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Fascism, usually understood in Marxist theory as capitalism in decay,[1] is a counter-revolutionary reactionary movement led by finance capital,[2][3] and a form of dictatorship of the bourgeoisie which emerged during periods of economic crisis in imperialist countries.[4] The Third International described fascism as the "open, terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, most chauvinistic, and most imperialist elements of finance capital."[5]
Fascism usually promotes policies that favour the ever-expanding domination of capital. Its political aspect is marked by pervasive anti-communism, a profound aversion towards democracy, the justification and glorification of class society through class collaboration, and chauvinistic tendencies, namely ultra-nationalism, racism, sexism, and ableism. Fascist ideologues usually promote conspiracy theories, irrational myths and manipulative distortions of truth to gather support of their popular base.
Bourgeois publication The Economist magazine introduced the euphemism privatization in 1936, unseen in political discourse at the time, to describe Nazi Germany's economic policies,[6] which in Marxist terms is the selling out of state infrastructure to the highest bidder.
Analysis of fascism
Georgi Dimitrov's analysis of fascism remains as relevant to Marxists as ever.[7]
Others have fleshed it out further. In particular, political economist Zak Cope, [8]
As Cope further notes, this summation is not out of line with the pre-Dimitrov (and, also, pre-Hitlerian) discussion of fascism in the Programme of the Communist International, which noted that [9]
In Discourse on colonialism, Aimé Césaire exposed the old colonialist mindsets that would later influence fascism and survive after it. This prompted him to write in that same essay that fascism is colonialism applied to the coloniser.[10] A similar observation was made by Frantz Fanon, who wrote: "what is fascism if not colonialism when rooted in a traditionally colonialist country?"[11] In essence, following this line of reasoning, we can say that fascism is when the violence that the colonialist-imperialist nations have visited upon the world over the course of the development of the modern/colonial/capitalist world-system comes back home to visit.
So this brings me back to my secondary question, what does fascism mean to the Indigenous person? To the colonized? In particular, how can we read this as Cope adds that fascism “whilst on foreign soil” is “imperialist repression employed by comprador autocracies” (2014: 294) or when Hammerquist and Sakai discuss the globalization of fascism (2002; 2002)?
The united states and canada are a settler colonial estate. As noted above, this means that one of the principal features that distinguishes the settler colonialism of the northern bloc (as well as the australasian and israeli forms) from more traditionally theorized metropolitan, or franchise, colonialism is the fundamental drive towards the elimination of Native peoples (Veracini, 2010; Wolfe, 2006). This is what the late theorist of settler colonialism Patrick Wolfe referred to the logic of elimination when he described settler colonialism as an inclusive land-centred project that mobilizes a diverse assemblage of agencies with a programme of destroying Native nations in order that they may be replaced (2006). Indeed for there to even be a canada or a united states of america Native People must disappear in order for non-Native settlers to claim rightful ownership and title over the continent. Further the logic of elimination exists in a dialectic with an extensive project of settler self-indigenization. While this process is most stark in regions such as Appalachia and Quebec (Pearson, 2013) it is pervasive across the continent.
Additionally, while much of these processes have taken place juridically, and are daily reinforced within the symbolic coding of the civil society of the white settler nation, these processes are, and always have been, drenched in literal Native blood.
Additionally, while the violences of settler colonialism are structural and ontological, it is also enacted in a quotidian fashion by the settler population itself. As Wolfe noted, there is, from the Indigenous perspective, a fundamental inability to separate the individual settler from the settler state, with the former being the latter’s principal agent of expansion (2016).
Along with the clearing of the continent of Indigenous Peoples, within the racial discourses of the northern bloc, as thinkers as diverse as Sora Han (2002), Jared Sexton (2008) and Angela Harris (2000) have noted, Blackness is equated with an inherent (and inheritable) status of enslaveability and criminality, and is marked for permanent exclusion from the social fold. While, as sociologist Loïc Wacquant has pointed out, the particular manifestations of this process have evolved over time—from chattel slavery, to Jim Crow, to the ghetto to the modern hyperghetto with its accompanying carceral continuum (the ghetto to prison to ghetto circuit)—the underlying logic has remained the same for the past several centuries (2010; 2002).
Under this regime the Black body itself becomes a site of accumulation, nothing more than fungible property, which can then be subjected to gratuitous violence; that is, violence without the requirement of any previous transgression or reason within the social order. This is what Sexton, Frank B. Wilderson, III (2010) and other related theorists mean when they note that the grammars of suffering for Black life are accumulation and fungibility. The enduring legacy of the project to build an antiblack world (Gordon, 1995) is the direct line from enslaveability through lynching, extrajudicial executions of Black men, modern hyperincarceration and the criminalization of Blackness. All of this is enforced and made allowable by continuous, gratuitous antiblack violence.
they all thirst for a new frontier, for recolonization, for territories, for a white homeland. In other words, they thirst for the fulfilment of the settler dream—which is a project, it is important to note, they think has failed—to be dreamt anew The basal liberalism of settler colonial political life and civil society has always articulated a war over life and death with two fundamental aims: the elimination and dispossession of Native peoples and the subjugation and violent exclusion of Black peoples. In this regard, liberalism and fascism within the contours of the northern bloc can be properly placed on the same ethico-political continuum, one that is rooted in Native and Black death.
And so here we return again to the question of colonial violence in the politic of fascism, because from the perspective of colonized life, whether the governing political logic of the colonial state is liberal or fascist, the fundamental warfare remains in place. The principal threat then of fascism to colonized peoples is not that we would move from a state of having not been subjected to violence from every possible angle to one where we would, but rather that the pacing of the eliminative and accumulative logics of settler colonialism would be accelerated to their fullest possible potential.
...what is fascism in the face of gruelling colonial violence without end? At best the choice lies between a slow (“democratic”) and a fast (fascist) colonialism, in which the latter would most certainly accelerate the northern bloc’s underlying anti-Native and antiblack logics.
COMINTERN. 1929. The Programme of the Communist International Together with the Statutes of the Communist International. London, UK: Modern Books.
Césaire, Aimé. 1972. Discourse on Colonialism. New York, NY: Monthly Review Press.
Cope, Zak. 2015. Divided World Divided Class: Global Political Economy and the Stratification of Labour Under Capitalism.. Montreal, QC Kersplebedeb.
Dimitrov, Georgi. 1935. “Against Fascism & War.” Report to the 7th World Congress of the Communist International.
Pearson, Stephen. 2013. “‘The Last Bastion of Colonialism’: Appalachian Settler Colonialism and Self-Indigenization.” American Indian Culture and Research Journal 37 (2): 165-184.
—. forthcoming. “‘Enter the Amerikaner Free State’: The Alt Right and Settler Colonialism.” Journal of Labor and Society.
Sakai, J. 2002. “The Shock of Recognition: Looking at Hammerquist’s Fascism & Anti-Fascism.” In Confronting Fascism: Discussion Documents for a Militant Movement, 33-68. Montreal, QC: Kersplebedeb.
Tuck, Eve, and K. Wayne Yang. 2012. “Decolonization is not a Metaphor.” Decolonization: Indigeneity, Education & Society 1 (1): 1-40.
Wolfe, Patrick. 2006. “Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native.” Journal of Genocide Research 8 (4): 387-409.
Ideological features and origins of fascism
Rather than being a unified, cohesive ideology, Fascism has always been very eclectic and based in philosophical idealism, in fact it is a core characteristic that fascists opportunistically recycle, adapt and twist narratives to fit their goals. However, the goals are always similarly brutal. Therefore it is necessary to outline fascism's ideological evolution by observing its noteworthy material impacts upon the world, not by the myriad, obscuritan, overlapping, incoherent ideological tendencies and thinkers. The only uniting force behind fascism, in practice, is its defense of the bourgeoisie and aristocracy and Western chauvinism. A disproportionate amount of influence, in fact, comes from European aristocrat ideologues.
The origins of fascism as a counter-revolutionary movement can be traced back to French far-right French Action,[a] which was an openly anti-Marxist political organization established in 1899 proposing an "integral nation" for French society through class collaboration.[12]
The term "fascism" comes from the Italian National Fascist Party,[b] a party founded by Benito Mussolini in 1921; whose practices and ideology would later define this reactionary movement as a whole. Mussolini's fascism was constructed out of an admiration and romanticization of Roman civilisation, which originated in modern-day Italy. Thus, the name fascism was based on the fasces, an axe that is surrounded and bound to a bundle of sticks and was carried by officials (lictors) in political and military demonstrations. This was a symbol of power and authority that Mussolini repurposed for fascism.
Cooptation of the aesthetics of existing popular movements remains a common strategy for fascist self-promotion, solely to capture popularity. Thus, as the climate crisis unfolds in the 21st century, ecofascism has strongly emerged, shifting blame from fossil fuel capital to immigrants and nations of the global south -- in other words, promoting fascist policies through greenwashing. One prominent politician of ecofascist policies is Marine Le Pen.[13] Population control, anti-immigrant policies, and ethnocide become the alternatives pushed instead of facing capital's responsibility for ecological destruction. Blame shifting away from capital is as old as fascism's birth: the oldest and most common example shared by fascists worldwide is antisemitism. The most widely circulated and influential myth since the late 19th century is a fake story that blames Jewish people for the worlad's problems, The Protocols of the Elders of Zion.[14][15]
Blavatsky, Cultural Appropriation and New Age Myths
The violent and shameless appropriation of the world's cultures was wildly popular among Europeans since European colonialism began, in everything from food to clothing to "spirituality", and by the 19th century, their orientalist gaze fixated upon Asia, or "the Orient".[16] These appropriations became extremely instrumental to fascist myth making. New Age occultism such as the bizarre "Theosophy" (not to be confused with the term used by Neoplatonists) was invented by 19th century German aristocrat, Helena Blavatsky[17], a lifelong traveler and settler in Russia, the United States of America and India. Theosophy used a patchwork of orientalist myths and interpretations of various indigenous cultures, such as Tibetan Buddhism and Hinduism. Blavatsky was the inventor of the Atlantis myth, Lemurians, etc. Among the bizarre myths, Theosophy claimed that the mixing of races caused degeneration.[18] Theosophy was influential in the 20th century German fascist regime's construction of the "Aryan" national myth through Guido von List's German adaptation of it into the spiritual and cultural framework of Nazism.[19] That is why the Nazis appropriated the swastika from Buddhism.[20]
Nietzsche
Historian and Marxist-Leninist philosopher Domenico Losurdo pointed in his work Nietzsche, the Aristocratic Rebel that Nietzsche, who was an aristocrat, can be associated with a reactionary trend against the rise of the Paris commune in 1871.[21] Nietzsche's views were consistently anti-liberal, anti-socialist, anti-democratic and even promoted racial hygiene, a tendency which would later inspire fascist movements.[22]
Sorel
Georges Sorel (1847–1922) was a French syndicalist that contributed and inspired the rise of National Syndicalism in Italy and Spain. His most famous works centred around the idea of myth; which he highlights as "forming the centre of man’s cosmology and world view in all ages".[23] In 1909, Sorel began to adopt the idea of Integral Nationalism, publishing an article praising the far-right group French Action in Divenire Sociale—the leading journal for Italian Syndicalists at the time. It received immense praise by French Action; being reprinted under the name "Antiparliamentary Socialists”, and in 1910 he joined the group. During this time, he developed further reactionary ideals, leading him to support Catholic Patriotism and further embedding himself in fascist ideology.[24] Mussolini looked up highly to Sorel and claimed he was his "foremost teacher".[25]
Impacts
The effects of fascist propaganda results in its followers being inspired to violent terrorist actions against the blamed populations, and these terrorists "have friends in high places" in the form of fascist politicians.[26] The murder of working class Muslims and Latinos in the name of protecting the environment, and the shooting and bombing of Mosques and Synagogues to fight "globalists" or "replacement" anxieties of the white man, are examples of this.[27][28]
Types of fascism
Italian fascism
The Italian fascist government of 1922 was the first known historical example of large-scale privatizations of state-owned enterprises.[29]
German fascism
See main article: Nazism
The most extreme form of fascism was German fascism, which called itself National Socialism despite being supported by finance capitalists.[30]
German fascism was most known for its genocidal, expansionist, imperialist and colonialist rule under the Nazi Party from 1933 to 1945, culminating in the deaths of at least 30 million people, including 26.6 million Soviets.[31] While the word "Nazi" is short for "National socialist", they were capitalists, the term "socialist" being nothing more than a ploy to gain working-class support. Not only did the German fascists allow the virulent exploitation of the working people and concentration of capital,[32] they adopted a settler-colonial model coupled with exploitation, colonialism, and mass terror applied to the European continent.[33] The ideological justification for colonization of European peoples by Nazis was promoted as Lebensraum,[c] and was directly influenced by Statesian genocide of Native peoples through Manifest Destiny.[34]
The Nazi Party was beaten into dissolution by the Soviet Union after the Battle of Berlin in May 1945.
Japanese fascism
Japanese fascism, also known as Shōwa Statism, was based on a number of imperialist and ultranationalist political ideas from various Japanese thinkers. Japanese fascism manifested itself in extreme militarism, monarchism, and expansionism in Asia.
Portuguese fascism
From 1933 to 1974, Portugal was ruled by the Estado Novo ("New State"), headed by António de Oliveira Salazar. Under Salazar's dictatorship, the Portuguese working class was subjugated to reactionary Christian doctrine, as well as a corporatist economy. The Salazarist regime was also militantly imperialist, repressing calls for independence and self-determination in Angola and Mozambique. The Estado Novo would finally fall in 1974, after a military coup. By the end of the 1970s, Portugal had returned to being a bourgeois democracy.[35]
Portugal, at the time a Fascist dictatorship, was one of the founding members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.
Spanish fascism
Following the victory of the United Front in 1936, a fascist revolt led by General Franco and assisted by invading Germany and Italy, tacitly backed by the rest of the allies, broke out. A civil war lasting three years followed, culminating in the crushing of Republican forces. The regime went on to last three more decades, and it is said that the current "reformed" Spanish state is a continuation of the same regime. Notably, Franco reintroduced the king of Spain in 1956 (whose parent was deposed in 1931), and to this day Spain remains a monarchy.
Neo-fascist movements
See main article: Neo-fascism
2019 coup in Bolivia
President Evo Morales of Bolivia was re-elected to office in October 2019 with 47.08% of the total vote. Soon after, opposing fascists called the results into question, helped by fraudulent reports from the Organisation of American States (OAS), which led to their paramilitary wing causing violence in the streets. After three weeks, Morales agreed to step down and left the country.
Later, accusations of electoral fraud were completely debunked by the same journals that initially reported on them, trusting the OAS.
The new government, led by Jeanine Añez, established a military junta in the country so as to dismantle popular support for MAS (Morales' party). They pushed elections back three times, eventually having them take place in November 2020, a full year after the coup. Their efforts failed, as MAS won the presidential election in 2020 with 55% of all votes (under candidate Luis Arce).
Since his election, Arce's government has announced that they would effectively purge the military's leadership, as their treason was pivotal in letting the coup succeed.
The United States of North America
After World War II, the settler-colonial United States of North America is the new main perpetrator of orientalism,[36] and, unsurprisingly many Fascist currents are initially developed there before being replicated internationally.[37] Fascists continue to use New Age for their political foundation. Contemporary fascists such as the White House cabinet member and close advisor to Donald Trump, Steve Bannon, have publicly quoted Julius Evola.[38][39] Evola was an Italian fascist ideologue, spiritualist, and orientalist influenced by theosophy and Nietszche who (like Mussolini) called for a restoration of the ancient Roman empire, but fully rejected modern Western society and predicted its accelerationist collapse and the return of pre-"rational", "fuedal", "mystic" society in his own Esoteric Fascist theory.[40] Fascist New Agers have been found storming the capitol building of the United States of North America.[41][42]
See also
References
- ↑ What "Fascism is capitalism in decay" means
- ↑ “No, fascism is not a power standing above class, nor government of the petty bourgeoisie or the lumpen-proletariat over finance capital. Fascism is the power of finance capital itself. It is the organization of terrorist vengeance against the working class and the revolutionary section of the peasantry and intelligentsia.”
Georgi Dimitrov (1935). The fascist offensive and the tasks of the Communist International in the struggle of the working class against fascism: 'The class character of fascism'. Main Report delivered at the 7th World Congress of the Communist International. [MIA] - ↑ "Encyclopedia of Marxism".
- ↑ “Fascism, whether in its classical 20th-century form or possible variants of 21st-century neo-fascism, is a particular response to capitalist crisis, such as that of the 1930s and the one that began with the financial meltdown of 2008. Global capitalism is facing an organic crisis involving an intractable structural dimension, that of overaccumulation, and a political dimension, that of legitimacy or hegemony that is approaching a general crisis of capitalist rule.”
William I. Robinson (2019). Global capitalist crisis and twenty-first century fascism: beyond the Trump hype. Science & Society, 83(2), 155–183. doi: 10.1521/siso.2019.83.2.155 [HUB] - ↑ “Comrades, fascism in power was correctly described by the Thirteenth Plenum of the Executive Committee of the Communist International as the open terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, most chauvinistic and most imperialist elements of finance capital.”
Georgi Dimitrov (1935). The Fascist Offensive and the Tasks of the Communist International in the Struggle of the Working Class against Fascism: 'Fascism and the Working Class'. [MIA] - ↑ Germà Bel (2006). Retrospectives: the coining of “privatization” and Germany's National Socialist Party. Journal of Economic Perspectives, 20(3), 187–194. doi: 10.1257/jep.20.3.187 [HUB]
- ↑ Template:Author=Georgi Dimitrov
- ↑ Template:Author=Zak Cope
- ↑ {{author=Zak Cope|year=2015|title=Divided World Divided Class: Global Political Economy and the Stratification of Labour Under Capitalism|quote=“[T]he combination of Social Democracy, corruption and active white terror, in conjunction with extreme imperialist aggression in the sphere of foreign politics, are the characteristic features of Fascism” (1929).
- ↑ “[W]e must show that each time a head is cut off or an eye put out in Vietnam and in France they accept the fact…each time a Madagascan is tortured and in France and they accept the fact, civilization acquires another dead weight, a universal regression takes place, a gangrene sets in, a center of infection begins to spread; and that at the end of all these treaties that have been violated, all these lies that have been propagated, all these punitive expeditions that have been tolerated, all these prisoners who have been tied up and “interrogated, all these patriots who have been tortured, at the end of all the racial pride that has been encouraged, all the boastfulness that has been displayed, a poison has been instilled into the veins of Europe and, slowly but surely, the continent proceeds toward savagery (13).
People are surprised, they become indignant. They say: “How strange! But never mind-it’s Nazism, it will, pass!” And they wait, and they hope; and they hide the truth from themselves, that it is barbarism, but the supreme barbarism, the crowning barbarism that sums up all the daily barbarisms; that it is Nazism, yes, but that before they were its victims, they were its accomplices; that they tolerated that Nazism before it was inflicted on them, that they absolved it, shut their eyes to it, legitimized it, because, until then, it had been applied only to non-European peoples; that they have cultivated that Nazism, that they are responsible for it, and that before engulfing the whole of Western, Christian civilization in its reddened waters, it oozes, seeps, and trickles from every crack (14).”
Aimé Césaire (1950). Discourse on colonialism (Discours sur le colonialisme) (p. 36). [PDF] France: Réclame. ISBN 1583670254 - ↑ Frantz Fanon (1961). Wretched of the earth (p. 90). Grove Press. ISBN 9780802150837 [LG]
- ↑ Ernst Nolte (1966). Three faces of fascism: Action Française, Italian Fascism, National Socialism (German: Der Faschismus in seiner Epoche: Die Action française, Der italienische Faschismus, Der Nationalsozialismus). New York: New American Library. ISBN 9780451008619 [LG]
- ↑ Laurent Hubert and Jean-Noël Geist (2022). Why Marine Le Pen’s environmental agenda is greenwashing. EuroNews.
- ↑ JACQUES E. HALBRONN, LARISSA BLIMAN-HALBRONN, לריסה and ז'אק הלברון בלימן הלברו (1997). THE TERM PROTOCOLS, FROM THE ZIONIST CONGRESSES TO "THE PROTOCOLS OF THE ELDERS OF ZION" AND THE RECEPTION OF THE RUSSIAN "PROTOCOLS" IN CENTRAL EUROPE BEFORE 1917. האיגוד העולמי למדעי היהדות / World Union of Jewish Studies.
- ↑ Template:Author=Marisa Meltzer
- ↑ “To speak of Orientalism therefore is to speak mainly, although not exclusively, of a British and French cultural enterprise, a project whose dimensions take in such disparate realms as the imagination itself, the whole of India and the Levant, the Biblical texts and the Biblical lands, the spice trade, colonial armies and a long tradition of colonial administrators, a formidable scholarly corpus, innumerable Oriental "experts" and "hands," an Oriental professorate, a complex array of "Oriental" ideas (Oriental despotism, Oriental splendor, cruelty, sensuality), many Eastern sects, philosophies, and wisdoms domesticated for local European use -- the list can be extended more or less indefinitely. My point is that Orientalism derives from a particular closeness experienced between Britain and France and the Orient, which until the early nineteenth century had really meant only India and the Bible lands. From the beginning of the nineteenth century until the end of World War II France and Britain dominated the Orient and Orientalism; since World War II America has dominated the Orient, and approaches it as France and Britain once did.”
Edward Said (1978). Orientalism (p. 4). Vintage Books. - ↑ Jeffrey D. Lavoie (2021). Theosophical Chronology in the Writings of Guido von List (1848–1919): A Link Between H.P. Blavatsky’s Philosophy and the Nazi Movement.
- ↑ Helena Petrovna Blavatsky. [libgen.li/file.php?md5=4722005421409000a2200f8f271a99a1 The Secret Doctrine Vols. I & II]. Theosophy.
- ↑ Jeffrey D. Lavoie (2021). Theosophical Chronology in the Writings of Guido von List (1848–1919): A Link Between H.P. Blavatsky’s Philosophy and the Nazi Movement. Springer.
- ↑ James M. Skidmore (2017). How Nazis twisted the swastika, a symbol of the Buddha, into an emblem of hate. Quartz.
- ↑ “[In The Birth of Tragedy,] Nietzsche’s preoccupation, or rather his anguish, about a danger not remote or hypothetical, but real and impending, is plainly evident. The reference to the Paris Commune is transparent, an event that a great part of the culture of that time experienced as the threatening announcement of a possible imminent end of culture.”
Domenico Losurdo (2002). Nietzsche, the aristocratic rebel (p. 26). ISBN 9789004270954 [LG] - ↑ “Even a scholar that moves cautiously on ground alien to him, that of philosophical historiography, and clearly wants to avoid a critical confrontation with the hermeneutics of innocence is forced to acknowledge an essential point regarding Nietzsche interpretations: ‘Much in his work can be interpreted in terms of racial hygiene.’ Other authors are even clearer: with his insistence on the ‘degeneration’ and ‘physiological decline of European humanity’, the philosopher must be placed ‘in the context of the direct preparation of eugenics’. Indeed, in this context, he sadly occupies a privileged position: he represents the ‘turning point’ for the transition from the ‘idea of selection’ to ‘anti-degenerative activism’. The reconstruction of the history behind Hitler’s eugenic and genocidal practices cannot, in this view, ignore Nietzsche, who expressly and peremptorily demanded the ‘suppression of the wretched, the deformed, the degenerate.’”
Domenico Losurdo (2002). Nietzsche, the aristocratic rebel (p. 731). ISBN 9789004270954 [LG] - ↑ Rodrigo Sobota (2020-10-15). "Georges Sorel and the Triumphant Return of the Myth"
- ↑ Zeev Sternhell (1994). THE BIRTH OF FASCIST IDEOLOGY: '1–3'. [PDF] ISBN 0-691-03289-0 [LG]
- ↑ James H. Meisel (1950-03-01). "A Premature Fascist? ― Sorel and Mussolini"
- ↑ Mnar Adley (2023). Manifestos of Hate: What White Terrorists Have in Common. Mint Press News.
- ↑ Weiyi Cai, Simone Landon (2019). Attacks by White Extremists Are Growing. So Are Their Connections.. The New York Times.https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2019/04/03/world/white-extremist-terrorism-christchurch.html
- ↑ Natasha Lennard (2019). The El Paso Shooter Embraced Eco-Fascism. We Can’t Let the Far Right Co-Opt the Environmental Struggle.. The Intercept.
- ↑ “Italy’s first Fascist government applied a large-scale privatization policy between 1922 and 1925. [...] These interventions represent one of the earliest and most decisive privatization episodes in the Western world.”
Germà Bel (2011). The first privatization: Selling SOEs and privatizing public monopolies in Fascist Italy (1922-1925). doi: 10.1093/cje/beq051 [HUB] - ↑ Georgi Dimitrov (1937). The United Front: 'The Fascist Offensive and the Tasks of the Communist International' (pp. 10–11). San Francisco: Proletarian Publishers.
- ↑ “Today we can state with a certain degree of probability that losses of the Soviet Union amounted to 26.6 million people, including losses of the Armed Forces amounted to 8,668,400 servicemen. The total statistical figure includes not only those killed in action and those who died from wounds and illnesses, but also civilians killed during bombing, artillery shelling and punitive actions, prisoners of war and underground fighters shot and tortured in camps, and those sent away for forced labor in Germany.”
Lieutenant Colonel S.B. Eremenko. On the issue of losses of the opposing sides at the Soviet-German front during the Great Patriotic War (Russian: К вопросу о потерях противоборствующих сторон на советско-германском фронте в годы Великой Отечественной войны: правда и вымысел). Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation. - ↑ “The party, moreover, facilitates the accumulation of private fortunes and industrial empires by its foremost members and collaborators through "privatization" and other measures, thereby intensifying centralization of economic affairs and government in an increasingly narrow group that may for all practical purposes be termed the national socialist elite.”
Sidney Merlin (1943). Trends in German economic control since 1933 (p. 207). The Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. 57. doi: 10.2307/1882751 [HUB] - ↑ “Hitler's writings and speeches, public and private, left no doubt that Lebensraum, or living space, was to be gained on the continent rather than overseas. The German equivalent of British India or French Algeria was not Cameroon, Togo or German Southwest Africa but central and east Europe, as some scholars have reminded the advocates of the salt water colonial paradigm.”
Thomas Kühne (2013). Colonialism and the Holocaust: continuities, causations, and complexities: 'German colonialism and German peculiarities' (p. 343). Journal of Genocide Research, vol. 15. doi: 10.1080/14623528.2013.821229 [HUB] - ↑ “Many of the Lebensraum justifications that Hitler and Nazis used directly echoed the justifications given for American Manifest Destiny. (...) National Socialists took on the mantle of noble colonizers who were fighting against ignoble savages. Not surprisingly, scholars recognize that these Nazi ideas on Lebensraum were largely modeled on late-nineteenth and early-twentieth century understandings of American expansion.”
Robert J. Miller (2020). Nazi Germany's race laws, the United States, and American Indians (p. 14). [LG] - ↑ Howard J. Wiarda (1977). Corporatism and Development: The Portuguese Experience. University of Massachusetts Press. ISBN 9780870232213
- ↑ “From the beginning of the nineteenth century until the end of World War II France and Britain dominated the Orient and Orientalism; since World War II America has dominated the Orient, and approaches it as France and Britain once did.”
Edward Said (1978). Orientalism (p. 4). Vintage Books. - ↑ Alex Ross (2018). How American Racism Influenced Hitler. The New Yorker.
- ↑ Jason Horowitz (2017). Steve Bannon Cited Italian Thinker Who Inspired Fascists. The New York Times.
- ↑ Morgan Jones (2022). How Julius Evola Became the Internet’s Favorite Fascist. Jacobin.
- ↑ “Conversely, it has rightfully been suggested that the feudal system is that which characterizes the majority of the great traditional eras and the one most suited for the regular development of traditional structures. In this type of regime the principle of plurality and of relative political autonomy of the individual parts is emphasized, as is the proper context of that universal element, that unum quod non est pars that alone can really organize and unify these parts, not by contrasting but by presiding over each one of them through the transcendent, superpolitical, and regulating function that the universal embodies (Dante). In this event royalty works together with the feudal aristocracy and the imperial function does not limit the autonomy of the single principalities or kingdoms, as it assumes the single nationalities without altering them.”
Julius Evola (1934). Revolt Against the Modern World (Italian: Rivolta contro il mondo moderno) (p. 341). Inner Traditions. - ↑ Susannah Crockford (2021). Q Shaman’s New Age-Radical Right Blend Hints at the Blurring of Seemingly Disparate Categories. Religion Dispatch.
- ↑ Angus Greig (2021). QAnon’s Unexpected Roots in New Age Spirituality. The Washington Post.