt an increasing revulsion against the world of the rich and the powers that be.
The propaganda of friendship between slave and | master, rich man and poor man, could not shake the J people’s conviction that the rich and the strong who f
posed as benefactors and friends of the poor and the
weak were merely cunningly trying to divide and
subjugate the little men, that the rich man was
either a scoundrel himself or a scoundrel’s heir, and
that virtue did not live in stately mansions. The peo¬
ple opposed their own virtues charity, good nature,
industry, and readiness to help one another and for¬
give the enemy-to the official virtues of the ances¬
tors included in imperial propaganda, and the vir¬
tues of philosophers based on knowledge.
In this period, Christianity began to spread. The personality of its founder and of his closest disciples, the dating of various Christian works, and the nature of diverse early sects and their doctrines are still the subject of controversy that has given rise to a vast literature. Whatever the solutions of these numerous problems, early Christianity was undoub¬ tedly the best answer to the needs and aspirations of the cotnmon people. The destiny of Jesus Christ was a model of life and death that could be followed with greater conviction than the example of Hercules, Dionysus, Silvanus or Mithra, all of whom had lived in times long gone and probably never lived at all. The Christian author Lactantius wrote that Jesus appeared on this earth as a son of a carpenter and died the death of a slave in order that anyone, even the lowliest of the lowly and the poorest of the poor, might follow him. Christianity posed new goals, both general (the attainment of the Kingdom of God on earth) and individual (the attainment of eternal bliss in paradise). Christianity sanctioned breaking away from the official world, in which one had to live rendering to Caesar the things that were Cae¬ sar’s but inwardly keeping at a distance from it and retaining one’s spiritual freedom. Unlike many Oriental cults that became widespread in the empire, Christianity, far from endeavouring to become part of the imperial cult, resolutely rejected it. One Christian author wrote that Roman rulers, beginning with Romulus the fratricide, should have been forbidden to approach the temples for their evil deeds, let alone worship them. Early Christianity appealed to the poor and the simple; it proclaimed the slogan, “If any would not work, neither should he eat”; it rejected the rich and the noble with their “wisdom” and contempt for toil, and undermined the assumption of the inevitability of the existing order on which the whole of official Roman ideology was founded since the times of Augustus. At first,
321
28-344
• _
Christianity spread among the lower urban classes, ing in the arena (reminiscent of Nero’s appearances
but gradually these were joined by other social as an actor), the omnipotence of his favourites, and
strata. They brought with them their own philoso- of the humiliating peace treaty with the Germans, to
phy, which coloured the doctrines of various Chris- whom he was now obliged to pay tribute. In 192 he
tian sects; they wrote treatises expounding the was assassinated. He was succeeded by Pertinax,
Christian faith and refuting Greek and Roman favoured by the Senate but soon also assassinated
religions. and replaced by Didius Julianus, who promised the
Christianity was becoming popular. After Nero’s praetorian guards more money than the other clai-
persecudon the government sometimes punished in- mants to the throne; after a two-months reign, he
dividual Christians for refusal to participate in the was also killed.
imperial cult, and then at other times paid no atten- A civil war began between the candidates for the
tion to them, believing, as many contemporaries did imperial purple supported by different armies: Pis-
(cf. e. g., the anti-Christian treatise written by Cel- cennius Niger, proclaimed emperor in the East; Clo-
sus), that Christianity was an absurd superstition of dius Albinus, supported by the nobility of Gaul and
ignoramuses, a branch of Judaism despised by the Spain; and African-born Septimius Severus, who
Greeks and Romans. They failed to realise that the was proclaimed emperor by the army on the
growing numbers of Christians were a dangerous Danube and defeated his rivals. His reign saw the
sign of an impending crisis. beginning of a struggle, which lasted a whole cen¬
tury, between the so-called soldier emperors (who were favoured by the army and in their turn heaped The Crisis of the 3rd Century. The crisis began in the privileges on it) and the emperors favoured by the
reign of Marcus Aurelius (161-180). In the 1st and Senate, who implemented its policies.
2nd centuries, the peoples living beyond the Danube Although the senators believed that the situation
and Rhine made, partly due to contacts with the was merely a reversal to the relations under the
empire, considerable progress in agriculture, crafts, Julio-Claudian and Flavian lines, the basis of differ-
and military art; forming tribal military confedera- ences between the Senate and the emperors was now
cies, they began to attack the empire. After a war of quite different. The Senate, mostly consisting of
attrition against Parthia, Marcus Aurelius had to major landowners of the eastern and western prov-
fight, nearly during the whole of his reign, against inces, wanted the emperors to carry out the policies
the tribes of the Quadi and the Marcomanni on the that suited it best. The eastern potentates demanded
Danube a fight which on the whole ended in a a strong imperial power that would restrict both the
draw. The plague epidemic, which carried away the freedom of the cities (only Rome must be a city,
emperor himself, and the financial burden of war wrote Dio Cassius, senator and historian from the
adversely affected the empire’s economy. In Egypt, city Nicaeain Asia Minor) and the unruliness of the
where the peasants were especially harshly mob, relying on the optimates, i. e., the most wealthy
exploited, they ran away to the Nile Delta in their and prominent citizens, the army and the state
thousands and rose in rebellion that was known as apparatus that had to be maintained at the public
the “herdsmen’s revolt”. In northern Italy and expense. Everyone was to receive obligatory educa-
southern Gaul, the deserter Maternus raised a force tion at state schools, where they would be taught to
of peasants and slaves that terrorised the obey the emperor and to forget all about free
landowners. Avidius Cassius, governor of Syria, rose I thought. The western nobles wanted to have an against the emperor. All these were forerunners of 5 emperor, elected by the Senate, who would merely much more terrible events. y act as a commander-in-chief and whose duty it
Despite the Antonine tradition, Marcus Aurelius 1 would be to conquer new lands, get the manpower made his son Commodus heir to the throne, which | to cultivate those lands, maintain the army without caused grave discontent in the Senate and darkened burdening the population, and keep the soldiers in
the relations between the Senate and the new 1 check. The emperor must not interfere in the inter¬
emperor, who was accused of abuse of power, ^ nal affairs of the state, particularly those of the prov- cruelty, public appearances among gladiators fight- | inces, these nobles believed; these affairs would be
322
dealt with by the Senate and the local aristocracy. the colons settled on imperial lands refused to pay
Freedom of thought and of cults must not be cur- rent or obey the managers, the latter called in the
tailed. The two factions had but one point in com- troops. The agents of the imperial treasury had to
mon: they both insisted that, far from confiscating report those who tried to evade paying taxes by con-
lands, the emperor must hand over or sell his own cealing their incomes. In their attempts to introduce
lands to private individuals. greater order in the administration of the empire,
Relying mostly on the army, the soldier emperors the Severi paid special attention to elaborating
also had some support from the urban population, Roman law. The most prominent lawyers now
often closely connected with the army, since veterans served as praetorian prefects, edited imperial edicts,
frequently settled in the cities while decurions served and wrote replies to petitions and pleas, as well as
for a while in the army. These sections of the popula- comments on the existing laws and rules for legal
tion also had a programme of their own, expounded procedures.
in the work of Apuleius about Plato’s theories and During the reign of the first Severi, the last traces
Philostratus’s novel about the wise man and magi- of equality among citizens disappeared. According
cian Apollonius of Tyana. That programme to an edict of Caracalla, the entire population of the
demanded a certain freedom for the cities and empire, with the exception of deditkii (freedmen
encouragement for the activities of the upper stra- guilty of grave misconduct during slavery or those
turn of the urban population. The claims of the rich who had fought against Rome as foreigners)
men had to be restrained, but the common people received Roman citizenship. But the citizens were
and demagogues also had to be firmly controlled. divided in the eyes of the law into the nobles (sena-
The emperor could name any of his sons successor to tors, equites, decurions) and the plebs, or the com-
the throne (apparently to ensure their greater inde- mon people. No nobleman could be executed with-
pendence from the Senate), but he must not be a out the emperor’s sanction, sentenced to corporal
“tyrant”. He had to have an army, but he also had punishment or hard labour in the mines, but the
to pursue a peaceful policy of conciliation and common people were liable to all these indignities,
concessions. The nobles’ evidence had greater weight in court,
Septimius Severus, and later his son and successor and an insult to a noble was punished more severely.
Antonine, nicknamed Caracalla, endeavoured to In general, punishment for various crimes became
support the cities. They lavished special attention on much harsher now, and reprisals were directed not
the cities of Africa, partly because Africa was the only against the senatorial opposition but the
native land of Septimius Severus, and partly empire’s whole population. Not only mutiny or lese-
because, with the impoverishment of Egypt, it majeste were now punishable by death but also prac-
became the principal supplier of grain for Rome. tising magic, divination involving the destiny of
However, the policy of the Severi on this score was master or emperor, and spreading of new doctrines
rather contradictory: while trying to maintain the tempting the simple people. Surveillance ofmalcon-
cities as civic communities, they also increased the tents by secret agents, eavesdropping on conversa-
obligations of magistrates and decurions to the cities. tions at taverns, bath-houses and other public facili-
Needing a lot of money, they demanded regular ties, which was not unknown already under the
payment of revenue by the cities. Citizens now tried Antonines, was stepped up. Slaves could inform on to avoid serving in the once honourary offices. their masters in cases of lese-majeste , tax evasion or Decurions were going to rack and ruin at an appal- ^ adultery.
ing rate. ■§ The first Severi’s main support was the army,
As a result of confiscations of the property of ’ which grew to 600,000 and was mostly recruited in nobles supporting Clodius Albinus and later oppos- N the Danube provinces, where numerous indepen- ing Septimius Severus, the emperor’s lands grew ? dent peasantry still existed. In the other provinces, manyfold, far outstripping in size the estates of the 3> mostly veterans’ sons joined the army. The soldiers’ wealthiest individuals. Accordingly, the men who | salary was increased, they were permitted to have managed these lands played an ever increasing role, |> families and own land, and they gradually turned being in some provinces virtually uncontrolled. If ; into military settlers. Limitations on the social back-
323
28 *
ground of candidates for command posts were lifted, resorted to debasement of the coinage, adding cop-
and any soldier could now hope to rise to the highest per to silver, and that resulted in inflation and price
rank. Centurions were included in the equestrian rises. Commanders and officials now received their
order. Many posts in the bureaucratic apparatus salaries in kind, not in money. The amount of food-
were given to the military. The old praetorian guard stuffs, clothing, jewelry, utensils, and the number of
was disbanded, and the new guard was recruited servants and concubines allotted to them were deter-
from the legionaries. In the provinces, small detach- mined by their rank. The offensive of the German
ments of the so-called beneficiani were set up which tribes intensified again. During one of the German
acted as a police force, tracking down runaway campaigns, Alexander, his mother and Ulpian were
slaves and fighting brigands whose numbers con- murdered by mutinous soldiers (A. D. 235).
stantly swelled as slaves and impoverished peasants The troops proclaimed Maximin, nicknamed
joined them. All these measures were intended by “The Thracian”, as emperor. He is said to have
Septimius Severus to maintain order in the state and been a simple Thracian shepherd before enlisting in
raise the army’s effectiveness. The latter was all the Septimius Severus’s army, in which he rose to the
more necessary as German tribes resumed their rank of tribune of a legion owing to his exceptional
attacks against the empire, and relations with strength and bravery. Maximin carried out mass
Parthia grew worse. Caracalla was killed during a reprisals against major landlords, confiscating their
campaign against Parthia, and the kaleidoscopic lands, for which the Senate compared him to Spar-
succession of “senatorial” and “soldier” emperors tacus and Athenion, but he had adherents not only
resumed. Of these, none died a natural death or in the army, which he led to victory over the Ger-
reigned for more than a few years and even months. mans, but also in the cities. Owners of latifundia in
Two more emperors of the Severi dynasty ruled in southern Numidia rose against him, arming their
Rome, both of them grand-nephews of Septimius slaves and colons and proclaiming Gordian, gover-
Severus’s wife, Julia Domna, who came from a noble nor of Africa, as emperor. Gordian came from a
Syrian priestly family. One of them, Elagabal, a her- noble family and had great wealth. He and his son
editary high priest of the god Elah-Gabal wor- were attacked by the legion stationed in Africa and
shipped in the city of Emesa in the shape of a black the citizens of Garthage, and fell in ensuing battle,
stone, was deposed for his attempts to impose that Simultaneously (in 238), the troops killed Maximin,
god’s cult on Rome. To the Romans, the cult seemed and a compromise between the army and the Senate
absurd, and its ceremonies immoral. The other, brought to the throne Gordian’s grandson, who
Alexander Severus, appeared to be an ideal emperor assumed the name Gordian III. He continued Alex¬ in the eyes of the Senate-mostly because he tried to ander’s policy, but in 242 he was also murdered by
replace a standing army by irregular troops re- the troops.
cruited locally, settled on estates on the empire’s The empire’s position on the international scene
borders and provided with slaves and implements; also kept deteriorating. The Sassanid dynasty, which
practised the granting of state lands to senators; and came to power in Iran, consolidated the army and
restricted the independence of cities. The praetorian the state and immediately started a war with Rome,
prefect under Alexander was Ulpian, the famous The empire’s frontiers were attacked by the Goths,
lawyer, who actually conducted all the affairs of Carpiens, Franks, Sarmatians, and Moors, which
state together with Julia Mamaea, the young also began to form tribal confederacies headed by
emperor’s mother. The self-enslavement of free adult I kings. Many of the provinces were devastated, many Roman citizens was legally sanctioned in the inter- 5 villas destroyed and looted. Emperor Decius fell in a ests of major landlords who needed more manpower, jj war with the Goths on the Danube. Emperor Valeri- That was the end of the last immutable principle of an (253-260) was taken prisoner by the Persian king
the Roman civic community the interdiction on | Shapur-a disgrace that Rome had never known, the enslavement of a Roman citizen. ;o The ruination reached its height under Gallienus
By the end of Alexander Severus’s rule the eco- | (253-268), Valerian’s son and joint ruler. Unlike his
nomic situation of the empire also deteriorated. In ^ father, favoured by the Senate, he was, despite his their need for money, the government regularly | noble origin, a “soldier” emperor. At the same time
he was a highly educated man; he endeavoured to formed an alliance with the Moors. In Gaul, the
restore the cities, and restrict the exactions imposed revolt began of peasants who called themselves
on colons, extending his patronage to cultural figures “Bagaudae”, that is, “fighters”. They seized villas
such as the philosopher Plotinus, founder of neo-Pla- and even captured the city of Augustodunum.
tonism. His predecessors Decius and Valerian, both In 268, Gallienus was murdered by the cavalry
supported by the Senate, had fought against the commander Aureolus, but his military reforms bore
opposition among municipal circles, in which there fruit under his successors known as the “Illyrian
were many Christians already, persecuting the emperors” (all of them came from the Danubian
Christians who refused to make sacrifices in imperial provinces) - Claudius II, Aurelian and Probus.
temples, banishing them and even executing some of Claudius II, nicknamed Gothicus, inflicted a severe
them, especially the clerics, whereas Gallienus defeat on the Goths, many of whom were made
stopped the persecution of Christians, for which they colons and military settlers. Tetricus, the last Gallic
were duly grateful. To spite the Senate, he barred ruler and the richest landlord of Aquitania, fright-
the entry of senators to the army; neither could they ened by the scope of the movement of the Bagaudae,
be governors of provinces where troops were sta- and the disobedience of the troops stationed on the
tioned. On the other hand, promotion from the Rhine, secretly wrote a letter to Aurelian pleading
ranks to the highest command posts was facilitated. for help and promising to surrender the army. In
The emperor reformed his cavalry, as mounted war- this way Gaul was restored to Rome. Aurelian also
riors were the principal force of the Germans, Sar- put an end to Zenobia’s kingdom in the face of con-
matians and Persians: he brought all the cavalry siderable opposition from anti-Roman and pro-Per-
units under the command of one general, which in- sian parties. Only Dacia was irrevocably lost. Probus
creased the effectiveness of the Roman army. Gal- won several victories over Franks, whereupon they
lienus was naturally hated most profoundly by the were settled in the western provinces as soldiers and
nobles, who inspired mutiny in many provinces. farmers.
Usurpers appeared who tried either to seize the By the 280s the position of the empire appeared to
throne in Rome or to secede from the empire. In be improving, but the crisis was so acute that a re-
most provinces, the revolts did not last long, being covery was no longer possible. During the times of
quickly suppressed by troops loyal to Gallienus, but general devastation, only the landed aristocracy
Gaul, Britain and Spain formed a separate Gallic thrived, seizing the lands of ruined petty and
empire headed by Postumus, a creature of the local medium farmers, and making impoverished
landed aristocracy; he recruited Germans in his peasants, whole rural communities, and captives
army. In the East, unable to resist the Persian on- settled on land their colons. In the cities, many of
slaught, Gallienus was compelled to recognize which had been completely ruined, all power was
Odaenathus, prince of Palmyra, as his joint ruler. concentrated in the hands of those who had
Gathering Syrian and Arab troops, Odaenathus managed to survive the period of devastation and
drove away Shapur who was laying Syria waste. But even profit by it. The role of the slave-owning social
after Odaenathus’s mysterious assassination, the structure in the economic life of the empire fell,
anti-Roman party headed by his wife, the ambitious while those structures in which the rudiments of
and wilful Zenobia, gained the upper hand. Zenobia future feudal relations were given free play were in
was regent of Palmyra for Odaenathus’s young sons; the ascendant. The economic links between different
under her, Palmyra seceded from Rome and estab- ^ parts of the empire grew weaker as natural economy
fished sway over Syria, Arabia, a considerable por- ? became predominant and village communities and
tions of Asia Minor, and Egypt, where Zenobia was 5 saltus almost unconnected with markets and cities,
supported by a strong anti-Roman party. True, Gal- N Separatist tendencies developed among provincial
lienus won a number of victories over separate bar- J nobles, bringing about a revival of provincial cults,
barian tribes, and concluded alliances with others, g> local languages, and local art. Under these condi-
but the position of the empire still remained very dif- 1 tions, the unity of the empire could clearly be pre-
ficult. In Africa, an uprising of peasants and colons j*i served only through strong state authority. The
broke out under the leadership of Faraxenes who f emperors of the 3rd century made a decisive break
325
with the Antonines’ policy. They assumed the titles with its unity and integrity. Plotinus recognized the
of “lord and master”, patronised Oriental solar cults need for “civic” virtues opening up the path to the
tracing back the emperors’ ancestry to the sun-god, higher virtues, and he also recognized the need for
ordered their sculptures to be erected, with diadems conscientiously performing one’s role on the world
of sunrays, and insisted on the emperor’s eternity scene. He believed that men did wrong to grumble
and invincibility. A preamble to any speech now at God who permitted evil to pervade the world, for
had to mention the “Golden Age” that set in with they themselves were to blame for allowing the bad the coming of the current emperor. and the strong to rule them, rather than fight evil,
This kind of official propaganda naturally lost all for behaving like sheep allowing wolves to eat them,
semblance of credibility. Previously popular doc- But these appeals of Plotinus to be active found no
trines now collapsed, and men more and more response. His disciple Porphyry mostly called for an
turned to religion rather than to philosophy, accept- escape from the world of vanity to a desert, to a life
ing divine reveladons, as those of the Egyptian god among the few pure and like-minded people far from
Thoth, identified with the Greek god Hermes Tris- the evil of life. The whole system of neo-Platonism
megistos. It was believed that revelations, mysteries was too abstruse for the broad public and later be-
and magic formulas could enable the initiated to came the ideology of fairly narrow intellectual circles
escape the action of this world’s necessity and evil to in some cities of the Orient.
the celestial spheres of genuine freedom. Many felt a Plotinus’s esthetics had a much greater effect on
repugnance to the real, material world. Various phi- the minds. It is not the external body that should be
losophico-religious schools emerged which, relying portrayed, he insisted, but the inner soul or idea,
on Plato’s ideas and the authority of the wise men of The art of those times lost interest in the reality, the
the Orient, taught that the earthly world had been beauty of the human body and man’s individual
created by an evil god but that the elect and enlight- traits, concentradng on representing a certain image
ened could and should know a higher and true god or symbol of the inner essence. Only the enormous
by forsaking the world. eyes contemplating eternity were alive in the por-
The numbers of Christians grew. Christian com- traits of the common people, while emperors’ statues
munities were now strong organisations headed by were intended to symbolise above all their grandeur,
bishops who had treasuries at their disposal which menacing, frozen, and oppressive,
swelled through donations from rich Christians. The bishops distributed alms only to the “worthy”, that
is, poor men obedient to them, and banished any The Dominate and the Fall of the Empire. Despite the
dissenters, declaring them to be heretics. The works gravity of the overall situation, some progress was
of Cyprian, a bishop of Carthage in the mid-3rd cen- made in the restoration of the empire on a new basis
tury, beheaded at the time of Valerian’s persecu- by the emperor Diocletian and his successor Con¬ dons, point to the replacement of the democratic stantine. Diocletian (284-305) was the son of a Dal-
spirit once prevalent in Christian communities by matian freedman, and he rose from a private soldier
the bishop’s iron will. to the rank of commander of the imperial guard.
In that epoch, Plotinus called for the preservation After the assassinadon of the sons of the emperor of the surviving values of classical culture. He Carus, Diocletian was proclaimed as emperor and expounded the doctrine of world unity and har- implemented a number of important reforms. He
mony, and of the penetration of the supreme and in- a divided the empire into four parts, making his com- tegral Good (or the One) in all its parts. All the trou- 5 rade-in-arms Maximian his colleague, both of them
bles of the world came from the fragmentation and y bearing the title of Augustus, while Galerius and
disunion arising from unity becoming diversity I Constantius I Chlorus were nominated Caesars. The through a series of intermediate stages. Man could | provinces were divided into smaller units, to increase
only achieve harmony and happiness by looking a, the efficiency of the administration. To avert the
deep into his own soul and purifying it, as a piece of | danger of military pronunciamentoes, the military gold, from the dirt of passions and desires adhering s authority of commanders was separated from the to it. He could even rise above reason by merging J civilian authority of the governors. The army now
326
consisted of legions stationed along the borders and
of mobile units easily transferred from one region to
another. Barbarians settled on the provincial lands -
Laeti and the foederati recruited among the allied
tribes and also given lands in the empire served in
the Roman army, too. Landowners were obliged to
enlist part of their colons as soldiers. Veterans’ sons
also usually joined the army.
Land taxes were standardised and collected in kind. The taxes on state lands were higher than those on private estates. In accordance with an assessment of property, taxes were computed on the basis of a cer¬ tain amount of land that could be cultivated by a single individual, the quality of land and the types of plants grown on it being taken into account. Res¬ ponsibility for collecting taxes from city areas was now vested in members of municipal councils now called curials; in rural communities, the taxes were collected by the magistrates of pagi and villages, and in exempted saltus, by their owners. City merchants and craftsmen paid the taxes in money, while col¬ leges delivered all kinds of produce in lieu of taxes.
To fight inflation and high prices, Diocletian issued new coins and an edict on maximum prices-not only on grain, as had earlier been practised, but also on all agricultural produce and craftsmen’s pro¬ ducts, as well as various services. The edict proved unenforcible, and profiteering continued. The enormously swollen bureaucratic machine consisting of officials of numerous ranks was also streamlined, and new court ceremonies were introduced.
Diocletian made the final step to becoming a dominus, not a pnnceps (hence the name of the late empire, the dominate, as distinct from the early empire or principate). Diocletian adopted the divine surname of Jovius, the representative on earth of Jupiter, whereas Maximian became Herculius, the earthly counterpart of Hercules. The Christians, who opposed the idea of the emperors’ divinity, were even more cruelly persecuted than before; many of them died in that period and were later included in the Christian martyrology. The subjects that had the 4 rare honour of seeing their emperor had to prostrate ' themselves before him. Senators continued to be the N highest order, but all state affairs were handled by ? the emperor’s council, not the Senate. But the vie- |> tories of Diocletian and his colleagues over the Ger- § mans, Persians, Moors and, which was the main thing, over movements of the Bagaudae and peas- f
ants in Africa satisfied the nobles. The rebels were
treated as common brigands and crucified on the
spot without investigation or trial, or sold as slaves
without the right of manumission. Ornate pane¬
gyrics praised Diocletian and Maximian as latterday
Olympians triumphing over the giants-the rebel¬
lious “sons of the earth”.
In 305, Diocletian abdicated and withdrew to his native Dalmatia, settling down in a magnificent mansion on the site of modern Split. After a short struggle between the pretenders to the throne, the son of Constantius Chlorus, Constantine (306-337) became emperor. He was the sole ruler of the empire but preserved its division into four prefectures subor¬ dinated to praetorian prefects and divided into prov¬ inces forming dioceses.
Constantine won special fame by stopping the per¬ secution of Christians and convening the famous ecu¬ menical council at Nicaea, which worked out a uni¬ fied symbol of the creed thereby making Chris¬ tianity a state religion. Constantine himself was baptised before his death, hoping, according to his ill-wishers, that the baptism would cleanse him of his numerous grave sins, especially the numerous execu¬ tions (including those of nearly all his relations). The church now became a powerful ally of the state. As early as the end of the 2nd century, Tertullian, a prominent figure in the Christian church in Africa, wrote in his defence of Christianity against its adver¬ saries that happiness, peace, charity and universal brotherhood would prevail in the empire if the emperor himself were to be a Christian. This dream, which had earlier seemed quite Utopian, had now come true, but that did not improve the position of either the empire’s population or the Christian church itself. Having become a dominant religion and made numerous converts among self-seeking courtiers currying favour with the emperor, it imme¬ diately became the scene of fierce struggle among various trends (Nicaeans, Arians, Donatists, and others). Whenever one of these groups emerged vic¬ torious, it declared all the opponents to be heretics and used the power of the state machinery to repress them. The general councils that were convened to promote unity and concord actually only fanned the passions and arguments. Besides, the decisions of the councils were influenced by the emperor’s will. Hav¬ ing rejected the imperial cult, the church sanctioned the idea of emperor as God’s representative on earth.
327
Everything in any way connected with the emper- Having broken with all the Roman traditions,
or his edicts, palace, bed chamber-were declared Constantine no longer wanted to stay in Rome where
to be sacred. Disobedience in the face of imperial the senatorial nobility, true to those traditions, was
authority was regarded sacrilegious. Those who still influential, and moved the capital to Constanti-
were disaffected by this degeneration of the church nople founded on the site of Byzantium. The new ca-
set up their own “heretical” sects and retired to pital symbolised a union of East and West. The trans¬ deserts, starting various orders of monks, which ference of the capital to a more eastern location was
gradually became more and more numerous. The a sign of the process often called the “Orientalisadon
church grew richer through donations from of the empire” in scholarly literature. This is usually
emperors and private individuals, and it now owned taken to mean the theocratisation of imperial au-
lands and colons. Elections of bishops were accom- thority and the establishment of a court etiquette si-
panied by intrigues and even massacres, as that post milar to that of the Persian kings, but these were
carried with it power, influence, and riches. At the merely outward indications of deep internal pro¬
same time Christian theology and philosophy devel- cesses. Having gone through the stage of a civic com- I
oped; borrowing a great deal from the ideas of clas- munity with its characteristic features, Rome arrived, ;
sical philosophy, they offered their interpretations with the disintegration of that community, at a sys- t
and modes of solution of the same problems with tern close to that of the Oriental states, with their vast !
which the former was concerned. crown lands, estates of rich magnates, a population (
The internal situation in the empire remained at different stages of dependence between slaves and i
tense. Constantine’s policy made the condition of the freemen, and with undeveloped economic ties. The i
population even harder than it had been. Curials similarity of the socioeconomic structure was bound i
and their descendants were bound to reside in their to produce a similarity in the outward form of state
cities, and if they left them, they were forcibly authority. But, as was often the case in Oriental t
brought back. Later emperors regularly issued states, that authority was fairly weak, despite all the a
orders to seek out the curials, who had in the mean- external attributes of power. This became particu- t
time become officials, crown colons, or even slaves of larly clear under Constantine’s successors. s
influential patrons, and send them back to their His reforms, which continued those of Diocletian, E
native cities. When arrears in city taxes accumu- consolidated the position of the empire for a short tl
lated, curials were thrown into prison and whipped. time only. Of the later emperors the best-known p
Craftsmen were hereditarily tied down to their col- was Julian nicknamed “The Apostate” (reigned e
leges, and even marriages between different colleges 361-363). He tried to restore classical culture and d
were forbidden. The workers of crown workshops or religion, to lighten the burden of the people and im- p
factories were branded to make it easier to find them prove the position of cities, but the crises did not b
and return them to their workplaces if they ran abate and were even exacerbated. The army, which ol
away. Colons were bound to their plots, and consisted of colons and ruined peasants, was losing ai
runaway colons were sought out and returned to its fighting efficiency. More and more often the rec- tl
their owners in fetters, while those who offered them ruits came from the barbarians settled on the lands fo
refuge were fined. The laws that improved the con- of the empire or hired abroad. Their commanders’ fo
dition of slaves were repealed. If a slave should die influence at the imperial court grew, while the to
after being beaten by the master, said an edict of ^ troops often failed to put up an effective resistance to m
Constantine, the latter was not responsible for the 8. their tribesmen that resumed their onslaught on the b«
death as he had the right to reform a bad slave. A 3 empire’s frontiers. True, the barbarians had not yet as
slave attempting to run away to barbarians had a j learnt to besiege fortified cities, but they devastated ar
foot cut off. Dog collars were fastened round slaves’ ~ rural areas. They were often joined by peasants who tei
necks giving the master’s address, where they had to § rose to fight their oppressors. The Bagaudae fought vvi
be taken by those who captured them to claim re- j in Gaul and Spain, and Christians of the Agonistic th«
ward. A free woman forming a connection with a | sect (which also meant “fighters”), in Africa. They of
slave was burned alive, and a slave who informed on ^ seized villas, destroyed promissory notes, and raised ba
the woman was freed. g slaves to the position of masters, making the latter set
328
ir;
i Kj®irj
if. ju. ^.44 JtC. «•>*« A*
J.x—tf.to-y
„V_r-7;.”
slaves. Their mood can be judged by the poems of
Commodianus, a Christian poet born in Syria but
resident in Africa who wrote in a language and style
intended for the common people. He described in
graphic verse the coming struggle of true Christians,
the poor and the righteous, against Antichrist, and
their triumph over the latter. He wrote that righ¬
teous men would march on Rome, destroying cities
along the route and justly restoring to the people the
riches stolen from them, that they would seize
Rome, depose the emperor, and compel the Senate
with the aid of the Goths to obey them. The nobles
and the powers that be would become the slaves of
their slaves, a thousand-year-long kingdom of peace
and justice would come, and for a thousand years
the enslaved oppressors would suffer for their sins.
Sometimes the uprisings were headed by local des¬
cendants of tribal chiefs, like the Moor Firmus in
Africa. It was never possible to stamp out these
uprisings completely, and they flared up again and
again.
In 378, the Goths settled on the Danube rose and, together with colons and gold miners, routed the army of emperor Valens (364-378), ruler of the eas¬ tern provinces. The emperor fell in battle. He was succeeded by Theodosius (379-395), who united the Eastern and Western empires under a single rule for the last time; resorting both to reprisals and com¬ promises, he suppressed the uprisings, but the empire never got back on its feet. After Theodosius’s death the division into the eastern and western parts became permanent, and the rulers of the latter became a plaything in the hands of the commanders of the hired troops of Germans. The discontent among the nobles of the Western provinces grew. By this time they had grown stronger than ever, raising forces of their own capable of defending their great fortified villas (the burghs) and of barring entrance to imperial officials; they saw the central govern¬ ment, incapable of stopping the onslaught of the barbarians and of suppressing peasant revolts, only as a dangerous usurper of their vast incomes. Time and again the Western magnates supported pre¬ tenders to the throne who often formed alliances with barbarian chieftains. On the other hand, all those who suffered from the enthrallment and abuses of the bureaucrats also pinned their hopes on the barbarians and ran away to them in their masses in search of more bearable conditions of life. Principali¬
ties headed by local chieftains and actually indepen¬
dent from Rome emerged in the west. Armorica fell
away from Rome, reverting to the primitive com¬
munal structure. The empire, grown exceedingly
weak, easily fell a prey to the barbarians. In 410,
Alaric, the chieftain of the Visigoths, seized and
sacked Rome. True, the Goths later withdrew, but
the fall of the “eternal city” left a shattering me¬
mory.
In the decades that followed, one Western prov¬ ince after another passed into the hands of the Goths, Burgundians, Langobards, Vandals, and Franks, who founded their kingdoms there. The chiefs of German troops planted and deposed Roman emperors who had no real power at all. In 476, Odoacer of the tribe of Scyrri deposed the last emperor Romulus, nicknamed Augustulus, and, without bothering even to appoint a new emperor, sent the insignia of imperial power to Constantino¬ ple, the capital of the Eastern empire, which lasted, under the name of Byzantium, for another thousand years.
The history of the Graeco-Roman world was over. The Middle Ages, the period of the formation of the feudal socioeconomic structure, began. The problem of the nature of the transition from classical slave¬ owning society to feudal is a subject of lively contro¬ versy. Was it an evolutionary or revolutionary tran¬ sition? And if we have a revolution here, what were its specific features and its difference from bourgeois revolutions? What were the classes that carried out the revolution? What classes opposed them? And who were the carriers of the new relations ? Had this transition been prepared by feudal relations that had matured within the empire, or did these rela¬ tions emerge only after the fall of the empire out of a synthesis of the elements of the Roman and barbar¬ ian social structure? Why did the Western empire disintegrate while the Eastern one continued to exist? To what extent did the new societies that „ emerged on the ruins of the Roman empire retain -§ the traditions, technical skills, types of settlement, 0 and forms of social links and social relations of anti- N quity? Or could it be that only a few cities, which ? changed their nature, the Christian church, the ? Latin language, and the Roman law adapted to the § new conditions were retained? These are the princi- g 1 pal issues debated by modern historians, issues that | have not so far been given generally acceptable solu-
329
29-344
tions. There can be no doubt, however, that Rome
and the classical world as a whole exerted an enor¬
mous influence on the entire subsequent history and
culture of mankind.
That influence was manifested in most diverse spheres of material and nonmaterial culture of the subsequent epochs, extending not only to the peoples that at one time formed part of the Graeco-Roman empires but also to those peoples that replaced them or inhabited the neighbouring countries-Germans, Slavs, Arabs, and others. The study of the influence, assimilation and transformation of the classical heri¬ tage in societies with different socioeconomic and political structures is of prime scientific significance for the study of the general problem of transition from one socioeconomic formation to another, of in¬ teraction between different cultures, of the possibil¬ ity of cultural borrowings-a problem range that has a direct bearing on general historico-philosophi- cal theories. Nearly all the founders of modern cul¬ turological theories, such as Spengler, Toynbee, Kroeber, and others, regarded Graeco-Roman cul¬ ture or civilisation as a kind of standard for the emergence, development and decline of any culture or civilisation. But the main thing is that historians rejecting the concept of closed cultural cycles and accepting the basically different assumption of natural succession of social formations also see the great scientific significance of the classical world - not only as a social formation without the study of which the world-historical process as a whole cannot be understood but also because, owing to the dis¬ tinctness of the stages passed by the antique world, it opens up great possibilities for comprehending the interaction of various socioeconomic, political and cultural processes. Although this interaction assumes specific forms under concrete historical conditions, it is also governed by general historico-cultural and sociological laws of development.
All down the centuries, the Graeco-Roman world and its culture constantly attracted the attention of philosophers, writers, and artists. For the broadest public, the antique images, figures and heroes often served as models to be imitated or, on the other hand, to be criticised. Suffice it to remember the treatment of Caesar, Brutus and Cassius in world literature and historiography: they aopeared now as tyrant and his assassins, the liberators fas, e. g , dur¬ ing the French Revolution), now as an almos idea!
ruler and his criminal murderers placed by Dante in
the last circle of hell. The replacement of the Roman
republic by empire has been variously described as a
beneficent transition from the rule of hidebound
aristocracy to a “democratic monarchy” (thus
Mommsen) and as a sad demise of freedom trodden
down by tyranny.
In the modern times, the ideas of freedom and democracy have been often associated with classical models. As the Soviet student of antiquity S. L. Ut- chenko aptly put it, therein lies a certain “phe¬ nomenon of the antique polis”. The classical civic community was not a democracy in the modern sense either in Greece or in Rome. Only a limited number of full-fledged citizens had access to the popular assembly and the magistracies. The possibi¬ lities for the free expression of citizens’ will were extremely limited, particularly in Rome. The princi¬ ple of “geometric” equality based on property quali¬ fication does not correspond to the modern ideas of civic equality, and neither does the concept of free¬ dom as primarily economic independence, limited in actual fact by working for other men. Still, despite these and other essential differences, fighters for free¬ dom and democracy in the modern times drew upon the idealised concepts of Athenian democracy and the Roman republic. The same is largely true of the idea of the harmoniously developed man, the idea of humanitas -respect for man’s bodily and spiritual qualities. This idea, so dear to the thinkers of the modern times, was also traced back to antiquity, although in actual fact the Graeco-Roman world in¬ terpreted “man” as “citizen”, and a sufficiently well-to-do and educated citizen at that, a citizen of a leading community, for citizens of allied and subju¬ gated communities (not to mention the barbarians) were not seen as full-fledged citizens and were often enslaved. Still, it was precisely in antiquity that the ideal of man and of human relations was sought for.
The ideas of democracy, freedom and humanity, 5 albeit modified in accordance with new notions and -s conditions, constituted an important part of the n common cultural heritage of the whole mankind.
The ideas of early Christianity, which took shape g, in the framework of the Roman empire, continued I to inspire the exploited people in their fight for social ^ justice during the Middle Ages and in the modern e~ times. Roman law, which worked out in greatest
30
detail all types of contractual relations and legal suits, formed the basis of the law of many European countries, and later affected the legal systems of other continents. Classical science, though different in its methods and potential from modern science, in many respects formed the basis of the latter. Alexan¬ drian mathematicians came very close to creating algebra, which was later worked out by the Arabs. The heliocentric systems, which preceded Ptolemy’s geocentric system, gave an impetus to the studies of Copernicus. Archimedes’s law and Euclidean geo¬ metry are still alive today. Classical philosophy, closely linked with science, often posed the same questions as the philosophy of the modern times; it was not only a monument of antique thought but also a basis for the development of many branches of modern philosophy. The atomistic theory of Lucre¬ tius and his brilliant hypotheses concerning the his¬ tory of the world and of mankind nourished the thinking of the materialists of the modern times; the logic of Aristotle, the science of formal logic; and the dialectics of classical philosophers, the modern dia¬ lectical method. Significant in this respect is the pro¬ found interest for the attainments of classical philos¬ ophy displayed by many outstanding philosophers
and thinkers including Marx, Engels, and Lenin.
The interest for human psychology and realistic portrayal of the world made a great impact on the art of the modern times-both the visual arts and drama. Modern playwrights appreciate the compo¬ sition and the subjects of antique tragedies and com¬ edies, and antique characters gain a new lease of life in these times, as writers turn to the images of Anti¬ gone, Phaedra, Medea, or Orestes, linking them up with present-day ideas and quests and giving them a contemporary colouring. The character of a cunning and clever slave became the prototype of the ser¬ vants in the plays by Lope de Vega, Goldoni, and Moliere.
Western Europe mostly became acquainted with classical culture through its Roman interpretation, whereas Russia and Eastern Europe perceived it through the mediation of the Byzantine empire, where Greek traditions were always retained. Whatever the differences between the structure and worldview of the modern world and those of antiquity, the history of modern culture cannot be understood without the study of our Graeco-Roman heritage and the ways in which it was assimilated under various historical conditions.
I
Afterword
The ancient civilisations of East ana West are a
most important chapter in the history of human
society. It was in that remote epoch, preceded by a
long period of the formation of Man as a biological
species and the development of the first human col¬
lectives, of culture and social relations, chat the foun¬
dations of subsequent evolution were laid which
largely determined the nature and course of the
historical process. It was a time of great achieve¬
ments in material culture (agriculture, livestock¬
breeding, metallurgy, the crafts), which were the
source of a further growth of productive forces, and
made a decisive impact on the subsequent evolution
of society’s socioeconomic structure and progress in
spiritual culture. It was then that classes and the
state emerged, as well as cities, writing, science, phi¬
losophy, and it was then that art received a funda¬
mentally new impetus.
It is not coincidental that the ancient civilisations of East and West are presented in this work in a general context of historico-cultural development and made a subject-matter of scientific study. This reflects both the historical reality itself and the authors’ view of the history of mankind and of the unity of the historical process.
Characteristic of the epoch of antiquity both in the West and in the East was the transition from the first, preclass socioeconomic formation the primi¬ tive communal, to the first class one, the slave-own¬ ing formation, although the forms and character of social development in the East and in the West dif¬ fered. The degree of the development of slave-own¬ ing and its specific features in the ancient Orient were also different from those of the Graeco-Roman
world (in the latter, slave-owning assumed its classi¬
cal form). In both regions, the feudal structure
began to take shape at the concluding stages of the
period of antiquity, later developing into a new
socioeconomic formation.
East and West have for a long time been regarded as opposing entities by historians and the general public alike. In the modern time the opposition between East and West was used by historians to substantiate the proposition that the two followed dif¬ ferent paths of historical development. This view was rooted in an inadequate and often superficial know¬ ledge European scholars had of the history and culture of the Orient the available stock of Eastern sources was rather limited at the time. All too often Western scholars proceeded from the assumption of Europocentrism, regarding the “European ma¬ terials”, the ancient history of the countries of the West, as the standard and frame of reference for assessing social and cultural phenomena ofnon-Euro- pean communities. These unscientific theories were actively propagated by adherents of colonial policies.
In opposing the West to the East, Western politi¬ cians and public and cultural figures variously appraised Oriental civilisations, but these apprai¬ sals, by and large, followed two principal trends belittling the cultural achievements of the East, emphasis on its backwardness and inability to “rise” to the level of the West, and exaggerated praise for the “Oriental models” and for the “spirituality” of the East. Even major European philosophers ^ accepted the interconnected propositions concerning | the “spirituality” of the East and the “materialism” s of the West, the “rational and active” in the West
332
and the “sensual and passive” in the East, the “pro¬
gress” of the West and the “stagnation” of the East.
Hegel’s division of all peoples into historical (Greeks,
Romans, the Christian peoples of Europe) and non-
historical ones (the peoples of the East) also found a
great many supporters. Kipling’s line, “East is East,
and West is West, and never the twain shall meet”,
has been a familiar catchword for decades in Eur¬
ope. This was also the established attitude of Wes¬
tern science to ancient civilisations.
While accepting the specificity of the paths of development and the diversity of societies and cul¬ tures of that epoch, modern science must, in our opinion, proceed from the assumption of the unity of the historical process, and thus reject the opposition of the ancient East and the ancient West. The Oriental bias, characteristic of some works of Asian scholars, is based on a diametrically opposed but essentially just as unhistorical conception. Fresh his¬ torical data show quite clearly the unscientific nature of such positions.
The studies of the recent decades prove conclu¬ sively that the “ancient Orient” must be taken to mean not only a certain chronological and geo¬ graphical framework but also a definite stage in the historical development of ancient societies. Typolo- gically, the early societies of the Aegean world and of the northern Mediterranean have a greater affinity to the early Oriental than to the Graeco-Roman ones. The Scythian states of the northern Black Sea coast must also be included in the early Oriental type. In other words, the ancient East becomes less and less the East pure and simple.
A similar statement may be made about the West. Consider, for instance, Roman Egypt, or a whole series of other synthetic cultures, in which the line between the East and the West is hard to draw. The view that the ancient countries of East and West were isolated from each other —an opinion rather similar to the approach outlined above —must cer¬ tainly be revised. The data now available to scholars demonstrate that the peoples and tribes of East and West had close contacts already in very ancient times, and these contacts were beneficent for their respective material and nonmaterial cultures. These varied mutual links continued throughout the pe¬ riod of antiquity, and, since civilisation took shape x much earlier in the East than in the West, the latter 3 benefited from these contacts much more than the 3
former. Moreover, it may even be said that Greek
culture could not have achieved such a high level of
development without the contribution of the ancient
Orient. We know, for instance, that the Greek sys¬
tem of writing was derived from the Phoenician
script, that some kinds of cultivated plants and
domestic animals were borrowed from the East or
became widespread under the influence of the
Orient, that science of the ancient East made a great
impact on Greek science, and so on and so forth.
Oriental material culture greatly influenced not
only the peoples of Greece and Italy but also of other
regions of Europe, which borrowed millet and rye,
for example, from the Near East and the Caucasus.
Citric plants and melons also came to Europe from
Asia. The ancient Orient also made a sizable contri¬
bution to the development of metallurgy and metal¬
work in Europe.
For a long time, the concept of ancient East in¬ cluded only the so-called countries of the classical Orient - Egypt, Mesopotamia, Iran, Palestine, and Phoenicia. The archaeological discoveries of the late 19th and early 20th centuries and finds of new written monuments made scientists extend this con¬ ventional geographical framework to include the ancient cultures of Anatolia and the Caucasus as typically Oriental ones. In the recent decades, the ancient Oriental areal became even more extensive covering India, China, as well as Arabia and certaii areas of South-East Asia.
In recent years, the chronological boundary of the concept of ancient Orient was pushed back, owing to fresh archaeological discoveries, to the 9th or 8 th millennium B. C., not the 5th or the 4th, as had ear¬ lier been believed.
Links between distant areas were established not only directly but also in relay fashion, as was the case of connections between the ancient cultures of Eu¬ rope and the Far East. Archaeological data point to permanent rather than sporadic contacts covering in the 8 th through 3rd centuries B. C. the huge distance of up to 7,000 kilometres - we refer here to the Old Silk Route described above. It led from the Balkan peninsula and the Northern Black Sea coast to Ordos, crossing the Urals, the Altai Mts and Tuva. Goods and objects of art travelled along the Silk Route from China to the Mediterranean. This unity of the ancient civilisations of different peoples was preserved and even consolidated after the appear-
333
ance of the Western Graeco-Roman civilisations on velopment that repeats, as it were, stages that have
the historical scene. Greeks and Romans got as far as already been passed, but repeats them in a different
India and China, there were Indian trading colonies way, on a higher basis ('the negation of negation’), a
in Iran and Egypt, and Roman factories in southern development, so to speak, that proceeds in spirals,
India. not in a straight line”. 1
The periods of Hellenism and the Roman empire Owing to the continuity of experiences and
were extremely important for the establishment of mutual links, the ancient civilisations of East and
links between East and West. A kind of synthesis of West entered the Middle Ages carrying a rich cul-
cultures was taking shape-not as a sum of hetero- tural heritage. As historical fate would have it, a
geneous elements (Eastern and Western ones) but as great deal of that cultural heritage was not perceived
an organic whole, as a novel and original phe- by the subsequent generations-much was destroyed
nomenon (cf. Graeco-Bactrian and Gandhara art, and dissipated. Only in some Oriental countries
the Kushan pantheon, Alexandrian science, Fayum (such as India and China) was a certain continuity
painting, etc.). of culture and tradition preserved in the transition
Throughout the period of antiquity, the links from antiquity to the Middle Ages; Byzantium and
between Eastern and Western civilisations covered the Arab world directly absorbed a great deal from
extremely diverse spheres —commercial, cultural, the classical and Oriental cultures. Contemporary
scientific, etc. The attitude towards the East in the archaeological, historical and linguistic studies res-
classical world varied from epoch to epoch and was tore to life, as it were, many monuments of the
often hostile, especially during the Graeco-Persian ancient civilisations of East and West, filling in the
wars, when the East was seen as alien and barbarian. gaps in their overall historico-cultural development.
But real life, the historico-cultural process itself, Each discovery on this path strengthens the excep-
pushed the ancient civilisations towards each other, tional importance of these ancient epochs in the his-
as they followed an objective and natural path of tory of humankind and the formation of world
development. culture.
The period of the crisis of Roman society and its Here we would like to mention the great contribu-
culture was an extraordinary chapter in the history tion made by Soviet specialists in the ancient civili-
of the relations between the Graeco-Roman world sations of the East and the West to the study of their and the East. At that time, the East, and in the first history and culture. We can list here only some of
place Iran with its learning of the Magi and India the recent works, such as S. L. Utchenko, Julius
with its religion and philosophy of Brahmanism, Caesar (Moscow, 1976); V. M. Masson, The
were perceived as a source of wisdom and high ideals Economy and Social Structure of Ancient Societies (Mos-
that might help to find a way out of a spiritual crisis, cow, 1976); Ye. M. Shtayerman, Ancient Rome.
rather than as something backward or alien. Problems of Economic Development (Moscow, 1978);
In considering the ancient civilisations of the G. A. Koshelenko, The Greek Polis in the Hellenistic
West, it would be wrong to exaggerate the integral East (Moscow, 1979); Yu. Ya. Perepelkin, The
quality of the whole of the Graeco-Roman world, Revolution of Amen-Hotla IV, Vols. 1-2 (Moscow,
seeing it as a phenomenon given once and for all. In- 1979-1984); B. G. Gafurov and D. I. Tsibukidis,
deed, Mycenaean Greece, Athens of the times of Alexander of Macedon and the East ( Moscow, 1980);
Pericles, the epochs of Alexander and of the Roman M. A. Dandamayev and V. G. Lukonin, The Cul-
empire represent different social institutions, cul- ture and Economy of Ancient Iran (Moscow, 1980);
tural levels and ideological forms. Evolution was not I. D. Rozhansky, Classical Science (Moscow, 1980);
always progress, there were periods of stagnation E. D. Frolov, The Torch of Prometheus. Essays on An-
and even temporary regress, but the “spirals of his- tique Social Thought (Leningrad, 1981); V. G. Ard-
tory” ineluctably drew classical society to a new zinba, The Rituals and Myths of Ancient Anatolia (Mos-
level and to types of social development that were cow, 1982); A History of the Ancient World, Vols. 1-3
progressive from the historical standpoint. The his- _ _
tory of ancient civilisations offers an instance of | > v. I. Lenin, “Karl Marx”, Collected Works, Vol. 21, Pro¬ development that was described by Lenin as “a de- gress Publishers, Moscow, 1978, p. 54.
334
(Moscow, 1982); I. Sh. Shifman, Ugarite Society of the 14th and 13th Centuries B.C. (Moscow, 1982); B. B. Piotrovsky, Wadi Allaki, the Path to the Gold Mines of Nubia (Moscow, 1983); I. D. Amusin, The Qumran Community (Moscow, 1983); I. L. Mayak, Rome under the First Kings. The Genesis of the Roman Polis (Moscow, 1983); Classical Greece. Ed. by Ye. S. Golubtsova, L. P. Marinovich, A. I. Pav¬ lovskaya and E. D. Frolov, Vols. 1, 2 (Moscow,
1983) ; A History of the Ancient Orient. The Birth of An¬ cient Class Societies and the First Fountainheads of the Slaveowning Civilisation , P. 1. Mesopotamia. Ed. by I. M. Dyakonov (Moscow, 1983); I. S. Klochkov, Babylon's Nonmaterial Culture. Man, Destiny, Time (Moscow, 1983); E. M. Yanshina, The Formation and Development of Old Chinese Mythology (Moscow,
1984) ; T. V. Gamkrelidze and V. V. Ivanov, The Indo-European Language and the Indo-Europeans , Vols. 1, 2 (Tbilisi, 1984); The Earliest States of the Caucasus and Central Asia (Moscow, 1985); The Culture of Ancient Rome. Ed. by Ye. S. Golubtsova. Vol. 1 (Moscow,
1985) , Vol. 2 (Moscow, 1986); G. M. Bongard-Le- vin and G. F. Ilyin, India in Ancient Times (Moscow, 1985); M. A. Dandamayev, The Political History of the Achaemenid Empire (Moscow, 1985).
Well-known throughout the world are the works of Soviet historians and philologists specialising in the history and culture of the Orient-B. A. Tu- rayev, S. F. Oldenburg, V. V. Struve, M. A. Ko- rostovtsev, F. I. Shcherbatskoy, T. V. Gamkrelidze (all members of the USSR Academy of Sciences); G. A. Melikishvili, member of the Georgian Aca¬ demy of Sciences; M. Ye. Masson, member of the Turkmenian Academy of Sciences; Professors V. K. Shileiko, I. M. Dyakonov, V. A. Livshits; major specialists on Greece and Rome such as Academicians S. A. Zhebelev and A. I. Tyume- nev; Professors I. I. Tolstoy, N. A. Mashkin, V. S. Sergeyev, S. I. Kovalev, P. F. Preobrazhen¬ sky, A. B. Ranovich, S. L. Utchenko, V. F. Gai¬ dukevich, and others. It was owing to intense stu¬ dies by Soviet archaeologists and historians that the original civilisations of the Caucasus and Central Asia, as well as most interesting monuments of Graeco-Roman culture in the Black Sea region, were discovered and studied and certain chapters in the chronicled history of the peoples of these regions were read for the first time. Of considerable scientific significance is the research that Soviet archaeologists
did abroad (in Yemen, Afghanistan, Iraq, Mongo¬
lia, and other countries).
There is a long-established view in historiography that practically all progress in ancient cultures was achieved in the world of sedentary farmers and craftsmen, while their neighbours, the livestock-rais¬ ing nomads, were seen as a destructive force whose raids devastated everything that had been created by the agricultural population. Modern research shows, however, that these nomadic peoples made a considerable contribution to human culture, with their conquest of the vast open spaces of the steppe and deserts and their culture adapted to the condi¬ tions, often of extreme hardship, under which they lived. Modern research has also shown that farmers and their nomadic neighbours could not, in fact, exist without each other, since exchange of their res¬ pective produce was a most important element of the economic system of antiquity.
The earliest class societies have yet another specif¬ ic feature of great significance. Slave-owning states, whether Western or Eastern, never occupied the whole of mankind’s oikoumene. Slave-owning so¬ cieties were always surrounded by numerous bar¬ barian peoples still at the primitive-communal stage of development. Some researchers believe even that the existence and evolution of slave-owning society is in principle impossible without this primitive envir¬ onment, since the barbarian outlying regions were the main source of slave labour.
The dynamics of relations between the zone occu¬ pied by slave-owning peoples and that of primitive peoples is contradictory. The former largely de¬ velops at the expense of the latter. Inequitable trade, alienation of natural resources demanded by the growing slave-owning economic system, and en¬ slavement of the population were only some of the modes of exploitation of primitive societies by slave¬ owning states. In objective terms, however, direct or indirect invasion by class societies of the zone in which primitive-communal relations still prevailed promoted historical development of these peoples. Traditional links were destroyed, social differentia¬ tion accelerated, and the upper stratum of the popu¬ lation often consolidated its dominant position by acting as an organiser of the fight against the rapa¬ cious neighbour. It frequently happened that bar¬ barian peoples tipped the balance of force in their favour.
However that may be, we must always bear in
mind that the foundation of the remarkable ancient
cultures was built not only by the peoples with
which their efflorescence is primarily connected but
also by thousands and even millions of nameless
workers torn by the force of historical necessity from
their native hearths and thrown into quarries, work¬
shops, and on slave-owning farms (villas). Modern
research has shown that many of the famous Ath¬
enian vase-painters were slaves and aliens in Athens;
Aesop, the renowned fabulist, was a Phrygian slave,
as was the outstanding philosopher Epictetus. Spar-
tacus, the unforgettable leader of rebellious slaves,
was a Thracian.
Some technological discoveries made in the ancient world, such as wheeled vehicles, calendar, compass, paper, glass, glaze, coins, etc., still benefit mankind. Along with these achievements in material culture, one must just mention monuments of Orien¬ tal culture such as the Gilgamesh epic, Mahabha- rata and Ramayana, The Book of Odes, or Shihching, Ka¬ lidasa’s dramas, Historical Memoirs by Ssuma Ch’ien the architectural complexes of Persepolis, Egyptian and Kushan sculpture, the philosophical doctrines of Buddhism, Confucianism and Taoism, and so on.
The Graeco-Roman world gave us the remark¬ able gifts of monuments of literature, poetry, sculp¬ ture and painting, of philosophical and scientific thought Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey, the comedies of Aristophanes, the tragedies of Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides, the poetry of Horace and Ovid, the logic and philosophy of Aristotle, the atomistics of Democritus and dialectics of Lucretius, the medical methods of Hippocrates, the sculptures of Praxiteles, the wisdom of Socrates and Plato, Cicero’s oratory, and a great deal else. The men of the Renaissance and of the modern times often turned to the char¬ acters and plots of antiquity; the classical ideas of democracy and freedom inspired the men of the French Revolution, just as the scientific achieve¬ ments of the Greeks inspired the founders of present- day science.
Unfortunately, we know very little (let us stress it again) about the true creators of material wealth- about the ordinary working people; just as fragmen¬
tary, however, is our knowledge of the creators of
nonmaterial culture, those who wrote ancient
poetry, solved the first and most difficult mathemati¬
cal problems, and created masterpieces of painting
and sculpture. Their names may never be known,
but humankind must, and will, always gratefully
remember these nameless creators, those who built
cities and dams, made pottery, melted metals, pro¬
ducing the works of material and nonmaterial cul¬
ture of which we are justly proud even in these
days.
Problems of the cultural heritage of the peoples of East and West are not only of academic interest at present-they often become burning political issues debated by the broad public holding varying and often opposed views. The interest for the remote past of one’s country is quite natural, but the approach to these chapters of history must be objective, without any bias, modernistic revision, or any ideas of national exclusiveness.
Cicero wrote that history is the teacher of life. The history of the past historical epochs, even as far removed from the present as those considered in this book, may be quite instructive. Consider, for in¬ stance, the problem of ecology, so vitally important today. Man had to face his first ecological problem already in the Palaeolithic, when he hunted down to extinction animals that provided his means of subsis¬ tence. Or take Italy of the period of the Roman empire, when several centuries of uncontrolled, predatory exploitation of soil fertility (which was treated much like slave labour) caused a disaster on quite a large scale. And what about the forests of Greece, the disappearance of which was bemoaned already by Plato?
The ancient civilisations of East and West are not just the history of remote epochs but also part of our modern material and nonmaterial culture. We turn to these chapters of the historical past not only to enjoy the masterpieces of world art and literature and study their profound humanist message. The lessons of the past must also serve peace and pro¬ gress-the most noble goals of the modern times, they must serve the cause of the moral upbringing of those who are only beginning to study the heritage of the ancient civilisations of East and West.
Name Index
A
Abayev, V. I. 103 Achthoes - 44, 50
Aeneas 267, 269, 271, 288, 289, 309, 310
Aeschylus-215, 223, 224, 336
Ain 186
Ajatashatru 152
Alcibiades 220, 221
Alexander the Great 96, 100, 125, 127, 128, 140, 145, 152, 153, 233-238, 241, 245, 252, 258, 259, 261, 283, 334 Alkaios 212 Alyattes - 83, 117
Amenhotep IV (Akhenaton or Ikhnaton) — 41, 45, 49, 51, 80 Anaxagoras 225 Anaximander 211 Anaximenes 211 Andragoras 132, 141 Antigonus - 237-241 Antiochus 1-140, 242, 243 Antiochus III (“The Great”)-95, 141, 155, 244, 250-252, 254, 255, 283, 286 Antipater-234, 237, 238, 260 Antoninus, Pius-317 Antony, Mark-95, 100, 133, 256, 302, Apelles - 232
Apollodorus-223, 261, 304-306 Apries-47, 48, 69 Apuleius, Lucius 318, 321, 323 Archilochus-212
Archimedes of Syracuse-245, 258, 331 Ardys - 83 Aristides 216
Aristophanes-220, 224, 225, 336 Aristotle-205, 230, 231, 234, 259, 262, '274, 331, 336 Arrian 152
Arshak (Arsaces) - 132, 141, 244 Artaxerxes I 125, 126
Artaxerxes II 95, 126, 127
Artaxerxes III-127
Aryabhata 169
Ashoka- 141, 153, 154
Ashvaghosha- 167
Assurbanipal-47, 54, 65, 67, 74, 83, 93 Asty ages - 69,117-119 Atheas- 108, 110
Augustus, Gaius Julius Octavianus (Octa- vian) - 170, 256, 304-311, 313, 314, 318, 321, 326 Aurelian-325
Aurelius, Marcus- 170, 317, 321, 322 8
Berossos-55, 56, 78, 261 Bhamaha -167 Bimbisara- 152 Bindusara- 153 Blavatsky, V. D.-16 Botta, Paul Emile-54 Brasidas - 220
Brutus, Junius-274, 275, 303-305, 310, Bryaxis-232, 316, 330 316, 330
Buddha (Siddhartha Gautama) - 163-165, 167, 168
C
Caesar, Gaius Julius 256, 274, 292, 298- 305, 307, 308, 310, 312, 313, 321, 330 Caligula (Gaius Caesar)-312 Callippus - 232 Callisthenes-234, 261 Cambyses 1-47, 48, 114, 117, 118 Cambyses 11-47, 48, 120-122, 129 Caracalla, Marcus Aurelius Antonius- 323, 324
Carter, Howard-41 Cassander - 238-240
Catiline (Lucius Sergius Catilina) - 298,
299, 301
Cato-284, 285, 289, 290, 294, 297, 299, 302, 316
Catullus, Gaius Valerius 301 Chadwick, James 197 Champollion, Jean Francois 40 Chandragupta-153, 156, 167 Chang Chiao 190 Chang Heng 191 Charondas 206 Cheops 43, 50 Ch’in Shihhuangti - 182, 183 Chuangtzu -179 Ch’ii Yuan-181, 192 Cicero, Marcus Tullius 237, 290, 292, 293, 296-305, 307, 316, 336 Cidenas (Kidinnu)-78 Cinr.a, Lusius Cornelius 295, 298 Cleisthenes 208, 219 Cleitus- 232
Cleomenes III 249, 261, 262 Cleon - 220
Confucius (Kung tzu) 178, 179, 193 Constantine - 326-328 Crassus, Marcus Licinius-95, 132, 133, 297-299, 302, 313 Croesus-83, 119, 120 Ctesias- 121 Cyaxares-68, 117 Cyrus I 118
Cyrus II -48, 69, 118-122, 126, 129-131, 139
Cyrus the Younger 114, 126, 228 D
Darius 1-95, 108, 114, 121-124, 128-131, 139, 215
Darius III 127, 128, 233, 234 Darwin, Charles Robert 20
337
David 86
Demetrius Poliorcetes 141, 155, 239, 240, 245, 246
Democritus 165, 225, 262, 336 Demosthenes 220, 226, 230, 232 Dinostratus-232 Diocletian - 326-328
Diodorus Siculus-104, 110, 237, 261, 263, 310
Drako - 206
Droysen, Johann Gustav-236 Dyakonov, I. M.-12, 114, 335
E
Empedocles-225
Engels, Frederick-9, 11, 17, 196, 232, 331
Epaminondas - 229
Epicurus - 262
Eudoxus-232
Eumenes - 237-239
Euripides-133, 223, 224, 229, 336
Evans, Sir Arthur John 197, 198
F
F’an Shenchih 191 Finley, M. D. 279 Firdaousi Shahnama 131
G
Galen-170, 318
Gallienus (Publius Licinius Egnatius)- 324, 325
Gandhi, Mahatma-164 Golenishchev, V. S.- 12 Gorgias
Gracchus, Gaius Sempronius 291, 292, 301, 315
Gracchus, Tiberius Sempronius 291, 301, 315
Grotefend, Georg Friedrich 54
H
Hadrian 170, 257, 317, 320
Hammurapi — 55, 59-62, 71, 115
Han Feitzu-180
Hannibal-250, 251, 283, 284
Hatshepsut-45
Hattusili 1-80
Hattusili 11-46
Heraclitus-179, 225
Herodotus 42, 78, 86, 97, 102-104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 114, 118, 120, 121, 225, 226 Hesiod-81, 204 Hippocrates 170, 226, 336 Hippodamus - 245
Homer-96, 166, 201, 212, 259, 336
Horace- 187, 300, 309, 310, 336
Hsiaokung -181, 182
Hsiintzu 178, 180
Hyperides-226
I
Isocrates-231, 232
J
Jones, William-147 Julian (“The Apostate”)-328 Justin 114, 237 Juvenal-312
K
Kalidasa 166, 167, 336 Kanishka 143, 156 Knorozov, V. 150 Korostovtsev, M. A. 12, 335 Kuang Wuti-186, 187 Kuzishchin, V. I. 314
L
Layard, Sir Austen Henry - 54
Lenin, V. I. 17, 331, 334
Leochares-232
Leonidas -124, 215
Lepidus, Aemilius 296, 305, 307
Leucippus- 225
Liehtzu- 179
Liu Pang 183, 184, 190
Livshits, V. A. -114, 132, 335
Livy (Titus Livius) 310
Lucilius 289
Lucretius Carus, Titus 191, 300, 331, 336
Licullus, Lucius Licinius 296, 297-299
Lugalzaggesi-56-58, 75
Lycurgus-231, 249
Lysander-221, 228
Lysias-231
Lyssippus-232, 261
M
Mani- 135
Marius, Gaius 292-296, 298, 301
Marx, Karl Heinrich-17, 213, 331
Mashkin, N. A.-16, 335
Masson, V. M.-17, 149, 334, 335
Mazdak 135
Memnon- 233
Menaechmus - 232
Menander 260, 265
Menes 41, 42
Mengtzu- 178
Midas-82
Minayev, I P. 147
Mithridates VI 95, 99, 255, 295-298
Mo Ti (Motzu) -179, 180
Myron-222, 223
N
Nabonidus 69, 70, 121 Nabopolassar-67, 68 Nagarjuna-158, 165, 169 Naram-Sin-58
Nebuchadnezzar 1-63 , 68 , 69, 77, 121 Nebuchadnezzar 11 54, 86, 117 Necho-47, 68, 85, 128 Nefertiti-51 Nehru, Jawaharlal-164 Nero, Tiberius Claudius-96, 305, 312, 313, 322
Nicolet, Claude-274 O
Odoacer 329 Okladnikov, A. P.-25 Oldenburg, S. F. 147, 335 Ovid (Publius Ovidius Naso) 309, 310, 33b
P
Pan Ku- 187, 192 Pan Piao 192 Parrot Andre-55 Pausanias-232, 237 Peisistratus- 208, 212 Pelopidas 229 Pericles-218-22, 222, 334 Pheidias 222, 223
Philip II 98, 110, 127, 229, 230, 232-234, 237-239 Pindar 223
Piotrovsky, B. B.-12, 17, 89, 93 Plato 178, 227, 230, 262, 323, 326, 336 Plautus, Titus Maccius- 265, 288, 289 Pliny the Elder-78, 187, 264, 268, 275, 297, 315
Plotinus-325, 326
Plutarch 153, 216, 237, 269, 316, 318 Polemarchos - 232
Polybius-118, 155, 237, 250, 261, 262, 265, 284, 288 Polyclitus-222, 223 Polygnotus 223
Pompey (Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus) - 256, 296, 297-303 Porus 234
Praxiteles-232, 261, 336 Prinsep, James-154 Protagoras-225
338
Psammetichus I 47, 67, 83, 120 Ptolemy I 187, 192, 237-241, 245, 261, 263
Pyrrhus 240, 242, 278, 280 Pvthagoras 211, 290
R
Ramses I 45 Ramses II 41, 45, 46, 80 Rassam, Hormuzd 54, 74 Rostovtzeff, Michael 16, 236 Roxana-140, 234, 237, 239 Rusa I 67, 92, 93, 116
S
Sammu-ramat 66 Samudragupta 156, 157 Sappho 212 Sargon I 57, 58, 61 Sargon II 54, 64, 67, 82, 92, 93, 115, 116
Saul 86
Schliemann, Heinrich 199 Scopas 232, 261 Seleucus I 140, 153, 238-242 Seneca, Lucius Annaeus-306, 312, 313, 315, 316, 320 Sennacherib-64, 65, 67 Servius Tullius-273, 274, 294, 304 Severus, Lucius Septimius- 322-324 Shalmaneser III-66, 90 Shang Yang-180-182 Shapur 1-134, 135, 156, 324, 325 Suppiluliumas I 62, 79, 80 Sneferu 43, 48
Socrates-225, 230, 336
Solomon-86
Solon-207, 208, 214
Sophocles-223, 224, 336
Spitamenes-234
Spartacus-297, 324, 336
Ssuma Ch’ien- 185, 192, 336
Strabo 78, 99, 100, 155, 237, 259, 297,
310
Struve, V. V.-12, 48, 335 Sulla, Lucius Cornelius 132, 292, 293- 298, 301, 302 Sung Yii- 181
T
Tabarna 79 Tacitus-311, 316, 320 Tagor, Rabindranath-164 Takhos- 127
Tarquinius Superbus - 273-275 Telepinush 1-80 Terence 265, 288, 289 Thales-211
Themistocles-125, 215 Theognis - 206, 212 Thucydides - 114, 225 Tiberius-311-313, 316 Tiglath-pileser I 63, 90 Tiglath-pileser III 64, 66, 92, 93, 116 Timotheus- 232 Tolstov S. P. - 137
Trajan-96, 100, 156, 170, 314, 317, 318, 320
Trogus, Pompeius- 114, 237 Turayev, B. A. 12, 335 Tutankhamen 41, 45, 80 Tuthmosis I 45, 51
Tuthmosis III 41, 45, 46
Tyrtaeus-212
U
Udayin 152 Ur-Nammu 58, 59 Uruinimgina - 56
Utchenko, S. L. 16, 306, 330, 334, 335
V
Vasco da Gama 85 Ventris, Michael 197 Virgil 187, 309, 310 Vipper, R. Yu. 16
W
Wang Mang 186, 187, 193 Wheeler, Mortimer 150 Winckler, Hugo 79 Woolley, Leonard -55 Wuti- 183-186, 192, 193 Wuwang - 1 74
X
Xenophon- 114, 121, 126, 178 Xerxes-124, 125, 131, 215
Y
Yang Chu - 180, 181 Z
Zaleukos-206
Zedekiah-68, 69
Zoroaster (Zarathustra) - 130, 139
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The ancient civilisations of East and West, falling in one of the most striking periods in world history, were marked by outstanding advances in the material and nonmaterial culture of humankind: cereals were cultivated, animals were domesticated, metals came into use, writing was invented, and scientific knowledge evolved. The first world religions, Buddhism and Christianity, emerged in that period. The state appeared on the scene, and close links were established between Greece and Rome on the one hand and the Orient on the other.
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