Kwame Nkrumah: Difference between revisions

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'''Kwame Nkrumah''' (September 21, 1909 - April 27, 1972)<ref name=":1">[https://www.ghanaweb.com/person/Kwame-Nkrumah-3265 "Kwame Nkrumah, Biography."] GhanaWeb. Ghanaweb.com.</ref> was a [[Republic of Ghana|Ghanaian]] politician, political theorist, and revolutionary. He was the first Prime Minister and President of Ghana following Ghana's independence from the [[United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland|United Kingdom]] in 1957. He was an advocate of [[pan-Africanism]] and a founding member of the [[Organization of African Unity]], predecessor of the [[African Union]]. In 1962, Nkrumah was awarded the [[Lenin Peace Prize]] by the [[Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (1922–1991)|Soviet Union]].<ref name=":1" />
{{Infobox politician|honorific_prefix=Ɔsagyefo|name=Kwame Nwai Nkrumah|birth_date=21 September 1909|birth_place=Nkroful, Gold Coast|death_date=27 April 1972 (aged 62)|death_place=Bucharest, Romania|death_cause=Cancer|nationality=[[Ghana|Ghanaian]]<br>[[Guinea|Guinean]]|political_orientation=[[Consciencism|Consciencism]]<br>[[Nkrumahism|Nkrumahism]]|political_party=United Gold Coast Convention (1947-1949)<br>[[Convention People's Party]] (1949-1966)<br>[[A-APRP|All-African People's Revolutionary Party]] (1966-1972)|image=Portrait of Kwame Nkrumah.png}}


The [[CIA]] organized a coup against Nkrumah on 24 February 1966.<ref>Charles Quist-Adade (2021-02-24). [https://covertactionmagazine.com/2021/02/24/how-did-a-fateful-cia-coup-executed-55-years-ago-this-february-24-doom-much-of-sub-saharan-africa/ "How Did a Fateful CIA Coup—Executed 55 Years Ago this February 24—Doom Much of Sub-Saharan Africa?"] ''[[CovertAction Magazine]]''. [https://web.archive.org/web/20220126041140/https://covertactionmagazine.com/2021/02/24/how-did-a-fateful-cia-coup-executed-55-years-ago-this-february-24-doom-much-of-sub-saharan-africa/ Archived] from the original on 2022-01-26.</ref> According to a March 12, 1966 memorandum to [[United States of America|U.S.]] President [[Lyndon B. Johnson|Johnson]] from U.S. security adviser [[Robert Komer]] commenting on the coup, "Nkrumah was doing more to undermine our interests than any other black African. In reaction to his strongly pro-Communist leanings, the new military regime is almost pathetically pro-[[Imperial core|Western]]." Komer goes on to urge the President to express "pleasure" at the coups in Ghana and [[Republic of Indonesia|Indonesia]] when speaking to the Secretary of State [[Dean Rusk]], and to make it clear that "we ought to exploit such successes as quickly and as skillfully as possible" and suggests giving the regimes a small gift of surplus grain, stressing that a small rather than lavish gift will have a "psychological" effect to "whet their appetite" and enable the prospect of getting more to create leverage for the United States.<ref>Komer, Robert W. [https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v24/d260 "Memorandum From the President’s Acting Special Assistant for National Security Affairs (Komer) to President Johnson."] Johnson Library, National Security File, Memos to the President. Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964–1968, Volume XXIV, Africa. Document #260. Office of the Historian. United States Department of State. [https://web.archive.org/web/20220518133259/https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v24/d260 Archived] 2022-05-18.</ref>
'''Kwame Nkrumah''' (September 21, 1909 - April 27, 1972)<ref name=":1">[https://www.ghanaweb.com/person/Kwame-Nkrumah-3265 "Kwame Nkrumah, Biography."] GhanaWeb. Ghanaweb.com.</ref> was a [[Republic of Ghana|Ghanaian]] politician, political theorist, and revolutionary. He was the first Prime Minister and President of Ghana following Ghana's independence from the [[United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland|United Kingdom]] in 1957. He was an advocate of [[scientific socialism]] and [[pan-Africanism]], formed the [[Convention People's Party]] and was a founding member of the [[Organization of African Unity]].<ref name=":1" /> Nkrumah also played an instrumental role in the creation of the [[Union of African States]], which was a short-lived confederation of African states that dissolved after the overthrow of his government.<ref>[https://www.eaumf.org/ejm-blog/2018/5/2/april-29-1958-ghana-guinea-union-formed Ghana-Guinea-Mali Union formed]</ref> In 1962, Nkrumah was awarded the [[Lenin Peace Prize]] by the [[Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (1922–1991)|Soviet Union]].<ref name=":1" />


After the coup, Nkrumah lived in exile in Conakry, [[Republic of Guinea|Guinea]]. He passed away from cancer in 1972.<ref name=":1" />
The [[CIA]] organized a coup against Nkrumah on 24 February 1966.<ref name=":2">Charles Quist-Adade (2021-02-24). [https://covertactionmagazine.com/2021/02/24/how-did-a-fateful-cia-coup-executed-55-years-ago-this-february-24-doom-much-of-sub-saharan-africa/ "How Did a Fateful CIA Coup—Executed 55 Years Ago this February 24—Doom Much of Sub-Saharan Africa?"] ''[[CovertAction Magazine]]''. [https://web.archive.org/web/20220126041140/https://covertactionmagazine.com/2021/02/24/how-did-a-fateful-cia-coup-executed-55-years-ago-this-february-24-doom-much-of-sub-saharan-africa/ Archived] from the original on 2022-01-26.</ref> According to a March 12, 1966 memorandum to [[United States of America|U.S.]] President [[Lyndon B. Johnson|Johnson]] from U.S. security staffer [[Robert Komer]] commenting on the coup, "Nkrumah was doing more to undermine our interests than any other black African."<ref name=":3">Komer, Robert W. [https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v24/d260 "Memorandum From the President’s Acting Special Assistant for National Security Affairs (Komer) to President Johnson."] Johnson Library, National Security File, Memos to the President. Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964–1968, Volume XXIV, Africa. Document #260. Office of the Historian. United States Department of State. [https://web.archive.org/web/20220518133259/https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v24/d260 Archived] 2022-05-18.</ref>


== Works ==
After the coup, Nkrumah lived in exile in Conakry, [[Republic of Guinea|Guinea]]; where he became Co-President of the country alongside [[Ahmed Sékou Touré]]. He passed away from cancer in 1972.<ref name=":1" />
Nkrumah is the author of ''Neo-Colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism'' (1965), as well as various other works, including ''Towards Colonial Freedom'' (1957)'', Ghana: The Autobiography of Kwame Nkrumah'' (1957)'', I Speak of Freedom'' (1961)'', Africa Must Unite'' (1964)'', Consciencism: Philosophy and Ideology for Decolonisation'' (1964)'', Challenge of the Congo'' (1967), and ''Dark Days in Ghana'' (1968).<ref>Inusah Mohammed. [https://www.myjoyonline.com/which-of-kwame-nkrumahs-books-have-you-read-as-a-ghanaian/ “Which of Kwame Nkrumah’s Books Have You Read as a Ghanaian?”] MyJoyOnline.com. April 28, 2020. [https://web.archive.org/web/20221103031227/https://www.myjoyonline.com/which-of-kwame-nkrumahs-books-have-you-read-as-a-ghanaian/ Archived] 2022-11-03.</ref>


=== Neo-Colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism ===
==Life==
Kwame's 1965 work, ''Neo-Colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism'' discusses how [[Neocolonialism|neo-colonialism]] has become the main instrument of [[imperialism]], in place of the overt [[colonialism]] of the past, which he explains is in a period of decline. Throughout the work, Nkrumah outlines the mechanisms of neo-colonialism while also listing numerous contemporary points of supporting evidence and providing commentary. In the early chapters of the book, he also sets out an argument for [[Pan-Africanism|African unity]] and its potential for destroying neo-colonialism in Africa, and notes in the book's conclusion that the foreign capitalists who exploit Africa's resources "long ago saw the strength to be gained from acting on a Pan-African scale" and that "the only way to challenge this economic empire and to recover possession of our heritage, is for us also to act on a Pan-African basis, through a Union Government."<ref>Nkrumah, Kwame. [https://archive.org/details/neocolonialismla0000kwam/page/256 Neo-Colonialism, The Last Stage of Imperialism. "Conclusion."] 1965.</ref>


In the work's introduction, Nkrumah describes the essence of neo-colonialism, stating: "The essence of neo-colonialism is that the State which is subject to it is, in theory, independent and has all the outward trappings of international sovereignty. In reality its economic system and thus its political policy is directed from outside." In other words, while a state may appear to have independence in an official sense, it remains under the domination of imperialist power, primarily via imperialist control and supervision of the subjected country's economic system.
===Early life===
Nkrumah was born in Nkroful, Gold Coast; on a Saturday in the middle of September. Not much is known about the exact date of Kwame Nkrumah's birth due to lack of importance surrounding dates of births among Nzima communities. Instead of recording birth dates, Nzima communities traditionally assessed ages based on the number of Kuntums during one's lifetime. Using this method, Nkrumah's mother approximated his birth year as 1912; however this contradicts the Catholic Church's approximation of September 21, 1909. Due to the circumstances of the Bakana shipwreck in Half-Assini, Nkrumah speculated that he was born on September 18, 1909. Initially raised in Nkroful with his mother, Nkrumah later joined his father in Half-Assini. His father was a goldsmith with several wives and many children.<ref>{{Citation|author=Kwame Nkrumah|year=1957|title=Ghana: The Autobiography of Kwame Nkrumah|chapter=Birth and Early Childhood|pdf=https://drive.google.com/file/d/10c9CvaNvZy5Jk74NN4wiSIwMsk5bBufN/view?usp=drive_link|publisher=Thomas Nelson & Sons}}</ref> His mother was a retail trader.<ref name=":6">[https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TMY0iTcspNA "Faces Of Africa - Kwame Nkrumah."] Documentary. CCTV News: Faces of Africa. Africa24 Media Ltd. [[China Global Television Network|CGTN]] Africa on Youtube. [https://web.archive.org/web/20230313083745/https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TMY0iTcspNA Archived] 2023-03-13.</ref>


The work's introduction also describes the result of neo-colonialism, stating that the result of neo-colonialism is that "foreign capital is used for the exploitation rather than for the development of the less developed parts of the world. Investment under neo-colonialism increases rather than decreases the gap between the rich and the poor countries of the world."
===Education===
Nkrumah's mother sent him to an elementary school run by a [[Catholicism|Catholic]] mission at Half Assini,<ref name=":1" /> and he attended Achimota School and expressed interest in becoming a Catholic priest. Eventually, he became teacher.  


According to Nkrumah, outside direction of the state by imperialist powers can be manifested in various forms:<blockquote>The methods and form of this direction can take various shapes. For example, in an extreme case the troops of the imperial power may garrison the territory of the neo-colonial State and control the government of it. More often, however, neo-colonialist control is exercised through economic or monetary means. The neo-colonial State may be obliged to take the manufactured products of the imperialist power to the exclusion of competing products from elsewhere. Control over government policy in the neo-colonial State may be secured by payments towards the cost of running the State, by the provision of civil servants in positions where they can dictate policy, and by monetary control over foreign exchange through the imposition of a banking system controlled by the imperial power. [...] It is possible that neo-colonial control may be exercised by a consortium of financial interests which are not specifically identifiable with any particular State.<ref>Nkrumah, Kwame. [https://www.marxists.org/subject/africa/nkrumah/neo-colonialism/introduction.htm ''Neo-Colonialism, The Last Stage of Imperialism.'' "Introduction."] Thomas Nelson & Sons, Ltd., London, 1965. Published in the USA by International Publishers Co., Inc., 1966. Marxists.org. [https://web.archive.org/web/20230311051428/https://www.marxists.org/subject/africa/nkrumah/neo-colonialism/introduction.htm Archived] 11-03-2023.</ref></blockquote>Toward the end of the work, Nkrumah lists several advances in the anti-imperial struggle at the time of writing, and asserts his view that neo-colonialism is "''not'' a sign of imperialism’s strength but rather of its last hideous gasp. It testifies to its inability to rule any longer by old methods. Independence is a luxury it can no longer afford to permit its subject peoples, so that even what it claims to have ‘given’ it now seeks to take away." He then states that neo-colonialism "''can'' and ''will''" be defeated, stating that in the face of imperialism's divide-and-conquer strategy, "''unity'' is the first requisite for destroying neo-colonialism." He clarifies this assertion by declaring the need for an all-union government for the continent of Africa, a strengthening of the [[Afro-Asian Solidarity Organisation]], and seeking increasingly formal adherence to said solidarity organization in Latin America. As a final point, Nkrumah adds that "we must encourage and utilise to the full those still all too few yet growing instances of support for liberation and anti-colonialism inside the imperialist world itself." In order to achieve these factors, Nkrumah explains that national development and strengthened independence through political neutrality, or [[Non-Aligned Movement|non-alignment]], is key.<ref name=":0">Nkrumah, Kwame. [https://www.marxists.org/subject/africa/nkrumah/neo-colonialism/ch01.htm ''Neo-Colonialism, The Last Stage of Imperialism.'' "The mechanisms of neo-colonialism."] Thomas Nelson & Sons, Ltd., London, 1965. Published in the USA by International Publishers Co., Inc., 1966. Marxists.org. [https://web.archive.org/web/20230311044919/https://www.marxists.org/subject/africa/nkrumah/neo-colonialism/ch01.htm Archived] 11-03-2023.</ref>
At the age of 26, Nkrumah left the Gold Coast to further his education at [[Lincoln University]] in [[Commonwealth of Pennsylvania|Pennsylvania]], USA. When he arrived in [[New York]] in October 1935, he traveled to Pennsylvania, where he enrolled despite lacking the funds for the full semester. However, he soon won a scholarship that provided for his tuition at Lincoln. He remained short of funds through his time in the US. To make ends meet, he worked in menial jobs, including as a dishwasher. On Sundays, he visited Black Presbyterian churches in [[Philadelphia]] and in New York.<ref name=":1" />


Finally, Nkrumah stresses the importance of political consciousness raising among the masses, stating that "the preconditions for all this, to which lip service is often paid but activity seldom directed, is to develop ideological clarity among the anti-imperialist, anti-colonialist, pro-liberation masses of our continents. They, and they alone, make, maintain or break revolutions." Nkrumah then lists progress made in this regard in Africa at the time of writing, and states: "Bolstered with ideological clarity, these organisations, closely linked with the ruling parties where liberatory forces are in power, will prove that neo-colonialism is the symptom of imperialism’s weakness and that it is defeatable. For, when all is said and done, it is the so-called little man, the bent-backed, exploited, malnourished, blood-covered fighter for independence who decides. And he invariably decides for freedom."<ref name=":0" />
Nkrumah read widely from the literature of [[Karl Marx]] and [[Marcus Garvey]]. He had also read the writings of Pan-Africanists such as [[George Padmore]] and [[W.E.B. Du Bois]]. Historian Dr. Narh Oyortey comments that Nkrumah was "very much inspired by Marcus Garvey and the whole idea of return to Africa and Black freedom" which "fueled his ideas [...] for Pan-African consciousness".<ref name=":6" />  


==== The mechanisms of neo-colonialism ====
In addition to reading Marxist and Pan-Africanist writings, Nkrumah also participated in activism and political organizing while he was a student abroad. Nkrumah played a major role in the Pan-African conference held in New York in 1944.<ref name=":1" /> Later, Nkrumah was among the principal organizers and co-treasurers of the Fifth [[Pan-African Congress]] in [[Manchester]] (15–19 October 1945). The Congress elaborated a strategy for supplanting colonialism with African socialism.<ref name=":6" /><ref name=":1" />
Specific examples of neo-colonial financial institutions given in the chapter "The mechanisms of neo-colonialism" include the [[International Monetary Fund]] (IMF), the [[The World Bank|World Bank]], the [[International Finance Corporation]] and the [[International Development Association]]. Nkrumah refers to the IMF as part of a "neo-colonialist trap" which uses the guise of "multilateral aid" to take a dominating role over subjected countries by "forcing would-be borrowers to submit to various offensive conditions, such as supplying information about their economies, submitting their policy and plans to review by the World Bank and accepting agency supervision of their use of loans."<ref name=":0" />


In the same chapter, Nkrumah also notes the difference in aid and loan behavior between [[Socialism|socialist]] countries and the [[Imperial core|West]], mentioning that although aid from socialist countries may fall short of that offered from the West, it is often "more impressive, since it is swift and flexible, and interest rates on communist loans are only about two per cent compared with five to six per cent charged on loans from western countries."
Nkrumah completed a Bachelor of Arts degree in [[economics]] and [[sociology]] in 1939. Lincoln then appointed him an assistant lecturer in [[philosophy]], and he began to receive invitations to be a guest preacher in Presbyterian churches in Philadelphia and New York. He also gained a Bachelor of [[Theology]] degree from Lincoln in 1942. He also earned from Penn the following year a Master of Arts degree in philosophy and a Master of Science in [[education]]. He also attended the [[London School of Economics]] as a PhD candidate.<ref name=":1" />


Outside of the economic sphere, Nkrumah also comments on other venues through which neo-colonial dominance is perpetuated. Outright [[Coup d'etat|coups d'etat]] and political assassinations represent some of the most overt methods of neo-colonialism which co-exist along with other methods of maintaining neo-colonial dominance. Among the other methods listed are military presence in the subjected state by the former colonial power, special legal privileges demanded by former colonial powers (such as land concessions and prospecting rights for minerals and oil), dominance of information services by Western countries and exclusion of socialist information services, anti-liberation messages perpetuated through entertainment emanating from imperial centers, monopoly of news media, religious [[evangelism]], and [[psychological warfare]] and subversion via organizations such as the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]], the [[Peace Corps]], and the [[United States Information Agency]] (USIA).
===Ghanaian independence===
After twelve years abroad pursuing higher education, developing his political philosophy, and organizing with other diasporic pan-Africanists, Nkrumah returned to the Gold Coast (which would become known as Ghana after independence) to begin his political career as an advocate of national independence. He was invited to become the Secretary General of the first political party of the Gold Coast, the United Gold Coast Convention (UGCC).<ref name=":6" />


Commenting specifically on the pernicious influence of imperialist ideology embedded within [[Hollywood]] films, Nkrumah writes:<blockquote>Even the cinema stories of fabulous Hollywood are loaded. One has only to listen to the cheers of an African audience as Hollywood’s heroes slaughter red [[Native Americans|Indians]] or Asiatics to understand the effectiveness of this weapon. For, in the developing continents, where the colonialist heritage has left a vast majority still illiterate, even the smallest child gets the message contained in the blood and thunder stories emanating from [[State of California|California]]. And along with murder and the Wild West goes an incessant barrage of anti-socialist propaganda, in which the [[trade union]] man, the [[Revolution|revolutionary]], or the man of dark skin is generally cast as the villain, while the [[Police|policeman]], the gum-shoe, the Federal agent — in a word, the CIA — type spy is ever the hero. Here, truly, is the ideological under-belly of those political murders which so often use local people as their instruments.<ref name=":0" /></blockquote>On the topic of the monopoly of news media, Nkrumah writes: "Within separate countries, one or two news agencies control the news handouts, so that a deadly uniformity is achieved, regardless of the number of separate newspapers or magazines" and that internationally, "a flood of anti-liberation propaganda emanates from the capital cities of the West, directed against [[People's Republic of China|China]], [[Socialist Republic of Vietnam|Vietnam]], [[Republic of Indonesia|Indonesia]], [[People's Democratic Republic of Algeria|Algeria]], Ghana and all countries which hack out their own independent path to freedom."<ref name=":0" />
Later, Nkrumah formed the Convention People's Party (CPP), which achieved rapid success through its unprecedented appeal to the common voter. He became Prime Minister in 1952 and retained the position when Ghana declared independence from Britain in 1957. In 1960, Ghanaians approved a new constitution and elected Nkrumah President. His administration funded national industrial and energy projects developed a strong national education system and promoted a national and pan-African culture.<ref name=":1" />


Regarding activities of the United States Information Agency (USIA) at the time of writing, Nkrumah explains that in Africa alone, the USIA transmitted about thirty territorial and national radio programs "whose content glorifies the U.S. while attempting to discredit countries with an independent foreign policy." He further explains:<blockquote>The USIA boasts more than 120 branches in about 100 countries, 50 of which are in Africa alone. It has 250 centres in foreign countries, each of which is usually associated with a library. It employs about 200 cinemas and 8,000 projectors which draw upon its nearly 300 film libraries.
Unlike other leaders such as [[Jawaharlal Nehru|Nehru]] and [[Sukarno]], Nkrumah attempted to free Ghana from the [[Imperialism|global capitalist economy]]. In 1964, he adopted the title of ''Osagyefo''.<ref name=":12222">{{Citation|author=[[Vijay Prashad]]|year=2008|title=The Darker Nations: A People's History of the Third World|chapter=Havana|page=109|pdf=https://cloudflare-ipfs.com/ipfs/bafykbzaceascnzh26r5d6uitjjs2z7rflhaxlt7rboz5whzdf76qg6xxvecqq?filename=%28A%20New%20Press%20People%27s%20history%29%20Vijay%20Prashad%20-%20The%20darker%20nations_%20a%20people%27s%20history%20of%20the%20third%20world-The%20New%20Press%20%282008%29.pdf|publisher=The New Press|isbn=9781595583420|lg=https://libgen.rs/book/index.php?md5=9B40B96E830128A7FE0E0E887C06829F}}</ref>


This agency is directed by a central body which operates in the name of the U.S. President, planning and coordinating its activities in close touch with the Pentagon, CIA and other Cold War agencies, including even armed forces intelligence centres.
===1966 coup d'etat===
The coup against Nkrumah took place on 24 February 1966.<ref name=":2" />


In developing countries, the USIA actively tries to prevent expansion of national media of information so as itself to capture the market-place of ideas. It spends huge sums for publication and distribution of about sixty newspapers and magazines in Africa, Asia and [[Latin America]].
In a 1965 memorandum between the U.S. National Security Council Staff to the President's Special Assistant for National Security Affairs, staffer [[Robert W. Komer]] wrote: "FYI, we may have a pro-Western coup in Ghana soon [...] The plotters are keeping us briefed [...] While we're not directly involved (I'm told), we and other Western countries (including France) have been helping to set up the situation by ignoring Nkrumah's pleas for economic aid." He notes that the deteriorating economic condition of Ghana may provide the "spark" and concludes the memo saying, "All in all, looks good."<ref name=":5">Komer, Robert W. [https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v24/d253 "Memorandum From Robert W. Komer of the National Security Council Staff to the President’s Special Assistant for National Security Affairs (Bundy)."] Washington, May 27, 1965. Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968. Volume XXIV, Africa. Document 253. Office of the Historian, United States Department of State. [https://web.archive.org/web/20230311105443/https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v24/d253 Archived] 2023-03-11.</ref>


The American government backs the USIA through direct pressures on developing nations. To ensure its agency a complete monopoly in propaganda, for instance, many agreements for economic co-operation offered by the U.S. include a demand that Americans be granted preferential rights to disseminate information. At the same time, in trying to close the new nations to other sources of information, it employs other pressures. For instance, after agreeing to set up USIA information centres in their countries, both [[Togolese Republic|Togo]] and [[Congo (disambiguation)|Congo]] (Leopoldville) originally hoped to follow a non-aligned path and permit [[Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (1922–1991)|Russian]] information centres as a balance. But [[Washington, D.C.|Washington]] threatened to stop all aid, thereby forcing these two countries to renounce their plan.<ref name=":0" /></blockquote>Nkrumah also describes the "virtually unlimited" finances of USIA, which results in extensive subversive activities, including the collection of intelligence, recruitment of informers, purchasing of space in local publications to influence their policies, bribing of public figures, and supplying of weapons to anti-neutralist forces in developing countries:<blockquote>Some USIA duties further expose its nature as a top intelligence arm of the U.S. imperialists. In the first place, it is expected to analyse the situation in each country, making recommendations to its Embassy, thereby to its Government, about changes that can tip the local balance in U.S. favour. Secondly, it organises networks of monitors for radio broadcasts and telephone conversations, while recruiting informers from government offices. It also hires people to distribute U.S. propaganda. Thirdly, it collects secret information with special reference to defence and economy, as a means of eliminating its international military and economic competitors. Fourthly, it buys its way into local publications to influence their policies, of which Latin America furnishes numerous examples. It has been active in bribing public figures, for example in Kenya and Tunisia. Finally, it finances, directs and often supplies with arms all anti-neutralist forces in the developing countries, witness Tshombe in Congo (Leopoldville) and Pak Hung Ji in [[Republic of Korea|South Korea]]. In a word, with virtually unlimited finances, there seems no bounds to its inventiveness in subversion.<ref name=":0" /></blockquote>
At the time of the coup, Nkrumah was outside of the country, travelling to various countries in Asia, ultimately headed to [[Hanoi]], invited by [[Ho Chi Minh]]. However, after departing from [[Republic of the Union of Myanmar|Myanmar]] and arriving in [[People's Republic of China|China]], he was informed of the coup. As a result of the coup and his wish to quickly return to his country, Nkrumah cancelled his engagements in Hanoi and arranged to fly to Guinea, chosen due to the country's proximity to Ghana and the good relations which the leadership of Guinea had with Nkrumah. While his return was being arranged, Nkrumah proceeded with his scheduled engagements in China, and made statements to the press about his intended imminent return to Ghana. Ultimately, Nkrumah reached [[Conakry]], Guinea on March 2nd, 1966, where he began to receive eyewitness accounts of what had occurred in Ghana. His 1968 book ''Dark Days in Ghana'' discusses these events in depth.<ref name=":4">Nkrumah, Kwame. ''[https://archive.org/details/san_0975/ Dark Days in Ghana.]'' 1968. Lawrence & Wishart, London. Archive.org.</ref>


== References ==
According to a March 12, 1966 memorandum to [[United States of America|U.S.]] President [[Lyndon B. Johnson|Johnson]] from U.S. security adviser Robert Komer commenting on the coup, "Nkrumah was doing more to undermine our interests than any other black African. In reaction to his strongly pro-Communist leanings, the new military regime is almost pathetically pro-[[Imperial core|Western]]." Komer goes on to urge the President to express "pleasure" at the coups in Ghana and [[Republic of Indonesia|Indonesia]] when speaking to the Secretary of State [[Dean Rusk]], and to make it clear that "we ought to exploit such successes as quickly and as skillfully as possible" and suggests giving the regimes a small gift of surplus grain, stressing that a small rather than lavish gift will have a "psychological" effect to "whet their appetite" and enable the prospect of getting more to create leverage for the United States.<ref name=":3" />
 
=== Post-coup===
After the coup, Nkrumah lived in exile in Conakry, [[Republic of Guinea|Guinea]], where he was named honorary co-president and wrote the work ''Dark Days in Ghana'', a work that describes the events of the coup as well as Nkrumah's analysis of it in the context of the African Revolution as a whole.<ref name=":4" /> He also reworked and published the ''Handbook of Revolutionary Warfare'', the first drafts of which had been destroyed during the coup, as well as writing and publishing other works during this time. The work undertaken in this period of Nkrumah's life contributed to the foundation of the [[All-African People's Revolutionary Party]].<ref name=":7">[https://aaprp-intl.org/sekou-toure-the-pdg-and-the-a-aprp/ "Sekou Touré, the PDG and the A-APRP"] (2018-12-31). ''AAPRP-INTL''. [https://web.archive.org/web/20221001145751/https://aaprp-intl.org/sekou-toure-the-pdg-and-the-a-aprp/ Archived] 2022-10-01.</ref> Nkrumah passed away from cancer in 1972.<ref name=":1" />
 
== Works==
Nkrumah is the author of numerous works, some of which include ''Neo-Colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism'' (1965), ''Towards Colonial Freedom'' (1957)'', Ghana: The Autobiography of Kwame Nkrumah'' (1957)'', I Speak of Freedom'' (1961)'', Africa Must Unite'' (1964)'', Consciencism: Philosophy and Ideology for Decolonisation'' (1964)'', Challenge of the Congo'' (1967), ''Handbook of Revolutionary Warfare'' (1968), ''Dark Days in Ghana'' (1968), and ''Class Struggle in Africa'' (1970).<ref name=":7" /><ref>Inusah Mohammed. [https://www.myjoyonline.com/which-of-kwame-nkrumahs-books-have-you-read-as-a-ghanaian/ “Which of Kwame Nkrumah’s Books Have You Read as a Ghanaian?”] MyJoyOnline.com. April 28, 2020. [https://web.archive.org/web/20221103031227/https://www.myjoyonline.com/which-of-kwame-nkrumahs-books-have-you-read-as-a-ghanaian/ Archived] 2022-11-03.</ref><ref>Abayomi Azikiwe. [https://www.workers.org/2012/world/kwame_nkrumah_0510/ “Africa & the Struggle against Imperialism: 40 Years after Kwame Nkrumah.”] Workers.org. [https://web.archive.org/web/20210610004739/https://www.workers.org/2012/world/kwame_nkrumah_0510/ Archived] 2021-06-10.</ref>
 
== Library works ==
[[:Category:Library works by Kwame Nkrumah|List of library works by Kwame Nkrumah]]
 
[[Library:Neocolonialism, the Last Stage of Imperialism|''Neo-Colonialism, the Last Stage of Imperialism'']]
 
''[[Library:Dark Days in Ghana|Dark Days in Ghana]]''
 
==References==
<references />
<references />

Latest revision as of 14:58, 16 May 2024

Ɔsagyefo

Kwame Nwai Nkrumah
Born21 September 1909
Nkroful, Gold Coast
Died27 April 1972 (aged 62)
Bucharest, Romania
Cause of deathCancer
NationalityGhanaian
Guinean
Political orientationConsciencism
Nkrumahism
Political partyUnited Gold Coast Convention (1947-1949)
Convention People's Party (1949-1966)
All-African People's Revolutionary Party (1966-1972)


Kwame Nkrumah (September 21, 1909 - April 27, 1972)[1] was a Ghanaian politician, political theorist, and revolutionary. He was the first Prime Minister and President of Ghana following Ghana's independence from the United Kingdom in 1957. He was an advocate of scientific socialism and pan-Africanism, formed the Convention People's Party and was a founding member of the Organization of African Unity.[1] Nkrumah also played an instrumental role in the creation of the Union of African States, which was a short-lived confederation of African states that dissolved after the overthrow of his government.[2] In 1962, Nkrumah was awarded the Lenin Peace Prize by the Soviet Union.[1]

The CIA organized a coup against Nkrumah on 24 February 1966.[3] According to a March 12, 1966 memorandum to U.S. President Johnson from U.S. security staffer Robert Komer commenting on the coup, "Nkrumah was doing more to undermine our interests than any other black African."[4]

After the coup, Nkrumah lived in exile in Conakry, Guinea; where he became Co-President of the country alongside Ahmed Sékou Touré. He passed away from cancer in 1972.[1]

Life

Early life

Nkrumah was born in Nkroful, Gold Coast; on a Saturday in the middle of September. Not much is known about the exact date of Kwame Nkrumah's birth due to lack of importance surrounding dates of births among Nzima communities. Instead of recording birth dates, Nzima communities traditionally assessed ages based on the number of Kuntums during one's lifetime. Using this method, Nkrumah's mother approximated his birth year as 1912; however this contradicts the Catholic Church's approximation of September 21, 1909. Due to the circumstances of the Bakana shipwreck in Half-Assini, Nkrumah speculated that he was born on September 18, 1909. Initially raised in Nkroful with his mother, Nkrumah later joined his father in Half-Assini. His father was a goldsmith with several wives and many children.[5] His mother was a retail trader.[6]

Education

Nkrumah's mother sent him to an elementary school run by a Catholic mission at Half Assini,[1] and he attended Achimota School and expressed interest in becoming a Catholic priest. Eventually, he became teacher.

At the age of 26, Nkrumah left the Gold Coast to further his education at Lincoln University in Pennsylvania, USA. When he arrived in New York in October 1935, he traveled to Pennsylvania, where he enrolled despite lacking the funds for the full semester. However, he soon won a scholarship that provided for his tuition at Lincoln. He remained short of funds through his time in the US. To make ends meet, he worked in menial jobs, including as a dishwasher. On Sundays, he visited Black Presbyterian churches in Philadelphia and in New York.[1]

Nkrumah read widely from the literature of Karl Marx and Marcus Garvey. He had also read the writings of Pan-Africanists such as George Padmore and W.E.B. Du Bois. Historian Dr. Narh Oyortey comments that Nkrumah was "very much inspired by Marcus Garvey and the whole idea of return to Africa and Black freedom" which "fueled his ideas [...] for Pan-African consciousness".[6]

In addition to reading Marxist and Pan-Africanist writings, Nkrumah also participated in activism and political organizing while he was a student abroad. Nkrumah played a major role in the Pan-African conference held in New York in 1944.[1] Later, Nkrumah was among the principal organizers and co-treasurers of the Fifth Pan-African Congress in Manchester (15–19 October 1945). The Congress elaborated a strategy for supplanting colonialism with African socialism.[6][1]

Nkrumah completed a Bachelor of Arts degree in economics and sociology in 1939. Lincoln then appointed him an assistant lecturer in philosophy, and he began to receive invitations to be a guest preacher in Presbyterian churches in Philadelphia and New York. He also gained a Bachelor of Theology degree from Lincoln in 1942. He also earned from Penn the following year a Master of Arts degree in philosophy and a Master of Science in education. He also attended the London School of Economics as a PhD candidate.[1]

Ghanaian independence

After twelve years abroad pursuing higher education, developing his political philosophy, and organizing with other diasporic pan-Africanists, Nkrumah returned to the Gold Coast (which would become known as Ghana after independence) to begin his political career as an advocate of national independence. He was invited to become the Secretary General of the first political party of the Gold Coast, the United Gold Coast Convention (UGCC).[6]

Later, Nkrumah formed the Convention People's Party (CPP), which achieved rapid success through its unprecedented appeal to the common voter. He became Prime Minister in 1952 and retained the position when Ghana declared independence from Britain in 1957. In 1960, Ghanaians approved a new constitution and elected Nkrumah President. His administration funded national industrial and energy projects developed a strong national education system and promoted a national and pan-African culture.[1]

Unlike other leaders such as Nehru and Sukarno, Nkrumah attempted to free Ghana from the global capitalist economy. In 1964, he adopted the title of Osagyefo.[7]

1966 coup d'etat

The coup against Nkrumah took place on 24 February 1966.[3]

In a 1965 memorandum between the U.S. National Security Council Staff to the President's Special Assistant for National Security Affairs, staffer Robert W. Komer wrote: "FYI, we may have a pro-Western coup in Ghana soon [...] The plotters are keeping us briefed [...] While we're not directly involved (I'm told), we and other Western countries (including France) have been helping to set up the situation by ignoring Nkrumah's pleas for economic aid." He notes that the deteriorating economic condition of Ghana may provide the "spark" and concludes the memo saying, "All in all, looks good."[8]

At the time of the coup, Nkrumah was outside of the country, travelling to various countries in Asia, ultimately headed to Hanoi, invited by Ho Chi Minh. However, after departing from Myanmar and arriving in China, he was informed of the coup. As a result of the coup and his wish to quickly return to his country, Nkrumah cancelled his engagements in Hanoi and arranged to fly to Guinea, chosen due to the country's proximity to Ghana and the good relations which the leadership of Guinea had with Nkrumah. While his return was being arranged, Nkrumah proceeded with his scheduled engagements in China, and made statements to the press about his intended imminent return to Ghana. Ultimately, Nkrumah reached Conakry, Guinea on March 2nd, 1966, where he began to receive eyewitness accounts of what had occurred in Ghana. His 1968 book Dark Days in Ghana discusses these events in depth.[9]

According to a March 12, 1966 memorandum to U.S. President Johnson from U.S. security adviser Robert Komer commenting on the coup, "Nkrumah was doing more to undermine our interests than any other black African. In reaction to his strongly pro-Communist leanings, the new military regime is almost pathetically pro-Western." Komer goes on to urge the President to express "pleasure" at the coups in Ghana and Indonesia when speaking to the Secretary of State Dean Rusk, and to make it clear that "we ought to exploit such successes as quickly and as skillfully as possible" and suggests giving the regimes a small gift of surplus grain, stressing that a small rather than lavish gift will have a "psychological" effect to "whet their appetite" and enable the prospect of getting more to create leverage for the United States.[4]

Post-coup

After the coup, Nkrumah lived in exile in Conakry, Guinea, where he was named honorary co-president and wrote the work Dark Days in Ghana, a work that describes the events of the coup as well as Nkrumah's analysis of it in the context of the African Revolution as a whole.[9] He also reworked and published the Handbook of Revolutionary Warfare, the first drafts of which had been destroyed during the coup, as well as writing and publishing other works during this time. The work undertaken in this period of Nkrumah's life contributed to the foundation of the All-African People's Revolutionary Party.[10] Nkrumah passed away from cancer in 1972.[1]

Works

Nkrumah is the author of numerous works, some of which include Neo-Colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism (1965), Towards Colonial Freedom (1957), Ghana: The Autobiography of Kwame Nkrumah (1957), I Speak of Freedom (1961), Africa Must Unite (1964), Consciencism: Philosophy and Ideology for Decolonisation (1964), Challenge of the Congo (1967), Handbook of Revolutionary Warfare (1968), Dark Days in Ghana (1968), and Class Struggle in Africa (1970).[10][11][12]

Library works

List of library works by Kwame Nkrumah

Neo-Colonialism, the Last Stage of Imperialism

Dark Days in Ghana

References

  1. 1.00 1.01 1.02 1.03 1.04 1.05 1.06 1.07 1.08 1.09 1.10 "Kwame Nkrumah, Biography." GhanaWeb. Ghanaweb.com.
  2. Ghana-Guinea-Mali Union formed
  3. 3.0 3.1 Charles Quist-Adade (2021-02-24). "How Did a Fateful CIA Coup—Executed 55 Years Ago this February 24—Doom Much of Sub-Saharan Africa?" CovertAction Magazine. Archived from the original on 2022-01-26.
  4. 4.0 4.1 Komer, Robert W. "Memorandum From the President’s Acting Special Assistant for National Security Affairs (Komer) to President Johnson." Johnson Library, National Security File, Memos to the President. Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964–1968, Volume XXIV, Africa. Document #260. Office of the Historian. United States Department of State. Archived 2022-05-18.
  5. Kwame Nkrumah (1957). Ghana: The Autobiography of Kwame Nkrumah: 'Birth and Early Childhood'. [PDF] Thomas Nelson & Sons.
  6. 6.0 6.1 6.2 6.3 "Faces Of Africa - Kwame Nkrumah." Documentary. CCTV News: Faces of Africa. Africa24 Media Ltd. CGTN Africa on Youtube. Archived 2023-03-13.
  7. Vijay Prashad (2008). The Darker Nations: A People's History of the Third World: 'Havana' (p. 109). [PDF] The New Press. ISBN 9781595583420 [LG]
  8. Komer, Robert W. "Memorandum From Robert W. Komer of the National Security Council Staff to the President’s Special Assistant for National Security Affairs (Bundy)." Washington, May 27, 1965. Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968. Volume XXIV, Africa. Document 253. Office of the Historian, United States Department of State. Archived 2023-03-11.
  9. 9.0 9.1 Nkrumah, Kwame. Dark Days in Ghana. 1968. Lawrence & Wishart, London. Archive.org.
  10. 10.0 10.1 "Sekou Touré, the PDG and the A-APRP" (2018-12-31). AAPRP-INTL. Archived 2022-10-01.
  11. Inusah Mohammed. “Which of Kwame Nkrumah’s Books Have You Read as a Ghanaian?” MyJoyOnline.com. April 28, 2020. Archived 2022-11-03.
  12. Abayomi Azikiwe. “Africa & the Struggle against Imperialism: 40 Years after Kwame Nkrumah.” Workers.org. Archived 2021-06-10.