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Neoconservatism is a right-wing imperialist ideology that argues the United States must actively shape global politics through military aggression, regime-change operations, and the expansion of capitalist markets. Neoconservatives justify these interventions with rhetoric about "democracy" and “human rights,” but in reality their policies reinforce U.S. hegemony, strengthen the military-industrial complex, dictate the neoliberalism and suppress anti-imperialist movements around the world. It was theorised by Cold War era liberal anticommunist intellectual Irving Kristol.[1]
Emerging in late-20th-century U.S. foreign-policy circles, neoconservatism rejects both isolationism and multilateral diplomacy. It instead promotes unilateral Statesian power and the belief that the U.S. has a moral right to intervene anywhere its interests are threatened. This worldview directly opposes multipolarity and national liberation movements, and any geopolitical shift toward multipolarity.
The ideology reached its height under the George W. Bush administration. Key statesmen—including Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, and Paul Wolfowitz—were influenced by the think tank Project for the New American Century, which openly called for sustaining U.S. global military supremacy. These actors played central roles in planning the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq and in establishing pre-emptive war as a formal doctrine of U.S. strategy.[2]
Despite being rooted in the Republican Party, neoconservative foreign-policy positions have significantly shaped the Democratic Party as well. Figures such as Barack Obama, Hillary Clinton, and Joe Biden expanded drone warfare, supported NATO enlargement, backed intervention in Libya, and continued major aspects of the War on Terror. They're also staunch advocates of Bush era national security policies. Scholars describe this overlap as a bipartisan alignment behind U.S. imperial interests.
Today, neoconservatism remains embedded in Washington via think tanks, media networks, and foreign-policy institutions. Even when the label is avoided, its core assumptions—militarism and Statesian exceptionalism—continue to guide U.S. strategy.[3]
Criticism of Neoconservatism[edit | edit source]
Neoconservatism has been a major target of progressive criticism for decades, yet the Democratic Party—despite containing progressive elements—has largely ignored these concerns and repeatedly aligned itself with the bipartisan foreign-policy. As leading Democratic figures embraced interventionist politics, the right produced its own anti-neocon sentiment in 2015 through rising far-right populism. Donald Trump and the MAGA movement weaponized public anger over endless wars, attacking the Bush dynasty’s widely criticized record of corruption, militarism, and the financial burden these wars placed on working people.
However, despite campaigning on anti-interventionist rhetoric, Trump never actually broke with neoconservatism or the Republican establishment.[4] Critics argue he ultimately reinforced neoconservative and hardline zionist positions throughout his presidency, while relying heavily on the same foreign-policy networks he claimed to oppose. In his second term beginning in 2025, Trump adopted increasingly antagonizing stances toward Iran and Venezuela, raising concerns that his administration is preparing to escalate new conflicts abroad.[5][6]
See also[edit | edit source]
References[edit | edit source]
- ↑ Library:American Exceptionalism and American Innocence
- ↑ PNAC – Statement of Principles (1997)
- ↑ Library:Militarism and Anti-Militarism
- ↑ Jacobin – J. D. Vance Is Wrong. Donald Trump Was No Antiwar President. by Ben Burgis
- ↑ Venezuela In The Crosshairs Of Trump & Imperialism by André Ferrari
- ↑ Reuters – Trump asks why there would not be 'regime change' in Iran