Red Army Faction

Red Army Faction
Rote Armee Fraktion
Founders	Andreas Baader Ulrike Meinhof Gudrun Ensslin Horst Mahler Ingrid Schubert
Dates of operation	14 May 1970 – 20 April 1998
Ideology	Revolutionary Socialism Anti-Fascism Marxism-Leninism Mao Zedong Thought
Allies	GDR 2 June Movement Revolutionary Cells Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine Black September
Opponents	FRG NATO

The Red Army Faction (German: Rote Armee Fraktion; RAF) was a communist urban guerrilla organization in West Germany.

They participated in many actions against Imperialist and Capitalist forces, including the bombings of US Army bases and police stations, an attack on the West German embassy in Sweden, the killing of Nazi lawyer and federal prosecutor general Siegfried Buback and prominent Nazi Hanns-Martin Schleyer.

After the imprisonment of many of their leaders, many of their allies and supporters around the world took action to try to free them, including the hijacking of Lufthansa Flight 181, in which the freedom of RAF prisoners was a demand. In order to stop these efforts, the West German government, possibly with the help of allies in Nato, murdered Ulrike Meinhof in 1976 and later on 17 October 1977 murdered Andreas Baader, Gudrun Ensslin and Jan-Carl Raspe, with Irmgard Möller surviving. These deaths were all called suicides.

After the deaths of these members the Red Army Faction continued to carry out attacks until it was dissolved in 1998.

Background

West German Student Movement

See main article: West German Student Movement

The Sozialistischer Deutscher Studentenbund (Socialist German Students Federation, SDS) was founded in 1946 as the youth wing of the Social Democratic Party (SDP). It moved towards the left, away from the mainstream SDP, beginning in the late 1950s, with the group adopting stances against nuclear weapons, calling for the withdrawal of France from Algeria, and opposing militarism at its 1958 conference. This move to the left was countered in May of 1960 by the forming of the Sozialdemokratischer Hochschulbund (Social Democratic Student Federation, SHB) by supporters of the SPD party line. In response to this move the left of the SPD formed another organization, Society for the Promotion of Socialism (SF), in October 1961. In order to stop the leftward and anti-party-establishment drift of the student groups, the SPD expelled SF and the SDS from the party in late 1961. The SDS continued to be a powerful force in student politics in the years to come, while continuing to pull the SHB and other pro SPD groups left.

Young people in West Germany were drawn to the growing radical left movement for several reasons. Repressive and socially conservative laws and still ever present antisemitism and pro-Fascist sentiments in the older generations, as well as the growing worldwide resistance to United States imperialism and imperialist wars.

In December 1964 Moise Tschombe, Congolese dictator and leader of the coup that resulted in the death of Socialist and anti-imperialist leader Patrice Lumumba, visited West Berlin. This visit was met by large protests, with the SDS playing a major role. The protests faced police repression, and the protesters fought back, setting the scene for the later anti-imperialist movements of the decade.

As the left grew more popular, the SPD further alienated younger and more progressive sections of society by entering into the Grand Coalition with the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and the Christian Social Union (CSU), two reactionary parties with many former Nazis in their ranks. In response to this, the Außerparlamentarische Opposition (Extra-Parliamentary Opposition, APO) was created.

On 2 June 1967, thousands of demonstrators protested against a visit by the Shah of Iran. They wore masks of the Shah and his wife and pelted the pair with rotten tomatoes. In response the police, as well as the Iranian intelligence agency SAVAK, attacked protesters, leading to a battle which ended with 44 arrests, 44 injuries, and one student dead, Benno Ohnesorg, who was shot in the back of the head by Karl-Heinz Kurras.

The police murder sparked even larger protests, with between 100,000 and 200,000 students taking part. The SDS and other left organizations grew rapidly and began to experiment with new organizational strategies and chapters outside of universities.

Demonstrations were banned in West Berlin on 3 June, with eight protesters being arrested the next day. Then on 5 June, the Zionist Entity attacked Egypt's air bases and soon destroyed it and its allies militaries in the Six-Day War. This solidified the Anti-Zionist sentiments in the SDS and further cemented its anti-imperialism.

On 17 and 18 February 1968, 5,000 people attended the International Congress on Vietnam in West Berlin. After the congress a demonstration of more than 12,000 people took place.

The West German press, largely controlled by businessman Axel Springer's corporation, increased its attacks on the left. This culminated on 11 April, when right-wing worker named Josef Bachmann attempted to kill Rudi Dutschke, shooting him three times, once in the head, nearly killing him. He later confessed that his information leading to the act was taken from Bild Zeitung, a Springer outlet.

The attack, less than a week after the murder of Martin Luther King Jr. in the United States, radicalized many, leading to increased protests, with 300,000 people participating in marches the next weekend in favor of peace and now against the Springer corporation. Two people were killed by police during the wave of protests, and the Springer corporation began to become the target of direct attacks. By the end of it more than 250,000 dm of Springer property was damaged or destroyed, a serious blow to the propagandists.

On 31 May the Notstandgesetze (Emergency Powers Act) was passed. It gave the state additional power to suppress protests and allowed increased tapping of phones and stealing of mail. The passing of the act led to even more protests, with tens of thousands demonstrating and tens of thousands more staging a one-day strike in opposition to the law.

Further protests broke out with the attempts to disbar left-wing lawyer Horst Mahler. These protests culminated in the Battle of Tegeler Weg, where about 1,500 protesters, with cobblestone and wooden two-by-fours, and police with water cannons, tear gas, and clubs, fought throughout the night on 3 November. Ten police and 21 demonstrators were hospitalized and 46 were arrested. Mahler was not disbarred.

In October 1969 the Grand Coalition ended and the SDP, with Willy Brandt as Chancellor, came into power. Some demands of the student movement were given in to, but the tensions continued.

In March 1970 the SDS dissolved after a congress in Frankfurt.

West Berlin

West Berlin, due to its status as technically part of the Federal Republic of Germany, while being disconnected socially and politically, as well as physically, grew to be a center of the left in Germany. Organizations like Kommune 1, the Republican Clubs, various women's communes and student groups began to further the left movement, though not without flaws.

Problems Within the Student Movement

Male Supremacy

Chauvinism, male supremacy, and misogyny, though opposed by many, were prevalent within some elements of the student movement. This led a decline in the number of women in the SDS and APO and the growth of smaller feminist groups. In addition to this, the Kommune 1 movement and other similar Anarchist-oriented groupings within the student movement containing male-oriented and chauvinist distortions of the sexual revolution.

Division

The student movement was divided along ideological lines, like most of the left in the world at that time. Anarchist groups grew apart from Marxist-oriented groups, forming the Sponti left. Division over the issue of the German Democratic Republic led to little growth within the newly founded German Communist Party (DKP), a re-establishment of the Communist Party of Germany (KPD). Division stemming from the Sino-Soviet Split also was prevalent, with groups following Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and Mao Zedong Thought feuding with pro-Soviet sections of the movement.

Lack of Working Class Representation

The most serious problem of the student movement was the class makeup of the students in the FRG at the time. University students were overwhelmingly from petit bourgeoisie or labor aristocratic backgrounds, with only 7% being from working class families. This led the the FRG being able to buy out many within the movement with ease: two months after the dissolution of the SDS, amnesty was granted to most protesters in prison. This led to the near complete destruction of the student movement. The student movement was not entirely from these backgrounds. In the protests against the Springer corporation after the attempted murder of Rudi Dutschke only a minority of those arrested were university students, with most being working-class youth living in West Berlin.

The Move to Violent Action

In September 1968 student movement political leaders Rudi Dutschke and Hans-Jürgen Krahl first proposed the idea of building left-wing urban guerilla, though this would not be further developed for some time.

Early Anarchist Actions

The first organized revolutionary violence was carried out by individuals within Kommune 1. They formed the Anarchist 'Central Committee of the Roaming Hash Rebels'. The group carried out actions under several different names over its existence. Under the name Tupamaros-West Berlin, a firebombing attempt on a Jewish cultural center was carried out and widely criticized from both within and without the movement, and the group essentially dissolved soon after.

The short-lived grouping eventually evolved into the 2nd of June Movement in 1972, which was closely aligned with the RAF.

Frankfurt Firebombing and Trial

On 3 April 1968, the most important development of the revolutionary struggle in relation to the Red Army Faction occurred. Future RAF members Gudrun Ensslin and Andreas Baader, along with Horst Söhnlein and Thorwald Proll, who were in Frankfurt at for an SDS conference, firebombed two department stores. They were all arrested 2 days later on 5 April.

The attack was poorly planned; there was no communiqué, little attempt to avoid arrest, and after their capture, little unified strategy in court. Gudrun Ensslin stated that the attack was "in protest against people’s indifference to the murder of the Vietnamese." She also echoed a core belief of the later RAF, that "words are useless without action."

In court they were represented by fellow future RAF leader Horst Mahler, who at that point was well-known as a leftist lawyer.

They were sentenced to three years in prison each in October. They appealed the sentence, but were imprisoned until June 1969. They were then released until the court came to a decision on the appeal. Ensslin, Baader, and Proll began to work within the 'apprentices' collectives', which consisted of runaways from state homes. In November the court denied their appeal. Söhnlein turned himself in, the other three went on the run. Proll soon left the group, but his sister Astrid, who later became a prominent member of the RAF, joined Baader and Ensslin.

They travelled to France and then to Italy before returning to West Berlin, and reconnected with Mahler. He was trying at that point to create a guerilla movement, and joined forces with the three to pursue this.

On 3 April 1970, Andreas Baader was recaptured in West Berlin, set up by longtime informant Peter Urbach. The subsequent actions by his comrades served as the beginning of the Red Army Faction.

Konkret

Konkret was a Hamburg based magazine published by Klaus Rainer Röhl. It began publishing in 1957 and was funded in part by the remnants of the KPD based in exile in the GDR. The magazine focused on the left wing issues of the time and became popular within the early student movement. It's chief editor was leftist journalist and later leader of the Red Army Faction Ulrike Meinhof. She had been active in the SDS from 1957 and had joined the KPD in 1959. In 1961 she married Röhl in 1961.

In 1964, amidst the Sino-Soviet Split, the magazine faced serious challenged and drastic changes. Meinhof and konkret as a whole took the side of China, despite their funding from the Soviet aligned KPD. This led to them losing its funding from the KPD and the GDR.